editor-in-chief
DSA is as much yours, as it is ours!
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y all accounts Prime Minister Narendra Modi had an extremely successful G20 summit. His bilaterals with leaders of the world top twenty went well, to say the least. India’s positions, policies and priorities, seem to have been accorded greater attention than in the past. The world acknowledged that India had changed, is continuing to change and was investing greater effort and energy in that change underway. The new Indian wants to be a part of that change, for it is based on a conviction that insularity and isolationism are no longer sustainable in this century. India wants to be a part of the change that is underway regionally and globally. It was most apparent in the venue of the summit, Australia. Once the outpost of ‛western imperialism’ during the heydays of the Cold War, Australia has Asianised, regionalised, its priorities like no other country. It has explicitly identified its future interests as being closely tied in with the Asia-Pacific region, hence its efforts at bettering relations with both India and China. As difficult as it may sound but this has been the greater of Australia’s achievements in the recent past. Australia is important to understand because it is the only country that savours the waters of the Indian and the Pacific oceans, its eastern and western coasts washed by both oceans. So it is uniquely placed to play a role in the region and be the barometer of change that is spreading all over the seas and the region.
The Indian and Pacific oceans water the regions that are undoubtedly the future growth engines of the world. In every study and analysis the charts suggest global growth will be driven by this region. By the dynamism of its population, vibrant or improving industrial climate, positive population figures and the hunger to better ones life. All of these factors are in abundance in these parts of Asia. Unlike West Asia where terrorism and extremism have bedded in for a long haul, the Indo-Pacific region offers a greater semblance of hope than elsewhere. But this is something that cannot be taken for granted. From the Gulf to Guam there is a thread that draws the region together and it is trade that is the driver of this bond. The world’s busiest trade routes are in these oceans, but if they are to flow freely then the choke points need to be kept clean. Because of that fear nothing can be taken for granted in this region. Especially given the unfinished business of unsettled countries and their people. Even as the people of Iraq are threatened by the ravages of the Islamic State, another country to the east faces similar heat. And unless Afghanistan is handled with fairness and firmness there is every chance it can fall back into the lawlessness which is the utopia sought by millennial militants massacring in the name of god. Any setback in Afghanistan is certain to have a deep impact on the largest city on coast – Karachi. And if Karachi suffers then there is every likelihood that the dream of oceanic highway linking the Gulf to Guam may never become a reality. For these millennial terrorists will pose a bigger threat to shipping than any non-state actor has done thus far. While every effort must be made to prevent this from happening by shoring up the Afghan state, attention must also be paid to the seas. The future of security in the Indo-Pacific region depends entirely on the robustness of the navies that patrol it. Neglect in this direction has resulted in insufficient assets available to ensure security of the seas. Seaborne trade is the driver of global and regional growth. But for that trade to move unimpeded there have to be safeguards in place, in the seas and oceans, that ensure safety of passage. Such safety and security comes in the form of a regional compact on naval cooperation. An agreement that rests on the fundamentals of freedom of navigation, denying state and non-state actors with the evil eye an opportunity to derail and disrupt. That can only happen when regional navies are cooperating, planning and training for all eventualities. As the best placed on the Gulf to Guam highway it is the Indian Navy that must take the lead. Deciding now will have an impact all the way into the future. Especially if it is one where the Indo-Pacific region is to be the global driver of growth.
Manvendra Singh December 2014 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT
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publisher’s view
Oceanic Geopolitics An ISO 9001:2008 Certified Magazine
Volume 6 | Issue 3 | December 2014 Chairman Shyam Sunder Publisher and CEO Pawan Agrawal President Urvashi J Agrawal Director Shishir Bhushan Editor-in-chief Manvendra Singh Corporate consultant KJ Singh Corporate communications Mamta Jain Administration Jyoti Chopra Creative Maayank Bhatnagar Representative (USA) Steve Melito Representative (J & K) Salil Sharma Correspondent (Europe) Dominika Cosic Production Dilshad and Dabeer Webmaster Sundar Rawat IT operations Mehar Dogra Mahendra Singh Ankit Kumar Photographer Subhash Circulation and distribution Anup Kumar E-mail: (first name)@dsalert.org info: info@dsalert.org articles: articles@dsalert.org subscription: subscription@dsalert.org online edition: online@dsalert.org advertisement: advt@dsalert.org Editorial and corporate office Prabhat Prakashan Tower 4/19 Asaf Ali Road New Delhi-110002 (India) t: +91-011-23243999, 23287999, 9958382999 e: info@dsalert.org www.dsalert.org Disclaimer All rights reserved. Reproduction and translation in any language in whole or in part by any means without permission from Defence and Security Alert is prohibited. Opinions expressed are those of the individual writers and do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher and / or editors. All disputes are subject to jurisdiction of Delhi Courts. Defence and Security Alert is printed, published and owned by Pawan Agrawal and printed at Graphic World, 1686, Kucha Dakhini Rai, Darya Ganj, New Delhi-110002 and published at 4/19 Asaf Ali Road, New Delhi (India). Editor: Manvendra Singh
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t is not just the hankering for energy sources and untrammelled passage of bulk carriers to home ports that is tormenting the Indo-Pacific oceanic region these days. Even more fretting is the blatant attempt by China to create a ‘string of pearls’ across the oceans and ‘silk routes’ along the landmass that has people bewildered about Chinese machinations and intentions. Every which way one looks at, India stands four-square in the path of this Chinese expansionism and is hence, Beijing’s target number one. During the last century, American Admiral Alfred Mahan had recognised the importance of the Indian Ocean as an organic connection between the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans. The Indian peninsular landmass projecting out into the Indian Ocean is both a boon and an invitation to colonisation and satrapy. India suffered colonisation for three millennia before dethroning British Raj through an exemplary peaceful transition, underscoring the adage that while those who intruded over the land frontiers became assimilated into the Indian ethos, those who came from the sea, stayed on to subjugate and rule. The likelihood of oil and gas reserves in the Pacific seabed with the Indian Ocean connectivity has stoked a predilection for controlling the seas and domination for fuel by gluttons like China. With the fruition of its long-range plans for nuclear weapons, armed submarines and soon to arrive aircraft carrier, China is flexing its muscles against neighbours like Japan, Vietnam and Philippines and trying to dissuade India from helping these countries exploit resources lying within their respective oceanic claim lines. Despite being a peace-loving state, India has always had to guard against dubious activities in the Indian Ocean and connecting waters. The threat from China and its support to Pakistan Navy has compelled us to ruminate over the whole scenario. Beijing is acutely aware of the potential for trouble that India presents to the economic well-being of the Han state. China and Pakistan should be cognizant that ganging up against India will be counter-productive to Chinese hegemonic aspirations. We foresee that the dynamic change of guard in the federal government and an exhilarating amelioration of the defence and security apparatus will discourage China and Pakistan in executing their game plan. Many stalwarts have analysed developments in the Pacific-Indian Ocean littoral in this issue of DSA, commenting on the emerging scenarios and predicating the increasing geostrategic and geopolitical importance of Indo-Pacific theatre in the global security environment. On the western horizon, a withdrawal of US and NATO forces from Afghanistan could create a new dynamics that could affect India’s security. Unlike India, Pakistan is using its geographical position to hinder Indian access to Kabul and beyond, who are equally chary of the Pakistani epicentre of terrorism and even Islamabad’s very own “all weather friends” in Beijing have started recognising the threat from Pakistan. Pakistan has already started using the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) as a trump card to force concessions from Washington. Equally daunting are threats emerging from the seas like 26/11 in Mumbai, which triggered an upheaval in my mind and instigated me to initiate a series of confabulations with my dear friend and our Editor-in-chief, Mr Manvendra Singh to conceptualise and bring out a world-class magazine committed to national defence and security. Over five years of existence has cemented DSA as a strong reference point for disquisitions on Indian capabilities and concerns with an objective to play our role in creating awareness about defence and security and disseminating credible and insightful analyses on developing scenarios around the world. Jai Hind!
December 2014 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT
Pawan Agrawal
MISSION The power of a King lies in his mighty arms ... Security of the citizens at peacetime is very important because State is the only saviour of the men and women who get affected only because of the negligence of the State. — Chanakya
Contents TM
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An ISO 9001:2008 Certified Magazine
A R T I C L E S
F E A T U R E S
Indian Navy’s Remarkable Saga Of Indigenisation Vice Admiral Arun Kumar Singh (Retd)
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Hindu Kush Invaders’ Gateway To India Air Marshal Anil Chopra (Retd)
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Naval Modernisation Role Of Private Players Rear Admiral Dr S Kulshrestha (Retd)
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Afghanistan Imbroglio Challenges For India Maj Gen Afsir Karim (Retd)
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Submarines Critical For Nuclear Deterrence Cmde Ranjit B Rai (Retd)
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Pakistan: A Nation Adrift Maj Gen AK Hukku (Retd)
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Somali Pirates Retreat Threats In New Areas Dr Vijay Sakhuja
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Role Of Pakistan In Afghanistan And Its Desire For Strategic Depth Dr Shalini Chawla
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US-2 Cooperation For Peace, Prosperity And Progress Cmde Sujeet Samaddar NM (Retd)
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India’s Afghan Strategy Radhakrishna Rao
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Coastal Security Post 26/11 Chinks In The Armour Remain PM Heblikar
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Indo-Pacific Region Maritime Dimensions Of India’s Foreign Policy Prof Hari Saran
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The Great Game In The Indian Ocean Prof Harsh V Pant
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Submarines Critical Role In National Security Cmde Anil Jai Singh (Retd)
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Matters Maritime Appraising The Role Of India’s Lawmakers Aditi Chatterjee Monsters At Sea Threat Of Maritime Terrorism Saloni Salil Follow DSA on:
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Exclusive Interview Chief Of The Naval Staff Admiral Robin K Dhowan
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Sneak Peek
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Exclusive Interview Mr Nikhil Gandhi Founder, Pipavav Defence
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Industry Monitor
41 56
50
Book Review The Rise of the Indian Navy Internal Vulnerabilities, External Challenges Edited By Harsh V Pant Get Connected
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14 @dsalert
December 2014 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT
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CNS INTERVIEW
EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW WITH CHIEF OF THE NAVAL STAFF
ADMIRAL ROBIN K DHOWAN
C
NS Admiral Robin K Dhowan PVSM, AVSM, YSM, ADC is the 22nd Navy Chief of India. He is an alumnus of National Defence Academy, Defence Services Staff College and Naval War College, Rhode Island, USA. He has also completed the Sea Harrier Direction Course in the UK. Here in an exclusive interview with DSA Admiral Dhowan shares his views and vision for making Indian Navy a taut, efficient and happy naval force. Defence and Security Alert: You are heading one of the largest and the finest naval forces in the world. Please share with DSA readers your views on the interesting contours and important turning points during the eventful journey of the Indian Navy since its inception to the blue waters. Chief of the Naval Staff: The Indian Navy has come a long way since its inception. From a small force of 33 ships at independence, it has grown to more than 140 ships and submarines and about 240 aircraft today. In my view, there have been two main contours, with respective milestones. The first is the progressive movement of the Indian Navy from a surface naval force to a multi-dimensional, multi-spectrum, networked force. The addition of the naval air arm in 1953, followed by the induction of India’s first aircraft
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carrier in 1961 took the Navy into the Air, over land, over sea and from the sea. The induction of INS Kalveri, a Foxtrot class submarine, in 1967 ushered in the undersea dimension and submarine arm into the Navy, even as lease of the first INS Chakra in 1987 took it into nuclear propulsion undersea. The acquisition of OSA class missile boats in 1971 took the Indian Navy into missile warfare. The progressive induction of Landing Ship Tank (Medium), Landing Ship Tank (Large) and Landing Platform Dock, gave boost to the Navy’s ability to conduct and support amphibious operations. The establishment of the Marine Commando (MARCO) force, in 1987, brought in the Special Forces component. The launch of GSAT-7, the naval communications satellite in 2013 took the Indian Navy into space and enabled it to become a networked force. The Indian Navy today has an operational footprint in the blue waters of the Indian Ocean Region and beyond to carry out a variety of operations across the spectrum. The second contour has been the journey through many milestones in becoming a ‘builder’s navy’ from a ‘buyer’s navy’. India’s first indigenous warship was commissioned in 1961 and the 119th indigenous warship was commissioned a few months ago. Self-reliance has been the guiding principle of the Indian Navy’s perspective plans, which provide
December 2014 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT
Admiral Robin K Dhowan
December 2014 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT
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CNS INTERVIEW CNS: The Indian Navy operates a balanced force comprising aircraft carriers, multi-role destroyers and frigates, fleet tankers, offshore patrol vessels, amphibious ships and a multitude of aviation and sub-surface combatants, capable of both blue water and littoral operations. The modernisation programme of the Indian Navy in the near to long-term is being pursued in accordance with our Maritime Capability Perspective Plan, which is in consonance with the Long Term Integrated Perspective Plan and the 12th Defence Plan. In addition, with our external environment remaining unpredictable and the range and scale of operations changing constantly, the Navy is laying specific emphasis on adapting to the dynamic and uncertain geopolitical landscape, as also the rapidly advancing technological environment. The Indian Navy is, thus, endeavouring to maintain organisational as well as operational agility. DSA: The present security environment warrants full spectrum capabilities from Low Intensity Maritime Operations to Conventional Warfare and Nuclear Deterrence. How well prepared and combat ready is Indian Navy?
Admiral Robin K Dhowan with Mr Pawan Agrawal, Publisher and CEO of DSA magazine the overarching direction for our force challenges that are emerging in this build-up. It is a matter of significant complex maritime environment, achievement that the modernisation Today, the Indian Navy prides the Indian Navy will strengthen programme of the Navy is focused itself as one of the few navies of itself continuously as a formidable, on indigenous warship construction the world, which have matured multidimensional and networked and is largely driven by Indian ship design capabilities of their force that would maintain high shipyards and industry. Our Design own, ranging from fast attack readiness at all times to protect Organisation, which has completed craft to aircraft carrier India’s maritime interests, safeguard fifty years this year, since its inception her seaward frontiers and effectively in 1964, has come a long way. Today, counter all maritime threats in our the Indian Navy prides itself as one of the few navies of areas of interests. To achieve this, we would optimise every the world, which have matured ship design capabilities resource, embrace innovation and maximise indigenisation of their own, ranging from fast attack craft to aircraft and self-reliance, to generate credible combat power for carrier. Our quest for indigenisation has resulted in the accomplishing missions across the full spectrum of naval public sector shipyards constructing our warships and operations. Quality maintenance, timely infrastructure submarines. Some private shipyards have also been modernisation and efficient logistics management awarded contracts for warship building and we hope that for achieving optimal performance would enable this this will further augment our national capabilities. The process. This would not be possible without development Indian Navy has 41 ships and submarines currently under of effective leadership at all levels to generate highly construction, all in Indian shipyards. motivated and skilled professionals, who will together make the Navy a taut, efficient and happy service. DSA: In the light of the regional and global geopolitics, emerging technologies, maritime capability DSA: Modern navies of the leading maritime powers enhancements in our neighbourhood, the operating always plan and develop “balanced force capability” environment for Indian Navy throws many challenges. comprising warships, naval aviation, submarines, What is your vision and road map for the Indian Navy of net-centric warfare capabilities, marine commandos the future? etc. How balanced is Indian Navy’s force capability to deter and if necessary combat and surmount CNS: In order to effectively confront the multifarious all threats and challenges?
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DSA: From a mere geopolitical entity, “Indo-Pacific” has metamorphosed into a unique geostrategic theatre of global importance. What is the relevance and significance of “Indo-Pacific” to India’s maritime interests? CNS: The dependence on the seas, the world-over, is increasing, for economic growth and development. Seaborne trade and commerce links various parts of the world, making distant lands into maritime neighbours. In this, there has been a steady rise in the importance of the Indian Ocean Region, through which some 100,000 ships per year transit with 80 per cent of the sea trade being extra-regional. About two-thirds of the sea trade through the IOR is with countries on the Pacific Ocean Rim and passes through the Malacca Strait. There has been a growing continuum of activities between the two oceans and strengthening of relations between countries on their respective littorals, including factors of globalisation that cemented these geographically adjacent regions. The term ‘Indo-Pacific’ is, therefore, a geostrategic concept of the 21st century that recognises the seamless connectivity in historic, economic and strategic terms between these two oceans and their rimlands. It underlines the importance of looking at this region as a larger, closely linked entity, with mutual interests, influences and implications. The core strands binding the Indo-Pacific are essentially maritime in nature.
