B E Y O N D SUPER-GENTRIFICATION Essay 3: history and theory 3450 words, David Jones, Darwin College An essay submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the MPhil in Architecture and Urban Design examination 2013-2015
BEYOND SUPERGENTRIFICATION An essay concurrent to the development of my thesis on value distortion, subterranean space and South Kensington.
Acknowledgements I would like to thank Ingrid Schrรถder, Alex Warnock-Smith and James Campbell for their help with the completion of this work. Also, thank you to Max Sternberg and Felipe Hernandez for an inspiring lecture series.
Introduction Recent trends of extensive and widespread residential development underground in dense areas of London, especially in the West of London, have been a source of controversy in the media and also amongst the respective neighbourhoods. The ‘Iceberg Home’ (Shute, J., 2013) caricature is a useful depiction of said controversy. In order to fully understand the overarching implications of such phenomena—the priority is to develop an understanding of why these proposals are suddenly increasing, especially in the context of opposed local residents [1]. Using an analysis of socio-economic change in South Kensington from its development pre-recession in 2008 to a disproportionate [2] recovery by 2013, it is possible to show how this has enabled, and in some cases required the proliferation of underground residential development. Applying Lees’ theories of the 1990’s super-gentrification
processes (2003) against a reframing by commercial estate agents and the media, may facilitate unique insight into the proliferation of underground residential development and popular acceptance of it as viable domestic space. Lees’ theories which challenge existing preconceptions of gentrification will provoke a reassessment of the quantifying of qualitative values that has resulted in the profitability of underground extension. The first step will be to explain the relevance of the identity and inherent cultural capital of South Kensington to the marketing of space by estate agents. The investigation will ultimately offer a unique perspective on the deeper-implications of subterranean domestic space.
[1] Neighbourhood opposition can be seen both in the communication with affected neighbours in the public-access files on the Planning Portal and in the plethora of newspaper articles on the subject. [2] In comparison of the rate of increase in house prices of RBKC to that of London.
Figure 1: Section through proposed development in Brompton Square
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Aesthetics and the relevance of South Kensington’s Identity The Great Exhibition of London in 1851 was an event on a scale in many ways comparable to the Olympics of 2013 (Yau, W., 2012) and it was in the wake of its financial and ideological success that the vision for Albertopolis was achieved. wherein were brought together, for the first time [‌] the inventive genius and industry of nearly all the nations of the earth. (Walford, E., 1878. p.28) Commissioners to Prince Albert bought land using the surplus funds generated by the exhibition. The purpose of this land was to house such institutions which combine science and art, thus solidifying in time the ethos of the Industrial innovations that the exhibition pioneered (Walford, E., 1878). It is this area and the surrounding residential streets that have come to be known as South Kensington and were founded on the ideas of cultural diversity and creativity (Hobhouse, H., 2004). Albertopolis provided a cultural hub which promoted a strong urban fabric. To this date the presence of this ideology is still felt—The 2011 census confirms the influence of the establishing intentions: Kensington and Chelsea has the highest proportion of residents who describe themselves as belonging to a non-British identity,
Figure 2: A stuffed elephant from India on show at the Great Exhibition.
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when compared with other boroughs (Baker, D., 2011). Furthermore, some 70% of Kensington and Chelsea is a conservation area and 4000 of its buildings buildings are listed with English Heritage (RBKC, 2010). This foundation of a neighbourhood identity remains embedded in the vernacular. Kensington can claim a pre-eminent position in the hierarchy of the Victorian metropolis, not only as the home to Queen Victoria in her early days, but also because of the lasting legacy of houses, churches, museums and other public buildings which arose during her reign. As a consequence Kensington and Chelsea grew throughout the 19th Century to provide homes for the newly wealthy middle and upper classes. (RBKC, 2010) South Kensington’s aesthetic is codified with the association of high-society and luxury. The very lack of any official region called South Kensington stands testament to its strong identity. In summary, a desirable identity and positive ethos are integral to the well-preserved fabric and housing stock of SK and the cultural heritage which endures today. South Kensington is still a lively and popular area due to the cultural capital embedded from the Great Exhibition. Against these factors however; and continued residential expansion and development; RBKC’s population is uniquely [3] in decline—hence its validity in considerations of contemporary socioeconomic change. In the next chapter, empirical research questions the relevance of quantitative cultural capital to valuations of qualitative architectural experience.
The value of Identity: Estateagent research as an analytical entry-point into architectural cost and value
In order to better understand how domestic urban space is assigned value, investigation into London Estate agents is applicable. An estate agent must manipulate architectural value, referencing economics and neighbourhood identity—But to what detriment? First-hand research househunting with saleswoman Joudie Callah from Foxtons Estate agents South Kensington [4] yielded some interesting observations. Hearing qualitative values presented in quantitative terms provided insight into contemporary domestic values. During the apartment viewings Joudie used different ways to measure location—such as in relation to time from other things: being ‘in a triangle’ of tube stations which are ‘two minutes’ away (Callah, J., 2013). Real estate economics influence the terminology we use to value domestic architecture. Floorspace is one of the most common factors to be employed when quantifying the value of a space. Interestingly however, Joudie comments that ‘people don’t care [about size] they just want to live here [SK]’ (Callah, J., 2013). Size is conveniently discounted as a measure of value by the estate agent and location is suggested as the priority. The finite supply of individual properties in SK allows room for extortion and profit, as witnessed with London’s sub-division and sub-letting property racket—‘rent for rent’ (Meek, J., 2014). Another value-adding factor introduced by Joudie was the idea of a competition between property buyers. Direct reference was made to a dwindling supply of properties (Callah, J., 2013).
[3] In the 2011 census, RBKC was the only London borough to have a declining population. [4] Transcription included in Appendix One for reference.
Figure 3: Lady enjoying coffee and a cigarette. Photograph by author.
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The question of budget is therefore demoted by time, in the context of a finite housing stock, which becomes presented as the problem for consideration by the buyer. This verifies that SK as an identity embodies value. Estate agents encourage valuation of space by application of qualitative values in order to manipulate value. As Foxtons understands, and as Said affirms, our architectural valuation of a space lies in the intangible: The objective space of a house—its corners, corridors, cellar, rooms—is far less important than what poetically it is endowed with (Said, E., 2007. p.54) Simmel predicates that it is a very metropolitan trait to quantify the qualitative (Simmel, G., cited in Wolff, K., 2012). Thus this extortion in real estate economics becomes understood as a particularly urban phenomenon. Professor Roger Burrows gave a lecture on London’s super rich neighbourhoods in 2013 [5]. Burrows spoke on the subject of embodied value with his phrase ‘codified habitus’ (Burrows, R., 2013). Once an area becomes associated with a type of person, society, or culture, properties within that area achieve a new level of value. The period exterior of much West London housing stock is juxtaposed with the contemporary interior applied by developers. The saleability of a modernist interior surpasses that of a preserved period aesthetic (Burrows, R., 2013). Thus demonstrating the mindset of the buyer—domestic inhabitation is a performance—The house is very much an antique for living in. (Harvey, D., 1990. p.63)
[5] Transcription included in Appendix Two for reference.
Furthermore, the pre-furnishing of a £68m One Hyde Park apartment (Burrows, R., 2013) with gaudy and indulgent furniture is highly juxtaposed with the contemporary exterior by Richard Rogers. This is a further example which illustrates the superficial application of codifications as value-adding mechanisms. In summary, codification of space is an essential tool of estate agents. Foxton’s preservation and simultaneous manipulation of the name South Kensington, coupled with more physical codifications such as period stylisation can now be seen as a tool which allows cultural or social value to be quantified. Quantification is necessary in order for the property-unit to function in real estate economics and, more importantly, to permit the usage of residential space as currency. The next chapter proposes that this process of monetisation could be promoting and strengthening the base of a type of gentrification.
Figure 4: Advertisment for a heavily codified property
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Governing urban change: Understanding the inappropriate use of classical gentrification as a revitalisation policy Past and present government policies suggest an understanding of gentrification as something positive and stable. Code words such as revitalisation, regeneration, and renaissance embody misconceptions about the process of gentrification (Avidar, P., Havik, K., Wigger, B., 2007) In reality, gentrification might be less stable than previously thought. Ruth Glass officially gentrification:
coined
the
term
One by one, many of the working class quarters of London have been invaded by the middle classes-upper and lower. Shabby, modest mews and cottages-two rooms up and two down-have been taken over, when their leases have expired, and have become elegant, expensive residences […] Once this process of ‘gentrification’ starts in a district It goes on rapidly until all or most of the original working class occupiers are displaced and the social character of the district is changed. (1964. pp. xviii, cited in Lees, L., Slater, and T., Wyly, E., 2007. p.4) Clark, however states gentrification is a historic phenomenon and he cites the ‘Haussmannization of Paris’ in 1853 as an early example of the social change (Clark, 2005. p.260. cited in Lees, L., Slater, and T., Wyly, E., 2007). This definition is now referred to as classical gentrification (Lees, L., Slater, and T., Wyly, E., 2007. p.xxvii). It can be understood as the geographical displacement of a whole social class by an economically hegemonic social class. Brixton in London is at the forefront of heated
debate about the processes of gentrification taking place in London. VICE Magazine takes a routine interest: ‘Yuppies-Out Protested Against Brixton’s Newest Champagne Bar on Thursday’ (Lubbock, J., 2013). Gentrification ‘is one of the key theoretical battlegrounds of contemporary human geography which highlights the arguments between […] capital and culture’ (Hamnett, C., 1991. p.173). The trickle-down effect was implemented in urban planning techniques using gentrification. Pitt, an architect, can be quoted from 1977: The present trend towards a rising proportion of the middle classes in the population will continue. This will help create a better social balance in the structure of the community, and the professional expertise of the articulate few will ultimately benefit the underprivileged population (Pitt, 1977, p.1 cited in Lees 2008 p.2450). This concept, also advocated by Thatcher policy, is the subject of great controversy and in this instance is discredited by Lees (Lees, 2008, p.2449). In 2008 Lees argued that there is little proof gentrification generates a social mix (p.2449). Furthermore, the benefits of a socially mixed environment have become ‘something of an unquestioned gospel in policy discourse’ (Lees, 2008, p.2450). Lees identifies other urban development policies such as ‘Urban Renaissance’ as pseudonyms by right-wing politicians for implementing gentrification processes as a way of revitalising urban centres (2008, p.2450). Gentrification was thought by Pitt to imply something positive and stable when in fact Lees affirms it means quite the opposite.
Figure 5: Savills estate agent advertising characterful neighbourhoods
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Butler and Robson challenged the word gentrification with their statement that the occurrence ‘cannot in any sense be considered to be a unitary phenomenon, but needs to be examined in each case according to its own logic and outcomes.’ (Butler, T. and G. Robson 2001. p.2160) Previous models incorrectly ‘assume an endpoint of mature gentrification in neighbourhoods’ (Lees, L., Slater, and T., Wyly, E., 2007. p.xxviii). Hence the validity of this investigation into the already gentrified domestic sphere of SK. Gentrification is not a tool as could be read from its use in urban planning such as the Urban Task Force (Lees, L., Slater, and T., Wyly, E., 2007. p.xxi). It is somewhat less predictable and beyond our control. Lees proposes a metaphorical use of the word gentrification to stand for a socio-economic change. Gentrification is different in each scenario and not the finite and stable process it is thought to be. Wealthier and apparently stable neighbourhoods like SK now require reconsideration. Gentrification thrives on an imbalance of quantifications—The cultural qualities of a neighbourhood created by its enactment make it vulnerable to economically hegemonic observers. Using this alternative analysis suddenly even gentrified neighbourhoods such as SK could be seen as vulnerable.
