Brexit Cities: The Manifestation of Otherness in City Space by Darius Walton

Co “We have far more in common than that divides us” Jo Cox MP

DARIUS WALTON 10475050 ARC604A DESIGN PRAXIS AND CRITICAL CONTEXT 6.2 SUPERVISOR: SANA MURRANI

ontents Abstract

Introduction: Brexit Cities

Chapter One: Policy

Chapter Two: People

Chapter Three: Space

Conclusion

List of References

Abstract Brexit is the political buzzword of Britain’s zeitgeist in 2017, it has become emblematic of disaffection, anger, and discontent amongst ‘ordinary working people’, who have used the EU referendum to reject a powerful elite who are ‘the other’. This paper, using the methodological framework of Soja’s ‘Trialectic of Being’ seeks to understand how Policy: the legislation and political rhetoric that has created the current political climate. People: the values and attitudes of ‘British’ people, and to what extent this has furthered otherness, and Space: the physical consequences of policy and people, have manifested otherness within British Society, and how this has affected the public realm within British Cities.

Introduction

Brexit Cities The manifestation of otherness within city spaces

On the 23rd June 2016, the people of Britain voted to leave the European Union (EU). This marked not only the end of a 43-year partnership between Britain and the 27 other member states. But the rejection of an entire political consensus, deemed functional by those who enforce it.1 Much of what follows in this introduction will be based on media reports around the time of the referendum, however these reports will be framed within the theoretical context of Edward Soja’s ‘trialectic of being’2 , to contextually criticise issues of otherness within the contemporary discourse surrounding the debate. It is important to frame this study within the results of England. As 53.4% of English voters voted leave,3 and unlike Wales, Scotland, and Northern Ireland, where there are movements for regional nationalism, in England this takes a different tone; Tim Oliver of the London School of economics states, “English nationalism has become the hallmark of angry, disillusioned sections of English society”.4 The disaffection of English voters has been seized upon by ethnic nationalists such as the BNP, and UKIP. Many English Working Class voters (of which 60% of the population say they are5), felt disaffected and disillusioned with this consensus, writing just under a month after the vote, Owen Jones suggests that, “[w]hen presented with a vote on the status quo, it is no surprise that those with the least stake in it vote to abandon it”,6 Jones suggests many people felt that the system was only working for a privileged few, and more importantly, not working for them. Speaking after her confirmation as Prime Minister, Theresa May assured the nation:

“Brexit means Brexit and we’re going to make a success of it…Second, we need to unite our party and our country… And third, we need a bold new positive vision for the future of our country - a vision of a country that works not for the privileged few, but for every one of us.”7 1.Owen Jones, “Grieve Now If You Must – But Prepare For The Great Challenges Ahead | Owen Jones”, The Guardian, 2017 <https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/jun/24/eu-referendumworking-class-revolt-grieve> [accessed 5 April 2017]. 2. Edward W Soja, Thirdspace: Journeys to Los Angeles and other real-and-imagined places, 9th edn (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1996) (p. 71). 3. BBC, ‘EU referendum results’, BBC EU Referendum 2016. 4.Tim Oliver and London School of Economics, The rise of English nationalism is something British politicians can no longer ignore (LSE BREXIT, 2016), <http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/brexit/2016/07/12/britainsbrexit-vote-has-thrown-up-more-questions-than-answers/> [accessed 28 October 2016].5. 5. Patrick Butler, ‘Most Britons regard themselves as working class, survey finds’, The Guardian, 19 July 2016) 6. Owen Jones, ‘Working-class Britons feel Brexity and betrayed – labour must win them over’, The Guardian, 19 July 2016. 7. Ashley Cowburn, ‘Theresa May says ‘Brexit means Brexit’ and there will be no attempt to remain inside EU’, The Independent - UK Politics, 11 July 2016.

8.Heather Stewart and Rowena Mason, ‘Nigel Farage’s anti-migrant poster reported to police’, The Guardian, 7 October 2016. 9.Merriam-Webster, Definition of OTHERNESS (2015), <http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/otherness> [accessed 26 October 2016]. 10.Richard Sudan, Post Brexit Britain: Rising xenophobia challenges status quo (RT International, 2016), <https://www.rt.com/op-edge/358389-uk-hate-crimes-brexit/> [accessed 26 October 2016]. 11.Edward W Soja, Thirdspace: Journeys to Los Angeles and other real-and-imagined places, 9th edn (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1996) (p. 71). 12.Edward W Soja, Thirdspace, (p. 73). 13.Edward W Soja, Thirdspace, (p.71). 14.Ibid. 15.Edward W Soja, Thirdspace, (p. 72). 16.Ibid 17.Edward W Soja, Thirdspace, (p. 73).