CNS: The Indian Navy is constantly developing and sharpening its capabilities as a multidimensional, operationally effective and balanced force, to overcome the wide range of traditional as well as non-traditional India enjoys a unique geostrategic position in the Indian challenges, across the entire spectrum of conflict. The Ocean, with a preeminent peninsular thrust that shapes force structuring of Indian Navy is, therefore, based on a maritime routes across the region. We have a natural reach in capability based perspective plan and comprises various all directions, which is extended by our island territories in platforms capable of operating the Andaman & Nicobar and Lakshadweep across the complete spectrum Island groups. India is, accordingly, of warfare, from low intensity affected by the maritime flow of commerce The Indian Navy is constantly and the presence of other maritime forces maritime operations to full scale developing and sharpening its in the region. Our dependence on the seas blue water operations. While capabilities as a multidimensional, for national growth and prosperity has platforms such as Aircraft Carrier operationally effective and also been increasing, as have our maritime and Destroyers provide reach, flexibility and sustainability balanced force, to overcome the interests and the areas of those maritime beyond Indian shores, induction wide range of traditional as well as interests. We have been part of the growing of FICs, ISVs and Sagar Prahari Bal non-traditional challenges, across economic and strategic relations between displays the Navy’s commitment countries in the Indian and Pacific Oceans the entire spectrum of conflict to providing the requisite over the past two decades, with our ‘Look capabilities for keeping the Indian East’ and now ‘Act East’ policy. We have coast secure. These forces are close links and shared interests with the trained and deployed for enhancing maritime security coastal states in the Pacific Ocean, spanning historic and and dealing with the various maritime challenges. cultural aspects, trade, economic investments, energy security, security of international shipping lanes extending Operational availability of the platforms is enhanced across the two oceans and the need for a positive, stable and through responsive operational logistics, ingenious secure maritime environment that is conducive to mutual repairs and effective maintenance philosophy. Regular growth and prosperity. Hence, the Indo-Pacific and India’s exercises, safety audits and Operational Readiness maritime interests are closely intertwined in the 21st century. Inspections are undertaken to further improve combat efficiency and material preparedness. Necessary DSA: For ages, maritime powers have used Naval impetus is also provided to maintaining a very high Diplomacy to great advantage by building “bridges of level of morale and training of the human resource of the friendship” and strengthening bilateral and multilateral Navy. High level of professional skills and motivation cooperation among friendly nations. What has been the is ensured through availability of world-class training experience of the Indian Navy in this arena and how do you infrastructure, efficient training methodologies and propose to use Naval Diplomacy to add maritime muscle? effective leadership. CNS: Naval Diplomacy has been a traditional role of With all this put together, we can proudly claim navies, as a potent and effective instrument of national to be one of the most committed and professional security and foreign policy. Considering the unique Navies of the world. nature of the maritime environment, wherein there are
December 2014 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT
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CNS INTERVIEW the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS), initiated by the Indian Navy in 2008. It has 35 members and has gathered momentum since inception. Naval port visits are also used to project defence capability and promote friendly relations. In the current year, Indian Naval ships have visited countries across the IOR including the Persian Gulf, East and Southern Africa, IOR island states, Bay of Bengal Rim and also across SE Asia, Australia and the western and central Pacific. The Indian Navy will continue to exercise naval diplomacy, in line with the national security and foreign policy, to strengthen maritime relations and promote a stable and secure regional maritime environment. DSA: With the recent increase in defence FDI to 49 per cent and Prime Minister’s clarion call to “Make in India”, what are your views on “India’s maritime security through self-reliance”?
vast common spaces of the oceans that link even distant lands as maritime neighbours, the various challenges and security threats at sea can also flow rapidly from one maritime area to another. Accordingly, there is substantial scope for improving the maritime security environment for mutual benefit, through cooperation between maritime forces. Strengthening of peace, security and stability in the ‘global commons’ and in our maritime neighbourhood is in our national interest. Towards this, the Indian Navy, in its diplomatic role, has been promoting strengthening of relations with friendly maritime forces, including measures for enhancing mutual understanding, cooperation and interoperability. The Indian Navy has remained engaged with friendly island states and littoral nations in the IOR, in a number of ways, primarily through deployments for EEZ surveillance, anti-piracy patrols, coordinated International Maritime Boundary Line (IMBL) patrols, hydrographic surveys, capacity building initiatives, naval training engagements, technical assistance, bilateral exercises and port calls of ships, including transfer of naval hardware in a few cases. Of these, training initiatives have been the cornerstone of our interaction with friendly navies. The Indian Navy has institutionalised joint exercises with leading navies including US, UK, Russia, France and Japan and would be commencing a series with Australia from next year. We also regularly exercise with regional navies such as Sri Lanka, Singapore, Thailand, Oman, Myanmar and Indonesia and conduct a biennial exercise with Brazil and South Africa. In addition, we maximise opportunities to exercise with friendly navies after routine visits to their ports or whenever they visit India, in a format called Passage Exercises, or PASSEX and also subscribe to occasional specific exercises, such as for HADR. In these, we have exercised with many more nations in 2013-2014, including Vietnam, UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Philippines, Malaysia, Kuwait, Kenya, Indonesia, Canada, Brunei and Australia. The biennial MILAN series of interactions has also progressively expanded, from five navies in 1995, to 17 navies this year and have proved to be valuable in fostering professional interactions and mutual understanding. The regional mechanisms have been strengthened by
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CNS: The blueprint for the future Navy is firmly anchored on indigenisation and self-reliance. The one enduring theme that runs through the achievements of our design organisations is their constant quest in developing institutional expertise and technologies towards betterment of design products. Their efforts have made it possible for us to achieve self-reliance in warship production, which is a vital prerequisite towards preserving and upholding the nation’s strategic autonomy. Towards this end, the Indian Navy’s road map for expansion and growth remains anchored, like it has been in the past, in self-reliance and indigenisation. Recently, we commissioned INS Sumitra, at Chennai, making her the 119th warship constructed indigenously. The Navy is also proud of the fact that all 41 platforms, ranging from submarines to aircraft carrier, which are currently on order, are being built by Indian shipyards. The figures speak for the Indian Navy’s time honoured commitment to indigenisation. DSA: Sea piracy, drug trafficking, illegal arms trade, human trafficking and now also maritime terrorism are spreading their tentacles in the Asia Pacific and beyond. What measures do you propose to counter these scourges? CNS: Today, the Indian Navy faces a wide spectrum of challenges on the maritime front, ranging from traditional security challenges at one end, to low-intensity challenges at the other end. The wide array of non-traditional challenges, ranging from piracy to terrorism, from climate change to human and drug trafficking, from pandemics to proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, engage our attention most of the time even as the more dangerous conventional threats loom large on the horizon. The approach of the Indian Navy has been, firstly, to enhance security at sea through its own measures, by suitable deployment and force development. Second, to foster a positive, stable and secure regional maritime environment, through cooperation with friendly maritime forces. These include measures to strengthen cooperative mechanisms, enhance maritime domain awareness and undertake capacity building and capability enhancement, especially for the smaller maritime forces.
The Indian Navy has been at the forefront of anti-piracy operations, both in the Gulf of Aden and in the Arabian Sea and its efforts have been well recognised internationally. We have taken a robust stand against the menace of piracy and effectively thwarted 40 piracy attempts. An Indian Naval ship has been continuously deployed on this mission in the Gulf of Aden since October 2008. The Indian Navy has safely escorted more than 3,000 merchant ships of all nationalities, with more than 22,000 Indian seafarers embarked, through this piracy zone. Presently, the 45th Indian Naval ship is on patrol in the Gulf of Aden. The robust actions by the world’s navies and by the Indian Navy and Coast Guard, in particular, have succeeded in pushing back piracy from the East Arabian Sea towards the East African coast and the Gulf of Aden, by end-2012.
As you would appreciate, there are multiple agencies, both at the centre and in the states, that have a role in ensuring coastal security. This places a huge load on efficient and effective coordination, both in the daily handling of efforts and in the organisational process of planning and developing coastal security. Effective information management and coordination of efforts becomes especially critical during the conduct of any operation, with the various forces deployed in respective zones of responsibility.
Joint Operations Centres (JOCs) have accordingly been established at Mumbai, Visakhapatnam, Kochi and Port Blair, under the charge of the respective C-in-Cs Coastal Defence. The purpose of these JOCs is to be able to effectively control and coordinate all actions by different To preserve maritime security, good order at sea and maritime and coastal forces, towards ensuring coastal prevent illicit flow of arms, drugs and refugees, the Indian defence. The JOCs are jointly manned and operated by the Navy coordinates maritime patrols with other navies. Navy and Coast Guard, with inputs from diverse central This includes bilateral coordinated patrols or CORPATs and state agencies. The JOCs maintain the joint operational with the navies of Indonesia, Thailand and Myanmar. picture, with relation to coastal security, including updated Similar initiatives for coordinated and information, ongoing deployments joint patrols have been pursued with and various actions being progressed. other neighbouring littorals, including We seek to create and The JOCs are linked to the Regional Maldives, Mauritius and Seychelles, sustain a multidimensional, Coastal Security Operations Centres to enhance maritime security multi-spectrum, (RCSOC) under each CG Region and combat in the region. the State Coastal Security Operations ready, networked force and Centres (SCSOC) in respective states. to work in tandem with After the terror attacks on Mumbai, other Necessary coordination of actions maritime agencies in November 2008, the Indian Navy by respective agencies, in response and forces so as to build a was entrusted with responsibility to coastal security and control of the for coordinating aspects of maritime environment that operation are exercised from the JOCs. maritime security, including enables our national growth Hence, the JOCs are at the centre of coastal and offshore security, and prosperity the coastal security apparatus. They in conjunction with the Indian have been very useful in bringing Coast Guard, central ministries about effective coordination of efforts and agencies, state governments, port authorities and maximising effectiveness of actions, in response to any and several other stakeholders. The coastal live or emergent situation. security construct has been significantly revamped and strengthened. DSA: On the occasion of the Navy Day, what ideas and thoughts will you like to share with the people of India The Indian Navy will continue to engage with other and DSA readers around the world and what is your friendly maritime forces in a constructive, mutually message for the “warriors in white”? beneficial manner, as I mentioned earlier, so as to strengthen the regional maritime security environment. CNS: On the occasion of Navy Day 2014, I would like to reiterate that the Indian Navy, as the nation’s prime DSA: Post 26/11, many initiatives have been taken manifestation and instrument of maritime power, to strengthen coastal security mechanism including is committed to maintaining the highest standards the establishment of four Joint Operations Centres. of professional excellence and to remaining vigilant How have these JOCs helped in improving the and ready to meet the spectrum of needs for ensuring coastal security apparatus? the nation’s maritime security. We seek to create and sustain a multidimensional, multi-spectrum, CNS: As I mentioned earlier, consequent to the terror combat-ready, networked force and to work in tandem attacks on Mumbai in November 2008, the coastal with other maritime agencies and forces so as to build a security was reviewed at appropriate levels and the maritime environment that enables our national growth and Indian Navy was entrusted with the responsibility prosperity. As we strive towards increasing indigensiation for coordinating overall maritime security, which and self-reliance in naval technology, we shall remain includes coastal security and offshore security. The committed to maintaining a ‘clean and green’ environment. Indian Navy, in this regard, is assisted by Indian We are deeply cognisant that our greatest strength is Coast Guard, state marine police and other central and in our human resource, both uniformed and civilian state agencies for coastal defence of the nation. The and shall keep investing in technological and Indian Coast Guard has been additionally designated leadership tools to develop our precious human capital. as the authority responsible for Coastal Security We shall pull together on our oars, maintaining a taut, in territorial waters. efficient and happy Navy.
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he Defence Minister Shri Manohar Parrikar inaugurated the Indian Navy and Coast Guard’s joint operations facility, called the Information Management and Analysis Centre (IMAC), at Gurgaon on 23rd November, 2014. Set up to provide coastal security and to avert tragic incidents like the 26/11 terror attack on Mumbai, the IMAC is the nodal centre of the National Command Control Communications and Intelligence Network (NC3I Network) and is a joint initiative of Indian Navy, Coast Guard and Bharat Electronics Ltd to improve coastal surveillance. Describing it as ‘a bold initiative’ and ‘a reply of this great nation to the Mumbai attack, Shri Parrikar was candid to admit that the surveillance network has still some gaps which need to be plugged. He said this is an enormous task considering the fact that there are about two to three lakh fishing boats operating in our coast lines and the active cooperation of the state governments is required to achieve one hundred per cent success. He also called for a change in mindset to correlate the data that would be available through the massive surveillance network to ensure ‘zero tolerance to error’. Shri Parrikar said, besides coastal security, we have to protect our interests in the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Shri Parrikar said some of our neighbours are trying to get their navies in the Indian Ocean and our Navy must be watchful of their activities. “We do not want to be offensive but we must be strong enough to deter our enemies from casting an evil eye upon us”, he said. The NC3I network links 51 Naval and Coast Guard stations, located along the coast and on island territories.
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The network provides these stations coastal surveillance information obtained from various sensors such as the coastal radar chain of the Indian Coast Guard and automatic tracking systems as well as electro-optical cameras. The network rides on dedicated terrestrial data circuits, as well as, satellite communication, which helps the stations in remote locations to be networked. The IMAC is the centre where data from various sensors and databases is aggregated, correlated and then disseminated to various stations for enhanced awareness. The software on which the coastal surveillance will be carried out incorporates hi-tech features like data fusion, correlation and decision support features thus facilitating better decision-making. The entire NC3I Network has been integrated by Bharat Electronics Limited, Bangalore. The project was sanctioned in March 2012 and is presently fully functional. The IMAC construction began in October 2012 and was completed in January 2014. The NC3I network and IMAC are also linked with the prestigious National Maritime Domain Awareness (NMDA) project. In the NMDA project, the NC3I network will function as the communication backbone and the IMAC will continue to be the nodal centre but will be rechristened as the NMDA Centre. The Naval Chief Admiral RK Dhowan in his opening address said this project will go a long way in beefing up the maritime surveillance, thereby, enhancing the National Maritime Domain Awareness Project. Amongst others, the function was attended by the Minister of State for Defence Rao Inderjit Singh, Defence Secretary Shri RK Mathur and CMD, Bharat Electronics Limited, Shri SK Sharma.
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maritime muscle
TOWARD SELF-SUFFICIENCY
Maritime Domain Awareness
INS Kamorta
INS Kolkata
and weapons, along with two 10 ton multi-role helicopters and has an indigenous, navy designed network centric warfare (NCW) capability based on a dedicated indigenous navy communications satellite (GSAT-7), thus enabling INS Kolkata, to have almost instant MDA (Maritime Domain Awareness) across thousands of miles of ocean areas. Also its weapons capability gives INS Kolkata the ability to destroy the enemy in all dimensions of naval warfare (ie air, surface and subsurface), including land attack capability. The INS Kolkata will be followed by sister ships, INS Chennai and INS Kochi, presently under construction at Mazagon Dock Limited (MDL), Mumbai.
Towed Sonars
INDIAN NAVY’S REMARKABLE SAGA OF INDIGENISATION Indigenous ship and nuclear submarine construction involves home grown design, R&D, indigenous steel, propulsion and power generation systems, sensors, weapons, communications, stealth technology and their integration into a Combat Management System and Ship Management System. India has, a number of public and private sector shipyards viz Cochin Shipyard has a 40,000 ton capacity drydock where it has built the 37,000 ton aircraft carrier Vikrant, while the largest dry dock in India is with Pipavav Shipyard, Gujarat and this can build aircraft carriers of over 100,000 tons.
t
he traditional Navy Day celebrations will be held on 4 December 2014, followed by the Submarine Arm Day on 8 December 2014. The aim of this article is to bring out how the Indian Navy, has, since 1955, carefully built-up an inhouse capability to design warships and submarines, by creating a special cadre of designers who are known as Naval Constructors (NCs). It is true that all major navies like those of USA, Russia, UK, France, Spain also have NCs, but in these countries, the private and public sector shipyards have their own ship and submarine designers, who do the actual designing while they only liaise with the NCs, whose primary task is to coordinate and monitor the progress of various projects.
Solid Foundations
In India, where private and public sector shipyards have
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very few designers (and these are mostly retired NCs), the primary task of designing warships and submarines rests with the NCs of the Indian Navy. In addition it may be mentioned that the first modern sonar for detection of submarines was designed by a serving navy officer in the 1970s and the first data link for MDA (Maritime Domain Awareness) was designed and built inhouse by 1998-2000, by a small team of serving navy officers. Further, in 2013, the navy further improved its MDA capabilities by becoming the first and the only service to have its own dedicated communications satellite (GSAT-7) and also has dedicated teams which deal with information technology, information warfare and cyber warfare. In addition, the Indian Navy is the only organisation in India, apart from the DAE (Department of Atomic Energy) which has its own cadre of highly trained nuclear specialists, who can operate nuclear
VICE ADMIRAL ARUN KUMAR SINGH PVSM, AVSM, NM (RETD)
The writer is specialised in Navigation, Missiles, Conventional and Nuclear submarines. His important appointments included, Director of Tactics, Flag Officer Submarines, Command of the Eastern Fleet, Director General Indian Coast Guard, Commander-in-Chief of the Andaman & Nicobar Command and finally Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Naval Command.
