The Extent of the British influence.
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Acknowledgements
I would like to express my gratitude to the people who have helped and supported me throughout the development of my dissertation. Special thanks go to my advisor, Dr. Nikolaos Karydis, who has been advising me throughout the study and has provided a valuable guidance. I would also like to thank the officials in the Limassol Archives, the Cyprus Library and the Royal Engineers Museum, for the assistance provided.
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Contents Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 Subject of Interest……………………………………………………………………..…….…..…4 1.2 Methodology and Literature Review……………………………………………..….…….5
1.3 Historical Background……………………………………………………..……………….……..6
Chapter 2: Educational Institutions
2.1 The First English School………………………………..…………………………………………..8
2.2 The New English School………………..………….………………………………………..……10
2.3 The encounter with ‘collegiate’ principles………………………………………………..13
Chapter 3: Hospitals
3.1 The Limassol Old Hospital……………………………………………………………..…..…...17 3.2 Old District Hospital, Larnaca………………………………………………………..….…....21 3.3 The British Influence…………………………….…………………………………….……….….23
Chapter 4: The Governor's House
4.1 Towards an indigenous Colonial building……………………………………..……….25
Chapter 5: Conclusion……………………………………………………….………………..…31 Bibliography……………………………………………………………….……………...33
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Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Subject of Interest The contemporary architecture of Cyprus, as in most countries, has evolved through the socio
economic effects of its history, and the political situation of the country played a crucial role in its built environment. Due to the rapid development taking place in Cyprus in the recent years, the roots of
this evolution have been overlooked. In today’s Cyprus there is a significant number of buildings erected by the British during the colonisation (1878-1960), which have formed the roots of the
contemporary evolution, since very little had survived from the previous centuries. It is the influence of these colonial buildings that have initiated most of today’s architectural scene on the island.
However, there is a lack of historical, and more specifically of architectural research and
understanding as to their aesthetic value and contribution to the architectural inheritance of the island. In order to appreciate them and evaluate their significance, it is important to study and examine the
roots of their stylistic influences. Presumably, these could have arrived from the Metropolis, yet this
is not certain as it is notable that several colonial buildings did not follow a single style and often incorporated variations or a fusion of styles. Within the constraints set, this study will look into the various styles used in the colonial civic buildings, comparing these to buildings of similar purposes in
Britain, with the aim that this will result to the identification of the extent of the architectural encounter of Cyprus and the Metropolis. Important factors such as adaptations to local climate, materials available, local and traditional environment will also be considered.
This dissertation focuses on examples located in southern Cyprus, (since the north part is occupied by
the Turkish army since 1974), and starts by giving a brief historical context, to offer a clear background
for the argument. The main discussion will then be divided into three categories of public buildings erected by the Public Works Department (PWD), which was essentially a unit of the Civil Service established in Cyprus (and other colonies) by the British. Then, the analysis of the selected case
studies, and the comparisons and references to British structures will guide my essay. The fourth chapter will solely focus on, probably, the most important building of British rule in Cyprus, the Governor’s House.
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1.2 Methodology and Literature Review There are very limited publications addressing the Colonial architecture in Cyprus. Three fundamental
publications are available (mainly accessed from the Cyprus Library) on this topic, one of which was
written in Greek. The pioneering work is titled: ‘Under the Clock’ by Kenneth W. Schaar, Michael Given and George Theocharous. In this, the authors focus on the works and the importance of the Public
Works Department (PWD) for the island, yet it is lacking analyses of the buildings and information
regarding their influences. The second and most important is called ‘British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus’ by Costas Georghiou which is very insightful in that it refers to a range of key Colonial buildings,
providing vital images and drawings such as plans. However, it does not emphasize their influences in detail and lacks information on my key topic of the extent of inspiration from the motherland. The third publication is the ‘Neo-Classic and Colonial Public Buildings in Paphos’ by Eleni Antoniou.1 The
limitation of this work is evidently, that it refers to public buildings in the city of Paphos. However, there is some useful information in the book in terms of the techniques and principles the buildings
followed, that might prove useful for the selected case studies. Further reading includes the first Commissioner’s journal ‘Cyprus 1878: The Journal of Sir Garnet Wolseley’, edited by Anne Cavendish,
giving valuable information for the island’s situation upon British arrival, and books from the Royal Engineers Library mostly written by British officials. Adding to the above, the research for this study extended in a wider research of publications which are listed in the bibliography.
A selection of other appropriate resources was used in order to carry out a judicious research. This
included a research through journals and articles of the colonial period, accessed from the Limassol
Municipal Archives, National Archives in Cyprus, the Royal Engineers Library in Gillingham, websites like JStor and other online resources.
The methodology includes the identification and analysis of specific Colonial public buildings that will
be used for comparison with selected buildings serving the same function and period in Britain. An analysis of plans and measurements will be included whenever these were available. Identifying similarities and differences will show the extent of the architectural encounter of Britain and the colony. Field trips and site visits will help with a first-hand study of the chosen buildings, through
taking pictures, measurements and through sketching. This is vital in order to observe the scale and
proportions of each building, their materiality, the local context and thus carry out a thorough analysis. Antoniou, Eleni, Colonial Public Buildings in Paphos (Νεοκλασικά και Αποικιοκρατικά Δημόσια Κτίρια στην Πάφo) (2006) 1
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1.3 The Island’s Historical Background Cyprus is an island located in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. The island is found on the crossroad of three continents; Europe, Africa, Asia, and at the meeting point of several important civilizations.(Fig1) It is by no surprise, therefore, that the island’s fate was to suffer a number of occupations from
numerous invaders during the centuries. Phoenicians, Assyrians, Egyptians, Persians, Greeks, Romans,
Byzantines, Lusignans, Genoese, Venetians, Ottomans, British and Turks left their mark on the island,
leading to considerable disasters to the island including major economic, political, social and cultural drawbacks, yet leaving traces of various architectural styles on the island.
Figure 1 Map showing the important location of the island, with distances measured from Nicosia.
The most distractive occupation in terms of infrastructure was by far the Ottoman. Cyprus was occupied by the Ottomans in 1571, and was ruled for 307 catastrophic years. The income collected
from the heavy taxation that drained the population, was transferred away from the island without
reinvesting, thus paralyzing the island for centuries and leaving it in ruins. As a German visitor had noted ‘Ruins of churches and cloisters are to be seen in all directions.’2 Indeed, these had become
more common than construction, leading to a major drawback in the built environment. The
conditions of the island would begin to improve and revive with the British contribution, which was essentially the beginning of the evolution of a contemporary architecture on the island.