INTRODUCTION: BREXIT CITIES

problems.10 Soja’s ‘trialetics of being’11 seen in figure one, what Soja terms a ‘Triagram’12 will form the methodological framework for this study. Within the context of this paper, Soja’s methodology is a way of undertaking a more holistic investigation into sociological discourse, Historicality, Sociality, and Spatiality are used to summarise “the social production of space, Time, and Being-in-the-world”,13 three aspects important in investigating otherness, and spaces of otherness, Soja asserts that there is a trend within Western Philosophy, science, historiography, and social theory, to Firgure one: Edward Soja’s Trialectic of Being “bifocalise on the interactive Historicality and Sociality of being”,14 with Spatiality becoming peripheralized. Within this epistemological framework, the social and spatial have mutual adjacencies, Soja defines that neither is “deterministically privileged”,15 the trialectic understands the dynamic interrelationships between these factors. It also avoids the specialisation of knowledge, that arises from the overemphasis of Historicality, and the “evolutionary and revolutionary power of social will and political consciousness”,16 this suggests that any political event cannot be viewed in an epistemological vacuum, and that the act of being (such as Heideggers Daesin, or Satre’s être-lâ) as simultaneously historical, social, and spatial17

This passage is an insightful cross section of the Brexit process thus far. Firstly, the country has made a paradigm shifting decision in its relationship with the world; secondly the country is deeply divided, and needs to be fixed; and thirdly the current system is not working, and a new solution is needed. Much of the campaigning by the Leave side ruminated upon divisive ideals, the concentration upon “us” and “them” the othering of immigrants,8 the “metropolitan elite”, experts, and Europe itself. This notion of otherness has found its way from the politics of the referendum and into the cities and towns that make up the United Kingdom. Otherness is “the quality or state of being other or different”,9 within sociological discourse the other describes something separate, or alien to oneself. Xenophobia, meaning fear of the other, was one of the driving factors in the referendum debate, and a condition that is easily exploited to maintain, or gain power, as immigrants are scapegoated for society’s perceived cultural, social, and economic

BREXIT CITIES

For the purposes of this study, this paper redefines the parameters of Sojaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s terminology, Historicality=Policy, Sociality=People, Spatiality=Space. Three key factors by which to interrogate this new state of otherness, and how this otherness has manifested in the city spaces of England, focusing specifically upon Plymouth. Due to the strong leave vote recorded here, as well as its position as a post-industrial city, and its isolation from the capital.

INTRODUCTION: BREXIT CITIES

Chapter One

Policy The Neoliberal consensus and the economics of otherness The Brexit vote exposed a deep dissatisfaction with the socio-political status quo, in understanding the otherness (in this context meaning, discrimination, castigation, and apathetic attitudes) that have been highlighted by the referendum, an interrogation of the policies that have conceived, fostered, and perpetuated this otherness must be carried out. This status-quo started with the elections of Margaret Thatcher in 1979 and Ronald Reagan in 1980, in the UK and USA respectively, their politics focused on the shrinking of state responsibility, free-market capitalism, and military proto-imperialism, this new ‘neoliberal consensus’ changed the political landscape; Noam Chomsky suggests this allowed the rise of large corporations that control much of the international market,17 Journalist Owen Jones goes further to suggest that Politicians sustain this consensus simply by “giving just enough to just enough people”.18 Thatcher famously said of the new era, “’there’s no such thing as society. There are individual men and women and there are families’”,19 this new world challenged the established notion of collective action. Thatcher went on to say, “[m]orality is personal. There is no such thing as collective conscience, collective kindness, collective gentleness, collective freedom”20 and challenges the notion of society. The proponents of this ideology spoke of a world of entrepreneurialism, free markets, and global trade. In practice, the neoliberal consensus has been characterised by individualism, competition, and division.21 In this chapter, the study of neoliberalism will focus upon three main points: The Alienation of Work, Globalisation, and PostIndustrial economies. The interrogation of these neoliberal phenomena will allow an understanding of the impact successive governments in Britain in creating and allowing otherness to gestate within society. In the pre-industrial age, work was primarily a hand to mouth activity, traditional crafts, and fabrication, meaning the worker was connected to their labour, Craftsmen and Socialist activist, William Morris, wrote all useful work had “hope of rest, hope of product, hope of pleasure”,22 this 17.Noam Chomsky and Robert Waterman McChesney, Profits over people: Neoliberalism and the new order (New York: Seven Stories Press, U.S., 1998) (p. 20). 18.Owen Jones, Chavs, (p.42). 19.Owen Jones, Chavs, p. 47. 20.Owen Jones, Chavs, p. 46. 21.Noam Chomsky and Robert Waterman McChesney, Profits over people (p. 66). 22.William Morris, ‘Useful Work vs. Useless Toil’ in The Political Writings of William Morris, ed. by A. L. Morton (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1979) (p. 87).

POLICY: THE NEOLIBERAL CONSENSUS AND THE ECONOMICS OF OTHERNESS

23.Karl Marx, Economic & philosophic manuscripts of 1844 1, trans. by Andy Blunden, ed. by Matthew Carmody (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1959; repr. n/a: marxists.org, 2009) (p.28) 24.Karl Marx, Economic & philosophic manuscripts of 1844 1, (p.30) 25.Henri Lefebvre and others, Critique of everyday life, volume 1 (critique of everyday life (verso)) (London: Verso Books, 2008) (p. 180). 26.Henri Lefebvre and others, Critique of everyday life, volume 1, (p. 59). 27.Doreen Massey, For space (Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2005) (p. 81). 28.Ibid. 29.David Harvey, Rebel cities: From the right to the city to the urban revolution (London: Verso Books, 2013) (p. 3).