On 24 August 2014, the former Defence Minister Arun Jaitley commissioned the indigenous 3,400 ton, stealth ASW (Anti-Submarine submarines and also participate in construction of nuclear Warfare) corvette, INS Kamorta submarines. Also aware that apart from design, India also (Project 28) at Visakhapatnam. Built needed shipyards to construct warships and submarines, by GRSE (Kolkata), this ship, has along with industry to produce the steel and numerous a 90 per cent indigenous content. other systems (hydraulics, electronics, power generation This warship will enable the navy and distribution, propulsion, weapons, sensors, paints, to carry out ASW operations in lubricants etc) the navy proactively interacted with coastal “brown waters” and faraway Indian shipyards and Indian industry, to build these vital “blue waters”. The DRDO project capabilities. Indeed, some of the public sector yards like for indigenous strategic nuclear submarine Arihant (SSBN), MDL (Mumbai), GRSE (Kolkata), which was launched in July 2009, GSL (Goa) directly benefited from is expected to commence sea trials funding provided from the naval soon and media reports indicate that In India, where private and budget, to expand their capabilites, additional follow on submarines are public sector shipyards have while simultaneously the navy being built. Meanwhile the media interacted with private shipyards reported the underwater launched very few designers (and these and industry (both public and strategic ballistic missiles K-15 are mostly retired NCs), the private sector) to encourage them (700 km range) had completed primary task of designing to invest in shipbuilding. The result DRDO trials) and K-4 (3,500 km warships and submarines rests is that today, the Indian Navy has range) was undergoing DRDO trials. with the NCs of the Indian Navy 41 warships and submarines on Media reports have mentioned that order in Indian shipyards, while delays by DRDO have not made work is soon commencing on available to both INS Kolkata and building another 30 in Indian shipyards. Simultaneously, INS Kamorta, the ATAS (Active Towed Array Sonar) for the Indian Coast Guard, which is trained by the navy long-range submarine detection and the DRDO-Israeli too, has taken advantage of the navy’s efforts and 70 km range Barak 8 missile for air defence. Both these items presently has orders for 92 vessels with various Indian are expected to be available within a year. This is the price public and private sector shipyards. which the Indian Navy has been paying for indigenisation, given slippages by DRDO. Some 25 years ago, three frigates Destroyers of the Brahmaputra class, built by GRSE (Kolkata) were On 16 August 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi commissioned without the short-range SAM (surface to air commissioned the destroyer, INS Kolkata (Project 15A), missile) system, as the DRDO failed to deliver the Trishul at Mumbai. This ship was built by MDL (Mumbai) and SAM. Subsequently, the short-range Barak SAM was acquired is the largest Indian designed and Indian built warship, from Israel and fitted in lieu. with a 60 per cent indigenous content. Nevertheless, INS Kolkata’s induction is an important milestone in the Infrastructure navy’s quest for blue water capability. At 7,500 tons, this Indigenous ship and nuclear submarine construction stealth destroyer will detect a non-stealth enemy ship before involves home-grown design, R&D, indigenous steel, the enemy becomes aware of its presence. The ship carries propulsion and power generation systems, sensors, weapons, sensors (including a new phased array multi-functional radar) communications, stealth technology and their integration
December 2014 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT
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TOWARD SELF-SUFFICIENCY
into a Combat Management System and Ship Management System. Another crucial need is shipyards with dry docks to build and repair ships and submarines. Here fortunately, India has, a number of public and private sector shipyards viz the public sector Cochin Shipyard has a 40,000 ton capacity dry dock where it has built the 37,000 ton aircraft carrier Vikrant, while the largest dry dock in India is with the privately owned Pipavav Shipyard, Gujarat and this can build aircraft carriers of over 100,000 tons.
Future Plans
boeing.co.in
integration of the Godavari class frigates complex Russian, Indian and western communication systems, sensors and weapons a new organisation was created in 1978, with a six year term. This DRDO-Navy organisation was known as WESO (Weapons Electronic Systems Organisation). In 1985, WESO was converted into a permanent organisation and renamed WESEE (Weapons & Electronic Systems Engineering Establishment). Today WESEE is under Ministry of Defence (DRDO) and has about 70 per cent naval officers and 30 per cent DRDO scientists and has expanded its activities to include Network Centric Warfare and Command and Control systems.
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298mm Trim
308mm in. Bleed
As mentioned earlier, ship and submarine designers are specially trained engineers who are known as Naval Constructors (NCs). In 1955, the Indian Navy inducted its first Nuclear Self-sufficiency three civilian naval constructors. In 1959, the Navy inducted Similarly, while the Arihant SSBN (nuclear powered ballistic its first uniformed naval constructor. Today, the Indian Navy missile submarine) programme is a DRDO funded project, has about 500 NCs (all wearing the naval uniform) , involved it is managed and operated by a very large number of navy in designing warships ranging from 300 ton patrol boats, officers and sailors who are on ‘deputation’ to the DRDO to 6,000 ton strategic nuclear submarines (SSBNs), stealth and involved in the actual construction process, along corvettes, frigates, destroyers, amphibious warfare ships with BARC, private industry etc. Hopefully, the SSBN and 37,000 ton aircraft carriers. In addition the government project, will also enable India to commence production has recently announced that six conventional submarines of six tactical nuclear submarines (SSNs), based on the under Project 75(I) and four 20,000 ton LPDs (Landing experience of the Russian SSN, INS Chakra, which was Platform Docks for amphibious warfare) will also be built inducted in 2012, on a 10 year lease. in India, though both these projects The navy has made enormous, may involve some foreign design sustained efforts in the last few decades and material. Also approved are the Arihant SSBN programme, a to identify indigenous manufacturers construction of five Replenishment DRDO funded project, is managed (public and private sector) for steel, at sea oil tankers of about 30,000 tons and operated by a very large electronics, sensors, weapons and each and 16 Anti Submarine Warfare number of navy officers and numerous systems (eg systems (ASW) patrol vessels of 700 tons sailors who are on ‘deputation’ including hydraulics, propulsion, each for shallow water ASW – both to the DRDO and involved in the power generation and distribution these projects are likely to be almost actual construction process, along etc). The navy has supported 100 per cent Indian designed and with BARC, private industry etc the indigenous programmes for Indian built with Indian materials. Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) and Prelude continues to induct the indigenous In 1964, a Central Ship Design Organisation (CSDO) was 5 ton Dhruv ALH (Advance Light Helicopter), but it created at NHQ, New Delhi and the first indigenous design now needs to seriously take up the case for indigenous of this organisation was a small 250 ton Seaward Defence 10 ton, shipborne multi-role helicopters also. Boat (SDB) and these small patrol boats were subsequently made in India and served with the Indian Navy and later It is perhaps almost impossible to achieve 100 per cent with the Indian Coast Guard. On 25 September 2014, which is indigenisation, as a few non-critical items, needed in small also the International Maritime Day, the Naval Constructors numbers and readily available in the open market, maybe celebrated the 50th anniversary of the original CSDO, which cheapertoimportthanindigenousmanufacture.Nonetheless, had subsequently been re-named as Directorate General Ship the navy should aim at internally achieving close to Design(DGND). Alsoin1964,NHQ,formedaprojectcommittee 100 per cent “genuine” indigenisation, for production to monitor construction in MDL, Mumbai, of six British of warships and submarines. In this regard, it must be designed Leander class frigates (2,500 tons). This committee stated that the eight LCUs (Landing Craft Utility for was chaired by the Chief of the Naval Staff, thus showing amphibious warfare), each of 830 tons displacement the importance the navy attached to indigenisation. The first and currently being built at GRSE (Kolkata), are Leander class frigate, INS Nilgiri was commissioned in June 100 per cent Indian designed and 100 percent Indian built, 1972, by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The first four Leander with practically all the necessary material and systems class frigates each embarked and operated a single 21/2 ton coming from Indian industry, as are the new 2,300-ton indigenous Chetak helicopter, whilst the last two (INS Taragiri OPVs (Offshore Patrol Vessels) being built for the Indian and INS Vindhyagiri) were redesigned and modified inhouse Navy and Indian Coast Guard. After all, a naval warship to each embark and operate a single, more capable 10 ton or submarine on deployment to distant foreign seas and Sea King multi-role helicopter). ports, is not only an ambassador of goodwill and resolve, but also showcases Indian technology and industry to This Leander class design was further enlarged and the world and acts as a deterrent to war. It is a matter of modified by the navy in house, to the indigenous pride, that some 55 years before Prime Minister Modi 3,000 ton Godavari class frigates, which, in addition to western gave his 24 September 2014, call for “Make in India” the equipment, also had Russian weapons and sensors and each Indian Navy, had on its own, commenced on a similar embarked and operated two 10 ton helicopters. To ensure journey, which is now bearing fruit.
280mm Live
maritime muscle
ONE PARTNERShIP. ENDLESS POSSIBILITIES.
Boeing is proud of its longstanding partnership with India. A partnership India can depend upon to meet its developing requirements, from surveillance, strike and mobility platforms to C4ISR, unmanned systems and support services. The most advanced systems and technologies providing the greatest value for India. That’s a partnership of endless possibilities.
maritime muscle
INDIGENISATION
NAVAL MODERNISATION ROLE OF PRIVATE PLAYERS
Private sector has been a small but a worthy and necessary partner in modernising Indian Navy. For increased participation of the private industry, there is a requirement of a more broad-based transformation by the government. That is, by improving business practices, streamlining bureaucracy, broadening incentives for the work force, improving quality control and incentivising and facilitating integral research and development.
T
he modernisation plan of the Indian Navy has been provided a great impetus under the new government as is evident from two major decisions taken recently. One is the construction of six submarines in India at a cost of Rs 50,000 crore at Indian shipyards and the other is the decision that only private sector shipyards, including Pipavav, ABG and L&T, along with their foreign partners, would be allowed to take part in the Rs 25,000 crore project for building the four Landing Platform Docks (LPDs). These steps are a clear indication of the government’s intent to build capabilities of Indian private sector and make them integral to the modernisation plans of the Indian Navy.
Builder’s Navy
Indian Navy’s expansion plan in the coming decade includes acquisition of over 80 new warships, two aircraft carriers,two nuclear submarines and 12 conventional submarines (6 Scorpene class already under construction at MDL). Major warship building programmes of the IN include: Project 75I submarines. Indian Navy now plans to build all the six submarines in India. Landing Platform Docks (LPD). Four LPDs are to be built by private shipyards in India. To be able to bid for building the LPDs in India, Pipavav Defence has partnered with France’s DCNS, ABG Shipyard has teamed with Alion of the US, Larsen & Toubro has tied up with Navantia of Spain. Project 15A and 15B Guided Missile Destroyers: Mazagon Dock Ltd is building Project 15A 6,800 tonne destroyers at a cost of US$ 622 million each. First of its class INS Kolkata has already been delivered. The follow-on project 15B gave the navy the option of placing orders for 4 more vessels in the same class. Project 17A: The successor of the Shivalik class frigates is planned under project 17A involving seven vessels, at a cost of US$ 578 milion each. Project 28 Anti-Submarine Warfare Corvettes: The four corvettes under Project 28 have been conceived as the Indian Navy’s Anti-submarine Warfare vessels for the 21st century as well as being aimed at encouraging private participation in shipbuilding. One of the ships INS Kamorta has already been delivered.
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Apart from the above, there is a large requirement of helicopters, boats and other craft for the navy majority of them would be built indigenously by private enterprises. The warships would also require a plethora of weapons, sensors and communication system packages, many of them would be indigenous. The Indian Navy is a builder’s navy with strong preference for indigenous capability build-up in warship construction as well as sophisticated weapons, sensors and armament. Indian Navy has become adept at interfacing equipment sourced from very diverse origins and philosophies on its in-house designed versatile ships. The Indian Navy, an ardent exponent of indigenisation, has proactively collaborated with industry to accommodate Indian products and has resorted to import only on operational or unavailability grounds. At times ships have been commissioned without the necessary equipment to enable fitment later. In fact, this approach is very much in resonance with the recommendation of the Standing Committee on Defence in their 9th Report to the 13th Lok Sabha. The report states, “The Committee, therefore, recommends the Government to chalk out a National Defence Production policy to synergise the capabilities of public and private sector and DRDO in defence production with greater emphasis on indigenous content. The Committee also recommends the Government to explore the possibility of promoting defence R&D by involving private sector in selective R&D projects.” A brief perspective into the role of private players is necessary to appreciate the extended reach of the private industry in modernisation of the Indian Navy.
Standardising Steel Plates
The Indian Naval fleet consists of ships of both eastern and western origin, which use different grades of structural steel, leading to import of various grades of steel for maintenance and repair. This had led to obvious problems in timely procurement, inventory management and non-availability with foreign vendors etc. Further, even for the ships under construction in Indian shipyards, a large component of steel used had to be imported. The Indian Navy felt compelled to seek indigenous development of Warship Building Steel if it wanted to remain a builder’s navy and ensure timely induction of warships without depleting its operational fleet. The Indian Navy partnered with DRDO in development of DMR 249A steel plates, bulb structural sections etc for ships and submarines. Steel Authority of India Ltd (SAIL) and Essar Steel have been successful in productionising
REAR ADMIRAL DR S KULSHRESTHA (RETD)
DMR 249A steel plates and Krishna Industries, in the production of the bulb bars. The raw material for the same is supplied by Shri Bajrang Alloys Limited. The Indian Navy has also actively associated with developing and productionising indigenous weld consumables, in various weld categories for welding of DMR 249A steel. The Indian Navy has decided to use DMR 249A grade steel for all its warship building / repair activities. Further, this indigenously produced DMR 249A grade steel will largely replace all other steels in use in the Indian Navy. L&T has been a noteworthy participant in the construction of the first nuclear submarine. In fact the L&T launchers for the DRDO developed submarine missile Sagarika, have become the standard outfit for sister submarines of Arihant. The Indian industry has produced components and sub-assemblies in a large spectrum of equipment ranging from Radars, Sonars, Electronic Warfare systems, Communication systems, diesel engines, various types of pumps and motors, hydraulics, electro-mechanical components, avionics, sensors, electro-optics, aircraft parts and so on.
Generational Increment
Further, in respect of network centric warfare, the Indian Navy has stated that it is “… seeking industry partners to implement next generation networks to enhance its net-centric warfare and operational capabilities. It is already in the process of implementing concepts like net-centric warfare, Integrated Command and Control, System of Systems and Global Information Grid in consultation with industry leaders in the field of networking and high-end sensor integration. The navy is seeking to learn from the industry about data warehousing, next generation networks, network security, ERP and Encryption technology among other things.”
Expanding Competence
the Indian and Russian governments. The basic reasons for its success can be pegged to mutual sharing of core competencies, continued support of both governments, special arrangements in the JV for its management and functioning, integration of public-private industries as a consortium and most importantly involvement of the Indian Navy from the very first trial launch onwards. This approach of the Indian Navy has also led to design, development and production of various types of mines, propulsion batteries, torpedo decoys and a spectrum of explosive stores such as boosters, sustainers, pyrotechnics and pyro-charges as import substitution and for use in indigenous armament. Indian Navy has also directly developed various vendors for its requirement of fast moving armament components by providing direct design and engineering solutions. Notable amongst these are hi-tech silver zinc and seawater activated batteries for torpedoes and missiles through indigenous battery manufactures like HBL and High Energy Batteries. These are no ordinary batteries. They are complex systems propelling torpedoes weighing above 1.5 tons underwater at very high speeds and endurance.
The writer is a Gold Medalist in MSc (Solid State Physics). He was awarded Sword of Honour and has specialised in Quality Assurance of Naval Armaments. He superannuated in the post of Director General of Naval Armament Inspection. As DGNAI, he was directly responsible for timely availability of reliable and safe naval armament to the Indian Navy. He has two MPhil degrees pertaining to nanotechnology and associated issues and has a Doctorate from ‘School of International Studies’ at the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). He is also an alumnus of the prestigious National Defence College (NDC), NHCC, DSSC and a Senior Fellow at New Westminster College, Canada. He is an ardent exponent of indigenisation. He has been writing in defence journals on issues related to Armament technology and indigenisation.
As far as armament is concerned, non-availability of certain critical technologies has been an area of concern for the There are a large number of industries and ancillaries Indian Navy. To overcome this, the Indian Navy and DRDO which are engaged in the manufacture of different types of have commenced joint design display systems, software services, development and production with pumps and motors, switchboards The Indian Navy is a builder’s reputed international manufacturers. and panels, anchors and cables, The long range surface to air winches and davits, oils and navy with strong preference for missile project is one such example, lubricants, paints, electrical cable indigenous capability build-up in which would significantly increase harnesses etc. Whereas a more warship construction as well as participation by Indian industry. A detailed, but by no means complete, sophisticated weapons, sensors word about the BrahMos supersonic list of private industries involved missile would not be out of place here, with modernisation projects of and armament as it is a unique joint venture between the navy is placed at appendix 1,
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maritime muscle
some of the major Indian Navy specific private sector production industries are: L&T – Shafting Systems helicopter Landing Grid and Traversing Systems Missile Launchers and Torpedo Tubes, Winches and Handling Systems. Pipavav Shipyard – Naval Offshore Patrol Vessels. ABG Shipyards – Shipbuilding, Training Ships, Tugs and workboats. Allen Reinforced Plastics – Advanced Composites. Bharat Forge – Forged and Machined Components. Bharati Shipyard – Ship manufacturing, crafts, tugs and boats. Exide, HBL and HE – Submarine and torpedo batteries. Heavy Engineering Corporation – Capital equipment, machine tools and spares. Magnum Aviation – Maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO) activities. Mahindra Group – Mines, Torpedoes, crafts. Nova Integrated Systems Limited – Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), Electronic Warfare Systems, Missiles, Radar Systems and Homeland Security Systems. SEC Industries – Aircraft and Aerospace Machining Services. Shri Bajrang Alloys Limited – Supply of raw materials to SAIL. Essar Steel – Suppliers of AB grade steel required for the production of naval ships. Kirloskar Diesel Engines – Power Generation. Walchandnagar Industries Ltd – Design, manufacture and supply of gear boxes for warships. Wartsila India – DG sets and other ship power solutions with related services. From the above discussion it would be apparent that the private sector is reasonably strong as far as manufacturing components and small subsystems are concerned, it lacks the wherewithal for design, development and production of complete systems. Private sector has been a small but a worthy and necessary partner in modernising Indian Navy. For increased participation of the private industry, there is a requirement of a more broad-based transformation by the government. That is, by improving business practices, streamlining bureaucracy, broadening incentives for the work force, improving quality control and incentivising and facilitating integral research and development in the private sector. In the past, the Indian Navy has suffered because of inordinate delays due to the non-supply of components, spares, closing down of companies etc. This has also been because of the complexity of the naval systems. The naval systems turn complex due to variety of underlying technologies, the vast number of components covering a multitude of engineering disciplines, the large number of vendors located in different nations and the high costs, this leads to inevitable collaborations and subcontractors. This in turn raises the question of unhindered supply of components and sub-assemblies during the lifetime of the system and contingencies in future. If the role of private sector were to be exponentially increased, the government would also need to bring in suitable safeguards for the armed forces against this type of incapacitations.