Theorising contemporary forms of gentrification Lees (2003), and Butler and Lees (2006) applied the theories of classical gentrification to pre-gentrified neighbourhoods Brooklyn Heights and Barnsbury respectively. They identified a ‘super-gentrification’, a contemporary mutation on the classicalgentrification definition. The supergentrification occurs when socio-economic change is applied, or super-imposed, on an existing gentrified neighbourhood. It involves a higher financial or economic investment in the neighborhood than previous waves of gentrification and requires a qualitatively different level of economic resource. (Burrows, R., 2013) This validates investigation into social change in an apparently stagnant area like SK which is already textbook gentrified. But it is important here not to overlook the significance of the neighbourhood being already gentrified in order for a supergentrification process to take place. The super-gentrifiers are, in effect, buying out the gentrification infrastructure of a previous and more humble first and second generation of gentrifiers, and purchasing the image at least of a socially capital-rich gentrified environment which many of the earlier gentrifiers created (Butler and Robson, 2003b cited in Lees and Butler 2006, p.483). It is this social codification of the wealthy upper-middle class gentrifiers that makes an area attractive to the super-wealthy and it is only the super-wealthy that can afford the already extortionately-priced properties (Lees, L., and Butler, T., 2006. p.469). As such, poetic enhancement of the value of space by estate agents promotes
Figure 6: Codified social capital used to advertise events in the Kensington and Chelsea magazine
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Figure 7: Adaption of this property on Thurloe square is informative of architectural priorities
the codification of habitus which in turn propagates gentrification processes. From this we can ascertain that social identity, or ‘codification’ , is what gives a place its value to gentrifiers. Thus, codification of habitus is a catalyst for socio-economic transition— which leads on to the basis of the idea of super-super-gentrification as introduced by Burrows (2013). In his lecture, Burrows presented a photograph of an apartment in the aforementioned infamous One Hyde Park housing complex which took a record price. ‘It comes with the furniture which itself represents a very particular taste, a very particular set of codifications of whats deemed to be valued within that particular postcode type.’ (Burrows, R., 2013) Reflecting back on gentrification Burrows remarks that ‘maybe we are seeing a displacement of the rich by the super-rich. The displacement by property becoming money’ (Burrows, R., 2013).
value such as SK however, the original desirability of the location is to some degree insured. Real estate is, then, a positional good. The identity of the already-quantified qualitative attributes allows for a second layer of quantification. Dependable desirability is giving rise to value and creating a steady investment prospect: we come back to this notion of the changing nature of what the property is: money, it’s purely an investment good, it’s not a dwelling (Burrows, R., 2013). This, ironically, dispossesses the investment of the qualities which originally gave it quantifiable value. Is the qualitative value of Albertopolis undermined by the use of cultural value as currency? The final chapter explores the extents to which considering domestic space as a positional good is architecturally detrimental through analysis of subterranean development.
An occurrence identified as super-supergentrification. This is a form of gentrification super-imposed on already super-gentrified neighbourhoods. The identity of the superrich is so powerful that they are replaced by the economic idea of the super-rich. It is identity of place that encourages the original gentrification process. When the identity of an already-gentrified neighbourhood invites a further wave of gentrification we have super-imposed gentrification. Super-super-gentrification is the state where value-of-space is so dependable that it can be used as a form of currency. At which point one might speculate that the original value of the location begins to diminish–as a neighbourhood is converted to potential value. In a neighbourhood with a physical heritage of significant and finite
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Control and the relevance of rising subterranean development. Real estate is currency and gentrification is an investment in culture. Does this justify the increasing proposals for basement extensions? Brompton Square is an imposing terrace in the Brompton Ward of South Kensington. In a vacant property which forms part of the elegant grade II listed terrace, a large development is planned (Trevor Home Architects, 2012). The project started with excavation of the rear garden. Fig.1 illustrates the scale of the excavation which is yet to be completed. Although the facade is somewhat modest with only five windows and a door on display from the street view, my examination of the planning documents revealed the proposed scheme would comfortably accommodate around thirty people. The extension will begin beneath a metre of soil in the rear garden and will also extend coal-vault space beneath the pavement of the street. There will be four underground storeys. The submitted plans are labyrinthine and include many unlabelled rooms. With such deep developments there is a loss of control. No one from outside of the premises will be able to see the extent of the space. If the owner chose to extend on further, no none would know. The plan of the lowest floor, which lies approximately ten metres below street level, shows a lack of the familiar concern for efficiency of space. More organic forms such as curved walls emerge. Many rooms are also without a source of natural lighting and offer no connection to the outside world. Further examination of the first floor underneath the garden and, although unmarked, a dormitory formation can be observed with a long corridor and several rooms of similar size - likely for live-
in housekeepers. The vast majority of South Kensington housing stock designed in the 19th century was built with underground space. This space was designated for servicing tasks, sculleries etcetera. We can ascertain from this that basements were seen as being of inferior spatial quality—in opposition to those implemented in hot countries which might provide a more desirable humidity or temperature. Today, luxury apartments can be found one and two-storeys underground. Plant rooms can now be found up to four storeys underground. Brompton Square being an example of this. We can therefore establish that a shift in architectural values has occurred. Evidence of which is manifest in an acceptance of physical reallocation of important domestic elements underground. In 2013, RBKC (of which South Kensington makes up roughly a third) received an ‘unprecedented number’ (RBKC, 2013. Online Planning Policy 2013) of basement planning applications by private domestic households to extend underground. RBKC is, conversely, also the London borough with the highest percentage of vacant homes (Empty Homes, 2012). Here is an imbalance caused by a changing treatment of domestic space— substantiate. This is evidence of a state of hyper-gentrification—substantiate. Contemporary development in SK seems to break free from the original domestic values by which it was established as luxury estates. Furthermore, submitted designs for home extensions are often to the outrage of established residents (Allen, K., 2013). Does this new acceptance of the viability of underground space prove a distortion of value and admit an architectural compromise?
By existing qualitative standards, we are constructing spaces of inferior spatial quality. The readiness of wealthy homeowners to inhabit them, however, speaks to the contrary. These basements might be part of a legacy of new architectural values which come hand-in-hand with a 21st century mindset.
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Conclusion Contemporary socio-economic transition in South Kensington is relevant to theories of urban change: Urban researchers can no longer discuss contemporary gentrification without also discussing globalization and connecting this to local-scale neighbourhood change (Butler, T., Lees, L., 2006. p.484). The apparent imbalance and lowering of architectural values in the domestic sphere of SK may be indicative of the negative effects of a hyper-gentrification state.
The Great Exhibition is an early defining landmark of the ethos of globalisation. The cultural idea of globalisation is henceforth embedded within the enduring codifications of South Kensington and its domestic sphere. A study of the contemporary quantification of domestic space to currency has contributed to our understanding of continuing globalisation. Gentrification processes which promote the quantifying of space can be translated as the expression of a 21st century hyper-gentrification epoch. Perhaps these new basements aren’t the voids we assume them to be and stand to express the beginnings of a legacy of new domestic values.
Movement of domestic space underground is on the rapid increase in London and there has been little question of the architectural psychology that permits this. Factors such as the convenient terraced-structure of the housing stock and the suitability of London clay for basement excavation are beside the point. Furthermore, globalisation and increasing foreign investment in property is a subject beyond the remit of this essay. The answer may lie in the macroscopic treatment of domestic space. Through studying proposals for householder developments and considering theories on contemporary socio-economic transition a change-in-values in the quantification of domestic space has been identified which has potential, in further study, to be extrapolated beyond SK. Are we witnessing a break from history or just a further development in response to the identity of Albertopolis lending itself to an overtly quantifiable cultural credit?
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APPENDIX ONE: HOUSE HUNTING WITH JOUDIE FROM FOXTONS Sunday 20th October 2013 at 14:11
going up because less and less properties are going to be available in general, not just in Foxtons, but in the general market. D: Right, why’s that? J: It’s people... D: You’re running out of stock? K: Yeah we’re running out of stock, people have already bought the properties that they wanted to, people usually
TRANSCRIPTION: DAVID JONES On the telephone I have asked Joudie to find me a selection of properties to view in South Kensington. I told her I am looking on behalf of my parents who live in Cornwall and that they would like to spend 1.2 million on two apartments - one for me to live in and one to rent out. The following conversation begins leaving the Foxtons office and entering the Foxtons Mini Cooper with Joudie, the estate agent: Joudie: So where are you living at the moment? David: I’m living in Cambridge where I’m studying and I’m moving... moving to London hopefully next year... like spring next year. J: Very good. D: I’m quite new to the process. I don’t know how long it takes. J: I’ll just give you an example. If the market in Kensington and Chelsea, Earls Court, South Ken, Fulham etcetera is moving very very quickly we took on 53 properties in September... D: Okay. J: And within each one coming on they went under offer within a day or an hour. D: Yep J: It’s mainly cash buyers... so if you like something put an offer forwards you have nothing to lose you are not contractually bound by anything. D: Yep J: Until it gets agreed and papers start going out. D: Okay J: So everything is negotiable but most of the time ninety seven percent of our properties go over asking price if not at asking price because there’s so many people looking... D: Yeah J: And so few properties. Like at the moment we’ve got about three thousand people registered in our office, forget the other offices that we’ve got - and only a hundred and forty properties on. So you’ve got three thousand people looking at the same things. Not three at the same as your looking at yeah but there looking in the general thing. D: So today I’d just like to take loads of photos and tonight I’ll Skype my parents and we’ll talk about it and... J: I’m going to take you to a couple of Earl’s Court beautiful ones. One in Warwick Gardens they’re all South Kensington. One in Cranley Gardens, that’s just here... and Earl’s Court Road so we’ll do the Earls Court Road Ones first. So Basically if your parents are looking to buy now is probably the best time to buy as opposed to... next month or the month later because prices are going to start
keep their properties for after the summer and spring. The spring market is obviously higher than the winter market and then the summer market is higher than spring and it just keeps going up. D: Okay. J: So you don’t wanna end up in a situation where you’re paying a hundred and fifty to two hundred thousand pounds more for a property that you could have bought today, you know at today’s market. D: Can I ask a really stupid question? J: Yeah there’s no such thing as a stupid question. D: How long does it take to buy a house? J: It can take two weeks to three months it depends if you’ve got all your things ready so if you’ve got your solicitor ready, you’ve got your cash ready, you’ve got your agreement with your broker ready. D: Well that’s my parents, my parent’s side of things. J: Yeah so the more things they’ve got organised, and the vendor as well if they’ve got their people organised, the faster the process goes. D: Okay. J: So cash purchases usually take two to four weeks but then they get searches booked in... basically the searches is the most important and time consuming thing when buying a property. It’s basically an independent company that comes in... to tell us, well, tell you and us whether the property is in good condition. Structurally and not the paint and all the other miscellaneous stuff and whether it’s going to collapse in ten years, whether there’s new buildings coming up that’s going to damage the standard or the value of your property so on and so forth. So they give you like the real dirty outlook on your purchase, whether you want to continue buying it or not. D: Okay. J: So they don’t work for us we don’t... we know who they are because they have to be involved with these things, when it’s a mortgage purchase especially. Ummm... and then it can take up to... One of my colleagues it took six months because the owner and the... you know the purchaser were not agreeing and half way through they decided they were going to butt heads. Umm... but it went through eventually. So it really depends on your motivation. D: Yeah J: And theirs as well. D: Yeah well I suppose I am actually in quite a rush to buy a place for myself. Ummm... J: Well I’ve got some really nice ones to show you. D: What’s the... How much does it cost for a square metre of floor space around here? J: Okay. Generally you can do that but don’t do it in this
29
area because it doesn’t count.
***Road noise and general interference***
D: Why’s that?
D: Is it alright if I take photos?
J: Because it’s the best area in London, it’s the most...
J: Yeah of course but I will send you photos because
highest increasing in capital appreciation in... Europe, if
they’re going to be better than yours. Right so let’s knock...
not the world after Tokyo and New York, so people don’t
***Joudie knocks at door to basement flat***
care [about floor space] they just want to live here. They
J: Hey. I’m from Foxtons, I’m doing a viewing... today.
want to say that they live in South Kensington...
Australian Man: Uhhh... I didn’t know about that.
D: This is a beautiful street.
J: No..? Are you renting this property at the moment?
J: Yeah. It’s a really really nice um... It’s a great area and
Australian Man: Yes, yes.
you’re literally by prime location and prime central London.
J: Oh... No one told me... because I’m in sales department.
So people will compromise the space just to be here.
Australian Man: Oh... Okay.
You’ve got everything around you. You’ve got the tubes,
J: So...
shops restaurants bars... I know you’ve got them in other
Australian Man: Well you’re welcome to have a look but
areas but they’re better here.
yeah it’s a bit of a mess.
D: Yeah.
J: Yeah if you don’t mind we’ll have a quick look around.