suggests that balance for the worker is found when these hopes are met. Since the industrial revolution the nature of work has become much more specialised, as a result of automation, technology, and deregulated labour laws. Workers complete simple, menial tasks, their role in the manufacturing process is diminished. The contemporary of, however more widely influential perhaps than Morris’ writings Karl Marx writes in ‘The Economic & Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844’ that the “worker sinks to the level of a commodity and becomes indeed the most wretched of commodities”.23 Marx calls this ‘Alienation’ and goes on to write that “labor is external to the worker, i.e., it does not belong to his intrinsic nature; that in his work, therefore, he does not affirm himself but denies himself”,24 understanding this shows the increasingly unfulfilling nature of work in modern society, highly specialised labour creates despondent workers with no enthusiasm for their labour. Consequently as observed by Henri Lefebvre “Society becomes a mechanism and an organism which ceases to be comprehensible to the very people who participate in it and who maintain it through their labour”.25 The very people who work to create the material world, through the process of work, lose their faith in the reality they created. It is simply not theirs, and as a result the process of alienation has created deep rifts within society. Between disenfranchised manual labourers, and those who reap the reward of their labour. The neoliberal consensus has perpetuated this trend from the post-war political era. These divisions, ultimately started off as political decisions, which have created disastrous human conditions, discontent, apathy, disassociation, Lefebvre wrote “political alienation is the most serious type of alienation”.26 The trickle down of alienation and in turn otherness, from the work place, from society, to the city, has caused a crisis that has occurred from the engineered system of neoliberalism. This alienation manifests itself in a new concept in contemporary neoliberalism. The concept of Globalisation is integral to modern neoliberal politics, Doreen Massey states that for the neoliberal’s globalisation is “a mantra which evokes a powerful vision of an immense, unstructured, free unbounded space and of a glorious, complex mixity”;27 understanding the concept of Globalisation as a setting in which growth can be endless, and productivity freed from the parameters of spatiality, globalisation transformed national economies into open trading floors like Wall Street and the City of London. Enterprise can cross International Borders, and the opportunity for immense wealth is unparalleled. Unfortunately, this globalisation, whilst espousing the virtues of limitless possibilities and boundless space,28 practices an altogether different agenda; David Harvey writes of neoliberal ideals; which “enshrine[s] above all else, the rights of private property and [the] profit rate trump all other notions of rights one can think of”.29 Consequently, globalisation does not allow for a world in which communities can open and trade beyond the arcane notions of national borders. It simply opens local economies for exploitation by larger multinational corporations. This is nowhere more evident than in the retail sector. Larger chains now control much more of the retail landscape, much of the profits from these retail giants then exit the communities

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they serve. Confounding a sense of apathy and disenfranchisement in shoppers; who, whilst wooed by cheaper products or more choice, have lost the character of their high streets and city spaces. Although this is certainly not the case for all shoppers, it is clear the rise of chain stores has certainly changed the nature of the high street. Many towns and cities are now championing local produce, such as the Transition Towns movement as a counterpoint to this; however these movements are now being seen as ‘trendy’ and ‘profitable’, and a creeping gentrification is beginning to emerge. Only now are tycoons such as Phillip Green, the head of the Arcadia Retail group, being held to ransom for their destructive profit driven practice; this now suggests a shift in parliamentary opinion (or a new media scapegoat). This widespread gentrification is now common in Britain, Fran Tonkiss writes of the symbols and processes of gentrification that city spaces are “never simply a spatial fact: the various associations that cling to it mark how cultural values, as well as economic processes, are composed around urban forms”,30 the economic processes of globalisation have undoubtedly left their mark upon British city spaces. Even the smallest town is now a global trading post. The question this leaves is how do ordinary people retain an economic identity within a globalised world? As a result of globalisation many cities have outsourced manufacturing to developing nations, with fewer worker’s rights, to keep costs down; a development of profit above all selfishness of the new capitalism. Over the last thirty years many British cities have seen a decline in their manufacturing industries, and with those industries, much of their economic independence, self-esteem and immediately recognisable identities.31 The defeat of the miners, and privatisation of many state assets, signalled as Owen Jones describes “a concerted attempt to dismantle the values, institutions, and traditional industries of the working class”.32 This left Cities up and down the UK without their central identity, the industries that drove the economy. For many working men, their Job was their neighbourhood, and as historian Standish Meacham describes, “[n]eighbourhood meant more than houses and streets. It meant mutually beneficial relationships one formed with others; a sort of symbiosis”.33 This shows the inherent interdependency of working communities, and the fragile house of cards formed by these relationships. Over the last thirty years, these communities have been dismantled through economics, and many former working class communities in Plymouth have high levels of unemployment.34 It is noteworthy to mention as Anna Minton does in her book ‘Ground Control’, that“[e]uropean cities suffered from the same decline of industry yet active steps were taken to safeguard healthy city life”,35 legislation passed ensured the rights of small shopkeepers against large stores,36 this more active protectionism at the time helped many smaller communities in the face of globalist expansionism. However, in Britain, these communities are now reliant on the welfare system, as a result of the mass deregulation under Thatcher. No such laws regarding the rights of small shopkeepers and industry would save them from decline, as it did in continental Europe. Consequently, the media has scapegoated the working 30.Fran Tonkiss, Space, the city and social theory: Social relations and urban forms (Cambridge, UK: Wiley, John & Sons, 2006) (p. 80). 31.Manon Mollard and Jonathan Glancey, Notopia: ‘The post-industrial hollowing out of cities is a tragedy for civic identity’ (Architectural Review, 2016), <https://www.architectural-review.com/rethink/campaigns/notopia/notopia-the-post-industrial-hollowing-out-of-cities-is-a-tragedy-for-civic-identity/10007021.article> [accessed 9 January 2017]. 32.Owen Jones, Chavs:, p. 48. 33.Standish Meacham, A life Apart: The English Working Class 1890-1914 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1977),p. 45 34.“Adults Not In Employment | Plymouth - UK Census Data 2011”, UK Census Data, 2017 <http://www.ukcensusdata.com/plymouth-e06000026/adults-not-in-employmentks106ew> [accessed 5 April 2017]. 35.Anna Minton, Ground control: Fear and happiness in the twenty-first-century city (London: Penguin Books, 2012, (p. 26). 36.Ibid.