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INDIGENISATION
December 2014 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT
COVERT CAPABILITY
Appendix 1 Some of the companies in private sector which continue to contribute to modernisation of the Indian Navy are:
Alligators Design Pvt Ltd Alpha Design Technologies Pvt Ltd Alpha Electronics Defence Systems Pvt Ltd Alpha Phazotron Radar Equipment & Systems Pvt Ltd Armet Armored Vehicles (India) Ltd Alpha-ITL Electro-Optics Pvt Ltd Astra Microwave Products Automotive Coaches & Components Ltd Aurora Integrated Systems Pvt Ltd Allen Reinforced Plastics Pvt Ltd Airborne Components Repairs & Services Pvt Ltd Anjani Technoplast Ltd Avantel Softech Ltd Bridport Defence Systems Pvt Ltd BF Utilities Ltd Dynamatic Technologies Ltd Data Patterns (India) Pvt Ltd EON Infotech Ltd Flic Microwave Pvt Ltd Godrej & Boyce Mfg Co Ltd HBL Elta Avionics Systems Ltd HBL Nife Power Systems Ltd L&T Ltd Max Aerospace and Aviation Ltd Magnum Aviation Pvt Ltd Maspack Limited Mahindra Defence Land Systems Pvt Ltd Mahindra & Mahindra Ltd Micron Instruments Pvt Ltd Meltronics Systemtech Pvt Ltd Miltech Industries Pvt Ltd Memory Electronics Pvt Ltd NOVA Integrated Systems Punj Lloyd Ltd Quest Machining & Manufacturing Pvt Ltd Ramoss India Rolta India Ltd Sandeep Metalcraft Pvt Ltd SAMTEL HAL Display Systems SEC Industries Pvt Ltd Southern Group Industries Pvt Ltd SM Pulp Packaging Pvt Ltd Shobha and Prints Pvt Ltd Specks Systems Ltd Tata Advanced Systems Ltd Tata Power Company Ltd HBL Power Systems Ltd High Energy Batteries (India) Ltd ICOMM Tele Ltd Indtech Construction Pvt Ltd Infra Polytec IST Ltd Jupiter Strategic Technologies Pvt Ltd Tata Power SED TSL Technologies Pvt Ltd Verdant Telemetry VEM Technologies Pvt Ltd VXL Technologies Ltd Vectra Engineering Materials Pvt Ltd ZEN Technologies Ltd
CMDE RANJIT B RAI [RETD] The writer is a Naval Analyst and author.
SUBMARINES CRITICAL FOR NUCLEAR DETERRENCE
Diesel submarines are warships of position whereas nuclear submarines are vehicles of manoeuvre. Diesels are suited for small shallow seas near the coast, but when rapid movements over long distances are required, nuclear propulsion is the desired choice.
T
he evolution of submarines recounts advances in sea faring. Watertight submersible boats and roundels with glass windows were lowered into waters with ropes, for exploration. The first military submarine fitted with screws and propelled by pedals was the Turtle in 1776, designed by David Bushnell in Britain and improved by Fulton in the early 19th century called Nautilus. Gustave Zede built a 60-foot, battery-powered Gymnote capable of 8 knots on the surface for the French Navy with ballast tanks and periscope too, but had limited underwater ability and no means for recharging the batteries. The Germans invented a clutch between the steam engine and an electric motor, which functioned as a dynamo, to recharge the batteries for underwater endurance. On the eve of World War I, the art of submarine warfare was new, but conventional diesel electric submarines with torpedoes and guns on deck sunk more tonnage than surface ships in both World Wars and the importance of submarines has only increased. Pakistan Navy realised that and acquired a submarine (PNS Ghazi in 1964), before the Indian Navy in 1966 and contributed to the Indian Navy being bottled in the 1965 War. The year 1954 saw a breakthrough in USA. The first miniature nuclear power reactor to produce continuous steam
for propulsion under water powered the USS Nautilus. Four years later, Soviet scientists under Anatoliy P Alexandrov, copied the US design and by 1960s had 24 nuclear boats in three classes, all with the same reactor, to challenge US aircraft carriers in the Cold War. Today pear shaped nuclear submarines with long underwater endurance are fitted with vertical launched nuclear tipped missiles called SLBMs. These are the best form of nuclear deterrence and only five nations the US, Russia, France, UK and China have been able to make and operate nuclear submarines.
Tactical And Strategic War Assets
Diesel submarines are warships of position whereas nuclear submarines are vehicles of manoeuvre. Diesels are suited for small shallow seas near the coast, but when rapid movements over long distances are required, nuclear propulsion is the desired choice. A conventional submarine needs to be in the vicinity of its target. The sinking of INS Khukri on 9th December, 1971 by PNS Hangor off Diu with 178 naval souls going down, displayed the power of submarines in war and now for deterrence. Large maritime nations have to possess both conventional and nuclear submarines in their order of battle (ORBAT). The cost of building nuclear submarines is approximately 50 per cent to
December 2014 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT
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COVERT CAPABILITY 75 per cent and 100 per cent for state-of-the-art Technology exceptional projects. On 7th August the NDA government cleared and announced 49 per cent FDI in Defence and Insurance and stipulated that the management and control would be in Indian hands. The government eased rules and allowed multiple entities to hold the 51 per cent content of the Indian company/manufacturing unit and FIIs would further be permitted to hold 11 per cent of the equity shares of the Indian company. It was generally welcomed by most agencies. It now remains for the issue of the guidelines for implementation so that Indian shipbuilding interests are increased and protected. The ecosystem to ensure the interests of the foreign FDI entity for orders, exports, taxes and long-term prospects will have to be laid out to make it easy to truly attract investments, as foreign companies had hoped for 75 per cent FDI to have some control and protect their technology.
75 per cent higher per unit than diesel-electric powered boats but has greater capabilities.
to be fitted with air independent propulsion AIP for longer underwater endurance, now common in all conventional submarines. Pakistan Navy has fitted MESMA-AIP in its two The Future Of Submarines Agosta-90Bs. The DRDO’s Ambarnath-based Naval Materials India is set to join the nuclear submarine club soon, when Research Laboratory (NMRL), along with the Kochi-based INS Arihant India’s home-made 6,300 ton nuclear submarine Naval Physical and Oceanographic Laboratory (NPOL), is operational. Arihant’s Indian built 90 MW reactor has since 2002 developed a fuel cell-based AIP system that by BARC is purring at low power at the Ship Building will enable submarines to stay submerged continuously for Centre SBC Visakhapatnam, where she was constructed about 25 days. The indigenously developed AIP module is and assembled in a Public Private Partnership with expected to be ready for sea trials in 2015. The Request for Larsen & Toubro Ltd. She is undergoing harbour trials before Proposal (RFP) for six submarines in a second line to replace sea and diving trials. On completion, Arihant will embark the nine aging Kilo class Russian submarines and four ‘plug and play’ 750 km vertical launch Sagarika-K-15 / B-05 HDW-1500 submarines which are over twenty five years nuclear tipped missiles to complete India’s nuclear deterrence. old has been pending in MoD for two years. Regrettably the importance of conventional submarines in the Indian Navy’s ORBAT has been lost on India’s strategic India’s DRDO, the Navy and Larsen & Toubro (L&T) have planners in the last two decades. Indian Navy has twelve built the 6,300 ton INS Arihant nuclear submarine awaiting conventional submarines (four HDW-1500 and eight Kilos final trials and induction and are further building two more out of ten) and all over twenty year old. This is down from Arihants in a classified Public Private Partnership (PPP) with nineteen and one nuclear Chakra 1 on lease in the 1990s. The Russian help at Ship Building Center (SBC) at Visakhapatnam. Klub missile fitted Kilo class INS Sindhurakshak sank with Hence India can certainly construct submarines in India eighteen lives on 13/14th August night in 2013 in Mumbai’s as Mazagon Dock Ltd did the two HDW-1500 boats Naval Dockyard due to some errors on board and the (Shalki and Shankul) in the 80s, given a proven design by a Kilo INS Sindhukriti has been languishing for nine years foreign partner and some transfer of technology. Through in the Visakhapatnam Shipyard Ltd. The six Scorpene new rules of 49 per cent FDI this should be attempted. submarines being built under MoD’s Defence Production at This ‘Make in India’ call by the Prime Minister himself Mazagon Dock Ltd with DCNS of France have slipped five years behind schedule for first Scorpene due in 2016, with no on Independence Day showed a cohesion between the responsibility being shared by any agency in MoD for delays Finance and Former Defence Minister Arun Jaitley and the NDA government, who on taking over on 26th May which steered the MDL contract. spoke of higher Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in defence The request for proposals (RFPs) for the long-delayed which had been restricted to 26 per cent by the Ministry of second line Project 75I, to build six conventional submarines Defence (MoD) during the ten years of the UPA government for an estimated Rs 50,000 crore in India has been cleared (2004-2014), despite Commerce Minister Anand Sharma on 25th October. L&T’s defence business chief, MV Kotwal and PM Dr Manmohan Singh supporting an increase in is on record to have said, “We have informed the MoD FDI limits. Jaitley had previously held the portfolio of already about the capabilities and capacities, we have Commerce and Industry (1998-2004) and realises India has put in place for submarine building. These have already become the No 1 importer of Defence wares and would like been demonstrated in the Arihant project. L&T has the to see the tide turn. MoD invited comments on FDI from engineering and manufacturing capability needed the Chambers of Commerce and no limits were set. The thoughts were to increase FDI for normal manufacturing for building submarines in India. “ The older HDW submarines and Project 75I are likely to 49 per cent and for Transfer of Technology projects to
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classified. Under DRDO’s supervision and funding from PMO and Navy’s support, engineering giant Larsen & Toubro (L&T) with a host of suppliers like BHEL, BEL, ECIL, Walchandnagar Industries, Godrej and host of pump and piping suppliers among others, have built the 6,300 ton INS Arihant nuclear submarine as per a Russian and Indian supported design at the Ship Building Centre (SBC) at Visakhapatnam. It is INS Arihant, whose 90 MW reactor is purring in deeper waters of Vizag port awaiting final trials and induction. Two more larger Arihants are being built in a Public Private Partnership (PPP) with Russian help at SBC and much indigenisation is taking place, like the BrahMos Aerospace Ltd DRDO-Russian JV has shown. These deserve emulation in the shipbuilding field.
As per L&T Chairman AM Naik and Jayant D Patil, VP Defence speaking at an ‘Offsets for Defence’, conference in New Delhi on 21st August, 2014 L&T can build conventional submarines as it has all the wherewithal. All that is needed It seems government bowed to recommendations of the both is a proven design and support by the foreign partner public and private industry in limiting the FDI. Jaitley did not and some TOT. This is very feasible through the new mention investment in R&D as foreign software and telecom 49 per cent FDI permitted and this should be attempted. giants have done in Indian cities of Bangalore, Hyderabad and Official Secrets Act 1923 restricts project managers Gurgaon with FDI to employ economic to speak about indigenous Indian talent and benefit from them. PM capabilities that have been Modi in his Independence Day speech developed, but it is well known L&T The Indian Navy has a very also challenged Indian scientists, “to has state-of-the-art facilities at ambitious and expensive innovate, make and export from India with Heavy Engineering Plant at Powai, expansion programme till 2022 zero defects”. India spends only 0.19 per Hazira and now Tuttapali shipyard and fortunately it has always cent on research while China allocates pushed for indigenisation to near Ennore and Navy and DRDO 2.5 per cent of GDP. Modi said, with have a sprawling Defence Material achieve manufacturing targets progress in space, satellite and missile Technology Testing Division (DMD) at home and has succeeded technology, India was capable of at Hyderabad to test all equipment in many projects with DRDO producing defence goods if support was that goes to the modular construction and private players provided. He probably implied 49 per cent of submarines and ships. FDI was the support. In exceptional cases higher FDI has been allowed on paper. The Indian Navy is the smallest of the three services with a manpower of 73,000 and is allocated the lowest Some commentators have stated that 49 per cent FDI share of the budget, but in recent times this is changing. which does not allow the foreign investor a say if objected The navy is being charged and supported to expand by the Indian partner, may not be effective to realise MoD’s commensurate with India’s responsibilities in the objective of obtaining access to critical technologies and best 2 million sq km of Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), manufacturing processes in the defence sector and enlarging 7,610 km coast line, offshore assets and security of far India’s indigenous defence capabilities. Large Military flung islands; and to show the flag and combat piracy as Industrial Complexes (MICs) have deep pockets and guard the net security provider in Indian Ocean Region (IOR). technologies and Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs) and base India’s interests now go as far as the Middle East and codes zealously and may be hesitant to immediately invest South China Sea where India’s trade is rising. India is also as they would have no say in the decision-making process. dependent on imports of energy for 60 per cent of its needs These and fears of licensing rules need to be allayed. and navy is the insurance to see it is not disrupted. He listed items for manufacturing in India and the stark mention of submarines for the Indian Navy stood out. Navy’s submarines have aged and not been replaced. A debate has been raging in MoD and PMO whether to ‘Buy and then make submarines in India’ or ‘Make submarines in India by buying a design’. The Request for Proposal (RFP) for six submarines worth Rs 25,000 crore in a second manufacturing line sanctioned in 1999, to replace the eight aging Kilo class Russian submarines and four HDW-1500 submarines which are over twenty five years old, has been pending for years, dogged in bureaucratic battles. Few appreciate there is another successful indigenous 6,800 ton nuclear submarine building project which is
The Indian Navy has a very ambitious and expensive expansion programme till 2022 and fortunately it has always pushed for indigenisation to achieve manufacturing targets at home and has succeeded in many projects with DRDO and private players, but for the next step it will require funds for capital intensive ship and submarine building and infusion of technology and expertise. The navy also depends on space for increased satellite communications from the sea and low frequency transmissions for communications with submerged submarines. The navy’s budget is only 18 per cent of the total Rs 229,000 crore (US$ 38 billion) allocated to the Armed Forces for 2014-15 against their projected requirement of Rs 285,202 crore.
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INTERVIEW etc will help us tremendously to achieve Prime Minister’s vision which in turn will create very large number of qualified and well trained jobs. We will be able to not only build assets for our own armed forces but also for the global market through our military industrial complex as global companies are also keen to tap the large and ever growing Indian defence market. Manufacturing of hardware using their technology supervision, investment and key components will definitely be a cost-effective solution.
EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW
WITH MR NIKHIL GANDHI
DSA: After a long and unjustifiable hiatus, the Defence Acquisition Council of the new government is becoming hyperactive and a slew of big ticket pending defence projects worth billions of dollars are being cleared post-haste. How do you view this outcome? Is it going to energise and encourage the local industry and plug the demand and supply gap?
Founder, Pipavav Defence
M
r Nikhil Gandhi is a first generation entrepreneur with over 23 years of rich experience in conceiving and developing mega infrastructure projects under the aegis of SKIL Infrastructure Ltd. The company conceived and developed, when there was no policy and precedent, India’s first private sector modern seaport at Pipavav, Gujarat. He also pioneered the concept of “Special Economic Zones” in the country and was the first promoter of the largest SEZ in India near Navi Mumbai. He most recently led the SKIL Group’s initiative of developing an ultra-modern defence focused dockyard and engineering complex with the second largest dry dock in the world. Pipavav Defence is India’s first private sector company to have secured licence to build frontline warships for the Indian Navy. With India opening up its defence sector, which is a US$ 250 billion plus market over the next 5 years in India Mr Gandhi has the vision to make Pipavav Defence as one of the leading world-class integrated defence companies globally. Defence and Security Alert: Pipavav is one of the fastest growing integrated defence companies in India with the largest world-class shipbuilding and offshore infrastructure facilities. Please share with
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DSA readers around the world, the significant milestones and turning points in the exciting and eventful journey of Pipavav since its inception to the present preeminent position.
Mr Gandhi: Pipavav is completely ready from infrastructure, technical, financial and collaborative points of view to meet the challenges to undertake large and long-term contracts to support Indian Navy’s requirement of delivering the assets without any time and cost overrun. The new government has been very sensitive towards the requirement of the armed forces. Defence of the country is and ought to be strong enough to safeguard its borders and maritime frontiers and give peace to 1.25 billion Indians. Clearance of the big ticket projects by the Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) was a right step towards bridging the demand and supply gap as it requires significant amount of time to build the complex assets for our military. It will also give private sector much required confidence and boost as there are hardly any investments in the defence production from the private sector barring two or three, though the policy for 100 per cent private investment is in place for over 11 years.