In 1878, during the Russian-Turkish war, under a political and economic agreement, the island was let to Britain, who annexed the country and ruled for 82 years until 1960. The new Rulers aimed to fundamentally improve Cyprus’s conditions and create an improved society and consequently a built
environment. The first High Commissioner, Sir Garnet Joseph Wolsey, noted: ‘Her Majesty directs me
to assure the inhabitants of Cyprus of the warm interest which the Queen feels in their prosperity and Her Gracious intention to order the adoption of such measures as may appear best calculated to
promote and extend the commerce and agriculture of the country, and to afford to the people the 2
Loher, Franz von, Cyprus, historical and descriptive, edit. A. Batson Joyner (London: W.H.Allen,1878)
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blessings of freedom, justice, and security.’3 The development effort had started immediately after
the colonisation. ‘There are over 700 surviving colonial buildings and structures…’ 4 standing on the
island today, including public buildings like schools, post offices and law courts, which usually intended to exhibit the British authority through their scale which was usually larger than the existing buildings.5 A number of these buildings were aesthetically important and valuable for the architectural heritage of the island and its induction into the contemporary western civilisation.
Chapter 2: Educational Institutions As already mentioned, before the British arrival, the situation of the island was dreadful and as described
by a British engineer, Sir Samuel White Baker, it was ‘a miserable coast’.
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The infrastructure and
sanitation were virtually non-existent(Fig2) and basic institutional buildings like schools and hospitals were
very limited. In accordance to their aspirations, Figure 2 Photo showing the construction of roads in Limassol, 1931
urgent and rapid development was essential. This
task was executed mostly through the Public Works
Department (PWD), which was indeed responsible for most of the built environment and infrastructure during the Colonial era, including a number of schools.
Apart from the PWD, the Royal Engineers (RE) also had a significant role in the construction of the
new buildings.7 Some architects of the RE, ‘dedicated their energy, intellect and life to Cyprus,’8 and Sir Garnet Wolseley, Cyprus 1878, The Journal of Sir Garnet Wolseley, Edit. Anne Cavendish,(Nicosia: Cyprus Popular Bank Cultural Centre, 1991) page XIII 4 Georghiou, Costas, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus (Nicosia: En Tipis, 2013) p.19 3
Burcu Ozguven, From the Ottoman Province to the Colony: Late Ottoman Educational Buildings in Nicosia, (2004) http://jfa.arch.metu.edu.tr/archive/0258-5316/2004/cilt21/sayi_1-2/33-66.pdf 6 Sir Samuel Baker, Cyprus as I Saw it in 1879 (London: Macmillan, 1879) p.2 7 The Royal engineers were a corp of the British army. Their role was ‘important in a country which had been subjected to three centuries of Turkish misrule. Their tasks included reconnaissance, survey, construction of roads and piers, the erection of hutments for troops and public works generally.’ Source: The role of the Royal Engineers During the First Year of the British Occupation of Cyprus’ The Royal Engineers Journal 5
Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 30
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went beyond their traditional architectural knowledge and styles. George Jeffery was one who tried to appropriately adapt his designs to the island’s conditions and context. 2.1 The First English School
In 1909, the first ‘English School’ was erected on the grounds of the capital, Nicosia. For major projects like this one, draft drawings were commonly sent
to the
island from the
metropolis.(Fig3) This, presumably, was partly because the development had to take place immediately and partly because there were no local professionals available at the time. Due to
this, these proposals reflected architectural elements of public buildings in Britain, rather
Figure 3 Depiction of the proposed English school, showing a very British approach to the design.
than reflecting their locality, thus resulting to a display of ‘Britishness’. The British-originated characteristics are evident throughout the proposal. The drawing indicated a three pavilion building of two storeys each, which formed a ‘U-plan’ around a large courtyard. The
central building was divided into nine bays by buttresses rising up to the first floor. The eastern and western wings were of a smaller scale, divided into five bays. The entrance was centred, forming a
Tudor-arched porch projecting from the main volume. The traditionally British Tudor arches, were also employed in the openings of the eastern and western wings. On top of the pitched roof
was incorporated a turret, with a clock and a weather vane, an element which was not
common in the indigenous built environment. A gatehouse entrance, usually a prominent
feature encountered in most British schools
and colleges, (Fig4) is observed in the depiction
across the main building wing. However, during a visit to the existing building it was observed
Figure 4 Prominent Gateway of St Augustine College Canterbury, 1848
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that this was missing, and in fact was never constructed possibly due to a shortage of funds.9 The
completion of the proposal, in terms of planning and detailing, was assigned later on to George Jeffery. Certainly, since the design had arrived from Britain, its ‘Britishness’ was extensive. In general, Jeffery
had followed the form and layout of the design depiction, keeping the plan arrangement and major
design principles like the façade arrangement and stylistic features reminiscing Britain (Tudor arches, buttresses and a distinct entrance porch). (Fig5) However, it seems that his intention was not to solely
keep the British features, but introduce changes adapting the overall design to the island. Adjusting the window sizes was a vital change and an appropriate move for the hot climatic conditions in Cyprus. It can be noticed that the window eaves were raised and the openings were enlarged.10 Aesthetically, this also meant that ‘additional vertical emphasis had been given in the proportions of the fenestration’11, contra the horizontal block form of the building. The proposed Turret and weather
vane were replaced by a gable tower, which extended higher than the pitched roof, forming a ceremonial entrance tower.(Fig6) Local stone was used for the exterior walls. .
Figure 5 Central wing and part of the side wing, showing traditional British elements such as the buttresses and Tudor arches.
Figure 6 The distinct entrance porch.
The overall characteristics of the English school remained undoubtedly British. The building might have
represented success, for displaying a British rule possession, but might have also represented failure for its inadequate and unsuccessful attempt for adaptation. Its design was not to be considered suitable for the Economic difficulties were faced during the decade and ‘the Island Government was forced to cut back drastically on spending. This meant economies on building projects and cuts in staff…’ Source: Kenneth W. Schaar, Michael Given, George Theocharous, Under the Clock (Nicosia: Bank of Cyprus, 1995) p. 27 9
10 11
Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 114 Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p114
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island. In 1931, it was urgently converted to barracks, in order to accommodate British troops in Nicosia.12
Another school was required and thus a new English School was built in 1939, approached and designed differently. The outcome was successful considered symbolic and appropriate for the island.