class for a cornucopia of societal ills, as Journalist Simon Heffer comments in ‘The Telegraph’:

“something called the respectable working class has almost died out… the working class does not now usually work at all, but is sustained by the welfare state,”37

POLICY: THE NEOLIBERAL CONSENSUS AND THE ECONOMICS OF OTHERNESS

37.Simon Heffer, ‘We Pay to Have an Underclass’, The Telegraph (Telegraph.co.uk, 29 August 2007) <http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/personal-view/3642304/We-pay-tohave-an-underclass.html> [accessed 15 April 2016]. 38.Fran Tonkiss, Space, the city and social theory, (p. 9) 39.Ibid.

this scapegoating by the media has served only to divide society upon class; Alienating a section of society that previously felt respected and of worth. It has been suggested by many economists that the introduction of a living wage, a minimum wage that accurately covers the cost of living, would incentivise the unemployed to no longer stay on benefits. However the governments ‘National Living Wage’ does not meet the requirements calculated by the Living Wage Foundation. This condition of Post-Industrial identity has had real effects upon how society operates within city spaces. As Tonkiss writes in ‘Space, The City and Social Theory’, the media develops a “rhetoric of community frequently… [as] a means of framing troublesome minorities in the city”.38 Now working class ‘communities’ are spoken of often with the same derogatory conations as ‘ethnic communities’.39 This rhetoric drives down land value initiatives such as ‘Housing Market Renewal Pathfinder’ and its various brandings of the same policy tackle ‘areas of market failure’, compulsory purchase orders seize properties and areas are rebuilt for tenants with higher disposable incomes; completing the process of gentrification previously described. It is clear now, the attempts made by neoliberal policies to segregate and alienate many groups within society, to see the system benefit those at the top. Moving forward, this investigation will now incorporate these findings into further analysis, to understand the Trialetic system of Policy people and Space fully.

Chapter Two

People Otherness and British Values

As discovered in the previous chapter, the nature of work in a neoliberal society is one of alienation, disaffection, and inequality. Subsequently, legislative structures have ensured local communities can be bought up and gentrified for the sole purpose of profits. What must now be understood is how the social and cultural values of the British people have encountered these policies, and whether the condition of ‘Britishness’ is a factor in the otherness present in city spaces. A research study from the Commission for Racial Equality found when people were asked “the content of ‘Britishness’ was shared across most groups, there were important differences in the ways in which participants personally related to, and identified with, Britishness”,40 this suggests British values, are inconsistent, and fluid. The report also found an unwillingness in the population to discuss the subject of Britishness, these responses from the study illustrate as such:

“It’s complicated for us to talk about [Britishness] because people don’t tend to think about it. It’s only now you’re asking that we’re thinking about it. (South Asians, Glasgow)” This suggests Britishness is particularly hard to identify as a quality, or set of values. It is also something some people give little thought to, perhaps because of inclusive qualities, of fairness and justice, that many people associate with ‘Britishness’

“What do you mean by Britishness? That’s quite tricky. It’s not something you think about. (Black Africans and black Caribbean’s, London)” 40.Commission for Racial Equality, Citizenship AND BELONGING: Britishness ? WHAT IS (London: Commission for Racial Equality, 2005)(p.7)

This answer shows us britishness is something many people feel some identity with, however it is not perhaps central to their identity.

“It’s really hard for me to say what Britishness is, because when I think about it I think about what it means to other people rather than what it means to me. When I try and think what it means to me, then probably nothing at all. (White Welsh, Cardiff)”42 This viewpoint, from of a Welsh Citizen, reveals a particularly interesting attitude, and is an important sample from within British society. This is as many citizens of the devolved nations feel much more identity to their Nation, Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland, as opposed to a wider British identity,43 this is often to do with views on political devolution and independence. The report also suggests some of these citizens felt quite divorced44 from British identity, which they associated with the English. This reticence to discuss the national identity, and its sociocultural baggage, suggests several issues that are perhaps being purposely avoided. The Brexit vote has dug out these issues and dragged them to the fore. Now the physical manifestations of these divisive issues, The Class system; Race, Ethnicity and Multiculturalism, and Nationalism, must be understood within the context of city spaces. To understand the role people and society play in the process of spatial otherness; spatial otherness being the physical manifestation of otherness within the built environment in the design decisions 41.Commission for Racial Equality, Citizenship AND BELONGING: Britishness? WHAT IS, p. 22 42.Commission for Racial Equality, Citizenship AND BELONGING: Britishness? WHAT IS, pp.18-19. 43.Commission for Racial Equality, Citizenship AND BELONGING: Britishness? WHAT IS, p. 22 44.Ibid.