Mr Gandhi: Pipavav Defence was conceived as India’s first Private Sector defence focused Naval Defence initiative post Kargil War in 2003 when we realised that no country can become a developed country unless its national security, energy security and food security are firmly in place. We as a country had a tough time getting our ammunition and spare parts supplies for our military equipment and systems due to the international convention where such supply is not allowed during the conflict or wartime. DSA: Pipavav has managed collaborations and alliances with some of the best in class global players like Saab, DCNS, Sagem, Northrop Grumman, Textron etc. With recent increase in FDI to 49 per cent and Prime Minister Modi’s clarion call to “Make in India”, how are these alliances going to help Pipavav and India in developing our military industrial complex and a manufacturing hub for export to friendly countries? Mr Gandhi: India had to build its own capabilities and private sector ought to play humble role in making government’s aspiration come true to become self-reliant. Government of India in 2003 saw merit in our submission and the then Defence Minister and the Naval Chief visited the site and appreciated both our vision and courage of conviction to build India’s first world-class global scale MODULAR naval shipbuilding facilities with second largest dry dock in the world capable of building Warships, Submarines, Aircraft Carriers, LNG Carriers of any size and complexity among others. We also built facilities to manufacture and modernise oil platforms, rigs, FPSO for the vital oil and gas sector not only to save precious foreign exchange but also to earn through exports from friendly countries. We partnered with the defence companies globally for master planning of the engineering, construction and putting equipment, systems and processes on par with the best in the world. It was extremely tough
Mr Nikhil Gandhi for a private sector company to enter the defence manufacturing as it was a watertight compartment and DPSUs had a monopoly due to historic reasons. DSA: Pipavav already has a very healthy order book which is expected to swell further with the massive induction drive underway. Is Pipavav well-endowed technically and financially to meet the challenge of plenty? Mr Gandhi: Pipavav’s world-class and global scale infrastructure is perfectly placed to play humble role to Hon’ble Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi’s visionary and growth oriented call viz “MAKE IN INDIA”. Our top class collaborations with SAAB, DCNS, ROE, Sagem
DSA: There is much ado about US pivot shifting to Asia and Indo-Pacific region emerging as the maritime theatre of the future. This evolving scenario warrants Indian Navy to play a pivotal role in securing the region. What role can Pipavav play in modernising the Indian Navy and helping it attain full spectrum capability? Mr Gandhi: Pipavav is fully geared to play humble role by delivering top quality Warships and Submarines on time without any time or cost overrun for our Blue Water Navy to cope up with the ever growing geopolitical challenges as seaward side complexities are on the rise and will continue to pose significant risks and challenges. Country was long awaiting such mammoth and state-of-the-art infrastructure which can be put to use for the NATIONAL SERVICE and being NATIONAL ASSET.
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SEA PIRACY Gas Tanker and Terminal Operators (SIGTTO), Maritime Piracy: Humanitarian Response Programme (MPHRP), Mission to Seafarers, Save our Seafarers, Seafarers Rights International (SRI) supported international efforts to fight piracy.
Gulf of Aden
The ships themselves adopted a number of best practices and DR VIJAY SAKHUJA took operational initiatives while The writer is Director, navigating through piracy infested National Maritime waters such as standard operating Foundation, New Delhi. procedures for piracy response, on board protection systems and positioning of privately contracted armed security personnel (PCASP) for self-defence. MT Kerala
New Hot Spots
While there is much to celebrate, the ugly head of piracy has emerged elsewhere – Gulf of Guinea on the west coast of Africa and Southeast Asia. It has been noted that the “The Gulf of Guinea is the most insecure waterway, globally” and the International Maritime Bureau’s half year report for January to June 2014 noted that there were 23 incidents off the west coast of Africa and Nigerian waters witnessed 10 attacks which were particularly violent including one crew member killed and another injured during a shootout with armed pirates when they boarded a vessel off the coast of Nigeria. Further, three vessels were fired upon by the Nigerian pirates during this period. These trends are a continuation of the past reports which had recorded disturbing trends.
Nigerian Black Gold
SOMALI PIRATES RETREAT THREATS IN NEW AREAS Although the new piracy areas may not require different models for response, but someone would have to lead the initiative. The US has been quite proactive in capacity building of these states and provides guidance in three focused areas but would it be willing to constitute a task force similar to the TF 151 with a number of partners beyond the regional countries? Similarly, is European Union willing? 26
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here is good news from the Gulf of Aden. The International Maritime Bureau recorded that the number of pirate attacks on international shipping reduced significantly in the first half of 2014 and only 10 incidents were reported – three vessels fired upon and no vessels boarded – but warned that the ships must ‘remain vigilant and apply the Best Management Practices guidelines.’ Consequently, the insurance companies have reduced risk premiums for ships transiting through the Gulf of Aden and the ‘hazard pay’ for the ship’s crew, in some cases, has been withdrawn. Further, the navies are considering withdrawing ships from the Gulf of Aden and deploying them elsewhere to meet other national and international commitments.
Counter Piracy Operations
This has been achieved, in large part, due to a number of initiatives taken by the international community at various levels. At the United Nations, several UNSC resolutions authorised
The West African piracy makes an interesting reading given that it is driven by a commodity which is available in abundance. Significantly, the Gulf of Guinea For instance, Nigeria is an oil is believed to be a greater rich country and produces nearly threat to shipping than Somalia 2 million barrels of oil per day but has limited refining capacity resulting in because of its flourishing oil both export of crude and import of and gas industry which attracts refined oil thus generating sufficient shipping, unlike Somalia where Navies from a number of maritime traffic for pirates to feed pirates preyed on targets of countries engaged in counter on. Early this year, MT Kerala, a opportunity on a busy sea route piracy operations in the Gulf of 75,000 ton tanker carrying diesel Aden – US led Task Force 151, was hijacked by Nigerian pirates off EUNAVFOR through Operation Atlanta, NATO in support Angolan coast. The pirates took the usual precautions of Operation Ocean Shield, Chinese naval task force such as disabling the automatic identifications system (CTF 525), warships from India, Iran, Japan, Pakistan, (AIS), switching off communication and painting the Malaysia, Singapore, Republic of Korea etc. The above name of the vessel. The ship was released after siphoning forces escorted merchant ships, prevented attacks, 12,270 tons of its cargo of diesel to other ships. challenged / intercepted pirate boats / ships and even incapacitated the equipment used for conducting Significantly, the Gulf of Guinea is believed to be a pirate attacks. greater threat to shipping than Somalia because of its flourishing oil and gas industry which attracts shipping, A number of shipping organisations such as the Baltic unlike Somalia where pirates preyed on targets of and International Maritime Council (BIMCO), IMB Piracy opportunity on a busy sea route. reporting Centre (IMB PRC), International Association of Dry Cargo Ship-owners (INTERCARGO), International Petro Pirates Chamber of Shipping (ICS), Oil Companies International In Southeast Asia, Indonesia continued to be high on the Marine Forum (OCIMF), The Society of International piracy watch list and the International Maritime Bureau nations to deploy warships in Somalia’s territorial waters and fight piracy and other resolutions called on states to provide assistance to Somalia to protect its EEZ and prevent illegal fishing and dumping of waste.
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maritime muscle
SEA PIRACY cooperation and operational responses. The international community including the industry was convinced that many countries do not possess the necessary capacities to address asymmetric threats independently and maritime cooperation both bilaterally and multilaterally had helped to control piracy. In Southeast Asia, the ‘Petro Pirates’ are a cause of concern, but this phenomenon is still localised and can be managed by effective policing and heightened vigilance before these pirates become more bold after these successes and start attacking larger and more lucrative targets. The IMB too has advised that ‘These serious attacks have so far targeted small coastal tankers. We advise these vessels to maintain strict anti-piracy measures in these waters and to report all attacks and suspicious approaches by small craft.’
recorded 47 incidents including 40 cases of boarding. Pulau Bintan was the highest with 18 incidents which resulted in increased patrolling by the Indonesian Marine Police. The Information Sharing Centre (ISC) of the Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP) data Gulf Of Guinea reveals 12 attacks on oil and product tankers while engaged However, the Gulf in transferring their cargo. Perhaps the most interesting story of piracy in Southeast Asia is that of coastal In Southeast Asia, the ‘Petro tankers being hijacked. The pirates Pirates’ are a cause of concern, in this area are keen to prey on small but this phenomenon is still tankers carrying diesel. These vessels localised and can be managed by are easy targets given that they effective policing and heightened are ‘small, slow and low’ and thus vigilance before these pirates most vulnerable to attack.
of Guinea merits greater attention. The Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) signed a Memorandum of Understanding to suppress piracy, armed robbery and other illicit maritime activities committed at sea in the area off the coast of West and Central Africa become more bold after these apparently facilitated by the US AFRICOM. Between 2007 and 2011, Interestingly, these robbers are now successes and start attacking the US supplied coastal radars, boats referred to as ‘Petro Pirates’ and are larger and more lucrative targets and other equipment. Further, under believed to be part of transnational the African Partnership Station organised crime groups who work with the connivance of corrupt officials. Further their (APS), which involves maritime security exercises, the US motive is to steal only the cargo and not harm the crew. provided training to 20 West and Central African countries. For instance, Orapin 4, a small tanker carrying diesel Earlier this year, in his testimony before the House Armed between Singapore and Pontianak in Indonesian Borneo Services Committee, AFRICOM commander General makes an interesting story. The crew of the vessel was David Rodriguez, stated that “maritime criminal activities blindfolded and their wrists bound and, according to one in the Gulf of Guinea remain at concerning levels’. The of the crew members, the pirates stated that they would US Office of Naval Intelligence assessed that incidents of not harm the crew and they just needed to take the fuel. piracy and maritime crime in the Gulf of Guinea increased While the robbers siphoned the fuel to smaller vessels, by 80 per cent between 2010 and 2013 and the Oceans they also robbed the crew of watches, cellphones, money Beyond Piracy group announced that nearly US$ 2 billion and other valuables. The stolen cargo is sold to prospective is lost each year in port revenue, insurance premiums and customers and in black market it costs between US$ 400 security costs due to maritime crime in the Gulf of Guinea. and US$ 650 per tonne and in the case of Orapin 4, the Although the new piracy areas may not require different cargo was worth nearly US$ 2.2 million. models for response, but someone would have to lead Further, these vessels (below 1,000 gross tonnes) the initiative. The US has been quite proactive in capacity become more vulnerable since they do not have to be building of these states and provides guidance in three ‘fully compliant with necessary international standards of focused areas (a) prevention of attacks; (b) response security, safety and crew qualifications’. Analysts believe to acts of maritime crime; and (c) enhancing maritime that this is a business model which could have been security and governance, but would it be willing to constitute a task force similar to the TF 151 with a number borrowed from the west coast of Africa. of partners beyond the regional countries? Similarly, is Piracy in the Straits of Malacca and more recently in European Union willing to expand the activities of the the Gulf of Aden was controlled by effective multilateral EUNAVFOR to the Gulf of Guinea is a big question.
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FORCE MULTIPLIER
US-2 COOPERATION FOR PEACE, PROSPERITY AND PROGRESS Though designed and used by the Japan Maritime Self Defense Force as primarily a Search and Rescue aircraft the US-2s potential for other operations is evident to any maritime agency. These could include conducting a variety of naval roles ranging from benign, diplomatic, constabulary and some military utility operations.
CMDE SUJEET SAMADDAR NM (RETD) The writer retired as the Principal Director Naval Plans. He served NOVA Integrated Systems – A TATA Enterprise as Vice President (Operations) until October 2011. He is presently Director and CEO, ShinMaywa Industries India Limited.
Prime Minister Modi welcomed the recent developments in Japan's policy on transfer of defence equipment and technology. The two Prime Ministers expressed the hope that this would usher in a new era of cooperation in defence equipment and technology. They recognised the enormous future potential for transfer and collaborative projects in defence equipment and technology between the two countries. They welcomed progress made in discussions in the Joint Working Group on cooperation in US-2 amphibian aircraft and its technology and directed their officials to accelerate their discussions. They also directed their officials to launch working-level consultations between the two countries with a view to promoting defence equipment and technology cooperation. Tokyo Declaration September 1, 2014
P
rime Minister Modi and Prime Minister Abe in their Joint Summit Statement of September 1, 2014 exhorted the Joint Working Group on co-operation on US-2 to “accelerate their discussions” on the co-operation in US-2 and its technology. As per the fact sheet later circulated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan the US-2 co-operation seeks to concurrently advance the aeronautics industry including the final assembly and manufacture of the US-2, its maintenance, repair and overhaul and parts manufacturing in India. The US-2, it is learnt, may also be permitted to be exported to third countries under mutual agreement. It is evident that the co-operation on the US-2, between India and Japan is, at the international level, of immense diplomatic and strategic import, whilst at the domestic level the downstream benefits are across the military, technological, economic and social sectors. This is the first time ever that any country has offered to develop an aeronautics industry in the private
sector in India through a well targeted partnership and therefore this programme is completely aligned with Prime Minister Modi’s “Make in India” initiative. World War II saw the induction of the largest flying boat in the history Martin MAR Series to augment wartime cargo and troop carrying capacity. The MARS flew extensively with the United States Navy to transport more than 3 million pounds of cargo and troops with more than 78 round trips between San Francisco Bay and Honolulu. No mean achievement that! These aircraft provided yeoman’s service to the Allied ‘Island Hopping’ campaign in the Pacific. The Indian Navy, too, is no stranger to amphibious aircraft. Naval aviation, which formally took birth at Kochi on 11 May 1953, operated the Shorts Sealand amphibious aircraft, as its first Indian Naval Aircraft. However, the capability of operating such aircraft was lost only in the 1960s when Indian Navy inducted conventional aircraft. With the
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FORCE MULTIPLIER
advent of modern technology in amphibious aircraft, it is only natural that Indian Navy has now sought to re-acquire this unique capability, to truly realise its ‘Blue Water’ capability.
Enforcing Laws Of The Seas
Land-at-location Facility
Amphibious aircraft combine the capabilities of rapid surveillance and prompt response, whether for relief or arrest or intervention, in a single platform. Such a capability is not available on any other platform. Unlike helicopters and aircraft, amphibious aircraft can land at the location and enforce shallow water operations and beaching ability. Of these, both the will and the law of the nation and thus have been a platform of choice for rough sea operations are paramount for India. According many navies. Unlike ships, amphibious aircraft can to a study only about 60 per cent of all waves are below 1.2 m in height, but 96 per cent of all waves likely to be reach the target location far faster encountered are below 3 m in height. than ships can thereby ensuring Amphibious aircraft must therefore, Amphibious aircraft combine early intervention and preventing by design, have full operational escalation of a precipitous incident the capabilities of rapid capability to undertake maritime at sea or close ashore. This includes surveillance and prompt missions in wave heights of 3 m as the ability of even shore based response, whether for relief a norm. The range must be adequate military and political authorities to or arrest or intervention, in to conduct missions into the Malacca undertake a firsthand evaluation a single platform. Such a Straits on the eastern seaboard and of a situation at sea which may capability is not available on into the Gulf of Aden on the western have international ramifications any other platform seaboard including an ability to reach if left to intensify without control. the island nations in the Indian Ocean No other aerial platform has such capability. In fact in the recent floods in Srinagar the Region should the need arise. For disaster relief operations the amphibian must have a capacity for onboard first aid, US-2 could have landed in the Dal Lake. a sick bay for at least ten patients and commensurate rescue gear. STOL features and shallow water operations Mainland-to-island Connectivity India’s island territories have virtually no scope for runway must permit safe landing in busy waterways, possible construction and consequently the inhabitants are denied riverine / high altitude lakes, as well as in open oceans. simple medical and modern amenities. Requiring neither Low stalling speed would enable better observation runway nor other airfield facilities modern amphibious of the target area to search for casualties swept away aircraft can safely land within a few meters from the coast in cyclones or tsunamis. Passenger capacity should or islands and relief material and teams can be ferried be sufficient to carry one platoon of rescue personnel ashore through integral boats requiring no logistic support together with disaster relief material. As a total force from the shore. Similarly, spares, tools and equipment level requirement the aggregate transportation capability can be ferried to a ship or submarine or shipborne aircraft of the amphibian squadron should be to put ashore a at sea to effect repairs. Thus, for long range operations “combat team” of a self-contained battalion in one tranche in a marine environment the amphibian aircraft may be to make a mission truly successful. not only the best but also the only viable option.
USP
The operational profile of an amphibian aircraft comprise of a land / lake / river based launch with cargo and personnel commensurate embarked for the mission at hand, rapid transit to the target area in mid ocean or close ashore / inland a distant water body, surveillance, data gathering and analysis during a stand-off ultra low level and low speed loiter, alighting on the water for executing the maritime mission and then either transit to another destination or return to the parent launch facility.
Required Characteristics
However, not all amphibious aircraft are suited for modern maritime missions. For mission effectiveness the main parameters of performance evaluation would be rough sea operations, range, payload, STOL capabilities,
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The US-2 alone meets and in many cases exceeds these operational requirements. With an ability to operate in sea state 5, landing / take-off distances at about 300 m, transit speeds in excess of 550 kmph and a range of 4,500 km there is no other aircraft in its class. Combined with the world’s only Boundary layer Control (BLC) system on a cargo and transport aircraft, spray suppression features, marinised turbo-prop engines, glass cockpit, pressurised cabins and a highly sophisticated surveillance and communication suite the US-2 stands out as a product of renowned Japanese technology. With an accident free record it is testimony to high quality and sound design. The US-2 has proven credentials of successful operations in sea state 5 with surrounding wave height of 4 m and a wind velocity of about 40 kts at a distance of about
1,200 km from mainland Japan. The optimum force levels to meet the various missions would require about 15-18 amphibian aircraft after accounting for maintenance and strike off reserves.