J: Ummm... and the standard of life and the quality of the
I’ll have to speak to my colleagues about this sorry. Thank
people that are here are of a different kind of calibre. All
you. Right, so here you’ve got um... they use the vaults as
very wealthy, hard working, intelligent, multi-cultural. So I
a bathroom so it’s a very nice little spa Jacuzzi style - go
wouldn’t be able to answer that question really. ‘Cos we’ve
down and have a look.
got a studio flat on just next to my office, it’s three hundred
D: So that’s... that’s under the road.
and ninety square feet, it’s selling for just under a million
J: Yeah so they make use of the extra space. You’ve got your
pounds...
utility... you’ve got your washer over there. So it’s quite an
D: Wow really.
open plan reception. You’ve got your main bedroom, well,
J: ...which is basically three times the size of my car.
the bedroom here and there is this passage so that light
Ummm... and it’s got offers on it. And then there’s the one
can get through to it as well.
that I’m taking you to now - it’s on at five nine five it’s
D: So it’s a one bedroom flat.
bigger, nicer, for me, my personal opinion, and it’s on at
J: Yeah it’s one bedroom. You can use this bit for storage
five hundred and ninety five thousand so it just completely
or as a desk for studying. There’s a lot of young people
depends on the owner, the road, the building, windows...
living around here like students and young professionals
D: I think um... for the second property the most important
who need to work from home. So then also here you’ve got
thing is security really. Like security of the investment so
the light. An if you’ve got people here and you want privacy,
I wouldn’t mind compromising space for a good location.
they put blinds down so you can just close it off and have
J: Yeah I’m gonna take you to see a couple of things for
it separate.
both yourself and your parents’ investment. Although
D: Do you have a floor plan of this?
they’re both investments let me tell you. Because whenever
J: Yeah. We don’t have any floor plans left... because
you buy if you don’t want to keep it anymore and you sell
they’ve all run out. So I can send it to you by email. Okay
it there’s no way that you won’t make money on it. I mean
thank you.
even when people talk about a property crash in 2007, it
***Door slams closed***
happened in England but it didn’t happen in central London
D: So how much is it?
because most people are cash buyers here and they don’t
J: This ones on at five nine five. It’s been accepted. On my
need to sell because they don’t have mortgages. So they’re
notes it says vacant.
not distressed and panicking ‘Oh my god I can’t pay the
D: He wasn’t too happy with you.
bank’ because everything’s already been paid for. So what
J: No... I’ll get a complaint on Monday. ‘This is why we hate
happened in this area was that people didn’t sell anymore
Foxtons’ - like, I didn’t know. But actually he was alright
so there was not many transactions going through but the
because usually if we turn up they say get lost. So Earls
market stayed stable. Ummm... and that was basically what
Court Road and then Earls Court square. I bet you they’re
happened. But they never write about it in the papers, they
all tenanted now so... I’m just having the worst luck today!
talk about England as a general and of course London is...
D: I really like this street actually.
London. But it’s... actually I can’t park here because I’ll get
J: It’s a really really good street.
a ticket. So you know you’re in good company in any area
D: Ummm... How far is the nearest tube station from here?
that your picking in this street, rather, South Kensington.
J: Two minutes? Literally like I’m just going to go back
D: So how does parking work around here?
this way and... That flat like, when all the lights are on and
J: You get a resident’s parking permit Kensington and
there’s not crap everywhere... It’s fantastic. Yeah he’s put
Chelsea which is... Quite a lot of people do live here as
all his clothes everywhere. I don’t know why he doesn’t
well because you pay a hundred and eighty pounds for the
use a dryer. Ummm... it’s a really good flat... for yourself...
year and you can park from Notting Hill to Knightsbridge
for rental. You’re in the great area, great busy road away
Chelsea South Ken towards Battersea Fulham and it’s...
from your main road, away from this road so you’re quiet
they’re the biggest ones.
and then when you want to walk down here... most the
restaurants and shops and things, even the shops are open
gardens which is really nice and quiet.
until midnight - so it’s quite a busy... here’s the tube.
D: Okay so this is the bedroom?
D: Oh wow okay.
J: Yeah this is the bedroom, you just close those off. And
J: And it’s really prime location... I mean my office, it’s just
here you’ve got some good storage space for your utilities,
at the end of this road it’s to the left... so we’ve just done
your towels, laundry etcetera. So it’s nice how everything’s
kind of a square around here... and then...
separate. But i think you could probably open it up
D: Well I’d probably live here for a good few years, so...
completely. But it’s quite restricted in there so you could
J: Yeah it’s a really really great spot. But again, most of
probably use it as storage. And then you’ve got a nice sized
the things like I mentioned to you before... you’d have to
bathroom and its also nice you’ve got a window as well, so.
go in at asking price. Ummm... most of the time because
D: Okay.
there are already offers there. And when there are offers
J: And they’re quite flexible on the price here, so.
at asking price, to go over by a couple of thousand is not
D: So what’s it written down as?
even worth it because they won’t swap... Oh god I’ve just
J: It’s at... six fifty.
driven past it... yeah they wouldn’t swap for a couple of
D: Right okay.
thousand... so you have to really really love something and
J: But it’s nice you’ve got a nice airy kind of loft feel.
go for it.
D: Yeah I like the fact that it’s actually quite high up as well.
D: So I put in an offer... and when do I put the deposit down?
J: Yeah it’s really nice. So this one, it’s got a share of
J: Well, so if you want a flat, and you want it... Like for
freehold so you basically own half of the building.
instance this flat has got an offer but it’s still showing
D: Okay.
because the person didn’t want to put a deposit. So if
J: The other one’s got a hundred and twenty five years on
you come in and you say ‘You know what Joudie, I love
it, the other one we saw.
this flat. I wanna put six hundred and ten thousand and I
D: And so how does that work is there a ground rent sort
wanna put a five or ten thousand pound deposit’ - that flat
of thing, or?
becomes exclusively for you for a certain amount of weeks
J: So basically, service charge for this building, strangely,
or months or two months... between you and the owner you
is six hundred pounds which is nothing because the
would agree it though us... and no one would be able to go
building’s in such good condition they’re usually in the
into that flat and view it.
thousands.
D: So why has the existing offer not put a deposit down?
D: What does that...
Because they’re not too sure yet?
J: So that’s six hundred pounds a year, you just split that
J: Yeah because they’re still looking. Or they think that no
every quarter... a hundred and something every quarter
one else is going to buy it... which is crazy because we
and the ground rent’s nothing it’s peppercorn, you’re the
told them... the deposit doesn’t come to us. It’s held in a
owner of the building so you’re not going to pay yourself...
separate account by a lawyer and it goes back to them...
for the ground rent.
only if the owner pulls out. If you pull out, you don’t get
D: So what I just pay like a tiny amount?
your money back. So that’s why you have to be really sure
J: No peppercorn means nothing. It’s from like the olden
to want to buy it.
days because pepper was quite valuable back then but now
***Road noise as we approach the second property***
it means nothing its like dust.
D: That’s two seven two
D: Okay so just crazy old London...
J: Two seven two.
J: Yeah these are just old, old fashioned things.
D: Is this a basement one as well?
D: Okay so let me just work this out- who owns... I own
J: It’s... upstairs.
these walls?
D: Okay.
J: You’re going to be a share of the... so basically buildings
J: This is a beautiful building.
are owned by freeholders and the lower ground has share
D: Wow
of the freehold, the ground has share of the freehold, so
J: So it’s just two flights of stairs.
basically the free holder has sold the share of the freehold
***We ascend several flights. Each one tighter and more
to each apartment so basically between you guys you own
awkward than the last.***
a percentage of the building depending on how many flats
J: I don’t know why this door has so many locks.
there are...
D: Need to have that looked at.
D: And who owns the ground beneath the building?
J: Yeah. So you’ve got... so what I’d suggest with this one
J: No... No one.
as the ceiling level is restricted is you have like a loungey
D: Nobody.
area here with sofas and stuff and you put a dining table
J: No body. You just own the building where its sitting and
here where like you can actually move around it.
that’s it.
D: I like that you can see the street- that’s quite nice.
D: And what if I lived downstairs and I wanted to do some
J: Yeah. And you’ve got an open plan kitchen. Most of the
outrageous building works and...
flats have open plan kitchens now because you’re trying to
J: You have to ask. Like if you wanted to do structural
make as much space without walls because it’s so blocked
changes. You can do whatever you want as long as it
off... this feels bigger and brighter. You’re facing the back
doesn’t change the structure of the building as it might
31
collapse... So he has to put that through to the council...
more money than their bank.
Chel’ Kensington council on the high street and they have
D: Okay.
to say if it’s okay. If the council agrees it and says yes
J: So that does happen a lot. Which I didn’t know. I mean
there’s no reason why you guys would say no. Because
I just started working here... and I was quite shocked. I
they’ve done all the hard work and checked all the rules
told my boss like this guy from Hong Kong wants to buy
and... done the surveys and sketches. But it’s definitely a
something, he’s never seen it and he was like ‘yep don’t
good thing to have a share of freehold because you then
worry put it through... the system... he just needs to send
own it forever... there’s no limit.
us proof of his bank - his bank account, and then the deals
D: Yeah that’s good.
done’- So, right okay!
J: But also having said that not many flats are share of
D: Yeah I think my parents might not come to London and
freehold... so you know having a lease of seventy years up
just do it from Cornwall.
is generally quite good and the higher the lease the less
J: Yeah.
it will cost you to extend the lease. You have the right...
D: But they trust me so it’s okay.
everybody has a right to extend their lease. No one can say
J: Yeah also I will tell you... like once you’ve decided...
to you ‘you know what tough crap you’ve got sixty years
whether it’s through me or another agent... you know I can
left’ - it’s not going to happen because you have to ask the
help you... because sometimes people lie to you... kind of
freeholder to sell that to you... he can not not sell you...
want you to buy something that they can’t shift? I’m not
and he can not chose the price... it has to be based on
like that. I’m too honest - my boss always tells me I’m too
what’s going on around you... the building’s condition...
honest and that I’m supposed to be an estate agent but I
the size of the flat... if it’s a lift whatever, they take so
can’t because it’s a lot of money.
many things into consideration and then it goes to an
D: Yeah.
adjudicator and then they decide whether or not that’s
J: and people have worked hard for it and don’t want to just
an agreeable sum and then they halve it and that’s pretty
dump it somewhere and they will hate me for the rest of
much what you pay so it’s never easy to say. It’s usually...
their life. That curse on my head.
actually there’s no usual sum, every flat’s different. I’ve
D: These houses look a bit dirty here.
got one guy who’s just paid six hundred thousand because
J: Yeah we’re not looking here this is not a very nice road...
his flat was nearly three thousand square feet so it’s... an
This is a nice Road. So this is the building I want to show
enormous property. Then another one has just paid twenty
you, it’s a big studio flat with a mezzanine level which
thousand so it’s completely dependent on where you are.
needs a bit of work... but...
Usually you have to live in the building for two years to
D: Is this a square here?
apply to send the lease... because you take the property
J: This is Earls Court Square here. It’s one of the nicest
on... the one I’m going to show you know has got a shorter
squares we’ve got here in South Ken’.
lease but you can ask the owner to assign the rights for
D: So is this top end of the budget or...
you to extend it straight away... and they issue you with a
J: No it’s not. I am going to show you something more top
document that allows you to... to do it directly. Because it
end. For your parents which is literally the next road up.
gets more and more expensive every year because it goes
So I thought I’d leave the expensive ones ‘til last and show
with the market.
you the more fun things.
***Road noise ruins audio recording***
D: Is this it?
J: ...because their countries are literally burning to the
J: Yeah sorry this is it... I’m on the wrong page. So this
ground. Like Syria, like Egypt, Greece and Cyprus. Their
one... Are your parents looking to do any work to the
banks are collapsing so they call us - ‘what do you have
property?
for seven hundred thousand’ - ‘well we’ve got twenty five
D: Ummm...
things, choose one’ - ‘here’s our money’.
J: This one needs a little bit.
D: They just put their money there and just leave it there?
D: I don’t see why not but...
J: and they buy it. On the spot without looking because
J: Well let’s have a look anyway now that we’re here. So
it’s safe for them to put it in our market than keep it in the
this just needs... loving.
banks. Like the Cyprus banks just collapsed everyone lost
D: It does... okay.
all their money - Syria, there’s a war there - people are very
J: But you get these amazing ceilings, really beautiful
wealthy in Syria and they can’t touch their money and put it
outlook. Here you could take all this off and have a bed
in their country so they’re literally transferring everything
there and make it a regular studio. But I think you could
out. Ummm...
have a property with a lot of space if you get this re done.
D: So do you get a lot of empty properties around here.
Because right now you could potentially fall through it.
J: Yeah... No we sell them to them and then rent it out.