PEOPLE: OTHERNESS AND BRITISH VALUES

This view is widely held amongst many White English communities, that increased immigration, and multiculturalism is a threat to the nature of ‘Britishness’, as the report suggests the terms English and British become interchangeable to this community.41 These opinions, motivated by insecurity in the labour market, and stoked by right-wing organisations, have become defining issues for many people who identify as White English.

“Participant 1: I don’t think our children will know what being British is all about. Participant 2: Absolutely not. There will be no tradition. Participant 3: I feel this country is not even our country. Being British, I don’t know what that means now. That’s how I feel. I don’t get it. I just don’t get it. I don’t get it. (White English, Manchester)

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made to divide and alienate, this will be shown in the next chapter. When discussing ‘White English’ as a demographic this often refers to what is termed White Working Class in much of the media.45 As previously discussed, in recent history the working class has been denigrated and scapegoated by the media, for several societal ills; ultimately caused by neoliberal policy. The working class have a continually shrinking stake in society.46 Within the city, the presence of lower income ‘communities’, is a negative, a drain on land values, so it is no surprise city spaces take on an alien atmosphere to these groups. This will be interrogated further in the next chapter. What is clear is that “government ministers were singing songs on public platforms to taunt poor people who were utterly voiceless”,47 and this developed into deep animosity on both sides for the other. To sum up the nature of neoliberal social policy as divide and conquer, whilst broad in its interpretation it is a fairly accurate way of describing racial policies in Britain. The gentrification process turned communities against each other, the almost cliché “they’re coming over here, taking our jobs” is now used as a joke. Whilst the people who say such things (the ’White English’) are simultaneously ignored and castigated for their actions. On the other hand, many ethnic communities live in urban fringes, and are marginalised in urban environments.48 A report by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation suggests “areas that 20 years ago were relatively homogenous when observed through the conventional lens of ethnicity and social class have become considerably more diverse.”49, this has left many areas without one single community identity. This coincides with an increasingly more divisive tone from the press, John Solomos states that in British neoliberal society there is a “recirculation of a national imagery that is increasingly chauvinistic, defensive and racially exclusive”,50 this suggests a retreat to past attitudes of British identity, as contemporary ‘British’ identity feels increasingly challenged. Often neoliberal administrations speak of “forces of unruliness”,51 as David Theo Goldberg describes, in The Crises of Multiculturalism. Alana Lentin and Gavan Titley name these forces as “’undisciplined’ individuals including welfare dependents, criminalized black youth and ‘illegals’ on foreign territory”,52 this shows minority groups are seen as obstacles to neoliberalism by government. The paper ‘Thinking Identities’ suggests “within the dominant paradigm…the ‘race relations’ problematic has been constructed in exclusive and exclusionary ways”,53 this paper alludes to an institutional systematic problem in the development of racial politics. The paper goes on “This has the effect of concealing the multi-dimensional character of process of exclusion and inclusion in Britain”.54 This suggests that the subject of race in British society is very multi-layered and complicated, it shows that “[t]he new ‘politics of difference’ therefore opens up the space for a variety of identifications and discriminations”.55 This suggests that in a race to define themselves, ethnic groups in Britain have developed a quiet resentment that is now legitimised by the rhetoric of the Brexit debate. James Duncan in Sites of Representation states, “such binary oppositions between us and them serve the 45.“The Phrase ‘White Working Class’ Doesn’t Help Low Income Groups, Say Think Tanks”, Express.Co.Uk, 2017 <http://www.express.co.uk/news/uk/781502/Low-income-classworking-class-label-benefit> [accessed 5 April 2017]. 46.“Myths Of The White Working Class | Socialist Review”, Socialist Review, 2017 <http://socialistreview.org.uk/336/myths-white-working-class> [accessed 5 April 2017]. 47.Owen Jones, Chavs, p. 67. 48.Fran Tonkiss, Space, the city and social theory, (p. 82) 49.Joseph Rowntree Foundation, How Globalisation Is Changing Patterns Of Marginalisation And Inclusion In The UK, JRF Programme Paper: Globalisation (Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2010) <https://www.jrf.org.uk/sites/default/files/jrf/migrated/files/globalisation-marginalisation-inclusion-full.pdf> [accessed 13 April 2017]. 50.John Solomos, Race and racism in Britain, 2nd edn (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003) (p. 222). 51.David Theo Goldberg, The Threat of Race, p.334 52.Alana Lentin and Gavan Titley, The crises of multiculturalism: Racism in a neoliberal age (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011) (p. 165). 53.Avtar Brah, Mary J. Hickman, and Mairtin Mac an Ghaill , ‘Thinking identities: Ethnicity, racism and culture’ ,in Thinking identities: Ethnicity, racism and culture,ed. by A. Brah, Mary J. Hickman, and Mairtin Mac an Ghaill (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Macmillan: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999).(p.6.) 54.Ibid 55.Avtar Brah, Mary J. Hickman, and Mairtin Mac an Ghaill , ‘Thinking identities’.(p.6)