Amphibious aircraft are therefore, capable of a variety of missions including enforcing order at sea. From an international law perspective, under Article 98 of the United Nations Conventions on the Law of the Seas (UNCLOS), “Every coastal State shall promote the establishment, operation and maintenance of an adequate and effective search and rescue service regarding safety on and over the sea and, where circumstances so require, by way of mutual regional arrangements cooperate with neighbouring States for this purpose.” Amphibious aircraft can provide safety to mariners and thus fit this purpose completely.
Similarly, Piracy, one of the more pressing international problems Requiring neither runway nor facing the seafaring community other airfield facilities modern today, as per the United Nations amphibious aircraft can safely Convention on Law of the Seas land within a few meters (UNCLOS) military aircraft are from the coast or islands and “entitled to seize (Article 107)”, enjoy “right of visit (Article 110)”, and the relief material and teams can “right of hot pursuit (Article 111)”. be ferried ashore through Amphibious aircraft can thus be integral boats very useful in conducting anti-piracy missions and efficient, effective and Operational Perspective economic constabulary operations for safe and secure From an operational perspective and of particular seas. Once the deterrent value of amphibian aircraft is relevance to navies that operate long range maritime patrol aircraft (LRMR) such as the P8I of the established, by conducting a few successful operations that Indian Navy and AWACS aircraft of the IAF, or deck bring culprits to book, seas will become far more secure based MiG-29K, or shore based maritime interdiction in the future and at a lesser operating cost.
Though designed and used by the Japan Maritime Self Defense Force as primarily a Search and Rescue aircraft the US-2s potential for other operations are evident to any maritime agency. These could include conducting a variety of naval roles ranging from benign, diplomatic, constabulary and some military utility operations.
aircraft such as the MiG-29 or Su-30 or the Jaguar, is in the choice of the most suitable platform that can conduct a near all-weather high speed rescue operation for the entire crew of a ditched aircraft. The aircraft is more easily replaceable than its highly trained aircrew. The rescue of a crew is faster and surer with amphibian aircraft than using ships or even helicopters. Such an assurance of recovery at sea builds huge confidence and markedly improves operational performance of the aircrew.
Disaster Management
Another live example where such an aircraft could find great utility is in the early detection and control of derelicts. One would recall that MV Wisdom and MV Patit ran aground near Mumbai within a few months of each other having pierced the coastal surveillance envelope undetected. Both ships were suspected to have been drifting after their crew abandoned the vessels. Such derelicts are not only hazardous upon beaching but also are a menace at sea. Helicopters and ships were unequal to the task. The MV Rak, sailing from Indonesia to Dahej in Gujarat with 60,000 tonnes of coal, sank barely 20 nautical miles off the Mumbai coast after developing two holes in its hull. Advanced technology amphibian aircraft operating even in rough sea conditions, ferrying sophisticated damage control equipment and a specialist and experienced naval repair team, rapidly and directly to the stricken ship, would have averted these ecological and financial disasters easily.
The large payload and high transit speeds of the US-2 permit the positioning of troops in a state seized with internal disruptions should such intervention be invited of India. In the past India has provided such stabilisation forces and amphibian aircraft supplements this capability manifold. Rapid and precision induction and de-induction of troops along undefended coastlines for covert / diplomatic or force projection operations is one example. This aircraft can be tasked for multifarious maritime missions such as: Ultra Long Range Naval logistic and maintenance support through ferrying of specialised dockyard personnel and spares to a Fleet during operational deployments Multipurpose cargo and transport missions Surveillance, reconnaissance, intelligence gathering and on-spot investigation and arrest of offenders in the EEZ and on High Seas Extended Range Visit, Board, Search and Seizure (VBSS) operations Oceanic Search and Rescue (SAR) and casualty evacuation (CASEVAC) from distressed fishing vessels, ships, submarines and oilrigs Mainland to Andaman and Nicobar and Lakshadweep
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FORCE MULTIPLIER
group islands and inter-island support without need of a runway Monitoring, servicing and protection of offshore assets Controlling derelicts Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief operations Countering small arms, shoulder launched weapons, drugs trafficking and terrorism at sea Countering illegal human migration Prevention of poaching and illegal fishing and simultaneous arrest of offenders Prevention of toxic cargo dumping at sea and simultaneous arrest of offenders Anti-piracy missions Support for deep sea mining activities, offshore cable laying and hydrocarbon prospecting Inland lakes and riverine cargo and transport operations in support of the local population or army operations
the world with the ability to build sophisticated amphibian aircraft. Mastery over Boundary Layer Control systems for lift augmentation and STOL capabilities may have civil applications. One offshoot of this partnership would be the ability to design and build the next generation amphibian aircraft for providing a civil use platform that would link the island territories directly with the mainland without recourse to runways which damage the sensitive ecology of the islands and come at a huge price. This would open up the tourism trade and rapidly develop these of-flying islands and help integrate these populations with mainland India. The US-2 co-operation has the potential to partner with National Aeronautics Laboratory in the design and production of the Regional Transport Aircraft which could well be amphibian catering to not only internal domestic routes but also exclusive and difficult to access international island resorts across the globe from a variety of destinations across the world.
Strategic Perspective
Economic Perspective
From a strategic perspective India must not only be able to From an economic perspective the Japanese offer to address its own immediate security needs and defeat the manufacture the US-2 in India in the private sector, will enemies of the state but must also be able to contribute in build-up the aeronautics supply chain and create a cluster the safety, security and stability in its area of interest and of high technology SMEs servicing not influence. In the maritime arena only the US-2 but also global aircraft and this power status contributes to helicopter manufacturing companies From a purely operational burden sharing towards protection quite like the Suzuki model which perspective the US-2, capable of global public goods and the galvanised the automobile industry in of multifarious tasking and oceanic commons to achieve India. The potential for export of the multifaceted missions, is a firstly, freedom of navigation and US-2 aircraft to third countries under force multiplier for the Indian safety at sea for the unimpeded mutual agreement between India Navy and is of immense progress of the littoral nations; and Japan as well as the supply of strategic value to India secondly, promoting regional sophisticated aero structures to global stability through an open and aircraft manufacturers can open a participative security architecture multi-billion dollar export market for Indian industry is a recipe for peace in the region; thirdly, proactively earning India much needed foreign exchange and revenues. alleviate suffering during disasters in the littorals of Needless to mention, this co-operation does not require the friendly nations and, finally a constabulary capacity to government of India to make any investments as the project maintain order at sea for the common prosperity of the would be taken up in the private sector. This would also offset region. Development of such maritime capabilities and the defence import bill to some extent. induction of the appropriate enabling systems signal a firm regional commitment towards maintaining regional Social Perspective stability and maritime security and safety but is also an From a social perspective the US-2 co-operation would affirmation of delivering on the natural responsibilities open the manufacturing sector with much needed that come with great power status. These objectives are high skill jobs. It is learnt that Japan has also offered to train achieved by co-operation on the US-2 aircraft. Indian technicians in Japan in aeronautics and avionics and is considering investment into Indian Institutes for an advanced Co-operation with Japan for the production of the US-2 aero structure design centre. Thus, this project would build is not without significance to neighbouring countries who genuine capacity and capability in India. have formed production agreements for defence equipment with third countries inimical to Indian interests. In the In conclusion, the unique multi-modal design of the future once the Japanese policies on arms export controls US-2 permits airborne, seaborne and land / lake / riverine are further liberalised India will have first mover advantage and possibly many other defence goods such as the trainer operations in a single platform. From a purely operational aircraft, reconnaissance and surveillance helicopters etc perspective the US-2, capable of multifarious tasking may also begin to be sourced from Japan and built in India. and multifaceted missions, is a force multiplier for the Think tanks are already exploring the possibility of an Indian Navy if not also for the Indian armed forces. Australia-India-Japan partnership to build 52 submarines Partnering with Japan for co-operation on the US-2 aircraft is of immense strategic value to India. The technological, centred around a common design such as the Soryu class. economic and social benefits of this partnership are indeed a path to progress, prosperity and peace in the region. The Technology Perspective From a technology perspective the final assembly, integration programme is a force multiplier for Indian ambitions of and delivery of the aircraft from a manufacturing facility realizing a world-class “Make in India” aeronautics and in India will leapfrog India to amongst the few nations in aircraft manufacturing ecosystem within the nation.
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maritime muscle
MUMBAI ATTACK
PM Heblikar
COASTAL SECURITY
POST 26/11 Chinks In The Armour Remain The challenges posed by irregular warfare or asymmetrical warfare need to be always borne in mind and responses readied to meet them. Media reports of terrorists attacking Pakistani naval and air force assets in the immediate past may need to be studied in depth. The chances of these elements seizing Pakistani military assets for anti-India actions cannot be ruled out.
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ndia’s defence preparedness has undergone a remarkable change in the past several months especially following the assumption of office by the NDA government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The clarity provided by the current political leadership, at its highest levels, on matters of national interest and security has significantly contributed to the changed internal and external security environment. This has been further substantiated by actions characterised by clearance for the purchase of much needed high value military hardware and also simultaneously reducing the areas of confusion, conflict and neglect left behind by the previous government. With the unmistakable Modi stamp on defence and security matters, the road forward will hopefully be without obstacles and next 3-4 years will be crucial towards India’s resurgence as an important strategic power, in regional and international terms. Prime Minister Modi has placed international front against terrorism and maritime security at the vanguard of his strategic vision. In tandem with the above, the Look East Policy or Act East Policy has gained importance. In
The writer is Managing Trustee, Institute of Contemporary Studies Bangalore (ICSB). He is a Visiting Professor at the Department of International Relations and Strategic Studies, Manipal University, Manipal (Karnataka). He is an Adjunct Faculty at National Institute of Advance Studies (NIAS) Bangalore. He retired as Special Secretary to Government of India in September 2010. He was twice decorated by the Government for Meritorious and Distinguished service besides other commendations. He specialises in insurgency and counter-insurgency and its external ramifications. His areas of interest include developments in South Asia, South East Asia, Africa and India’s national security.
thisscheme,thefocuswillbeonsafeguardingIndia’smaritime interests. This has also been severally stated by the political establishment at its highest levels. The Indian Navy will now be at the forefront of this power projection.
New Naval Assets
The Indian Navy will be shortly celebrating the 43rd anniversary, on December 4, 2014, to commemorate its attack on the Pakistani naval base at Karachi. The Navy has added several trophies to its collection since then. This year will obviously become a significant one for the Navy with the central government adding more muscle to its armoury. Announcements of new assets to its inventory worth thousands of crores have been made in recent weeks. It is safe to assume that the Navy is in for a major makeover and with its new role and character it will have to keep pace with the new political directives on maritime affairs. Power projection will therefore assume new dimensions. Power projection, inter alia, is based on the ability of the national intelligence community to obtain real time
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maritime muscle
maritime muscle
MUMBAI ATTACK
intelligence and for security purposes. The ability to assess, analyseandutiliseintelligenceinputswillbethekeytomaximise operational efficiency. The Mumbai episode exposed major chinks in our national security infrastructure especially on intelligence sharing and joint action not only between the central agencies but also with state agencies.
Naresh Chandra Report
Time has now come for the Naresh Chandra Report on national security reforms to be implemented in real earnest without intra-departmental turf war. The Naresh Chandra Report could form the nucleus of a national security doctrine. It is time for our political leadership to publicly spell out its doctrine indicating India’s core interests in tangible terms. Time has also come to operate outside the existing “silo” mentality, where each agency operates on its own. National security should no longer be viewed in a narrow military sense. Its ambit must be expanded to include more stakeholders including private and corporate sector.
that while the Coast Guard has been designated as the Lead Intelligence Agency for covering the maritime domain, it is yet to formally become functional. This arrangement must be well-crafted to ensure that the Lead Intelligence Agency is suitably equipped to advise the government on threat perceptions, mitigation protocols, liaison with sister agencies and sharing of real time intelligence. Further, the Coast Guard should be professionally sound in intelligence acquisition and assessmentdutiesforwhichitrequirestotakesuitablesteps.The creation of a dedicated intelligence agency particularly in the maritime domain is therefore necessary.
December 2014 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT
PROF HARI SARAN
Intelligence Gathering
The writer is Professor, Department of Defence and Strategic Studies, DDU Gorakhpur University, Gorakhpur, India.
The decline in human intelligence (humint) in intelligence acquisition activities is worrisome. It must be urgently addressed and our ability to increasingly professionalise signal intelligence must be included in this ambit. One thing is clear that there is no substitute for humint in addressing national security matters. Humint is both civil and military in nature and must exist across the board.
The creation of the Sagar Prahari Bal in March 2009 for Development of military diplomacy is an important area worthy of attention by the government. This also includes coastal watch and ward duties with dedicated manpower increasing our naval representation in countries that are and equipment is a step in the right direction along with included in India’s “Look East Policy” (LEP). More interaction seamless coastal surveillance system and other assets. with the international naval and maritime community The situation in 2014 is better with more improvements. There have been chinks in the will become inescapable. In this armour as witnessed by the “Italian connection, the emphasis and role of the Indian Navy is both The Pradhan-Balachandran Report, Marines incident” off the Kerala coast two years ago, where our important and unmistakable. which was commissioned by the Doubtless, the navy would have Maharashtra government to look establishment has cut a sorry figure. made preparations to meet this into the Mumbai attacks, laid bare Again two years ago the nation new responsibility. This will the deficiencies in our then witnessed the spectacle of a floating envisage more financial outlay infrastructure. Its recommendations hulk off the Juhu beach, Mumbai. These could be the tip of the iceberg, for induction of well trained have far-reaching implications there could be other infractions that and groomed manpower, have not come to light. more emphasis on collection and analysis of information, creation of requisite posts in The central government on its part has initiated several Indian diplomatic missions overseas and other forms of engagements. There is perhaps a reason for us to look at such projects to augment the security mechanism. There are diplomacy with increased visits to not only Sri Lanka but also expectationsthatthedraftcoastalsecuritybillmaybepresented at the winter session of Parliament. It is hoped that this bill will other friendly ports. address the omnibus issues associated with coastal security Coastal Security and also superintendence of coastal areas. Post-2008 has witnessed several improvements in revamping India’s coastal security. The New Threats From Sea Pradhan-Balachandran Report, which was commissioned Military experts and others have ruled out any direct threat by the Maharashtra government to look into the to India from across the seas. The defence infrastructure is Mumbai attacks, laid bare the deficiencies in our geared to meeting such exigencies. The challenges posed then infrastructure. Its recommendations have by irregular warfare or asymmetrical warfare need to be far-reaching implications. It would be instructive to obtain its always borne in mind and responses readied to meet them. non-sensitive portions for the benefit of our security managers, Media reports of terrorists attacking Pakistani naval and both civil and military especially in the seven maritime states air force assets in the immediate past may need to be studied across India. The recommendations of the report should in depth. The chances of these elements seizing Pakistani provide a guideline for implementation by all agencies of the military assets for anti-India actions cannot be ruled out. There may be other machinations as well. A combined central and state governments. establishment comprising the tri-Services, Coast Guard, It will no doubt fall upon the Indian Navy and the Central security agencies and state police organisations, Indian Air Force to project India’s power equations in its core should be set-up to study irregular warfare or asymmetrical areas of national security. The Indian Navy has been placed warfare in maritime domain and keep the stakeholders at the apex of the maritime security architecture as also with abreast of new developments and trends. West Bengal and the overall responsibility. The Coast Guard works in close Odisha have been identified to be most vulnerable in the coordination with the Navy as also the Coastal Police of coastal surveillance system on the East Coast. This weak link several states. A former senior Indian Navy officer remarked has to be rectified urgently.
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POTENT TOOLS
Indo-Pacific Region Maritime Dimensions Of India’s Foreign Policy
India is passing through a phase of rapid economic transformation and is poised to play a significant role at the Indo-Pacific stage in the coming years. These two regions are equally important for India’s future growth, development, security and prosperity. India wants a secure and peaceful Indo-Pacific region.
A
major pragmatic demand of Indian foreign policy is to protect and enhance national interests and to provide economic, technical and humanitarian assistance to neighbours and close allies. Post Cold War era has ushered an age of globalisation, liberalisation and economic inter-dependence. The extra-intra-regional economic cooperation has become necessary for development, growth, prosperity and security of a state. Geostrategic cooperation and military alliances have been replaced by economic and trade partnership. The world has transformed from Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) to Mutual Economic Dependence (MED). During this period, joint maritime operations and cooperation have found a new shape and importance for foreign affairs. This century is going to be a maritime century due to unabated region-wise drive for economic cooperation and development.
Maritime Diplomacy
In the changed global scenario, Indo-Pacific region has
become India’s geoeconomic and geostrategic area of interest. India has vast economic and security concerns in this region. Indian foreign policy is now based on the policy of interaction and cooperation rather than isolation. India has formulated a foreign policy to establish better relationship and understanding with her immediate and extended neighbours. By pursuing an aggressive policy of maritime diplomacy, India’s regional maritime power and identity have undergone a major change during the past decades. All the major economic powers of the world are also the major maritime powers. In the post Cold War era, maritime power and diplomacy are being used as potent tools of foreign affairs. In the changed geoeconomic scenario, Indo-Pacific region has become the epicentre of world affairs. It accounts for about two-thirds of total oceanic area and home to nearly 3 billion people along with a GDP of nearly US$ 20 trillion. About 97 per cent of world trade is being borne by sea routes. 167 countries of the world
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POTENT TOOLS
are connected by oceans and seas. Maritime power has now become the synonym of national security. India has also started a massive drive to be a major maritime power of Indo-Pacific region by 2020-30. By that time Indian economy will become the third largest in the world. India’s economic engagements and maritime security participations were evident during this century with ASEAN, China, Japan, South Korea and United States in particular and Indian Ocean littoral countries in general.