2.2 The New English School The design for the new school was won by a Cypriot architect, Odysseas Tsangarides, after a competition held by the PWD.13 His design became an example of a conspicuous and successful attempt for hybrid
architecture and an example of British acknowledgement for the incorporation of a symbolic indigenous architecture in the Colonial development.
The architect had proposed a fusion of architectural elements, aiming for a symbolic design that would
address Greek Cypriots and yet still entail the British presence. This mixture aimed to essentially encompass the strong desire of Greek Cypriots for ‘Enosis’ (union) with Greece, demanded in 1931. 14
Tsangaride’s desire to express this aspiration, arose through the incorporation of a contemporary revival of Ancient Greek and traditionally Cypriot architectural elements.
The PWD was responsible for
establishing structural strength and reducing costs, introducing minor alterations. 15 It seems that the
hybrid design qualities satisfied the British Authorities and therefore were not altered. The masonry load bearing construction of the school had started in April 1936 and was completed three years later in 1939. (Fig7)
Figure 7 Front Elevation of Tsangaride’s English School.
The building was laid out in a two floor, U-shape plan, of three attached wings. One could enter the building from the Northern side, through a centred ‘pointed arch with hood mouldings and decorative foliage Schaar, Given, Theocharous, Under the Clock, p68 Schaar, Given, Theocharous, Under the Clock, p68
12 13 14 15
Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus,p209 Schaar, Given, Theocharous, Under the Clock, p72
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details’16. (Fig8) As the former English School, the central volume was projecting forward and upward,
creating a noble ‘tower-like’ entrance portico, suggesting influences from British college prototypes with grand entrances. (Refer to Fig13) It was raised and accessed through a number of steps. The portico acted as a symmetrical divider of the elevation in to two parts, highlighting a proportional hierarchy. A parapet featuring two pinnacles on either of the two ends, completed the roof of the tower. The detailing of the
parapets and pinnacles was very original, as it was Tsangaride’s personal approach to demonstrate his Ancient Greek influences in an intelligent, contemporary way. Indeed, ‘the parapets and pinnacles were articulated and emphasised by a highly imaginative and original modern iinterpretation of triglyphs on the entablature of a Doric temple’.17 (Fig8) A similar approach is observed at the two ends of the main wing,
which had separate entrances. (Fig9) The detailing of parapets and pinnacles was incorporated here,
however at a smaller scale. The highpoint pinnacles effectively articulated a strong vertical rhythm to the
façade and enhanced by the vertical placement of the windows proportioned 1:2, contrasting the
elongated horizontal layout. The exterior of the whole structure was dressed in smooth sandstone and
the pitched roofs in red clay tiles. An antithesis was created through the green painted timber shutters fixed to the openings.
Figure 8 The English School notable entrance tower, showing the articulation of pinnacles and ‘Triglyph’ references.
Figure 9 Picture showing one of the two ends of the front elevation, with the similar design approach to the entrance volume.
Similarly to the first English school, the building opened up to a courtyard. It consisted of the 106metre
by 40metre U-plan covering an area of 3300square metres, and a single storey rectangular volume some thirty metres to the back, housing the lavatories.18 (Fig10) Although the building wings look
completely symmetrical, the right wing was actually built slightly asymmetrical, being approximately
one metre longer so as to accommodate the theatre hall. At the ground floor, the entrance hall was Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus,p209 Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p209 18 All measurements mentioned are calculated by the author, from plans and site visits. 16 17
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accessed from the north facing portico, with administrative and teaching rooms laid on either side of it,
all accessed through a south facing arcade. The volume containing the main staircase opposite the entrance hall, projected outwards reminiscing British structures. Indeed, in the Tudor era, it was common
‘to build staircases and other projections in this manner to break with their vertical lines the flat surface of the wall’.19 Furthermore, the left wing incorporated more teaching rooms also accessed through a corridor
arcade whereas the right wing was enclosed and housed the assembly hall. On the first floor a similar layout accommodated more teaching rooms, whilst the right wing accommodated the theatre gallery for a hundred people. (Fig11)
Figure 10 Ground Floor plan. The plan was scaled up so as to calculate the measurements. North point added by author.
Figure 11 First Floor plan. 19
‘Tudor Craftsmanship’, http://www.finest-carved-doors.com/history/history-carved-doors-43.html
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The adaptation to the climatic conditions was as important as the aesthetic features. The narrow
planning of the wings offered effective natural light penetration and natural cross ventilation. The
pointed arcaded corridors on the southern and eastern elevations of the main wings, formed cloisters, which offered shade and natural cooling against the summer heat and allowed the low winter sun to
enter the building. (Fig10, Fig11, Fig12) This effectively created a sense of open space in the building, which at once suited the island’s conditions. All the classrooms incorporated three windows looking outwards and two internal windows towards the arcade for adequate cross ventilation.
Figure 12 The south facing cloister arcade.
The overall design was unquestionably imaginative and well thought throughout. Tsanagride’s school
might have appeared more’ indigenous’ than the former English school, however some similarities of the two might suggest that they have used British precedents for the design execution.
2.3 The encounter with collegiate principles Visually, the appearance of the two Colonial schools seemed diverse as they did not follow a unified
style, having different design approaches. Yet, their resemblances were presumably developed around same principles, deriving from British college prototypes. It will be observed later in the essay,
that the PWD designers were somewhat influenced by Neo Classicism, a style commonly used in public
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buildings of Britain as it was believed to be ‘adaptable to many places and for many uses’20. However,
‘collegiate forms’ in Britain seemed to have favoured the Gothic principles, as it was believed that any
other ‘pagan (i.e. classical) forms…’21 were unsuitable for such significant structures, leading ’…. to a ‘pointed’ (Gothic) solution.’ 22
In consequence, none of the mentioned Colonial schools have
incorporated Neo-Classical characteristics, thus we can already infer the impact of British collegiateforms.
The forms and spatial arrangements of British educational edifices, were designed to project power, order and control.23 Imperative masses expressing these, were notable in British colleges. A typical
example was the imposing entrance tower, which would prominently stand out from the rest of the
edifice. Although dating back to the 15th century, it is worth mentioning a college prototype, Magdalen College, in Oxford, which encompassed a majestic entrance tower, highly detailed with pinnacles, turrets and spires. (Fig13)
Following Medieval architectural principles, the college was highly
ornamented exteriorly and incorporated Neo-Gothic Tudor arched openings in the entrance and along the ground floor of the main wings. Spires rising higher than the roof and structural buttresses along the main wings that divided the structure into bays and emphasized a strong verticality.