PEOPLE: OTHERNESS AND BRITISH VALUES

56.James Duncan, ‘Sites of Representation: Place, Time and The Discourse of the Other’, in Place, culture, representation, ed. by James S. Duncan and David Ley (London: Routledge, 1993), pp. 39–57 (p. 44). 57.John Solomos, Race and racism in Britain, 2nd edn (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003) (p. 221). 58.Henri Lefebvre and others, Critique of everyday life, volume 1, (p. 180). 59.John Solomos, Race and racism in Britain, (p. 180). 60.John Solomos, Race and racism in Britain, (p. 182).

dual purpose of reinforcing and defining group identity while simultaneously ordering complex difference into a simpler, homogeneous entity”.56 This allows us to greater understand the role of racial identity within Britishness, a nation torn between the ‘island race’57 mentality and the hypocrisy of neoliberal policy regarding citizenship. Now small, but noticable share of the values set of the prevailing character of ‘Britishness’ is that of otherness, difference, and power structure. Capitalising on the feelings of disenfranchisement generated by the neoliberal consensus, Henri Lefebvre points out that for many working people “Society becomes a mechanism and an organism which ceases to be comprehensible to the very people who participate in it and who maintain it through their labour”.58 As a response to these feelings of disenfranchisement, increased immigration, and the negative effects of globalisation, many white English citizens have moved towards more nationalist, protectionist political movements. This is a manifestation of the anger and discontentment resultant of policies of otherness described previously. Solomos states these racial politics are motivated by “the social construction of ideological notions of the nation, culture and politics”.59 Solomos goes on to suggest, within the context of the politics of Enoch Powell the threat of the other represented a threat “of such a magnitude that the whole social and cultural fabric of British Society was likely to be undermined by the presence of immigrants from different cultural, racial, or religious background”.60 Although this statement refers to a different era of politics, it is very much a similar rhetoric of Nationalist groups in contemporary Britain, UKIP, Britain First and various splinter groups founded on the same fearmongering as Powell. However, it now captures a much more ‘us vs. the Establishment’ tone, placing established society as other to themselves. Nigel Farage, former leader of the UK Independence Party often used the rhetoric of revolution to energise support. Ultimately this played a major part in the victory of the leave vote, and as will be shown in the following chapter, these views have had a large impact upon Britain’s city spaces. Through the investigation of the social and cultural values of the British people, it has become clear the condition of ‘Britishness’ is a factor in the otherness present in city spaces; however, it is apparent that British identity is much less immediately definable and nuanced than it first appears. The outcome of this being that there is reticence to discuss the national identity, and its sociocultural baggage, which has led to the furthering of institutional systematic problems in the development of racial politics

Chapter Three

Space Otherness within the Public Realm

It has become evident through the study of Policy and People, that otherness has been perpetuated within British society, through labour policies, globalisation and post industrialisation, and division based concepts within the British, more specifically English identity. This investigation will now focus upon three spaces within the City of Plymouth diagramming of these spaces will record how they are used, and to what success they function as social spaces. Plymouth is an important litmus test for the phenomena observed in this paper as it meets many of the key criteria of a ‘Brexit City’: Post-Industrial economy, Geographic periphery (poor infrastructure links), less ethnically diverse than average,61 and lower government funding. This means many of the issues discussed in previous chapters are present in Plymouth. Particularly in regard to national and local identity, with the added complexity of Plymouth being a, now declining, military town. Within this chapter each location serves as a spatial manifestation of this papers methodological Trialetic: Policy, People and Space. The spaces are as such: Policy: Civic square, the history of which manifests neoliberal attitudes to the role of government within society and its underlying power structure. People: The Armada Way Sundial, a key landmark in the city and meeting points for generations of Plymothians, manifests notions of shared memory, identity and symbolic space. Space: The West End (Pannier Market, Frankfort Gate), the former heart of the community for many working class people across the residential west of Plymouth, as this space manifests concept of social space, heterotopia, and otherness. In understanding the production of (social) space through the lens of Henri Lefebvre, he suggests “Production in the Marxist sense transcends the philosophical opposition between ‘subject’ and ‘object’”,62 this suggests that to some extent that Lefebvre and Marx’s ideas surrounding the production of space, may allow city spaces to transcend the philosophical opposition between the ‘self’ and ‘the other’ creating more successful public spaces. The investigation will also draw upon the conclusions of previous chapters to interrogate the ‘Right to the City’,63 and using the City of Plymouth as a case study to prove that neoliberal 61.“Plymouth - UK Census Data 2011”, UK Census Data, 2017 <http://www.ukcensusdata.com/plymouth-e06000026#sthash.0iameelw.dpbs> [accessed 10 April 2017]. 62.Henri Lefebvre and Donald Nicholson-Smith, The production of space (Oxford, OX, UK: Blackwell Publishers, 1991) (p. 71). 63.A phrase coined in Henri Lefebvre’s “le droit à la ville”