Indian Navy established a communication base in Madagascar in 2011 to provide information to anti-piracy operation forces in this water region. In 2012, India’s training ship INS Sudarshini launcheda six month long historic voyage to commemorate the two-decade long partnership with ASEAN member states (Indian Ocean Watch, IDSA,December 2012).
Outward Looking
In the new world scenario, India has also abandoned her age-old policy of isolation and began to increase trade and maritime relations with neighbouring, regional and external powers. For fast economic development and growth, India started Look East Policy in 1992, Look West Policy in 2005, Connect Central Asia Policy in 2011 and Look Middle East Policy in 2013. Maritime diplomacy has been used as a major tool for confidence building and forging greater cooperation among states of Indo-Pacific region. Indian policy makers have decided to increase maritime engagement and cooperation with regional and external powers with the help of following measures: Indian Navy is pursuing an offensive policy of conducting bilateral and multilateral naval exercises, goodwill and port visits with neighbouring, regional and external powers. Indian Navy has institutionalised interaction with almost all the major navies of the world such as United States (Malabar Series), Russia (Indra Series), Britain (Konkan), France (Varuna), China, Japan (Sahyog Keijan) and ASEAN countries during the past decades. Naval cooperation and assistance with countries in the immediate neighbourhood like Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Maldives, Iran and GCC countries was an area of priority focus for the Indian Navy. Naval diplomacy has become the basis of addressing shared concerns over threats like terrorism, piracy, drug trafficking, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and played a significant role in strengthening mutual understanding and transparency.Indian Navy has initiated MILAN biennial naval exercise at Port Blair in 1995. It was initiated with the aim to play a coordinating role and foster closer cooperation among navies of countries in the Bay of Bengal and Indian Ocean region under ‘Friendship across the Sea’ agenda. Indian Army has been a major player in UN Peacekeeping Operations. For the first time in early 1990’s Indian naval warships actively participated in Somalia. Operation Khukri was started on 15-16 July 2000 in support of UN operations in Sierra-Leone. Under operation Sagittarius, Indian Naval warships INS Sarda and INS Sukanya had escorted 24 United States high value vessels passing through the Malacca Straits between April 2 and September 16, 2002. In June 2003, INS Ranjit and INS Suvarna executed a month long deployment in and around Mozambique for security assistance.
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INS Brahmaputra
INS Mumbai
The Indian Navy warships had provided seaward defence at the time of African Union Summit at Maputo in July 2003. National Maritime Foundation (NMF) was established in New Delhi on February 15, 2005 under the Chairmanship of Vice Admiral KK Nayyar. The foundation will have representation from members of all maritime related fields. It will help the country in increasing maritime cooperation with other countries. In July / August 2005, aircraft carrier INS Viraat accompanied by INS Rajput and INS Ranjit (guided missile destroyers), INS Shakti and INS Khukri visited Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia on a goodwill mission. The Langkawi Maritime and Aerospace Exhibition (LIMA-eighth) was held in Malaysia (Kuala Lumpur) from December 6 to 11, 2005. India sent Dhruv light helicopter along with the Indian Navy’s two warships INS Betwa and INS Kora to take part in this biennial event. In 2005, a defence cooperation MoU was signed with Oman by which Indian Navy has got the berthing rights in Oman. Indian Navy has similar berthing rights in Vietnam also. Indo-US Maritime Cooperation Framework was concluded in 2006 for joint Indo-US maritime operations including joint patrolling of energy trade routes, anti-piracy and other transnational crimes at sea, search and rescue operations, anti-pollution at sea and rescue and relief during natural disasters. (The Indian Express, April 25, 2006). Operation Sukoon was started on July 21, 2006 to evacuate the Indian Nationals from Lebanon. The four IN warships – INS Mumbai, INS Betwa, INS Brahmaputra and tanker INS Shakti, which were returning from a deployment to the East Mediterranean in June, were assigned their new mission halfway down the Suez Canal. Nearly, 12,000 Indian citizens were rescued from Lebanon at that time.
In 2013, India and UAE decided to donate rehabilitation and relief work in the Seychelles that was hit by heavy rains and flooding (IOW, Vol 2, No 3, March 2013). In the last quarter of 2013, Indian naval ships were deployed for HADR (Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief) and maritime security exercises under the ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting (ADMM) Plus initiative within Asia-Pacific. (“Emerging Maritime Interests in Asia-Pacific: An Indian Prespective”Address by CNS, naval Galle Dialogue, 25 November 2013).
Maritime violence off the Horn Having the largest of Africa has generated immense force of Indian Ocean region, global attention in 2008. In it has now become pertinent October 2008, the Indian Navy On 8th March 2014, a Malaysian deployed INS Tabar to participate in for India to increase soft Airlines Flight 370 went missing international anti-piracy operations in power naval diplomacy along with 239 people on board the Gulf of Aden region. Two months to Beijing. The Search and Rescue during the years ahead later, a second warship INS Delhi was operation was started by a number of sent to this region. In February 2011, regional and extra-regional powers. Indian Navy deployed Dornier aircraft in Seychelles for Malaysian authorities requested Indian government surveillance and anti-piracy patrolling. to deploy assets to search operation of MH370 in Bay of Bengal. Indian government ordered Eastern Naval The Indian Navy has responded to requests from regional Command to scan the entire Bay of Bengal region. The countries to provide aid and disaster relief. The Indian Navy Indian Navy’s satellite Rukmini (GSAT-7) has also been has provided humanitarian help and relief to Maldives in activated to try and pick up any clue that may lead 1991, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Indonesia and Thailand in 2004 investigators to the missing Boeing aircraft. Tsunami, Yogyakarta earthquake victims of Indonesia in 2006 and cyclone victims of Myanmar in 2008. At the time of evacuation of Indian nationals from Iraq (June 2014), INS Mysore was deployed in the Persian Gulf The first naval symposium (Track II interactions between region. At this time, INS Tarkash (guided missile frigate) Indian Ocean littoral navies) was organised jointly by was operating in the Gulf of Aden. Indian Navy and National Maritime Foundation on 14th and 15th February 2008 at New Delhi. The theme was The above mentioned maritime engagements and “International Maritime Connectivity – Contemporary initiatives have helped India to increase its presence Trans-National Challenges.” Representatives mostly chiefs of and influence in Indo-Pacific countries during the navies from 27 IOR and USA participated in the symposium. past decades. India is passing through a phase of rapid economic transformation and is poised to play a The Indian Navy has provided material, training, significant role at the Indo-Pacific stage in the coming patrolling and hydrographic survey assistance to ASEAN years. These two regions are equally important for states and Indian Ocean regional states. The Indian Naval India’s future growth, development, security and Hydrographic Centre, Dehradun has been organising and prosperity. India wants a secure and peaceful Indoconducting training programmes on a regular basis for Pacific region. Having the largest naval force of naval officers of Indo-Pacific region. Indian Ocean region, it has now become pertinent for India to increase soft power naval diplomacy during the years India’s naval training facilities are excellent in the ahead. Indian Navy should have at least four Hospital Ships world. Hundreds of foreign officers and sailors of the for providing medical assistance to the regional countries Indo-Pacific region get training in these establishments in case of any need or disaster. To be the major power of every year. A new Directorate of Foreign Cooperation and the Indo-Pacific region, government should have Transformation has been established exclusively at naval a bold maritime vision for the next decade. A headquarters under a two-star Rear Admiral to interact blue water navy and proactive maritime cooperation and with the ministers of defence and external affairs to clear diplomacy are essential to protect and promote India’s naval matters with friendly nations. foreign policy in the Indo-Pacific region.
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maritime muscle
CHINESE MACHINATIONS
THE GREAT GAME IN THE INDIAN OCEAN
China is consolidating power over the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean with an eye on India – something that comes out clearly in an oft-cited secret memorandum issued by the PLA General Logistic Department director: “We can no longer accept the Indian Ocean as only an ocean of the Indians [...]. We are taking armed conflicts in the region into account.”
Pakistani request has not been entertained by China, at least for now, Indian Ocean is fast emerging as the main front in the struggle between China and India. The Indian government has been explicitly acknowledging for the last few years what many have been warning for almost a decade now: China’s role in the Indian Ocean is growing at a rate that underlines much more than a normal expansion of capabilities. Former External Affairs Minister, SM Krishna, informed the Indian Parliament in 2011 that “the Government of India has come to realise that China has been showing more than the normal interest in the Indian Ocean affairs.” He went on to assert that the government is “closely monitoring the Chinese intentions.” But monitoring intentions of a state is a fool’s errand. Intentions cannot be empirically verified and even if one could determine China’s intentions today, there is no way to know what they will be in the future.
made some significant advances in the waters surrounding India.
Rivalry With US
China’s growing naval capability was on full display as it paraded its nuclear-powered submarines for the first time as part of the celebrations to mark the 60th anniversary of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Navy in PROF HARSH V PANT 2009. Gone was the reticence of The writer is Professor of yore when China was not ready International Relations at to even admit that it had such King's College London. capabilities. Chinese commanders are now openly talking about the need for nuclear submarines to safeguard the nation’s interests and the Chinese Navy, once the weakest of the three services, is now the focus of attention of the military modernisation programme that is being pursued with utmost seriousness. China’s Navy is now considered the third-largest in the world, behind only the US and Russia and superior to the Indian Navy in both qualitative and quantitative terms. The PLA Navy has traditionally been a coastal force and China has had a continental outlook to security. But with a rise in its economic might since the 1980s, Chinese interests have expanded and acquired a maritime orientation with intent to project power into the Indian Ocean. China is investing far greater resources in the modernisation of its armed forces in general and its navy in particular than India seems either willing to undertake or capable of sustaining at present. China’s increasingly sophisticated submarine fleet could eventually be one of the world’s largest and with a rapid accretion in its capabilities, including submarines, ballistic missiles and GPS-blocking technology, some are suggesting that China will increasingly have the capacity to challenge the US. Senior Chinese officials have now openly acknowledged that China is ready to launch its first aircraft carrier with tests starting later this year, a capability that is viewed as being indispensable to protecting Chinese interests in oceans. Such intent to develop carrier capability marks a shift away from devoting the bulk of the PLA’s modernisation drive to the goal of capturing Taiwan.
I
n early September, two Chinese naval ships docked in the Colombo International Container Terminals (CICT) in which China has invested US$ 500 million, indicating the possibility of China using its commercial infrastructure assets in Sri Lanka for military purposes. India expressed its concerns to the Sri Lankan government over the docking of a Chinese submarine Great Wall No 329 in Colombo harbour along with the support ship Changxing Island in September. Despite that, another Chinese submarine – this time a nuclear-propelled one – Changzheng-2 along with a PLA Navy (PLAN) escort warship Chang Xing Dao docked in
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Colombo on November 6, 2014. The growing presence of China in the Indian Ocean is now unmistakable.
Pearls On A String
Pakistan has already openly invited China to construct a naval base at the strategically located port of Gwadar once again underlines widespread anxiety in India and beyond about Beijing’s Indian Ocean objectives. Gwadar is a predominantly Chinese-funded commercial port about 500 km from the Strait of Hormuz and is considered by many as the most significant ‘pearl’ in Beijing’s ‘string’ of facilities around the Indian Ocean littoral. Though the
What India should instead focus on is China’s rapidly rising naval capabilities in and around the Indian Ocean. Though China may have rebuffed Pakistan’s overtures on Gwadar, Beijing’s growing influence in Pakistan doesn’t make it any less of a headache. For some time now Indian naval expansion has been undertaken with an eye on China, but despite some positive developments, India has nautical miles to go before it can catch up with its powerful neighbour, which has
With a rise in China’s economic and political prowess, there has also been a commensurate growth in its profile in the Indian Ocean region. China is acquiring naval bases along the crucial choke points in the Indian Ocean, not only to serve its economic interests but also to enhance its strategic presence in the region.
For some time now Indian naval expansion has been undertaken with an eye on China, but despite some positive developments, India has nautical miles to go before it can catch up with its powerful neighbour
Designs On IOR
China realises that its maritime strength will give it the strategic leverage that it needs to emerge as the regional hegemon and a potential superpower – and
December 2014 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT
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maritime muscle
CHINESE MACHINATIONS
Changzheng-2
Industry Monitor DAC inks howitzer!
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n a recent Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) meeting chaired by new defence minister Manohar Parrikar, initial clearance was given for Rs 15,750 crore Project to acquire 814 mounted artillery gun systems or motorised howitzers to plug festering critical gap in Indian Army’s long-range, high volume firepower. First 100 guns are to be purchased off-the-shelf and the rest to be indigenously produced by a JV between an Indian private player and a foreign collaborator.
Chang Xing Dao
there is enough evidence to suggest Tensions are inherent in such an that China is comprehensively evolving strategic relationship as With a rise in China’s economic building-up its maritime power in was underlined in an incident in 2012 and political prowess, there all dimensions. It is China’s growing when an Indian Kilo class submarine has also been a commensurate dependence on maritime space and Chinese warships, on their way growth in its profile in the and resources that is reflected in to the Gulf of Aden to patrol the Indian Ocean region. China is the country’s aspiration to expand pirate-infested waters, reportedly acquiring naval bases along its influence and to ultimately engaged in rounds of manoeuvring the crucial chokepoints in dominate the strategic environment as they tried to test for weaknesses the Indian Ocean of the Indian Ocean region. China’s in each other’s sonar systems. The growing reliance on bases across Chinese media reported that its the Indian Ocean region is a response to its perceived warships forced the Indian submarine to the surface, vulnerability, given the logistical constraints that it which was strongly denied by the Indian Navy. faces due to the distance of the Indian Ocean waters from its own area of operation. Yet, China is consolidating power over the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean with an eye on India – something that comes out clearly in an oft-cited secret memorandum issued by the PLA General Logistic Department director: “We can no longer accept the Indian Ocean as only an ocean of the Indians [...]. We are taking armed conflicts in the region into account.” Given the immense geographical advantages that India enjoys in the Indian Ocean, China will find it very challenging to exert as much sway in the Indian Ocean as India can. But all the steps that China will take to protect and enhance its interests in the Indian Ocean region will generate apprehensions in India about Beijing’s real intentions, thereby engendering a classic security dilemma between the two Asian giants.
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Indian Resolve
Unless managed carefully, the potential for such incidents turning serious in the future remains high, especially as Sino-Indian naval competition is likely to intensify with the Indian and Chinese Navies operating far from their shores. The battle to rule the waves in the Indian Ocean seems to have only just begun. “Chinese warships are deployed in the Indian Ocean Region and we are continuously monitoring them and see what is their deployment. Along with it, our aircraft, submarines and warships are always deployed to face any challenge … IOR is our area of operations and we see what is Chinese deployment in IOR and how it can create challenges for us and how we can face them .... We are always ready,” the Indian Naval Chief Admiral Robin Dhowan has suggested. Despite the naval chief’s assertion, it is not readily evident if the Indian government can effectively manage the Chinese onslaught in the Indian Ocean in the short to medium term.
Prithvi-II test-fired
I
ndigenously developed nuclear capable Prithvi-II surface to surface missile was successfully test-fired from Chandipur has a strike range of 350 km and can carry 500 kg to 1,000 kg of warheads. Prithvi-II is thrusted by liquid propulsion twin engines and uses advanced inertial guidance system with manoeuvring trajectory.
Defence and aerospace park in Telangana
T
he government of Telangana proposes to set up a state-of-the-art park to promote defence and aerospace industries in the new state. This was announced by K Pradeep, Telangana’s special chief secretary and commissioner for industrial promotion and mines.
3 Talwar class frigates for Indian Navy
R
ussia has offered India three additional Project 11356 or Talwar class frigates after a series of negotiation rounds. Russia has already supplied two sets of three Project 11356 frigates to India.
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© 2014 LOCKHEED MARTIN CORPORATION
Industry Monitor
New Thales country director
G
lobal defence and security major, Thales has appointed Antoine Caput as Vice President and Country Head for India. He will manage all Thales India operations from New Delhi. Antoine Caput is a graduate of the Institut Superieur de Gestion de Paris and is an accomplished professional with extensive experience in the ground transportation sector.
India’s new defence export strategy
G
overnment of India has developed a “Strategy for Defence Exports”. Highlighting new government’s strategy for leveraging defence exports for commercial opportunity and military diplomacy, the strategy envisages setting up of a Defence Export Steering Committee (DESC) soon along with a national defence export facilitation body. The strategy document also envisions that within six months India will try to become a part of the “Wassenaar Arrangement on Export Controls” and will announce a detailed list of military equipment that will be available for export.
Snecma-Max JV
S
necma and Max Aerospace have finalised and signed an agreement to create a JV Max Aero Engineers Private Limited (MAEPL) to offer engine maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO) services to military aircraft in India. Max Aerospace has long experience in aircraft maintenance and Snecma in aero engines and together they promise to deliver world-class support services to military aircraft in India.