Get a proper glass screen maybe a bit higher. You’ve got
So they buy it as an investment. Even if they leave it just
wardrobe space. So you could keep it as a one bedroom
sitting there... they don’t care they just put seven hundred
rather than a studio so it’s more valuable to you... as a
thousand in South Kensington rather than in Syria...
one bedroom.. and then perhaps a beautiful new living
D: Like a bank...
space downstairs - put a new kitchen in which you can get
J: Where it’s basically a bank that’s going to make them
from Ikea for about a thousand five hundred pounds which
looks amazing. I just took a flat and I thought she’d spent a
marble and you can see it all day... it’s in your face. But
fortune on it until I started looking at how to operate all the
in terms of value, it’s going to increase in the same way
equipment... everything’s from Ikea and I started checking
as everything else. Just because you take... seven steps
the prices because I was shocked at how beautiful it was.
down, the price goes down twenty thousand. If that flat
She’d literally put this kitchen in. Washer dryer, oven
was on the ground floor it would probably be on at seven
dishwasher sink for under two grand.
hundred, seven twenty five. So just because it’s lower than
D: So could you renovate this?
ground doesn’t mean that it’s not valuable. That flat was
J: Yeah of course. We couldn’t because if something goes
bought through us for three hundred and twenty thousand
wrong you could take us to court. But there are people that
and now its on for six thousand. So whether you think
will do that for you. Because it’s a great spot... you’re in
you’re going to buy a fourth floor walk-up or lower ground,
really one of the best squares, great ceiling height, there’s
it’s going to increase the same. Because people just want
the parking, Earls Court tube station...
to live here - they don’t care whether they’re walking up or
D: Where is it?
going down. But here you get... a great... I mean it could
J: Just... that way. This one’s got sixty... ninety six years
be amazing.
left which is... quite good. Oh she has increased it because
D: It’s very nice. So what’s that?
it was sixty something before...
J: That’s the garden square. You’ve got access to that and
D: Service charge?
also there’s resident’s parking which you have to apply
J: Yeah service charge is just under fifteen hundred
for... Ummm... tube is just, that way.
pounds... ground rent is just under a hundred pounds... and
***A car horn sounds just outside***
she’s very keen... to sell.
J: We came from Earls Court Road which is just ‘round
D: So what would I own with this one then? I wouldn’t own
there. It’s just more grand but if your parents are not
the building... just this structure?
looking to do any work this might not be a good option.
J: Yeah you just own this bit. Which is what the majority
Because it does need it. This kitchen’s old, it doesn’t
of the flats in London are like. You have the rare occasion
match. This doesn’t look like the proper structure... in fact
where you get share of freehold because the freeholder
I don’t think it would stay there... but it’s got the potential.
might have needed some money or because all the tenants
D: Yeah I like it.
may have come together and said ‘you know what? you’re
J: And you’re in a very safe area.
not keeping this in very good condition, we’ve decided we
D: This is probably a hundred thousand more than my
want to pay fifty grand to buy the freehold’ or whatever...
parents want to spend on my apartment. But it’s still an
but the option was... and they bought him out.
investment so hopefully I can persuade them.
D: so what’s above the kitchen then in that ceiling?
J: Yeah. Exactly. Anything they buy as an investment,
J: I don’t know what’s in there. Extracts..? but it’s a nice
whether its five hundred or seven hundred, they’re going to
space isn’t it?
make money. So at the end of the day the rents the same...
D: It is a nice space. How much is this place then?
they’re not going to make more money on a flat that’s
J: Six hundred thousand.
seven thousand than a flat that’s six fifty. People don’t buy
D: Okay.
for rent in this area... they buy for property appreciation...
J: So still... really good.
in the future. So I’m going to buy this flat, and I’m going to
D; So the first one you showed me was five nine five and it
take out a mortgage... I don’t know whether your parents
was a lot smaller.
are buying it...
J: It was not smaller. It was just lower and the ceiling height
D: With cash.
was different. This is actually smaller than that one but
J: Oh right with cash... so whichever one they do get it’s
because you’ve got the grand building and you’re on the
going to be cash in their pocket, they don’t need to cover
ground floor... you’ve got huge windows. I mean this one
the mortgage or anything and then two... three... five years
for me I don’t know why it hasn’t sold. Probably because
time, that flat will be worth a hundred thousand for hundred
people want to buy it ready.
thousand more, I don’t know.
D: How long has it been on the market for?
D: Yeah.
J: Ummm... two and a half months? We had some offers but
J: So the rental here is just right to cover a basic mortgage
she didn’t accept them so therefore it didn’t get sold. She
and the rest you’ll have to top up but this is quite a known
also dropped the price fifty thousand pounds... so it was
fact around here. I mean it’s not... you’re lucky to get about
on at six hundred and fifty so technically the offers that
four percent.
she got before would have been acceptable now... because
D: In the first flat we looked at... the bathroom was in the
they were more than what it’s on for now. But they’ve gone
vault... which is under the pavement where people can
and bought something else.
walk over it?
D: So by choosing the basement flat... what are the
J: Yeah right well you can’t hear anything.
advantages I’d get? It’s slightly bigger...
D: Are there vaults here?
J: Well with these flats it’s also about the condition they’re
J: There might be but...they used to be for rubbish but
in like the granite tops and the kitchen is worth about
the rubbish collection people don’t want to walk down the
seven thousand because she’s put the most expensive
steps anymore for health and safety and you need to get
33
permission to use that vault.
to the left it’s SW7. But it’s all... the area’s considered
D: Are there any basement flats for sale in this square?
South Kensington. Our office covers the most postcodes
J: No... if you had called me just four days ago we had
because literally every area has a different one... but it’s
the most amazing one bed flat for sale for just over eight
still considered... yeah. I don’t know what’s happening with
hundred thousand. It was ground and lower ground. So
the weather... it was like so sunny five minutes ago and
you had this style which was the bedroom and a bathroom
this just hit... so depressing...
here and then downstairs you had the kitchen, separate
D: So where do you live?
reception room separate bathroom and a garden... for
J: I live... in South Kensington! I live just between South
eight fifty but it went to sealed bids and somebody got
Ken’ and Knightsbridge... like just on the cusp where it
it already for nine hundred thousand because there was
becomes Knightsbridge... Ummm... I was more in South
about ten offers on it... yeah no one put an offer in for three
Ken’ until two weeks ago when I moved... Ummm... got a
weeks and then literally he was about to drop the price...
really nice lower ground flat. Everyone is like ‘Oh no lower
he’s a developer so he couldn’t just leave it sitting there...
ground’ but no I’ve got a beautiful very high ceiling lower
and then... he did not know what to do by the end of it he
ground flat with lots of light and a terrace, garden outside...
just said ‘I can’t make my mind up’ - so everyone just put
D: You have outdoor space?
their offer in an envelope and the highest price gets it. And
J: Most of them have outdoor space and if they don’t
that’s what’s happened.
they’ve used that outdoor space and incorporated it into
D: I don’t want to do that.
the inside... to make the house bigger. So I always go,
J: No I wouldn’t recommend it. He ended up paying more in
me personally... also because I have dogs. So most flats
the end because of it.
in London don’t allow dogs unless you have your own
D: So would I have to notify all the owners if I was going to
entrance... which is lower ground. And if you buy a house
renovate my flat.
where the head lease does not allow dogs and you’ve
J: No. What’s not going to affect the building as a whole
bought it... you would have to move out and sell it or let
isn’t of interest to the other owners. If you want to renovate
someone else live there because you would not be able to
your flat no one can stop you.
by law have the dog in there. Which... I found out after... I
***We enter the Foxtons Mini Cooper***
moved into my place before that so I had to move.
J: Warwick Gardens okay. That one is lower ground two
D: It’s quite a strange thought... to live underground isn’t
bedroom flat.
it?
D: Lower ground, okay.
J: It is but... it’s alright.
J: It’s really great price for the size its huge. It’s six
D: There’s a pump right that pumps all the drains and stuff
hundred and forty five thousand and share of freehold. So
up?
now these are the more expensive properties. There’s two
J: Everyone’s got their own separate... you don’t hear
that I’ve got to show you. The rest are all gone under offer.
anything... you don’t get vibrations. I mean unless your
D: Okay.
house is over a tube... well you get tube effect.
J: Ummm... It’s strange like the more expensive you get the
D: Does that happen?
smaller the house.
J: Yeah you’ve got lots of flats that get tube effect.
D: What do you mean?
D: And what’s the feeling like?
J: I don’t know like the flats that are on at a higher price,
J: It just... rumbles. I literally just sold a very expensive
like a one bed for example are much smaller. I’m not sure
flat to a guy where the tube sends rumbles every... four
why. That’s just the way it sort of turned out.
minutes from eight am until now tubes are going to start
D: Okay.
running until two in the morning... so he’s gonna have it
J: But I think these ones...
and I told him ‘Are you sure?’ because you can’t back out of
D: So you get better value if you do what?
this now because you’ve put a deposit and signed papers
J: I have no idea... but literally the flats that we have...
- ‘No I think I can live with it’. So he’s gone forward and
you haven’t seen the ones that we had on before... we had
literally I’m not talking about a tube noise - it vibrates.
ones that were much cheaper and they were bigger and
D: And how would I know if...
obviously the markets getting stronger and making things
J: You would feel it.
that were smaller more expensive now... so it’s just kind
D: So viewing the flat would I know.
of working against itself. But people don’t care... they just
J: Yeah and I wouldn’t hide it from you because you’d
want to buy it.
know. Like I said I’m a very honest person. I’m not taking
D: Okay so for an investment what should I go for or is it
you to anything that has the tube effect.
just anything.
D: I’ve never heard of that before.
J: Yeah anything as long as it’s in South Kensington, Earls
J: Yeah. Well you’re in central London there’s literally tubes
Court, W14, Kensington High Street. Shit this is one way...
running everywhere... it’s just unfortunate if the tube goes
calm down.
in that direction. So now we’re in South Kensington, West
D: What’s the post code here?
Kensington which is still South Ken... W8 which is probably
J: This is SW5, well where we just were. The postcodes
the most prestigious postcode in London... you’ve got
work quite strangely because this street is SW10 and
Kensington Palace just down there, you’ve got Holland
Park and Hyde Park.
in between a single and a double. You could squeeze in a
D: Ummm... what’s that area of trees down the end of the
double in here but it would probably take up most of the
street?
room... unless you pushed it up against the window.
J: Straight ahead of us where there are all the trees that’s
D: Feels a bit damp in here.
Holland Park and then you’ve got an area of houses called
J: I think it’s just been painted.
the Filimore Estate... which is the most expensive houses
D: So is this the full width and length of the house above?
in London going for like seventy to a hundred million and
J: Yeah.
then
D: It’s a shame the fireplace is not working.
just after them you’ve got Kensington Palace and
then Hyde Park so it’s literally just... That way. We’re going
J: Yeah. Well you can check and see what’s behind there.
left but only because the road I’m taking you to on is a one
They’ve just probably covered it up.
way street but that’s just there.
D: So this area here [front light well] is what?
D: Okay.
J: I don’t know it’s probably just a vacant area. I’ll have to
J:But it’s a great area and you’ve got High Street Kensington
find out for you.
tube station. you’ve got Olympia tube station and Earls
D: I think it’s important to know.
Court so the flat is here and there’s a tube here a tube here
J: Yeah. I think because the bins are there...
and a tube here... so you’re sort of in like a triangle.
D: Suggests that it’s communal space.
D: Great okay.
D: This is nice.
J: Did you come down from Cambridge for this?
J: It is isn’t it?
D: Yes. I’ve got some friends here too who I’ll probably
D: Yes but it doesn’t have quite the impact of the last place.
meet after...
J: But it’s a lot bigger and only a little bit more expensive.
J: Are you studying in Cambridge University then?
This ones on at six four five and its a share of freehold as
D: Yes.
well.
J: So you’re quite smart then?
***We leave the flat***
D: Maybe I don’t know.
D: Quite a busy road.
J: Well yes, you are. How long have you got to graduate?
J: Yeah.
D: Actually I just started this year on a masters course.
D: There are so many contributing factors... so many things
J: In what?
so consider with each property.
D: Architecture.
J: Literally... This is the next thing I was going to tell you
J: Oh really? I did Architecture and Art. Philosophy I tried
- You might have an idea of what you’re looking for. It’s
to do it but actually my teacher... Ummm... had a nervous
never going to happen. Never. Purely because like you just
breakdown so the course was cancelled. I was so upset.
noticed everything has a compromise. Literally everything.