SPACE: OTHERNESS WITHIN THE PUBLIC REALM

64.Ben Pimlott, Dennis Kavanagh, and Peter Morris, ‘Is the ‘postwar consensus’ a myth?’, Contemporary Record, vi, 2 (1989), 12–15 (p. 14). 65.Ibid. 66.Ibid. 67.Owen Jones, Chavs (New York: Verso Books, 2012),

power structures have manifested themselves in the cities of the United Kingdom. The Plymouth Civic Centre stands tall in the city skyline, opened in 1962, it housed almost all of Plymouth City Councils services and was the beating heart of a post-war council. Still very much social-democratic in their politics, the Civic centre embodied a very particular way of thinking about the role of government in society. Dennis Kavanagh and Peter Morris state, in an article for the Contemporary Record, that post war government was “something of a social democratic package. It was a middle way, neither free market capitalist (as in the United States) nor state socialist (as in postwar Eastern Europe)”.64 The architectural politics of the civic centre is one of social security, nationalised industry, and belief in the state. The article goes on to say “Public opinion seemed attached to many planks of the consensus and politicians calculated that the electorate would punish parties that veered too sharply from them”.65 This suggests politicians held the public opinion in particularly high regard in the postwar era, and largely both conservative and socialist administrations alike adhered to ‘middle ground’66 politics. The neoliberal consensus has managed to push a large swathe of society, the working class, into disaffection. This has in part helped further their policies; former chief economist to the Treasury Sir Allan Budd says of Thatcher’s policy that “unemployment was an extremely desirable way of reducing the strength of the working classes”.67 The Civic Centre now stands as an empty shell, as the last workers based in the building moved in 2014, this is symbolic of the change Thatcher’s economic strategy presented to the nation; removing the omnipresent totem of the state that provided for all, creating a faceless, hidden away elite. Thatcher’s attitude to the state was that it should shrink, and state responsibility should shrink with it. Today what this means it that Plymouth City Council now exists in various smaller buildings dotted across the city, isolated, and alienated from the public. This has created a vacuum in the centre of the town.

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Clockwise from top: Figure Two: Density of people in space, sundial Figure Three: Space as ‘locus’ Figure Four: Axes defined by users

The Sundial Sculpture, a stainless-steel sundial and fountain, and is located at the junction of Armada Way and New George Street. It stands as a popular landmark and meeting place within the city, Aldo Rossi describes the city as “the locus of the collective memory”,68 this can be seen in figures 2 and 3, how the sundial becomes a destination and origin within the city. In the case of the Sundial, the sculpture has become a representation, or totem of memories since 1988, for the people of the city. Rossi goes on to state “Memory in this structure, is the consciousness of the city”,69 this suggests the Sundial holds significance within the psycho-geographic topography of the City. E. Relph suggests these attachments are formed “because we have been taught to look for certain qualities of place emphasised by our cultural groups”.70 Many people in the city are drawn to these landmarks, as shown in figure 1, where within the distribution of people in the space, clear points of high density can be seen around the sundial, and the significance of this continues to persist within the as Rossi describes, ‘collective memory’71 of the city. However, this collective memory is also challenged with the influx of students, who are defining their own social spaces and totems. Figure 4 illustrates that the Sundial is used mainly by locals, and not students, who tend to congregate in other areas of the city. Plymouth’s Market and West End is a vital social space within the city, A report on Plymouth Market in 2015 showed a massive amount of loyalty to the Market, with “76% of customers saying they do not visit any other market”.72 Lefebvre describes social spaces as neither ‘thing’ nor ‘product’73 “rather, it subsumes things produced, and encompasses their interrelationships 68. Aldo Rossi and others, The architecture of the city, 11th edn (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1984) (p. 130). 69.Aldo Rossi and others, The architecture of the city, (p. 131). 70.E Relph, Place and placelessness (London: Pion, 2008) (p. 45). 71.Aldo Rossi and others, The architecture of the city, (p. 130). 72.ROI Team and National Association of British Market Authorities, ‘Plymouth City Market – supporting the local economy’, May 2015. (p.2.) 73.Henri Lefebvre and Donald Nicholson-Smith, The production of space, (p. 73). 74.Ibid. 75.Ibid

21 SPACE:OTHERNESS WITHIN THE PUBLIC REALM in their coexistence and simultaneity”,74 Lefebvre goes on to state that social space is “Itself the outcome of past actions, social space is what permits fresh actions to occur”,75 this suggests heterogeneity and diversity is at the heart of successful social space. Something that stands at odds to the views of many English citizens, whose views have been shaped by the totalising, cultural populism of far-right politics. Within the context of Plymouth’s retail landscape, the west end has lower rents than other parts of the City centre, making property more attractive for small independent business; an area property developers would call ‘run down’ for the plethora of low price, and discount stores. However, it is a vital part of the city, particularly for those on lower incomes. It is important to remember the feelings of alienation 74.Ibid. 75.Ibid