Figure 13 Magdalen College majestic entrance tower.
Similarly, each of the two colonial schools incorporated a distinctive entrance, appropriate with its
design qualities and their scale. Tsangaride’s English school also incorporated pinnacles that may have
reflected the apexes of British colleges, yet assimilated and retained a sense of ‘Greekness’ with their originality.
Other similar elements included the Tudor arches and buttresses, which were
incorporated in the indisputably ‘British’ former English school.
Thomas A. Markus, Buildings and Power: Freedom and Control in the Origin of Modern Building Types (London: Routledge, 1993) p31 21 Markus, Buildings and Power, p35 22 Markus, Buildings and Power, p35 20
23
Markus, Buildings and Power,( first page)
14
Additionally, an apparent similarity of the two schools with those of Britain lied in the plan arrangement. The spatial layout of schools and colleges was developed to achieve elaborate
monitoring of pupils. A more recent example is Keble College by William Butterfield (1867-83) in Oxford. (Fig14) Butterfield had broken ‘the traditional layout of college rooms, arranging them around
corridors rather than along staircases’,24 offering a sense of communality between arrangements of
spaces. The corridors created, allowed monitors to have a ‘visual control’ of all spaces and teaching rooms. The wings were narrow and surrounded a courtyard, allowing maximum natural light
penetration and cross ventilation as well as forming a central communal space outside for the
concentration of students. It is no surprise that because of its success, its shape was implemented in the two Colonial Schools, presumably for the same reasons.
Figure 14 Plan showing the quadrangle layout of Keble college, forming a sense of communality. We can assume that this influenced the designs in Cyprus.
Figure 15 Cambridge, Trinity College, cloister.
Lastly, in some British colleges which practically resembled monastic edifices, such as Trinity College in Cambridge, the use of cloister corridors is observed. (Fig15) It is debatable whether the cloister
arcade of the new English school derived from British colleges or whether its purpose was to resemble traditional arcades, common in monasteries around the island. (Refer to Fig36) A contrast of the two is that in Cyprus the arcade also extended to the first floor, for climatic reasons whereas in Cambridge
this was not necessary, and therefore was only incorporated on the ground level. Hence, the school arcade could have borrowed influences both from Cyprus and Britain.
Evidently, both school designs were fairly influenced by their Rulers’ traditions, reflecting British college components. However, the climatic difference, the available funds and clearly the island’s
scale, led to a subtle ‘collegiate’ design, compared to Britain. In relation to the vernacular built 24
’William Butterfield’ , accessed 9 February 2016, http://pastscape.org.uk/News.aspx?id=NewsItem61
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environment, (Fig16) their masses were still authoritarian.
Surely, the first English school mirrored substantially British characteristics, and indigenous architectural elements were not employed, whereas the New English School additionally
strove to localize appropriately the design, thus, expressed Greek
Cypriots
and
‘also
proclaimed
a
persistent
commitment to the colonial centre and the British government.’25
Figure 16 Nicosia in the beginning of the colonial period. The image intends to show the scale of the existing vernacular on the island.
Chapter 3: Hospitals The absence of educational infrastructure, which led to the construction of new school buildings, was only a small sector amongst the general lack of infrastructure that the Turkish rule had left behind.
Upon British arrival, Sir Garnet Wolseley expressed his disgust of the dirt and filthiness he witnessed, with particular regard to Larnaca. He noted that the city resembled ‘a penthouse of dirt and fever.’26 In her book, ‘Medicine in Cyprus from Antiquity to Independence’, Vrionidou Giagkou27 emphasizes the
fact that the Turkish administration had never established public health facilities and that this obscene
situation was negatively enhanced by the fact that a limited number of health institutions existed. As a measure for improving the health conditions of most cities, the construction of new specialised
buildings that would accommodate health institutions was essential. The Colonialists pioneered the
erection of proper hospitals on the island that not only provided the urgently needed healthcare for citizens, but also provided the cities and the society with aesthetically upgraded public buildings. The
effort embodied in some of the designs was extensively thought throughout, and their architecture remains exceptional till this day. 25
‘Architecture and Modernity in Cyprus’, accessed: 26 January 2016
http://www.eng.ucy.ac.cy/pyla/ARCHIVE/VirtualTour_209_Cyprus.pdf 26 27
Wolseley, Cyprus 1878, p10 Vryonidou Yiangou, Marina, Medical History in Cyprus (Nicosia: Politistiko Kentro Omilou Laikis, 2006)
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A typical example is that of the new hospital constructed in Limassol in 1922. As already seen, the island’s architectural development was not only affected by British architects of the PWD or the RE,
but also by Cypriot architects that would engage with, or reflect British architecture in their proposals. Yet these were not the only cases. The imperialists would often encourage architects from other
British colonies, who were already experienced patrons of ‘colonial architecture’, to fly to Cyprus in order to exemplify a strong image of the ‘British Empire’ on the island. This was the case of the architect Joseph Gaffiero from Malta (British Colony, 1813-1964).
3.1 The Limassol Old Hospital In 1922, the Maltese architect was invited to design a new hospital along the main street of Limassol.
Earlier he strived to impose the ‘colonial image’ in another city of the island, Paphos, mainly
incorporating features reflecting Neo- Palladian models, a favoured style of public buildings in Britain.28 This rather ‘British-influenced’ style finally reached Limassol and Gaffiero was particularly successful in designing a remarkably elegant hospital. (Fig17)
Figure 17 The opening ceremony of the new hospital, in 1923. The picture is also showing the grand scale of the building in comparison to the existing buildings on the right.
As mentioned previously, the Neo Classical style was considered suitable and influence a number of British public structures of the eighteenth century, (Markus, Buildings and Power, p35) including health institutions, making their presence iconic. This was a point of influence for PWD and colonial architects in Cyprus. 28
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The development consists of two, double storey structures twelve meters apart; the main building facing towards the main street of Limassol housing the patients’ rooms, and one at the rear housing the services. The main building facade resembles Neo Palladian villas assimilating symmetry ‘which is as much the service of function as of beauty’29. The tripartite division forms five symmetrical bays,
each one carefully detailed and dressed with notable decoration. (Fig17) The central volume is
distinct, exemplifying the formality of the entrance. It is formed of a two storey projecting porch, covered in local limestone, incorporating three arches on the lower storey and a Tuscan colonnaded
arcade sitting on masonry balustrades on the upper storey. The entrance portico is capped with a triangular pediment and flanked by wings with arcades on the lower level and colonnaded loggias on
the upper level.(Fig18) The symmetrical façade arrangement forms projecting pavilions at the two
ends, framed by masonry quoins. These consist of stone framed fenestration, capped with triangular pediments on the ground floor, and semi-circular pediments on the first floor. The Neo-Palladian style naturally continued at the side elevations of the building.