D: Oh wow.
So whether the location is most important or size or lower
J: And then I just went into the other course.
ground or ground floor. You have to think to yourself
D: Yeah.
‘what would you not compromise on’ not ‘what would you
J: University was so much fun. Such a long time ago. Do
compromise on’ because you can compromise on many
you have any brothers and sisters.
things. What would you not give up to have your home.
D: Yeah a sister. What road is this?
So is it the second bedroom, is it the high ceilings is it
J: This is Warwick Gardens, strangely there are no gardens.
lower ground, is it the second bathroom. And then work
D: Just trees.
your way outwards from there rather than going the other
J: Yeah trees. Let’s stop right outside the door. Wait until I
way because it makes it impossible to find something.
have the key ready so you don’t get too wet...Okay... Let’s
There was this documentary that we watched in our
do it.
training about, well basically the whole thing was about
***We enter the flat***
compromise. He bought a piece of land and to build his
J: Right... So you’ve got your own entrance into your flat...
perfect home. So imagine he had free range to do anything,
Sitting room... Dining room... Here’s the kitchen.
he had no councils telling him what to do, so basically he
D: Can I look in here?
had two years to build anything to build his dream home.
J: Yeah.
What happened in those two years? Their perfect home
D: Oh it just leads back to here.
idea changed while they were building their perfect home.
J: Got your own little... Courtyard outside. Might want to
So by the time they built it they didn’t want to live there
replace the carpets. Maybe a little bit of paint but apart
anymore. So they sold it when they finished. So your
from that it’s a really nice size... and you also get some
perfect home criteria changes all the time.
outside space. It smells like popcorn.
D: Okay, so...
D: It does smell like popcorn.
J: So at this present moment in time what is the main
J: I would personally have another toilet in this dead
thing you’re looking for? They were looking for four double
space. So you could literally fit a toilet and a hand basin.
bedrooms four bathrooms a separate toilet a lift and
Because there’s just one bathroom and you’ve got two
whatever. They did that but by the time they did it they had
bedrooms here. So you’ve got a really nicely done up
a baby so they need another bedroom which they didn’t
modern bathroom. And then the second bedroom... sort of
have. They built their perfect home but by the time they did
35
it was no longer perfect. So ummm... basically my point
to give them fair rights and blah blah blah so she dumped
is... is that even if you think you’ve found the right one
them in the middle of Chelsea and they just don’t do
there’s going to be something wrong with it but can you
anything they live in nice flats and just hang around. But
live with it? Does that make any sense?
here you’ve just got one council block just down here and
D: Hmmm... it does yes. It’s just my parents... I don’t want
to the right and that’s it. Okay... so this is the primest of
to let them down.
prime.
J: You won’t let them down, I won’t let you let them down.
D: What’s the nearest tube station?
You just need to tell them all the good points and all the
J: Gloucester Road, we just drove past it. This one’s on the
bad points. Ummm... and really go from there. But whatever
ground floor. Hang on let me see if I’ve got... Let’s do this...
you do buy you can be rest assured that your family are
Take your picture of that!
putting their money somewhere that is going to increase in
D: That’s nice. It’s like a hotel.
value more than anywhere else in the UK... and you can go
J: Yes it’s... perfect. So like I said, they get a bit smaller but
online and check that.
they are prime. So that courtyard doesn’t belong to you it’s
***Suddenly starts raining heavily***
for the lower ground floor. But it’s very private here you’ve
D: This is a bad sign!
got a lightwell but you’ve also still got... the sky. So it’s not
J: No! It’s actually a really good sign!
so depressing when you think about it.
D: Why’s that?
D: Yeah there is a bit of sky there.
J: I don’t know, it’s just washing away... everything.
J: So if you imagine... not having a plastic worktop...
D: So is this the last one?
and maybe its just... you know these are things easy and
J: It is yeah. This one... if your parents are interested is
inexpensive to change. But you could rent it out like this.
like the ideal rental investment. It’s a Pied-à-terre... it’s
There’s no offers on it. There was one just below asking
owned by a guy very high up in FT. He uses it as a home
price, they were about to exchange and then it fell through.
on weekends when his family are away. Not even that...
D: How much is it?
when he’s working in London because his actual home is
J: Seven two five. So this is like the more... for your parents.
in the country... he comes to London obviously to do his
So you’ve got a good size bathroom, good size bedroom,
work. It’s on probably one of the best addresses in South
lots of storage space.
Kensington. It’s on Cranley Gardens. It’s In a beautiful
D: Okay.
building - fantastically done up, the building. His flat is a
J: As an investment... this is as good as they get. It’s on one
little bit dated because it’s a guy. Sort of, he did it up, guy
of the best streets... in London not just in South Ken’. Good
style. But it’s easy to rent out because you’re in literally...
size flat... which is very easily rented just purely because
there’s like three roads everybody wants to live on. Onslow
of location and size and it’s only the ground floor and in
Square, Onslow Gardens and Cranley Gardens, like if they
good condition... Ummm... They’re all really different so
had the choice.
you have to kind of think... what... you’re looking for.
D: Yeah.
D: Yeah. This one’s not as exciting.
J: Unfortunately there’s not enough flats for the demand
J: Not as exciting for you but if you know the location.
so they have to go up in price.
D: I’d like to see a map of all the properties we’ve seen
D: And build smaller flats.
today. Could you send me one?
J: Exactly. So it’s at the back of the building it’s really
J: Yeah I will. This one’s more grown up more for a busy
quiet. Ummm...
person. Someone who’s going to be in and out.
D: It’s not a Mews House then?
D: How much would it rent for?
J: No.
J: On a short let... maybe a thousand a week? But it depends
D: Are they more expensive?
when you put them on to let. September October November,
J: Mews houses are much harder to come on the market. I
best times to put your property for sale... for let. Because
will drop you to the tube after this.
then people go away they travel. People who live here want
D: Thanks.
to buy here so when they’re not here there’s nothing to
J: How weird is that it just stopped raining? See you come
sell and no one’s looking. And you would get a student
back into central South Kensington and the weather is
living here too because we get a lot of students come
great - that’s the sign!
here, pay the higher fees in the hundreds of thousands to
D: This does feel like an interesting place to live.
go to Imperial College but their parents want them to be
J: Yeah it’s really nice. You’ve got so many interesting
somewhere safe so they do pay into the thousands. It’s a
people living here. You’ve got the French down the road
good area, safe building and near everything they want...
you’ve got a Spanish embassy down the road you’ve got
so.
all the Asian Malaysian kids coming, the Spanish the
D: Lots to think about.
Italian. Very international, very quirky. Not like bohemian
J: It is. It is. It’s a big purchase. You won’t be making a
like Notting Hill you’ve got lots of great people working
mistake with any flat you chose, you just have to choose
here. Chelsea, you go into Chelsea you’ve got lots of
the right one, you know?
council estates but Chelsea’s just as expensive as South
D: I wonder why the ceiling’s so low in there.
Kensington. But Margaret Thatcher, all people, she wants
J: Well it’s the way the stairs work. If you were on the
ground floor facing the front, you’d have those ceilings but
F: No worries, see you.
much pay more too.
J: Alright bye.
***Enter the Foxtons Mini Cooper***
***Phone call ends***
J: If you go to bigger agents like Savilles, Knight Frank,
J: Sorry about that. It’s a really really cool... ummm... little
Foxtons, Foxtons have the biggest... ummm... register
studio.
because we’ve got so many offices and we’re so in your
D: What floor?
face that people do bring their stuff to us.
J: Third floor. My Mum’s house is just there. You’ve got
D: So what’s your commission?
gardens just there. You’ve got King’s Road which is just...
J: Mine? Nothing, I don’t get get anything yet. Foxtons
very cool. I’m sure your parents hung out there when you
generally, you can go on £10,000 with 10% commission.
were younger. You’ve got a butcher, fishmonger, veg’ guy.
D: How’s it going for you?
Farmers market is around the corner. It’s the perfect spot
J: It’s going really well. So far so good. But things go well,
for you to live, somebody young. I will send you all the
they go bad so... I go with the flow. I’m just wondering if
photos tomorrow. I don’t know if you can see them online.
there’s anything else to show you. I don’t think there is
D: Could you send me floor plans too?
really, otherwise you’d be going further out. It’s probably
J: Of course. So this area here is like a haze between South
best to stay here.
Ken’ and Chelsea that’s why we share offices because our
D: Do you like living here?
applicants are living sort of in between. Actually this is a
J: I love it! I wouldn’t change it. I’ve got everything at my
good spot for me to park and get the key. Yeah this place is
doorstep. The parks, the shops. Of course I go to other
really nice. Chelsea you get more of the red brick buildings
places but I know that if there’s an emergency I’m going
like you see now. I’m getting stuck in a one way sort of
to find what I’m looking for. This is Onslow Gardens that
trap. ‘Round here you get all the high street shops but a
I was telling you... They have the most expensive studios
little bit nicer, like a bit more posh. Here every Saturday
ever in the world. I’m just going to get my umbrella.
in the Duke of York Square you’ve got the Saatchi Gallery,
***Joudie goes into the Foxtons office to pick up an
you’ve got Partridges, you’ve got the... here every Saturday
umbrella***
this place gets taken over by a market and you can get
J: You know what... Are you coming down again?
everything. All day from sushi to fish and chips. Right I’m
D: I expect so yes. I can come down any weekend really.
going to get a ticket here but... give me one minute.
J: I can’t take you to this flat today because I need to let the
***Joudie leaves the car to collect keys from the Chelsea
owner know even though it’s vacant. It’s just in Chelsea...
branch of Foxtons***
I mean it’s just between South Kensington and Chelsea.
J: Right let’s go... People in Chelsea, they keep walking,
It’s a really great studio slash one bedroom. It’s on at five
and don’t stop. They think they’re stronger than the cars.
fifty, it has asking price. It was accepted under offer again
D: So is it mostly residential.
and the person who was purchasing it is very slow. So the
J: Yeah, there are a couple of embassies but most of what
owner has put it back on to view.
you see is residential. So here you’ve got really really nice
D: And there’s no chance we could go there now?
beautiful little houses and big ones. Ummm... got some
J: Let me just call my colleague and see. Yeah we might as
interesting little shops and bars, deli, pie man, not shops
well because you’re here.
you find on the main street. Ummm...
***Phone rings on loud speaker***
D: Right.
F: Hello?
J: My family live on this street. It’s really really nice
J: Hi Fanella! Could you just check me a... a key number?
especially when in the summer when all the flowers are
F: Ummm... yes okay.
blossoming. It sounds like nothing but it makes a really
J: It’s on Sloane Square. Just type in Meriden Court.
big difference... and you’ve got a local pub but not like one
F: Okay. Oh... oh god I’ve just smashed a glass all over the
in Eastenders, a Chelsea pub. There’s like a football court
computer. Oh my god... Fuck.
and tennis. Here’s some more pubs and Chelsea Gardens...
J: You’re on loud speaker and I have my app in the car with
D: So did you grow up here?
me.
J: Yeah. Got a library here for studying. That’s for you. This
F: Yeah... sorry I’m so sorry. I’ve just smashed my drink all
is also the town hall where people get married. Then you’ve
over my computer and it was coke. Rosie’s going to kill me.
got loads of really nice like breakfast places along here.
Hold on give me two secs. Hold on.... What’s the address
You’ve got Waitrose, Marks and Spencer’s, a cinema. We’re
again.
going left here.
J: It’s Meriden Court... M-E-R-D... No no... M-E-R-I-D-E-N
***We enter a purpose built apartment block***
Court, it’s under offer. D for David, E for elephant N for...
J: Oh my... god. Sorry I’m really scared of lifts.
F: And it’s in Sloane Square?
D: Shall we use the stairs?
J: Yeah.
J: Let’s go up the stairs. So for you, this is the best so far.
F: Okay thirty two?
D: Why?
J: Yeah.
J: Mainly the location. All the shops and things I mentioned.
F: Okay I’ve got Green twenty two here.
So you’ve got your bed here. I mean it’s a proper studio.
J: Perfect that’s the one thank you.