22 BREXIT CITIES

generated by the city centre, and that the Market and west end have become important spaces in which to define an alternative identity. It is also clear from figure 1 that the west end has a varied and diverse footfall, creating a space that becomes many things to many people, preserving the heterogeneity so sought after by Lefebvre, whilst retaining the individual identities of various communities. Lefebvre suggests that in modern urban environments repetition has defeated uniqueness,76 these urban environments spoken of by Lefebvre are similar to new developments such as Drakes Circus in Plymouth. Anna Minton suggests in her book Ground Control, that larger shopping centres “are also raising a challenge to a type of public life, public culture and democracy in British cities which has been taken granted for the last 150 years”.77 In the early nineteenth century, before local governments and before local democracy were established, most property was owned by members of the aristocracy78 In contemporary society, Sheiks, Trumps, and Multinational Corporations have replaced the Earls and Dukes. In the case of Drakes Circus, it is British Land and the City Centre Company, a business improvement district aimed at generating more profit from retail in the city. Minton cites a BID manager in London “It’s nice to make it [the city] clean, but we’re not doing , it for the community agenda, we’re doing it for the bottom line”,79 this shows how private initiatives have taken control of city space within many British cities, since the first British BID’s were founded in the New Labour administration of the late 90’s. Often these larger shopping centres lead to the closing of ‘small tatty’ independent shops,80 in Plymouth this has been accelerated by the distance between the new shopping centre and the west end, the west end now finds itself on the periphery of the City. Minton goes on: “the failure of high streets in towns and cities also had a lot to do with that other landmark Thatcherite policy towards property and planning, the removal of planning laws”,81 this shows us how the neoliberal consensus has failed small independent shops, in favour of large private development, that has in the process, alienated large demographics within the city to urban peripheries. To summarise, the combined effects of otherness within the policies and people of Plymouth have caused a deterioration of the quality of the public realm within Plymouth city centre. The former monolith of government, the Civic Centre, is an empty husk, with the public space around it now a transient non-place, save for a small skateboarding community. The Sundial Sculpture, whilst it endures as a symbol for many Plymothians, is no longer held in such high esteem, due to the large number of students, who do not have such an ingrained connection to these places, (and who themselves have their own ‘Totem’ places). Finally, the West End which eschews the overriding conclusion, by virtue of the fact it has become a refuge in the city for communities that have felt alienated by other parts of the city.

76.Henri Lefebvre and Donald Nicholson-Smith, The production of space (p. 73). 77.Anna Minton, Ground control, (p. 17). 78.Anna Minton, Ground control, (p. 19). 79.Anna Minton, Ground control, (p. 42). 80.Anna Minton, Ground control, (p. 18). 81.Anna Minton, Ground control, (p. 26).

SPACE:OTHERNESS WITHIN THE PUBLIC REALM

Conclusion

Brexit Cities A Divided Nation?

This investigation sought to understand how, within the context of the EU Referendum in Britain, otherness and division has manifested itself within society. This investigation also sought to find out what factors have caused or furthered this otherness, and how this otherness has manifested itself in city spaces. Through Sojaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s trialectic of being, an investigation into the Policy, People, and Space of otherness this paper has begun to understand these issues. Through understanding Policy, this investigation has revealed how a new political ideology, concentrated upon the will of free markets, and private capital, has commodified and individualised British society; sweeping aside previously held belief systems of the collective and community. How advances within the labour market have created a disassociation between the worker, and the system which profits from their production. How globalisation has changed national economies, caused the mass deindustrialisation of large parts of Britain, and further alienated the working class from the ruling elite, and the oligopolistic multinationals; this post-industrialisation has also left a number of communities searching for identity, one that many feel is under threat from increased immigration. Through an interrogation of the term People, here used in relation with the social and cultural attitudes of English Voters, this investigion found the role of Britishness within society to be widely contested amongst different social and ethnic demographics, and often neglected or aggressively championed. The investigation then discovered the othering of the White Working class within contemporary society, and their demonization as a social group, allowing their views to be ignored, alienating them further from the rest of society. The phenomenon of multiculturalism revealed the extent to which community identity has changed within the city, and how far-right groups have seized ignorance and fear to push more totalising cultural ideals. Finally using three case studies from within the Post-Industrial City of Plymouth; each a microcosm of the methodological trialectic Policy, People, Space, this paper has found that the change in societal attitudes

25 CONCLUSION: BREXIT CITIES, A DIVIDED NATION

towards government in the neoliberal era has left a spatial vacuum in Plymouth’s Civic Square, with the Civic Centre standing as a headstone to a bygone era of state led social democracy. At the Sundial Sculpture, this paper has revealed the importance of memory, symbol and identity, in the construction of place, and how place can endure political change through the collective memory of people. The West End of the town is revealed as a successful social space despite its alienation from the larger chain stores that make up the ‘nice’ gentrified parts of the city; how private finance and the motive of profit has changed our city spaces. Through diagrams these spaces have been explored further. They conclude that the manifestation of otherness has eroded the public realm; destroying a key public space, in the case of the Civic Square, allowing a distinctive landmark to slowly become other, in the case of the Sundial, and creating a space divided and other from the rest of the city, in the case of the West End It is clear from the rhetoric such as ‘Take Back Control’ from the Leave argument, many of the 53.4% of English people who voted leave, are not happy with the status quo. However, whilst the sentiment and feelings expressed by the leave campaign may have been true to many people in Britain, to some extent the EU has been used as an unnecessary scapegoat by the government. The leave campaign managed to place the Lion’s share of blame on the European union for the negative effects over thirty years of neoliberal politics (some of which it did champion), in order to maintain the consensus (to some extent). When in fact, many (but not all) of the issues that have caused apathy and resentment amongst leave voters, are because of domestic neoliberal policies. To solve the disenfranchisement and disaffection many people feel towards politics, the nation and city spaces, it is not perhaps the case that the UK needs to ‘Take Back Control’ from the EU, rather the people of the UK need to take back control of their city spaces from the forces of neoliberalism on a much more community based level.

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