Figure 18 Sketch elevation showing the building hierarchy and the tripartite division.
Apart from aesthetics, health considerations and the climate shaped the design. In Britain, a major
principle of hospital designs required ‘naturally and thoroughly ventilated’ 30 spaces. The warm Mediterranean weather of the island allowed for large windows beautifully proportioned, important
for an adequate amount of fresh air, as well as natural light to enter patient’s rooms, providing the healthy environment required (air-conditioning was not an option), fixed with shutters to protect from
excessive solar gains. This was well enhanced through the narrow planning of the wards. Likewise, 29
Giovanni Giaconi, The Villas of Palladio (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2003) , p16
30
Charles Jencks, The Architecture of Hope, (London: Frances Lincoln Limited, 2015) p64
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the veranda was not only a beautiful thing, but was used to keep the building cool in summer and
protect from the heavy winter rainfall. These features were not properly considered before, especially during the Ottoman period, where effective hospitals never came into being.
The spatial arrangement of the hospital was simple with a basic shape of (approximately) a 41 by 12 meter rectangle, covering 660 square metres on the ground
floor and 500square metres on the first floor. On the ground
floor, two small extensions at the Figure 19 Ground floor and first floor plans.
left and right ends of the main volume projected towards the
back to form a shallow ‘U’. The symmetrical plan consisted of two identical wings, flanking the grand
entrance hall containing a two-meter wide staircase. Each wing contained two wards of eight and ten beds respectively and a covered veranda in front and behind them. The extension on the rear left housed a bathroom for men and the operating room. The right housed the ladies bathroom and the
laboratory. From this, it can be inferred that the wing division segregated males and females. On the
first floor, each wing contained two small bedrooms, a seating room for each gender, lavatories and a doctor’s room. The administration rooms had windows consistent with the rest and the style of the
building, proportioned 2:1, whilst the lavatories and bathroom, had three small square windows, distinctively different. In contrast to the ground floor, all the rooms were accessed from an internal corridor which ran parallel and adjacent to the front veranda.
The catering block at the back was more simplistic. A series of six service rooms on the ground floor covering an area of approximately 180 square metres all accessed from a covered veranda. The first
floor of 96 square metres, had a dining room for doctors and a dining room for the nurses again accessed from a veranda.
Contrasting this plan layout, a characteristic of some British hospitals was the ‘Pavilion Plan’. (Fig20) Several health institutions in the metropolis had been incorporating this (since the 18th century), as it
was thought that a layout of small pavilions, as opposed to a single building, enhanced a faster 19
recovery for the patients.31 However, it appears that Gaffiero was concerned for the stylistic approach
rather than the spatial arrangement of small pavilions. The required scale of the building, in accordance to the small population of Limassol, allowed for a single, imposing building that expressed his Neo-Classical influences best.
Figure 20 The pavilion plan of the Royal Naval Hospital, Stonehouse.
Gaffiero’s design offered a pleasant and appropriate environment for the patients achieving a certain level of functionality, whilst offering a remarkable building for the public. Its graceful architecture was valued not only by the PWD and the British, but more importantly by the local communities and society in general:
‘’It is the only public building worthy of its name to be erected in Cyprus, of architectural harmony and
rhythm agreeable with the climate and the smiling environment of Cyprus. Other public edifices erected by the English, as a rule, resemble prisons or they are strongly reminiscent of Scottish castles and melancholy dwellings constructed for snow covered and foggy English climates. We therefore
sincerely congratulate Mr Gaffiero and the Public Works Department...’’ 32 – Article from Alithia Newspaper.
The architect was highly respected for his work. He had become one of the most influential architects of the period, effectively creating an ‘Anglo-Mediterranean’ style that was widely accepted, welcomed and, finally, adequately satisfying to all.
‘ It had been noted in the battlefield that wounded soldiers left to recover in the draughty tents of field hospital made quicker and more complete recoveries than those accommodated in more substantial buildings. This led to the experiments of smaller pavilions naturally and thoroughly ventilated connected via arcade colonnades’. Source: Jencks, The Architecture of Hope, p64 31
Article from Alithia Newspaper ( 2 December 1922), known to me through: Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p144 32
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3.2 The Larnaca Old District Hospital In 1930 commenced the construction of a two storey hospital in Larnaca. The building was funded by
the PWD, and held some donations from Cypriot locals. The ‘1930s’ elements popular with the
colonial development at the time, were reflected in the hospital. The use of rusticated stone, the
arched window frames and the circular window were a few of the features that became common in the 1930s period33. The building did not follow strictly a Neo-Classical rhythm nor did it comprise lots of ornamentation like Gaffiero’s design. (Fig21)
The architectural approach in Larnaca was more simplistic. The complex consisted of two identical buildings attached together, segregating the different facilities. (Fig21)
Each volume was
symmetrically divided into three bays, a long veranda on the central one making it distinct from the other two. It is by now obvious that the veranda or loggia was extensively used in most of the new
structures during Colonisation, for the island’s climate required openness within the building and the veranda served the purpose well.
Figure 21 Front Elevation of the Old District Hospital in Larnaca, showing the two identical buildings attached together.
Amongst the main differences of the two colonial hospitals, lies also the detailing and the architect’s choice of interplay between materials. (Fig22) The lightweight structure that formed the veranda in both storeys was constructed with white painted timber supports. The construction formed a series
It was noticed that buildings of the same decade such as the police station in Larnaca (1936) or the teachers training college in Morphou (1935), used some or a combination of these features. 33
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of timber columns carrying the roof
loads. The use of this lightweight timber
structure
created
an
interesting synthesis of materials between the veranda and the rest of the building. The projecting volumes were emphasized through the use of yellow rustication 34 , contrasting the Figure 22 Photo showing contrast of materiality.
white timber construction. (Fig22) The use of sandstone in all the
extruded volumes, made each bay
stand out and easily identifiable and created a sense of ‘frame’ to the entire building.
The new hospital offered big south facing openings, with exterior timber screens, controlling the amount of natural light penetrating the interior spaces, and allowing an effective ventilation strategy and fresh air entering the spaces. The openings were arched. A compelling antithesis was created by
framing the openings with smooth stone, as opposed to the ‘rustic’ stone used in the rest of the
volume. (Fig24) Neo-Classical references are seen in the triangular roofs with the circular openings and stone pediments. The circular openings in the roof show evidence of further natural ventilation strategies.