But you could close it off. There’s a window here so you
37
would still get light into your bedroom. But for location, convenience, price. D: So was this building purpose built? J: Yes. D: How much is this one? J: Five fifty. Someone put in an offer at asking price but they were taking too long... ummm... What do you think? D: It doesn’t have the same homely feeling as the other ones. J: Yeah? Well maybe you like period buildings. But for safety, like for your parents maybe, this could be the second one. D: So is this it? J: This is it. But these kind of flats do go for asking price. It’s quite nicely done up. You’d just need to move in and like... go for it. It’s quite warm in here. D: Yeah that’s a good thing I suppose. J: Yeah. ***We walk back down the communal staircase*** D: What’s the service charge? J: I’ll just find out, I think it’s between two and three thousand. Ah there we go, two thousand four hundred and eighty one. So it’s like smack bang in the middle of what I said. It’s got a hundred and nine years left on the lease. What is your email address just in case? D: D-S-J-ARCH at gmail dot com. J: Okay. Perfect. Cool alright. Well... D: Yeah I’ll talk it all through with my parents. Thank you so much for all your help. J: That’s no problem. I’ll email you tomorrow morning and we can go from there. D: Okay great, bye! J: See you! 16:44
APPENDIX TWO: LIFE IN THE ALPHA TERRITORY: LONDON’S “SUPER-RICH” NEIGHBOURHOODS 5 November 2013, 17:30 Prof. Roger Burrows, Goldsmiths, University of London Room S1, on the 1st floor of the Alison Richard Building, 7 West Road, CB39DT, Cambridge TRANSCRIPTION: DAVID JONES Abstract: This paper extends recent work on the ‘spatialization of class’ to an analysis of the territories of the ‘super-rich’. Such an approach has already been drawn upon within contemporary urban studies. This includes the now massive literature on gentrification, suburban life and middle-class identities, but also questions of domestic fortification and the spatial and political secession of the very wealthy. All contain elements that offer attempts at incorporating the very affluent within their analytic purview. However, such studies have not yet fully encompassed profoundly wealthy individuals, their lifestyles, networks and their economic significance to the metropoles within which they tend to cluster. To this end, the paper begins the task of applying approaches derived from the ‘spatialization of class’ literature to an analysis of neighbourhoods within which such populations have come to dominate. It offers an initial exploration of the analytic application of geodemographic techniques - originating in ‘commercial sociology’ - to the geography of the ‘super-rich’. We use the Bourdieusian inflected Mosaic system to map out the geography of the ‘Alpha Territory’ in the UK.We examine four distinct geodemographic types: Global Power Brokers; Voices of Authority; Business Class; and Serious Money. Such areas are highly concentrated in central and inner London suburbs, with some outposts in the ‘home counties’. We present a number of detailed maps and visualisations of the precise geography of this Alpha Territory with a particular emphasis on its propinquity to other types of neighbourhood. We discuss some initial socio-geographic implications of the findings. Transcript Thank you very much. I am going to talk about a new, well newish EMSRC(?) project which is called Life in the Alpha Territory, the geodemographics of the super rich in the uk. It’s very much a team effort because there’s a large
group of us working on this project so while I’m here today I’m representing my colleague Richard Webber, talking in this talk. But also Rowland Atkinson from the University of York; Tim Butler from King’s College; Caroline Knowles from Goldsmiths; and Mike Savage from the LSE.
The project’s a very simple one. In fact as we’ll go
on to see other studies of the community basis of middle class life. What we want to do is um. We want to replicate the studies of the middle class in Britain. We actually want to look up a bit higher and try to understand the community life of what we might call in terms of the finance industry, high net worth individuals. This is quite a difficult audience because I’m dealing with kind of geographers, political scientist, architects, land economy people so I’m not going to satisfy anyone. So a lot of the stuff I’m going to talk about is going to be very very um simple for some of you and for others it might not be the case. The people I’m actually interested in, and I’m not just interested in the people per se. I’m interested in the territories, the places that they occupy - essentially high net worth individuals. Which as you might of might not know are defined as those members of the global population who have a million dollar or more of disposable income for investments. High net worth individuals are normally divided into three types: Millionaires net door, millionaires who have got a mere five the thirty million at their disposal, thirty million dollars or more are ultra high net worth individuals. Theres a pornography of wealth which you can download from the internet which goes into great detail of the numbers of these people. I’m not really sure of the veracity of the data or the methodological sophistication of these estimates but it gives us a sense of the numbers of people that we’re talking about around the globe. in 2012 it was estimated there there were some 12 million high net worth individuals around the globe and that was up from a million from 2011 and their aggregate wealth was 46.2 trillion dollars. It’s estimated that there are a hundred and eleven thousand ultra high net worth individuals. one million and sixty eight thousand five hundred mid tier millionaires. ten million seven hundred and ninety five thousand millionaire net door. but whats interesting to note is that of those top two the ultras and the mid tier possess 57.2% of that 46.2 trillion. We know something about the global geography of that population as well - most of them live in the us then japan then Germany and china. In the UK we now estimate, a banking wealth report estimates, there are 465 thousand high net worth individuals who live in the uk. and what we’re interested to do is to try to understand where they live, who they live with and what kind of impact of any they have on the life of upon the community life of our city. So it’s kind of a descriptive study. So we have 465 thousand of these individuals in the uk. For those of you familiar with the sociology and the politics of elites, the recent book by my colleague mike savage and carol will ams which look at some of the methodological problems of studying these kind of elite groups so I want to begin by be very clear about what the study does do and what it doesn’t so. So how we approaching the study of these
39
individuals. Well let me be clear, its not a study of those
to residential location”. So for instance if you were to take
elite per se its not a study of the super rich. its a study of
academic staff who work in the university of cambridge
the territories that they occupy its a studio of the space
and you were to generate a database with their postcodes
the districts the neighbourhoods the streets that they
and you were to map them out across the city, I would
occupy. So they’re there are markers of the communities
hypothesise that there might be a clear pattern, they would
that we’re interested in ands it links into a broader debate,
all be in the same social class in the traditional employment
hat my colleague mike savage has called the spatialisation
sense but they would live in different places, and I would
of class, of social class, and ill move on at the outset of
also hypothesise they will live in different types of houses
this talk to talk about the background of that thesis to do
in different types of context and I would hypothesise that
with the spatialisation of class. As I’ve already said its
that kind of choice won’t be unrelated to lifestyle factors
also a study which is a replication of successful studies of
but would also be related to disciplinary backgrounds. So
the UK middle classes. So it’s a replication of two books.
she I come to York which is a city I’m very familiar with the
The first book is called London calling by time butler, and
people in history and english and philosophy lives in little
thats a study of gentrification processes in london. And
victorian houses in the inner city and the people in the
the second book is by mike savage and his colleagues and
sciences live in the villages in modern houses - very very
thats called globalisation of belonging and thats a study of
crudely. Now tho sis going ton be important because what
gentrification process in manchester. So what we also
were going to be arguing is that a codification of habitas
want to do is to provide a methodological test. If we can
(Bourdieu). What we’re going to be interested in is how
apply broadly similar methodological strategies studies to
patterns
the super rich. Let me rephrase that, thats the question:
differentiates on group from another. Now this notion of
Can we apply the same approach to the study of the
the
neighbourhoods of the super rich as we’ve successfully
convergence with commercial sociology. Because although
applied to the study of the UK middle classes. It’s also a
it might be news to mud mainstream academic sociology,
study which takes seriously what mike and I have called
especially that which resides in Nuffield college oxford. Its
the coming crisis of imperial sociology in the sense that
long been a domain assumption of commercial sociologists
what we’re interested in is the extent to which we can use
working
what we call digital transactional or big data to actually
schemes that where you live is actually quite important at
study this group rather that be reliant upon traditional
predicting how you vote, whether you have plastic
survey methods and such like. So if i can pose it in this
windows, whether you like certain foods, a whole range of
way we also want to learn some lessons from what I’m
issues can be predicted by location you quite precisely in
going to call commercial sociology because we’re actually
space, and then you have these commercial schemers,
going to use some non-traditional (in a sociological sense)
geodemographics, have long been premised upon the
data sets in order to carry out this study. Let me begin with
supposed empirical observation that people tend to live
some of the conceptual background which relates to this
with others like themselves sharing similar demographics,
book. Globalisation of belonging by mike savage and his
lifestyles and values. Now to point this out of course can
colleagues which is to do with the spatialisation of class.
be regarded as quite vulgar. But nevertheless it seems to
Now for those of you who have a background in sociology
be the case. Claritas and Nielsen who are the owners of
you’ll be very bored I’m sure with debates about class and
prism, one of the leading neighbourhood classification
the various measures which we can employ to actually
systems in the us claim that their projects are based upon
differentiate different groups of the population. But what
the fundamental sociological truism that birds of a feather
they all have in common is the idea that its all somehow
flock together or you are where you live. Now this of course
rooted in peoples position within the relation to production.
is not unfamiliar to urban geographers urban sociologists,
It’s to do with work and its to do with occupation. And who
it might not have had a statistical inflection, but one of the
can deny that those positionings are fundamentally
most famous diagrams in the history of social sciences
important. So what this book does is it actually resurrects
chicago schools model of human ecology is premised
some debates from the 1960s to do with what i would call
upon that notion of spatial clustering not a spatial
the role of housing classics and what it does is it actually
clustering in terms of class per se but if i could think about
makes a very strong case for saying where on lives, where
it in terms of compound differences where class, gender,
one resides is also, if not a determining factor for these
race and maybe later on when we come to think about
kinds
important
richard florida and such like, sexualities and such like,
consideration. So the key quote from page 207 in a sense
come together in particular configurations or even with the
summarises the position: “one’s residence is a crucial,
updating of the chicago school by mike davis in beyond
possibly the crucial identifier of who you are. The sorting
bladerunner, the idea that a city like la which might be
process is by which people chose to live in certain places
seen as paradigmatic can still be seen as a clustered city,
and others chose to leave it is at the heart of contemporary
a city of quarts , in davis’s terms where we have a very
battles over social distinction. Rather than seeing wider
clear bounded notion of spatial differences between
social identities as a rising out of the field of employment,
different social groups. What we’re interested in then is in
it would be more promising to examine their relationship
the codification of habitas. and what we find within this
of
positionings,
is
it
leads
to
an
of
distinction
spatialisation
on
of
find class
neighbourhood
a has
distinct a
based
space
quite
that
profound
classificationary
literature on the spatialisation of class is an obsession
updated. But experion for those of you not familiar with
with the Bourdieusian notions of capital habitas and field
the system is a credit referencing agency which will
as a means of interpreting the preferences tastes and
contain data on every single on of you in this room I dare
strategies of the spatial classes that they identify. Again to
say. So theres a huge process of cluster analysis and fiscal
take a quote from the Mike savage book - people are
machinations going on that leases to every address in the
comfortable when there is a correspond acne between
uk being marked by the individuals that are associated
habitas and field, otherwise people feel ill-at-ease and
with it to be classified into on of sixty seven different types
seek to move socially and spatially so that their discomfort
of property or address. Classified by things like alpha
is relieved. Mobility is driven as people with their relatively
territory, new home makers and such like., And each one of
fixed habitas both move between fields and move to
these headings represents a quite robust statistical cluster
places within fields where they feel more comfortable. Not
based upon the cluster analysis of these 400 data items in
just in terms of residence, that sense of going on holiday
relation to every particular address. And what we find is
somewhere and suddenly realising that its not a place
that these addresses aren’t random;y allocated - they
where you feel comfortable. Going to a club or a bar, or
profoundly cluster into areas where there is a commonality
indeed a university and suddenly feeling out of place, the
of for wont of a better term, their distinctive habits’. And
sense of that embodied notion of actually not feeling a
its not just the uk that we have this now its the same
correspondence between presentation of self and field
everywhere, there are parallel mosaics for different
that one confronts. Patterns of distinction and the politics
countries including urban china, a precise spatialisation of
of distinction but its not just bordure and Bourdieusian
the codification of distinction not to sociological ends, not
that are interested in the codification of habitas, this is
for geographic ends, not necessarily for the needs of land
what my colleague richard weber has been interesting in,
economy, but for commercial reason, what are these
this is what the commercial sociologists have been
systems used for? They’re used to send you junk mail, they
interested in, they’ve been interested in the codification
are used to decide where to build new outlets, they’re used
and the spatialisation of habitas. And richard is a transport
for trying to prioritise resources for policing , for the health
economist and has never heard of bordieu, let alone read
service, for the location of industrial units and shops and
bordieu. And it is only when tim butler and his colleagues
so on. And we’ve written a lot about the influences of these
were working on the London Calling book that they were
systems of representation and how increasingly they
talking to Richard and he was amazed that actually there
becomes imbedded within algorithms, within insurance
was an almost complete correspondence between what he
determinations, within the allocation of resource, and
was trying yo do in terms of this mapping of cultural
indeed they also come to define what the country itself is
distinctions in space and what the Bourdieusians were
because they’re often used as parameters in terms of
talking about. and he was so pleased that the actually the
survey design for surveys carried out by the office of
statistical clusters that he was coming up with had almost
national statistics, so she you weight the data, you weight
perfect ethnographical correspondence with descriptions
it in terms of the distribution acorn classification.
with work that was derived from the bottom up. So we’re
Now our focus here is on the top four of those
interested in terms of notions of spatialisation of class,
geodemographic types, what richard calls the alpha
the
cultural
territory. Now I know that the alpha territory does not
differences, And this I want to argue is exactly what things
coincide with high net worth individuals but I want to argue
like acorn and mosaic, geodemographic systems things
that the majority of high net worth individuals in the uk will
used by the commercial sector and not routine;y used by
be nested within these four geodemographic types so it’s
academics, does. So we’re working with data from experion
a
which is a file of, talking about big data, a file of 48634623
geodemographics to try and alert is to the areas where
adults in the uk, so its a big data set. Theres some
these individuals are most likely to reside. It’s exactly the
duplication where an adult is associated with more than
same geodemographic strategy thats used within warfare
one address, which would be the case for many students
to target populations that are most likely to reside within
of people with second homes or suchlike. So it’s not a
particular areas. So not a form of surveillance based upon
survey of individuals its a survey of individuals which are
the observation of a particular person but a statistical
marked by addresses. So what we can do is associate and
categorisation which increases the chances that if you hit
when i say associate, and when I say associate I mean by
that
voter registration or linking a mobile phone to an address
characteristics. It’s the same notion of presenting a series
or a utilities bill but the address can be associated with an
of statistical affordances about the likelihood of a
individual. The same individual may be associated with a
particular group of people living within a certain part of the
number of addresses but it marks the property, it marks
country, So what we have here is 145k people classified as
the house by the characteristic of the individual. The
global power brokers, I’ll explain what these distinctions
individual then becomes a marker of that residence, of that
are in am moment. Nearly 600k voices of authority, 725
particular address. So what experion have is data 400 or
classified in the business class and then 300k people are
more data items for each address in the uk sourced from
classified as serious money. This little diagram is quite
both commercial and official sources. It’s currently being
interesting because its all of the different geodemographic
precise
spatialisation
of
distinction,
crude
kind
house,
of
overlay
you’ll
hit
of
the
a
conceptualisation
individual
with
of
those
41
classification types that we have in the uk linked together
summarise statistics, to summarise data in terms of
by the most highest probability of movement from one
something that becomes visually credible as a kind of
postcode to another based on data that a number of
characterisation of place but still underpinned by quite
organisations have purchased from utility companies.
robust statistical clustering techniques. So I’m going to be
When you move, you have to settle one bill and move to
interested, and we are interested in examining the life
another property, we can then calculate that quite easily
worlds, the neighbourhoods of the alpha territory and I just
that the probability of movements through this sociospatial
want to very quickly run though some of the distinctions
set of geodemographic types - this codification of habitas.
that the distributions of those four types possess. So
So if I’m interested in high net worth individuals, they’re
global power brokers, this is a ket figure, 95.3% live in
most likely to reside in one of four different geodemographic
London - no where else. And actually theres not many
types all of which are called this alpha territory. Names
living in dalston where I live, they all live within about three
which are over represented which know are piers and
or four miles of each other around certain parts of London
imogen and this group represents about 3.5% of the
that you will be familiar with and I’ll show you more
population as a whole. Based upon this cluster analysis of
precisely in a moment. Voices of authority which will
these 400 variables and here we have a summary of the
include lawyers, barristers, stephen fry. 47% live in greater
group
careers,
London, 16.9% in the South East. Whereas the business
substantial wealth and so on. But within the alpha territory.
class and serious money are more distributed across the
Between these four addresses, we have four different
country, still concentration sin London and the South East.
types that we’re interested in. So the first group we’re
Probably the best way of looking at it overall (the alpha
interested in, I’ll return to this group in a moment because
territory) is a crude index. So compared to the country as
they seem to be the group which has the highest portion of
a whole, the alpha territory are almost three times more
higher net worth individuals residing within them are what
likely to reside in London than anywhere else in the
the mosaic system calls global power brokers, never mind
country. So just very what I want to do is just drill down
the one percent we’re talking about 0.24, 0.32% of
further and further in terms of that distribution. This is a
individuals. Christian or Elenor, wealthy and ambitious
cartogram which my colleague Danny Dorling helped us
high fliers, living in the very best urban flats. So thats one
draw. This, for those of you not familiar with cartograms is
group that we’re interested in. But a very different sort of
a way of representing data in terms of a different
wealth field within this geodemographic alpha territory are
representation of space. So that’s the map of Britain that
voices of authority, Andreas and Catherine - 1.21% of the
we’re familiar with in terms of landmass. If rather than
population. Not as wealthy not as likely to have quite as
using landmass you took all the different authorities and
many people who are high net worth individuals but are
you drew them in proportion to the population who would
nevertheless culturally and politically very important.
be classified as coming from the alpha territory, the
Differentiated again in terms of the codification of habitas,
country would look like that. So large parts of the country
in terms of their taste in terms of their preferences, in
doesn’t really exist any more. London is massively inflated.
terms of the types of housing the sorts of cars the sorts of
I think it’s an interesting visualisation of the world as it
newspapers, how they vote, what they do, what radio
looks from the point of view of the alpha territory in terms
stations they listen to, whether they go on holiday, what
of the kinds of neighbourhoods that are enacted. Might be
sort of wine they drink, if they drink win at all. The business
a few second homes down here i guess but generally that’s
class - Alistair Rosalind Jack or Charlotte. 1.83% of the
the kind of distribution that we’re interested in. But I’m
population, private sector business leaders approaching
interested in London because the study we’re interested in
retirement Living in large family homes in the most
is based upon this population within London and we can
prestigious residential suburbs. And the the final group -
look here at the proportions of the different groups that
Serious money, Families with considerable wealth living in
reside within London. As we’ve already seen, global power
large exclusive detached houses where money is seemingly
brokers is 95.3% global power brokers is almost half but
no object, 0.86% of the population - Timothy and
business class and serious money, you’re talking about
Frencesca and the names are generated from voting
only one fifth of the population living in London and some
registers, these are overrepresented names - so they’re
37% of the group as a whole residing within the capital.
indicative, these are ideal types, they are characters of
But again, as I’ve already indicated, and not surprisingly,
these statistical clusters. And its fascinating to see how
the distribution within London is not random within each
the marketing industry deals with these clusters - your
of the groups theres a instinctive preference because of
presented ethnographically essentially with very talented
the clustering that occurs around the commonality of taste
people often with backgrounds in sociology , geography,
and habitas. So amongst global power brokers in London
culture studies, literature, spending a day looking at
37% live in either postcodes SW or W whereas voices of
statistical tables looking at photographs, trying to iterate
authority, the most popular is an N postcode. So you get a
until they get a label, a name, a series of visualisations
spatial distribution at that scale amongst the different
that stabilises the statistics. So visualisation becomes
groups. But we can go down, as you will see, further and
important, it involves cups of tea, later on glasses of wine,
further down for the different groups. We can look at the
peanuts
distributions of the highest concentrations of these ultra
as
a
whole.
crisps,
and
successful
a
creative
rewarding
process
to
actually
wealthy groups within London. In W8 over 60%, the
development I’ve just shown you, one hyde park and here’s
majority of people, are classified into one or the other of
harrods and here each of these dots represents the centre
these groups in fact nearly 60% of this population are
of a postcode which is classified by one of our four types.
classified as global power brokers. The most wealthy
So global power brokers are yellow, serious money or
group that we have there. Gerrard’s Cross, however, which
business class and voice of authority too (he points). So
again has over 60% of the population classified as alpha
this is a global power broker ghetto. But on a street by
territory has no global power brokers, it’s far too provincial,
street basis, you can get a very precise sense of this
it’s where the business class is. So we can get a very clear
system of classification. Contrast that with Notting Hill
differentiation of the different tastes and preferences the
and Holland Park which again are mostly global pose
different sorts of wealth the different kinds of place.
brokers but some serious money dispersed within it. Very
Virginia Water, Alex Forsyth - serious money but not the
different property types with a different set of values and
sort of place where global power brokers will reside. So
so on.
already we see a kind of spatial differentiation in terms of taste, preference, culture, access, a whole range of factors.
We’d be familiar with doing this kind of excersise if we
But I want to focus on the most wealthy group here, just by
were interested in poverty or if we were interested in
way of illustration, the global power brokers which we’ve
other issues which might require some kind of social
already characterised as being the wealthiest group
intervention or some kind of policy development so we’re
primarily living in London flats. And we can look precisely
not doing anything very different here. We’re looking
at the numbers who are classified as such within the
at clusters of similarity or dissimilarity within London.
mosaic database but we get a very different view in terms
And what we want to do is to try and understand how
of the numbers compared to the concentration of this
these communities are enacted, how they’re lived, what
particular group. So the largest number, over fourteen
community life is like on the ground in term of these quite
thousand of people e who are classified as living within
profound clusterings of populations which apparently look
this group, global power brokers, live in belgravia in SW1.
to be very similar - although we’ll see that’s not always
But that only represents about 30% of the population who
the case. We also know from residential sales data from
live in Begravia so you get a different sense of it. Chelsea
Knight Frank and from Savilles as well that the nature
some 13 thousand and that represents a much high portion
of the populations buying into these neighbourhoods is
of the population who live within Chelsea. So we can drill
changing and it’s changing quite dramatically and it has
down and down and what we find is there comes to be a
been changing for the last decade. This is information
very close correspondence between those demographic
about purchases from between 2010 to 2012 in those super
types and land economy, house prices. There is now a very
prime neighbourhoods that we identified. And what we see
clear pattern of what various estate agents in London ave
is that only a third of purchases, most of which are made
called the super prime postcodes. Which at the moment
without mortgages it should be said, come from within the
they’re defining as those postcodes which have the highest
uk. Nearly 19% from Russia, 15% from the middle east,
proportion of property sales of 10 million £ or more. The
10% from the Asian Paciffic, other 10% form Europe, about
highest proportion being in SW1 but we have a very clear
7% from North America, and the other 4% from Africa. So
correspondence between those super prime postcodes
we have a international global finance coming into some
and the geodemographics that I’ve just been discussing.
of the super prime neighbourhoods in the UK. When we
For those of you in land economy, the big money is in how
were carrying out fieldwork, when we were looking for
we can develop some more super prime postcodes that we
field study sites, we were in St. John;s wood and found a
can begin to cultivate. If you’ve got a few £10m sales -
couple of estate agents where the adverts in the window
we’re nearly there in blackheath. I think 18 properties in
were all in Russian. And it took a while to understand
blackheath have sold for 10m or more so we’re going to
what we were actually reading in a street in London. So
have a cluster developing that we can begin to cultivate as
something quite interesting seems to be happening in
something where there’s an investment potential. Or and
terms of the diversities of the populations moving in to
we’ll look at these maps more precisely. For those of you
these neighbourhoods in terms of their national origins.
familiar with one hyde park, this properties on the market
And that leads to tensions, one of the interesting things is
at the moment for a mere £68m, so I’m sure that you could
as we move into the neighbourhoods that we’re studying,
go and have a look at that. It comes with the furniture
the people who are happy to talk to us tend to be more
which itself represents a very particular taste, a very
established residents and the some of the new people
particular set of codifications of whats deemed to be
who have purchased those properties we’re finding it
valued within that particular postcode type. But what we
more difficult to try and talk to - often because, as we’ve
can do with that mosaic system is actually codify on a
already heard, because they’re not present for much of the
street by street basis, the distribution of these different
year. And this is just a little clip I’ll just show you, and I’m
types, so just by way of illustration, taking a couple of
coming towards the end of what I want to say now. From
signature neighbourhoods that we’re beginning to look at.
a Channel Four documentary I don’t know if anyone saw it
This one will be familiar to all of you I’m sure, knightsbridge
called billionaire boy racers. Which in a sense just gives.
and
its an overstated media representation of some of these
south
kensington,
here’s
the
candy
brothers
43
tensions but nevertheless there’s a certain truth.