Figure 23 Projecting volumes dressed in yellow rusticate masonry.
Figure 24 The contrast of rusticated and smooth stone.
‘ Rustication is the art of treating masonry in such a way as to give a building or parts of it, special character or emphasis.’ John Summerson, The Classical Language of Architecture, (London: Thames and Hudson, 2014) p. 58 34
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The overall arrangement of both the Limassol and Larnaca hospitals followed a proportional hierarchy
and a symmetric rhythm partitioning bays, with the central one being the most significant. As already referenced, some elements incorporated in the institutions may recall hospitals of Britain.
3.3 The British Influence
Generally, since the 18th century, British hospitals had ‘roles as an instrument of social control and egalitarian
instinct….35 A recent, 20th century example of a British hospital is the Maudsley hospital, built in 1907 in Southern London.(Fig25) Its regularity and formality deriving from the Neo-Classical influences, imposes its
importance. At a glance, it can be suggested that the Figure 25 Maudsley Hospital in London, 1907.
general configuration of Maudsley is very similar to that
of Limassol, and recalls elements from Larnaca. Just as
in Cyprus, the most protruding detail is the variation of the central volume, highlighting its significance to the building. The entrance porch projects from the building, promoting a welcoming invitation to patients. The two end pavilions are also projecting outwards, as in both hospitals in Cyprus. The
tripartite division and the single building volume (rather than the use of Pavilion plan. Refer to Fig20),
strongly reflect Gaffiero’s design. Maudsley hospital includes Neo-Classical features such as triangular pediments on fenestrations, yet their use is not as extensive or easily associated with Neo-Classicism like in Limassol.
The Neo-classic element of the triangular roof and the circular window, recalls
specifically the Larnaca hospital.
However, the differences between the Metropolis and the Colony are also distinct. The difference in the environmental conditions and availability of materials are obviously pertaining majorly the
buildings’ layouts in different countries. The Maudsley hospital suggests ‘enclosure’, incorporating smaller windows. The cold and wet British weather was not offered for larger openings, thus contrasting the sense of ‘openness’ in the colonial hospitals through the big windows and the verandas and loggias.
The colour scheme was mundane compared to the colony, suitable for the British
weather conditions and the locality. Local red brick was used for the exterior cladding, whilst the window frames and central porch colonnade were dressed in white stone creating a sharp contrast. 35
Jencks, The Architecture of Hope, p64
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It is notable that the use of different materials, rather than just one, was another point of influence for the PWD architects.
The Maudsley hospital provides an example of similarities but also differences between the
Metropolis and the Colony. We can assume that both institutions in Cyprus have been somewhat
inspired by the metropolis hospital architecture, and the public buildings of Britain in general,
borrowing Neo Classical features, strongly associated with British traditions of social institutions. The
British characteristics were adopted and adjusted, or better adapted to the essential conditions of the
Cypriot setting. This was not a point of consideration only for hospitals, but for most of the public structures erected by the PWD, even the most significant of their prestige, such as the new Governor’s House.
Chapter 4: The Governor’s House In 1878, the first, temporary Government House was built in Nicosia, to accommodate the first High Commissioner, Sir Garnet Wolseley. A prefabricated structure had been shipped from the War Office
in Britain completely ignoring the island’s local environment, designed as ‘a standard military colonial pattern by War Office draughtsmen’36. (Fig26) In 1931, an urgent need for a new building arose after
the temporary timber structure was burnt down by ‘nationalist Enosists’ in the 1931 events.37 It was fundamental for the Colonial Administration to obtain a new building, not only for providing a living
space for the Governor, but also to design ‘a magnificent colonial building which would be worthy of British prestige in a historic colony’.38
Figure 26 The first Governor's House in Nicosia, aerial photo.
Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 53 The 1931 events included riots form Greek Cypriots demanding union with Greece. 38 Schaar, Given, Theocharous, Under the Clock, p75 36 37
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4.1 Towards an Indigenous Colonial Building The island’s endowed architectural history, preserved from its various fates, became a point of influence for the colonialists. These traditions were to be inserted in the design of probably the
greatest administrative building of the British rule in Cyprus, the New Governor’s House (1937). The building was intended to ‘proclaim Britain’s role and presence, but in a rather paternalistic way by including architectural elements and motifs to reflect native history and traditions.’39
It was required to strongly preserve the rich historic and indigenous architectural characteristics and
yet symbolise the colonial prestige. Initially, the proposal was assigned to Austen St Barbe Harrison,
the principal architect of the Palestine PWD. Harrison was trusted by the new Governor, Sir Ronald Storrs, as an imaginative architect that could potentially achieve the desired ‘fusion between British and indigenous architecture without resorting to direct imitation or copying.’40 However, Harrison’s
surviving proposal documents show a rather complex structure that even though recalled some native
historical styles, it was inappropriate for the native context and completely out of place. (Fig27) Harrison’s design was rejected by the succeeding governor, Sir Reginald Stubbs, thus the project was assigned to British architect Maurice Webb.
Figure 27 Austen St Barbe Harrison’s proposal for the new Government House. The image shows the North and East elevation respectively.
Webb had proposed a preparatory design that seemed dutiful to the overall requirements. Because
of the Governor’s solid empathy to integrate native heritage and ‘produce a building suitable to the
country with local labour’41, some minor changes were indicated in the proposal, such as giving ‘a Cypriot character to the arches in front of the house.’42 (Refer to Fig 36) Yet, this was not to say that a sense of colonial authority was not required. 39 40 41 42
Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 192 From archives on Austen Harrison, known to me through Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus Schaar, Given, Theocharous, Under the Clock, p77 High commissioners note, known to me though British colonial architecture page 196
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The final proposal fulfilled all the requirements, adopting remarkable elements and details from Byzantine, Medieval and Ottoman buildings on the island. Unlike Harrison’s irregular edifice, the
new design followed a symmetrical hierarchy. The layout was developed around a courtyard 32m by 19m forming a ‘U-plan’, resembling the old Government House and a number of other colonial buildings.
Figure28 Front elevation drawing of the new Government House, Nicosia.
Construction was completed in 1937. The load bearing walls were constructed of rubble stones. The
building was formed of three main wings, with the main orientated north, framed with stone quoins and capped with pitched roofs. The central wing incorporated two storeys, with a single-floor volume extending forward providing more space and a large balcony area accessed from the first storey.
(Fig28,29&30) The central wing was approximately 62.5metres long and the side wings 37metres, covering a total area of 1660 square metres. The central entrance hall divided the services with the
dining rooms to the right and the seating room and governor’s office to the left. The western wing
housed the kitchen and other auxiliary rooms, whereas the eastern wing housed the secretary’s office and courters. Straight through the main entrance the exit led to an arcade at the back which followed the U plan. The first floor accommodated living areas, mainly bedrooms and staffrooms.
Figure 29 Original ground floor plan
Figure 30 Ground floor plan.
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The most distinct element of the building was the eye-catching, entrance portal, projecting from the centre of the main wing. (Fig31) The colossal porch celebrated the arrival and exemplified power.
Made of sandstone ashlar, it created a robust antithesis to the white painted exterior and an aesthetically pleasant colour scheme.
The dominant ‘British Royal Coat of Arms’ was rationally
placed, centrally between the two storey arcade of the porch. The parapet roof was ‘punctuated by modern looking slotted balusters’43 which may have well recalled the parapet roof of castles on the island. (Fig32) The elevation flanking the portico, incorporated pointed arches and rectangular
fenestration. From the centre of the main building wing, ascended a square tower, roofed by hemispherical dome. Initially, in Webb's design the tower roof was pyramidal, with a weather vane
fixed on the peak. (Fig33) This was reminiscent of British church towers, whose architecture was a ‘vehicle of state and civic power’44. (Fig34) However, the additional emphasis for locality amended
these into hemispherical domes. Similar smaller domes were used at the ends of the two wings at the rear. The domes were influenced from Byzantine or Ottoman prototypes on the island while the
analogies of the central tower were taken from the Kolossi Castle in Cyprus, as it was intended to reflect the proportions of the Keep of the castle.45 (Fig32) The central elements like the tower and the porch, created significant landmarks suggesting the authority and importance of the British rule.
Figure 31 The projecting entrance porch. Figure 32 The Kollosi Castle in Cyprus, resembled in the parapet of the entrance porch, and reflected in the central tower.
Figure 31
Figure 33 Webb’s perspective, showing the southern elevation and the pyramidal tower.
Figure 32
Figure 34 St Bartholomew Church, Winchester. The taller volume recalls Webb's pyramidal tower. Figure 33
Figure 34
Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 196 Jencks, The Architecture of Hope, p64 45 ‘Presidential Palace’ http://www.presidency.gov.cy/presidency/presidency.nsf/prc29_en/prc29_en?OpenDocument 43 44
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The building’s location on a hill, provided a consistent wind flow and along with the narrow planning, cross
ventilation was effective in almost all rooms. The south elevation was mainly formed of a pointed, twocentred arch cloister on the lower level, and an arcade with round headed arches on the upper level. (Fig35)
The pointed arch cloister continued on the single storey Western and Eastern wings. The specific cloister arrangement recalled monuments around the island, such as the 17th century Christian monastery of Agios
Panteleimon. (Fig36) Further local architectural references are seen on elements such as gargoyles, which personified some of the local constructors46. These were typical details adopted from medieval churches
around the island. The building offered a visible combination and diverse richness of traditional inspiration.
Even ‘the capitals of the stone columns in the cloister or arcades are rich eclectic collection copied directly or derived from Byzantine or Frankish examples of monasteries.’47 In addition to all the references, the building used relics directly from historical monuments, notably, the unique pair of stone engraved Gothic
arches taken from the demolished Lusignan Palace in Nicosia. (Fig35) These were placed in the garden of the Government House, across the main Southern wing. Lastly, the design of entrance door was based on the prototype of a monastery (Agios Chrysostomos) in Cyprus.48
Figure 35 Image showing the southern elevation. We can observe the two arches from the Luisgnan placed across the main wing.
Figure 36 Ruins of the cloister of the Agios Panteleimon Monastery, in occupied Myrtou. The arcade incorporates traditional round headed and pointed arches. The arrangement is similar to Webb’s proposal.
The new government house was the most compelling and symbolic building in the Colonial rule on the island. It was the building to demonstrate best the aspirations of the British Administration to forge a hybrid style that would highlight the native historical and architectural context, yet still exhibit British supremacy through distinctive masses.
Magali Bodart, Arnaud Evrard, Architecture and Sustainable Development (Belgium: Presses universitaires de Louvain, 2011) p527 46
Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 197 ‘Presidential Palace’ http://www.presidency.gov.cy/presidency/presidency.nsf/prc29_en/prc29_en?OpenDocument 47 48
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It is interesting to compare briefly this prestigious building, with one serving the same purpose in another British colony of the time, Palestine, to identify colonial thinking. As in Cyprus, the colonists
endeavoured to erect an imperative building that would essentially express their prestige in Jerusalem.
Even though the Governor’s House in Nicosia and the High Commissioner’s residence in Jerusalem
served the same function, the two buildings differed distinctively. The reason for this was because the challenge of the designers to localise such an authoritative buildings was also applied in Jerusalem. Indeed, ‘the Colonial office was aware that the deep significance of Palestine as the Holy Land...’49 and
thus rich indigenous architecture was to be reflected in the new building. The High Commissioner’s Residence in Jerusalem was designed by Harrison in 1931, who successfully created a fusion of British symbols and Palestinian tradition. (Fig37)
Figure 37 Harrison’s High Commissioner’s Residence in Jerusalem.
It is obvious that the two residences, in Cyprus and Jerusalem, did not resemble each other. In Jerusalem the building exterior was ‘simple’ in that it incorporated a single material, native stone, but
the masses and volumes were immense. In Cyprus, the building was much smaller than the edifice of Jerusalem, and therefore exterior ornamentation and materialism was of extreme importance. Nevertheless, for the island’s scale the Government House was considered imposing. Just as in Cyprus,
localisation in Jerusalem was achieved through the British concern of borrowing long established
Fuchs, Ron, and Gilbert Herbert. 2000. ‘Representing Mandatory Palestine: Austen St. Barbe Harrison and the Representational Buildings of the British Mandate in Palestine, 1922-37’. Architectural History 43. SAHGB Publications Limited: 281–333 49
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historic elements. Typical Palestinian examples include the traditional plan arrangement and forms of the vernacular ‘cubic, domed houses in Jerusalem’50.