So we can afford £10m dear but £40m is just beyond us - what are the children going to do - they’ll have to move
***Clip plays***
to Islington. Very similar concerns to other people who experience patterns of displacement. But my god they’ve
Okay so a bit of channel four sensationalism but in a sense
knocked together two properties and it’s now on for 65£m
what I’m pointing towards is a way in which London is
- where can we move, where can we live. We’ve lived in
changing in the way those neighbourhoods are changing.
Kensington all of our lives - how are we going to exist with
Not just of essentially differences in the sort of distinctions
this new population moving in with a series of tastes and
I’m talking about in terms of morays, tastes and ways of
standards. That are very much at odds with the way that
being within residential neighbourhoods, which actually,
the neighbourhood used to be .
when we come to think about it is not going to be terribly
So maybe we are seeing a displacement of the rich by the
different from situations that we’re already familiar with
super rich. The displacement by property becoming money.
to do with gentrification processes amongst middle class
Not as a place to live or enact or reproduce but simply a
populations.
place to park money and there does seem to be evidence,
So when we come to tensions, one of the biggest tensions
although we’ve not been in this very long (project), of large
has been to do with what people do with property. So there
scale under occupation of properties. The video I showed
are streets in many of our field study sites were you’ll walk
there from the billionaire boy racers - they’re on holiday
down a street and I don’t mean to over emphasise this but
but they own a £27m flat which they occupy for 4 weeks
it really is quite incredible, where they’re are five, six, seven
a year. Now that’s a gross caricature of the generality I’m
skips in the street with basements being taken out and soil
sure but there is this notion of buying property and not
being poured out. Sometimes these transformations of
occupying it. And already local authorities are concerned
properties can cost four or five million pounds to actually
about the sustainability of various infrastructures and
dig down deep. This is a famous image of a property in
services within dome of these neighbourhoods which are
high gate. But the idea that one would go underground
unoccupied for large parts of the year. Also of interest then
to put in your servants quarters, your bowling alley,
becomes the cultivation of new super prime zones, where
swimming pool and vintage car museum which might not
within a very limited supply of these kinds of properties,
necessarily accord with the dominant more and tastes and
which other areas can be cultivated by a whole series of
preferences of established populations. So the sorts of
actors including those involved in land economy to become
tensions that one sees in these incredibly, already wealthy
attractive spaces, and which other areas of London in
neighbourhoods, represent quite profound change in terms
particular can be cultivated to be attractive to those who
of the relationship between perhaps more established
are now displaced who can only afford £10m. So a very
money and the money thats moving in to these core
interesting set of disproportionate effects that ripple
neighbourhoods. Let me just end by telling you what we’re
out from these sorts of investments. An issue to do with
doing with these projects because although we’ve got a lot
aesthetics as well and the changing aesthetics of these
of statistical data and we’re bringing that all together and
neighbourhoods in terms of architecture and art. What
we’re working with geodemographics essentially what we’re
becomes very clear in terms of many of these property
doing in a sense taking this notion of the statistical alpha
transformations is that things are being ripped out and
territory, taking these geodemographic classifications and
modernism seems to be the norm. It’s almost as if you
fundamentally carrying out a qualitative study over a couple
move into these spaces and they’re no longer Edwardian
of years to actually get to know these neighbourhoods to
or Victorian spaces other than the building itself, they have
actually observe, to participate within the enactment of
wooden floors they have white walls and its a public space
neighbourhoods just in the same way as was done within
to hang your art. So it becomes a performance space and
London Calling and Globalisation of belonging. So we’re
actually the properties that don’t move, that don’t sell
interested in neighbourhood enactment, we’re interested
are those that haven’t been given this kind of makeover
in the way in which neighbourhood is reproduced and lived
- and it’s not just the ones that have been modernised
on a daily basis because of course it’s not just the wealthy,
but have been made modernist in terms of their internal
it’s often not the wealthy as we’ve already heard that
aesthetic. And a move fundamentally and my colleagues
we’re present within the neighbourhood enactment of the
at Goldsmiths seem to be involved in advising on these
structure of feeling of a particular place, it’s cleaners, it’s
things in terms of the cultivation of a particular form
child minders, it’s security guards, it’s a range of people
of taste for modern art within these spaces and for the
who are certainly not wealthy who reside within these
display of modern art within these spaces. In terms of a
places. And one of the tensions in the geodemographics of
cultivation of value to be displayed within these properties.
life in general is that it only relates to where people sleep
So a very interesting interaction between aesthetics, art
at night. during the day its often a very different population
markets, the cultivation of taste and value and this kind
enacts these spaces and neighbourhoods. And what we’re
of display of property within these particular areas. So
trying to examine is whether there’s any evidence at all
it’s a project in the end that’s more to do with housing
for what we might think of as super super gentrification.
and urban planning than we thought it would be when we
The displacement of the wealthy by the very very wealthy.
began the project and there are some very real tensions
in these core neighbourhoods between the established
type based upon other things it doesn’t know about that
residents and other people coming in to develop it. So it
address and others around it and it seems to be not a bad
becomes a mundane issue to do with planning. The local
way of actually trying to get a sense of the nature of the
authorities are becoming concerned with the number of
population within those particular properties. So my sense
basement s that are being dug out in terms of disruption
is that its not as accurate means as it would be within other
and the stability of foundation and such like. But also in
populations types but it seems to me to be an interesting
terms of the… we’re getting down to aesthetics again, in
way of thinking about the sorts of traces that they do
the end the people who approve planning regulations and
leave. If they don’t leave a trace then is also interesting
people who then look at the appropriateness of how those
because then that alerts us to the fact that it’s not bought
plans are implemented in terms of building regulations
in the name of a particular individual and it is a company
are very mundane but they have particular tastes and
thats a front for that particular issue. And so although we
preferences and a particular set of aesthetics which often
can’t do it with thousands and thousands of cases, at least
come in conflict with what people actually want to do.
we can do it within some case study streets to try and
Those kind of aesthetic tensions those kind of distinctions
work out the ownership patterns and the populations to
become fundamentally important. They are, coming back
do with life within those properties. But a major question
to the notion of habitas and the codification of habitas,
has been for us the degree to which the super wealthy
very concrete differences in terms of taste and the kind
fucking call them that are able to circumnavigate big data
of distinctiveness that becomes embedded within the built
and that seems to me to be an important methodological
environment. And as Ive already said it becomes a planning
question and an important political question. My sense
issue of underpopulation, potentially, where properties
is that they’re more able to do it than other people. That
are being used to generate some rental income perhaps
itself might become a marker of them. For example people
but really just to generate capital gains within those
who avoid giving up their data who aren’t wealthy are easy
neighbourhoods. So the field work has just started, I’m a
to classify. For example in the American mosaic system
bit concerned that the actual sites and streets that we’re
they’re called ‘no logo-ers’ for instance because they’re
looking at are not made public at the moment although we
the sorts of people who avoid giving up data and that
have informed consent such like we’re doing ethnographic
allows you to make up all sorts of predictions about how
work with a range of people within these particular sites
they will vote, whether they will be vegetarians or not and
but the project is simply looking at a year in the life of
whether they will read Deleuze and Guattari or something
the alpha territory - looking at the enactment and the
else. So the very fact that people strategically opt out is
reproduction of these spaces and how they’re changing
also an important signifier of the possible nature of the
within London. Thank you.
habitus that underpins their embodied sense of self.
*** Questions take place for 30 minutes ***
Unnamed person 1: I’m not sure if this is a question but I’m approaching this more from an architectural point
Question #2:
of view and I wonder if there’s something specific about the restrictions within London that enforces a sort of
Tim: Have you encountered any methodological questions
inwardness. It’s kind of intriguing that what was sort of
with the super rich just not showing up on these databases
slum houses of Notting Hill are now multi-gazillion dollar
and the fact that they’re so rich that they would never think
houses but there’s very tight planning restrictions and
of registering a water bill in their own name of a phone or
even if you wanted to paint your house a colour other than
anything like that? That it will be done by other people in
white you couldn’t. The restrictions are incredibly tight and
different names or in names of companies, that kind of
I wonder if that encouraged a sort of inwardness implicitly
thing. And if so - how’s that skewing your data or affecting
despite the seeking, of those who buy it, of anonymity.
it? Roger: There’s something about keeping the integrity of Roger: One of the methodological challenges of the project
the building so that you disappear. And I’m sure that’s
is to deal with exactly that. Not necessarily to deal with
true. But part of the appeal, in a sense, if to develop what
it successfully but to actually be alert to the fact that
you want to do within those kind of architectural and
what we’re doing is applying almost exactly the same
planning constraints. So although in terms of the planning
methodology to this group as we applied to other groups
regulations in places light highgate and hampstead, in
as well and I suppose the way in which we try to triangulate
hampstead in particular you know the bishops avenue and
that is by trying to understand how the place that classified
these sorts of areas, the big challenge is about people
within the mosaic database in terms of a particular address
wanting to buy places to demolish them to rebuild. So you
and then try to do more intensive work around a series
know there is also a kind of an architectural cleansing that
of ethnographic case studies to see whether that’s a fair
happens that wouldn’t happen in kensington and chelsea.
classification or not. I must say, so far, whether they’re
So the built form is important, Virginia Water as well which
absent or not from the database, even if the databases are
is a very different sort of space is basically vulgar mac
quite sparse. The mosaic database will impute a particular
mansions. Something that was built 18 years ago is no
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longer seen to be… people will pay 20m for it, knock it down and build some other monstrosity. Not that I’m a judgement
Roger: I don’t… It might do but I don’t think it will and we
you understand. Yeah so I think thats absolutely right.
come back to this notion of the changing nature of what
The spatialisation of these cultural difference and tastes
the property is money, it’s purely an investment good, it’s
becomes very important because people who want a vulgar
not a dwelling. I mean it might be dwelled in occasionally
mc mansion wouldn’t more to chelsea and kensington.
but that’s not the issue. You know if you’ve got twenty or thirty million pounds, where are you going to invest it at
Unnamed person 1: But it’s interesting that it’s such a
the moment? BitCoin, gold or central London and I don’t
restricted market but then you end up with, you know, One
really think that the value, it’s to do with that old Fred
hyde park which its rare and a new built, prime location,
Hersch thing - it’s a positional good and I don’t think it’s to
top name architect - they’re selling for unprecedented
do with the population pressures or anything like that it’s
amounts of money. There is a pent-up demand to express
to do with buying that particular address - it’s like buying
yourself through an address much in a sort of New York
a piece of art - it’s positioned, it’s unique and it’s not… it
way whereas otherwise you’re kind of expressing yourself
couldn’t be anywhere else so. My sense is you’re going to
through an area - I live in Notting Hill kind of thing, I live at
get a kind of a detachment of the real estate market. Those
One Hyde Park - It’s very interesting.
of you in land economy will sort of… it’s a different kind of space, a different kind of investment which will be closer
Roger: If you meet anyone who does live at One Hyde Park I’d love to talk. That’s all correct. But again back to the project, it is all about then enactment… when I’m walking through these areas I’m interested in the structure of feeling of those neighbourhoods now. And someone was saying there’s no life on the streets and that’s a real sense. But you know its also… and here it’s going to sound like im contradicting myself, there’s both a kind of a closure and a datedness in some of those areas where you just have a door and you don’t really know what’s behind it and an immense openness as well. I mean some of those properties are terraced properties with big windows and you can look straight in to people’s vast wealth. I mean it’s… walking around those areas it’s really a bizarre sense of… you know literally you could just go through the door and you’re in to these spaces. So I think there’s a whole series of contradictory… you know then the defensiveness comes on the street - you being there in the first instance. Although it’s a public space, increasingly they’re not, they’re boarded and gated in interesting sorts of ways. And the technology of datedness becomes interesting. What are the networks of community within those spaces? Do people know each other? What will that have in common other than wealth? Its an interesting notion of a sense of elective belonging which hasn’t got to do with dwelling in place. The imagination becomes important. We want to live in London and in a certain part of London and it’s that projection of a particular kind of image and the ability to actually access that that becomes interesting in terms of people buying into those areas. But in the end i’m interested in what’s happening in Dalston and Brixton and the rest of London in terms of the restructuring of the space and the sorts of displacements that might occur and the children in particular of those more traditional wealthier families. Natalia: Thank you very much for your talk. You spoke about the the association of occupation through space in the alpha territory and I wonder if the problem of under population might then go and decrease the values of properties. Whether there is a critical amount of people present on the street that will determine the value or whether that’s not entered into the equation.
to the purchase of art.
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