Climatic consideration was a central issue for the Colonial designers, examined well in both Residences. For example, Harrison was concerned of the arid summers and the rainy cold winters, designing a large drawing room for summer, with openings in all directions for ventilation, and a small drawing room orientated to catch warmth in winter.51 Environmental consciousness was shown in
Cyprus, through the thoughtful orientation of the building, which allowed for an open south facing
elevation of loggias, serving the purpose for shade and shelter well, and cooling the building as necessary.
Despite the common characteristic of climatic considerations, a conspicuous similarity of the two
buildings, most probably deriving from British examples, was the application of the imposing towers, which created significant landmarks.
This was a way in which both buildings expressed the
authoritarian image of the British rule. The indirect representation of power through colossal volumes
and the imposing, tall masses were commonly used in a number of civic buildings in Britain that aimed to project social control.
Guildhalls provide relevant examples.
These are
typical examples of buildings envisaging leadership and demonstrating supremacy. Architecture was the ideal component to demonstrate sovereignty. The
dignified building of Portsmouth Guildhall (1890) is a
relevant example, built to represent the development
and significance of the town, through elements of massive scale and dominating volumes.52 (Fig38) At a
glance the exterior appearance of the Neo Classical
Guildhall completely differs from the indigenous Figure 38 Portsmouth Guildhall
50 51
Government House in Cyprus. Yet, the purpose of both structures was to impose authority over the
Fuchs, Ron, and Gilbert Herbert, Representing Mandatory Palestine Fuchs, Ron, and Gilbert Herbert. Representing Mandatory Palestine
‘Portsmouth Guildhall – The Pride of a City’, accessed: 10 February 2016 http://www.portsmouthguildhall.org.uk/aboutus/guildhall-history 52
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society. Authority through architecture, as already seen, was demonstrated through imperative masses
and central volumes. The Guildhall was built at an immense scale. The prominent porch revealed its great importance and its invitation to the public. The central, striking bell tower of massive solid volume created
a powerful landmark and highlighting further the edifice. The centralised elements such as the protruding entrance porch and the extending tower are masses evident in the Government House. Though at a much smaller scale, for the Cypriot context it was still considered dominant, hence, inferring the importance and prestige of the British Authority in the same way as the Guildhall.
Chapter 5: Conclusion On the arrival of the British as a colonial power in Cyprus, very little existed in terms of infrastructure and contemporary building. However, centuries of some architectural heritage was preserved. Most examples of this heritage were in ruins, but they were enough to provide a rich and influential architectural background for the colonialist designers.
The new rulers had immediately set themselves the task of developing the island and begun the construction of new important public buildings, to cater for their needs and the needs of a contemporary society, without the continuation of an ongoing tradition (since one did not exist at the
time) but rather with references to it. This, without doubt presented a challenge to those responsible for the erection and design of the new buildings.
At a time of colonialism, one would think that the new structures would most definitely project the
Ruler’s authoritarian image, assimilating characteristics deriving from the metropolis. The British rule had indeed brought new architectural styles on the island associated directly with Britain, such as Neoclassicism, however it seems that most of the colonial buildings were adapting and integrating
these with the island’s endowed historical and environmental background. Cloisters of Cypriot
monasteries and the architecture of castles provided some precedents for the colonist designers. In doing so, the British superiority was often inferred rather than directly shown, with a convincing example being the Governor’s House. The impressive volumes such as towers and distinctive
entrances were providing large scale masses that expressed Colonial pride. Consequently, a hybrid colonial architecture was born, featuring a mixture of styles and elements, and an architecture that could not be referred to as ‘Colonial’ or ‘British’.
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Due to this hybridity, we can assume that the extent of Britishness in each of the colonial buildings
varied. Overall, in my opinion and as observed, the analysed buildings had to some extent an
architectural encounter with the metropolis prototypes, directly or indirectly, with some being more
agreeable to the island’s context than others and thus adapting excellently to the environment, providing potential precedents for the future developments.
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Palestine, 1922-37”.Architectural History 43. SAHGB Publications Limited: 281–333. doi:10.2307/1568698. King, A.. (1993). [Review of Architecture, Power, and National Identity.]. The Journal of Asian Studies, 52(1), 132–134. http://doi.org/10.2307/2059161
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Figure 2 - Limassol Historical Archives
Figure 3- Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 114
Figure 4- http://www.machadoink.com/St%20Augustines%20College.htm Figure 5- Author’s photograph Figure 6 -Author’s photograph
Figure 7 -Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 208 Figure 8 -Author’s photograph Figure 9 -Author’s photograph
Figure 10 & Fig 11 - Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 208 Figure 12 - Author’s photograph
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Figure 13 - http://apilgriminnarnia.com/2012/06/14/letters-to-an-oxonianlady-c-s-lewis-relationship-with-mary-neylan/oxfordshire-oxford-magdalencollege-ii/ Figure 14 - http://www.greatbuildings.com/buildings/keble_college.html
Figure 15 - http://www.cambridge2000.com/gallery/html/P50325595e.html Figure 16 – J.P Foscolo
Figure 17 - Limassol Historical Archives Figure 18 - Author’s sketch
Figure 19 - Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 143 Figure 20 - Jencks, The Architecture of Hope, p64 Figure 21 - Author’s sketch
Figure 22, 23& 24 - Author’s photograph
Figure 25 - https://www.flickr.com/photos/pgasston/125610772
Figure 26 - Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 57
Figure 27 - Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 188 Figure 28 – Schaar, Given, Theocharous, Under the Clock, p 78
Figure 29 - Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 191
Figure 30 – Magali Bodart, Arnaud Evrard, Architecture and Sustainable Development Figure 31 - Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 200 Figure 32 - http://www.limassolmunicipal.com.cy/kolossi_gr.html
Figure 33 - Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 190
Figure 34 - http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/hants/vol5/pp69-76 Figure 35 - Gheorgiou, British Colonial Architecture in Cyprus, p 191
Figure 36 http://www.diakonima.gr/2015/01/29/%CE%BA%CF%8D%CF%80%CF%81%CE %BF%CF%82%CE%B1%CF%81%CF%87%CE%AF%CE%B6%CE%B5%CE%B937
%CF%83%CF%84%CE%B7%CE%BD%CE%BA%CE%B1%CF%84%CE%B5%CF%87%CF%8C%CE%BC%CE%B5%CE%BD% CE%B7-%CE%BC%CF%8D%CF%81%CF%84%CE%BF/ Figure 37 - Alsayyad, Nezar , Hybrid Urbanism
Figure 38 - http://www.portsmouthguildhall.org.uk/about-us/guildhall-history
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