Safran, Bharat Forge tie-up
S
afran global aerospace, defence and security leader and Bharat Forge, India’s leading high technology components company have announced business partnership to supply critical, high integrity forged and machined components for civil and military aerospace. The joint entity will supply forged and machined components to Safran’s global affiliate network.
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FOR MISSIONS
AS VARIED AS THE TERRAIN AT LOCKHEED MARTIN, WE’RE ENGINEERING A BETTER TOMORROW.
maritime muscle
DETERRENCE and suggested that “treat all submarines as pirates in wartime and hang all crews”.
Submarine RMA
There was also admiration at their potential to effect, what in modern parlance is termed a “Revolution in Military Affairs” (RMA), with the legendary Admiral “Jacky” Fisher echoing this when he said in 1904 “It is astounding to me, perfectly astounding, how the very best amongst us fail to realise the most impending revolution in naval warfare and naval strategy that the submarine will accomplish”. In the hundred years since then submarines have played a vital role in not only affecting the outcome of all major wars of the 20th century but to a lesser extent shaped the course of world history. The ‘unrestricted warfare’ by submarines unleashed by the Germans in World War I and Admiral Donitz’s legendary wolf packs in World War II altered the entire paradigm of naval conflict, perhaps to a similar degree as the transition from sail to steam. The Cold War which ‘raged’ for over four decades and dominated the historical discourse for the major part of the second half of the 20th century also came to be exemplified by the nuclear powered submarine, both ballistic missile armed (SSBN) and more conventionally armed (SSN). The nuclear reactor on-board presented options in submarine deployment which had hitherto never been thought of. It was the nuclear submarines on both sides of the bipolar divide, armed with enough firepower to decimate civilisation, that more than anything else ensured that the Cold War remained ‘cold’.
Post Cold War Scenario
SUBMARINES
CRITICAL ROLE IN NATIONAL SECURITY The 21st century is widely spoken of as the Asian century as also the maritime century. Events thus far in the last decade and a half have corroborated this prediction as the oceans continue to dominate the strategic narrative while Asia has emerged as the focus of global attention. 44
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S
ubmarines constitute an integral element of a maritime nation’s security architecture. The versatility of the platform endows it with the autonomy to operate across the entire spectrum of conflict from the strategic to the limited. Submarines, resembling those we know today, appeared at the beginning of the last century to mixed reactions. There were cynical references to these even from science fiction writers of the eminence of HG Wells who said in 1901 “I must confess that my imagination refuses to see any sort of submarine doing anything but suffocating its crew and floundering at sea” and moral indignation from the senior naval officers such as Rear Admiral of the Royal Navy who said in 1900 that submarines were “underhand, unfair and damned un-English”
The spectacular collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 which brought an end to the Cold War led skeptics to believe that era of a potential nuclear Armageddon was over and consequently the importance of submarines would diminish. However the concept of total war gave way to the emergence of the littoral as the new maritime battle-space. Operational concepts such as ‘From the Sea’ became the mantra as the contours of a multipolar world order began to emerge. Regional issues began to occupy centrestage in their respective spheres of influence.
the platform of choice to shape not only the littoral maritime battle-space but also decisively influence the outcome of the land conflict as was so effectively demonstrated by the success of the Tomahawk missile offensive by NATO’s nuclear attack submarines in various operations from Kosovo to Libya. While the end of the Cold War diminished the criticality of a sea based deterrent, it has by no means gone away and the Big Five continue to maintain and develop their deterrent with adequate firepower to annihilate the world several times over. The USA, in particular, very innovatively reconfigured some of its Ohio class SSBNs into a guided missile role and used it most effectively off Libya.
The Indian Context
CMDE ANIL JAI SINGH (RETD)
The writer commissioned in January 1981, joined the submarine arm in March 1982 and in three decades since, had five afloat commands (including four submarine commands) and a wide array of appointments ashore. He was also the Indian Naval Adviser in London and part of the perspective planning and force development process in HQ IDS. He took premature retirement in 2011 and is Vice President ofthe Indian Maritime Foundation. He takes keen interest in matters maritime and has written and spoken on the subject in India and abroad.
The 21st century is widely spoken of as the Asian century as also the maritime century. Events thus far in the last decade and a half have corroborated this prediction as the oceans continue to dominate the strategic narrative while Asia has emerged as the focus of global attention. Globalisation and enhanced connectivity has blurred traditional maritime boundaries and bilateral issues are giving way to a shared concern for the freedom of navigation on the ‘wide commons’. However notwithstanding this cooperative framework, there is reason for India to ensure that its maritime strength is commensurate with its strategic location in the Indian Ocean, its preeminent status in the region and its economic interests across the oceans particularly in the maritime domain.
The two defining events which have substantially altered the concept of submarine operations were the The maritime resurgence of China, its belligerence in end of the Cold War and the events in the Indian Ocean the East and South China Seas, its frequent forays into the littoral in the 21st century triggered by the tragic events of Indian Ocean and its infrastructure support to countries 11 September 2001 (9/11). While the former reduced the surrounding India, its long-festering border issues with India importance of the sea based nuclear deterrent, the latter shifted and its unstinted support to Pakistan including an unholy the global geopolitical centre of gravity and consequently nuclear nexus are enough cause for unease in India. The the maritime security element to the Indian Ocean littoral. country also has to contend with the nuclear conundrum The rise of China and India, the emergence of wealthy in this region. Six of ten declared and undeclared nuclear South-East Asia, Australia’s reorientation weapon states are in the Indo-Pacific. to the Indian Ocean, Japan’s changing For some of these, nuclear power is an The two defining events which security stance, the USA’s rebalancing existential necessity and the rhetoric strategy and the religious, political and that emanates periodically from them have substantially altered social quagmire in West Asia has further can be quite disconcerting. the concept of submarine highlighted this global shift. operations were the end of India has also clearly articulated the Cold War and the events in Conventional Back-up its blue water naval aspirations the Indian Ocean littoral in the The role of the submarine has also and has mandated itself to be 21st century triggered by the transitioned from being the ultimate the ‘net security provider’ in the tragic events of 9/11 Cold War warrior to becoming Indian Ocean. This requires a
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maritime muscle
DETERRENCE Three Carrier Battle Groups
A contemporary blue water capability with a carrier-centric force structure is integral to a concept of sea control and entails the ability to not only deploy in distant waters for prolonged durations but also have the necessary hardware to sustain operations and effectively control the environment in the area for the desired duration. Sea control, perhaps not in the classic sense can also be effectively exercised with a potent nuclear powered attack submarine (SSN) capability. The SSN, by virtue of its speed, agility, endurance and firepower and ability to shape the maritime battle-space perfectly complements the carrier-centric force structure. India currently operates one SSN on lease from Russia but is focusing on creating an indigenous SSN capability. The Indian Navy would be well served by a force of six SSNs to effectively support its blue water aspirations with three carrier battle groups. The importance of the nuclear submarines notwithstanding, it is the conventional diesel-electric submarine (SSK) that still provides the offensive edge and remains the ideal ‘sea denial’ platform. The SSKs punch way above their weight and can deter even a vastly superior adversary with their inherent advantage of stealth and concealment. The proliferation of submarines in the Indo-Pacific in the last couple of decades is indicative of their utility and effectiveness for smaller navies. Recent technological comprehensive capability across the entire advancements like air independent spectrum of conflict encompassing the India currently operates one propulsion (AIP), the torpedo strategic, the operational and the tactical. SSN on lease from Russia but tube launched land attack and Submarines, with their versatility lend is focusing on creating an anti-ship missile and smart torpedoes themselves ideally to project the desired indigenous SSN capability. have greatly reduced the traditional national posture. It is no coincidence that limitations of endurance and The Indian Navy would be well the only other two navies operating a mix speed thus making these far more served by a force of six SSNs of SSBNs, SSNs and submarine-submarine potent in their ability to deliver killers (SSKs) are Russia and China which kinetic effect. are not part of a security alliance and have to therefore develop their own complete capability. The other nuclear submarine Insufficient SSKs operating navies viz USA, UK and France have dispensed with It is the widening capability deficit in our SSK capability SSK fleets since other NATO navies have focused on them that should be of utmost concern to our naval planners. thus obviating the possibility of a capability gap. The erratic submarine acquisition programmes of the The cornerstone of India’s nuclear doctrine, promulgated in 2003, is ‘No First Use’ which automatically implies a robust and invulnerable second strike capability for the doctrine to be credible. The nuclear powered ballistic missile submarine is the ideal platform to not only deliver a retaliatory strike but its mere presence acts as an effective deterrent as was witnessed during the Cold War. India at present lacks this vital third leg of the triad. The Arihant, India’s indigenously built strategic missile submarine is at an advanced stage of harbour trials and should be able to commence her sea trials soon. Its strategic missile is also at an advanced stage of development and its operationalisation should coincide with the submarine’s. However for deterrence to be truly effective a continuous presence at sea is essential for which the navy would require a minimum of three and ideally at least five submarines. Two more submarines are presently on the anvil and a further two will probably follow. Therefore, a continuous sea based deterrence capability is at least one decade away. That in itself is not such a matter of concern because that level of deterrence is perhaps not an immediate need but could become so in that approximate time frame as the stage begins to be set for a second Cold War, this time in the Indo-Pacific.
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Indian Navy ever since the arm came into being has resulted in creating a deficit wherein despite adequate numbers, the effectiveness of the SSKs is diminished with consequential effects that extend far beyond just being able to put them at sea. Recent initiatives have been taken at the DAC level to address this glaring anomaly but these may fall well short of delivering the desired capability in a reasonable time frame. Operational imperatives particularly where a glaring deficit exists cannot be ignored and should be judiciously balanced to address the larger national objective without compromising national security. The Indian Navy’s submarine arm today operates the oldest submarines in the region amongst comparable navies and the situation is likely to improve only marginally in the near future. The importance of submarines to national security cannot be underestimated, They provide the decisive edge at every level, be it strategic, operational or tactical. Submarines make navies credible and nations which neglect the phased growth and modernisation of this vital capability do so at their own peril.
maritime muscle
LEGISLATIVE SUPPORT
Matters Maritime
Appraising The Role Of
India’s Lawmakers
The Indian Parliament needs to play a more proactive role in the country’s lawmaking machinery on maritime issues. The Parliamentarians require to expedite the process of passing pending maritime bills, such as The Merchant Shipping Bill, as improvement of the working conditions of seafarers should be the top priority of the higher echelons of the government.
P
resident Pranab Mukherjee, earlier this year in June 2014, while addressing a joint sitting of the Parliament had outlined the huge responsibility ahead for the newly formed 16th Lok Sabha (Lower House); it has to decide the future of 67 bills pending in both Houses of Parliament. The Parliament will sit for its Winter Session (third session of Parliament since the new government took charge) from November 24 to December 23 and many crucial bills will be taken up for debate and passage. Maritime security has been accorded greater impetus by the newly-elected Modi government as an important part of India’s national security matrix. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in his speech to the UN General Assembly in September 2014, stressed how maritime security is a fundamental prerequisite for the security of the entire Asia-Pacific region. Arun Jaitley, the former Indian Minister of Defence and Minister of Finance has too reiterated that maritime security would of the top priority issues for the new government.
Amendments
It is hoped that the new government would also be able to debate the draft Coastal Security Bill, which is likely to be tabled in the Winter Session. The Bill has been drafted to ensure better coordination amongst multiple agencies responsible for maritime and coastal security and to fill the gaping voids in law-enforcement powers of these agencies. It is also expected that the pending Merchant Shipping (Second Amendment) Bill which was introduced in the Rajya Sabha (Upper House) by the then Minister of Shipping GK Vasan in August, 2013 will also be passed in the forthcoming Session. The Bill proposes to amend the Merchant Shipping Act 1958, to bring it in conformity with the International Labour Organisation’s Maritime Labour Convention 2006. Basically the Bill prohibits the employment of minors and adds that the ‘incharge’
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of the ship shall maintain quantity and quality of food and drinking water as per the provisions of the Convention. It also prescribes that every foreign-going ship carrying less than the prescribed number of persons shall have medical facilities on-board, as prescribed in the Convention. The Bill also proposes to add a new term ‘seafarer’, meaning any person employed on a sea-going ship except warships and military or non-commercial government ships. India will also have to ensure that all foreign flag vessels entering the territorial waters of India or any adjacent area over which India has exclusive jurisdiction, are subject to an inspection. Thus, This Bill requires to be amended urgently.
Dealing With Crimes
Considering that the new government has clear majority in the Parliament, it may be able to legislate on and revoke the long lapsed bills such as the Piracy Bill and the Marine Fisheries Regulation and Management Bill. The Piracy Bill was introduced in theLok Sabha on April 24, 2012 by the Minister of External Affairs, Mr SM Krishna. Piracy as a crime is not included in the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and this has led to problems in prosecution of pirates presently in the custody of Indian police authorities. Given the increasing cases of piracy in the Indian Ocean in the past and a number of pirates apprehended by the Indian maritime forces, a need was felt for a domestic legislation on piracy, which could provide the necessary legal framework for the Indian security agencies to prosecute the pirates. The Piracy Bill is intended to fill this gap and provide clarity in the law. The Standing Committee on External Affairs in August 2012 had recommended reviewing the provision of death penalty for pirates involved in killing or ‘attempt to murder’ cases in the proposed Piracy Bill. The members of Lok Sabha also recommended changing the name of the bill to ‘Anti-Maritime Piracy Bill’ saying the word piracy may be confusing. However, the Bill was not discussed or tabled further in the Parliament and currently stands lapsed.
ADITI CHATTERJEE
The writer is Research Associate, National Maritime Foundation, New Delhi. Her areas of interest are Maritime Terrorism, non-traditional security threats, Pakistani and Indian foreign policy.
Legal Framework
community with technology to strengthen maritime security in the coastal regions was laid for debate in Lok Sabha in December 2008. An examination of the questions raised in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha reveals that the questions are mostly directed to (and answered by) the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) and the Ministry of Defence (MoD), indicating that the debate usually germinates More optimistically, the new government may be able when a security threat – internal or external – confronts to revoke the long-lapsed Admiralty Bill, so that India the country. In a written response to a question in the which is a sovereign republic for more than six decades is Lok Sabha, on March 11, 2013, which was answered by the not constrained by the limits of the old British Admiralty Defence Minister in the Lok Sabha, wherein he stated that Laws of the colonial era to prosecute pirates apprehended the review of the coastal security apparatus in the country on the high seas, which is otherwise permitted under is a continuous process and the Indian government had international maritime law. The Admiralty Bill which initiated several measures to strengthen coastal security was initially tabled in the Lok Sabha in May 2005 through an integrated approach, which include improving surveillance mechanisms. In the years intended to consolidate and amend 2009, 2012 and lately in February existing laws related to shipping, 2014 debates, special mentions and vest civil jurisdiction with High The new government questions have been raised and Courts and establish the scope of may be able to revoke discussed briefly in both the houses admiralty jurisdiction. The Bill was the long-lapsed Admiralty of the Parliament on efforts to make also to repeal several existing Acts Bill, so that India which is coastal security more effective. related to Admiralty jurisdiction. Similarly, the Marine Fisheries Regulation and Management Bill was intended to provide a common legal framework for regulating the fishing industry in the coastal areas, beside conservation and sustainable use of the living resources in India’s maritime zones. However, the Bill received widespread criticism in its draft stage itself due to its narrow objectives, limited scope and a genuine lack in visionary approach towards management of marine resources. This Bill too lapsed.
a sovereign republic for more than six decades is not constrained by the limits of the old British Admiralty Laws
In this backdrop, it may be relevant to examine how the ‘representatives of the people’at New Delhi have dealt with ‘matters maritime’ in the past and analyse the importance that the Indian Parliament has accorded to maritime issues. For an in-depth analysis, examining the debates in the Indian Parliament – the supreme national legislative body comprising the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha – becomes necessary. Despite the federal structure of the Indian political system, the Indian Constitution confers upon the Parliament exclusive legislative power with regard to inter alia foreign affairs, diplomatic representation, foreign trade and treaties with foreign countries. It is important to analyse how the ‘affairs of the sea’ have figured in Parliament debates.
Threats From The Sea
A preliminary examination of the major debates of the 15th (2009 February-2014 February) and 14th (2004 February-2009 February) sessions of Lok Sabha clearly indicate that maritime issues have featured sporadically. Debates on coastal and maritime security have mostly been raised post 26/11 terrorist attack in Mumbai. For instance, the need to empower the fishermen
Apart from coastal security, during 2010-2012, the Parliament has occasionally discussed the fishermen issue, especially on the need to check the recurring incidents of ill treatment meted out to Indian fishermen by the Sri Lankan Navy in the Palk Bay. The Parliamentarians accordingly deliberated upon the need to ensure the safety and security of the Indian fishermen to create awareness amongst them. The Indian Parliament needs to play a more proactive role in the country’s lawmaking machinery on maritime issues. The Parliamentarians require to expedite the process of passing pending maritime bills, such as The Merchant Shipping Bill, as improvement of the working conditions of seafarers should be the top priority of the higher echelons of the government. Similarly, revoking of lapsed bills such as The Piracy Bill and The Admiralty Bill would strengthen the maritime law-enforcement agencies of the nation, according maritime security a foolproof stature. This is an essential prerequisite for policy making in a nation that aspires to be a major maritime power and be a factor of stability in the Indian Ocean region and beyond.
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maritime muscle
NEW CHALLENGES is only 30 km wide. Everyday large oil tankers transit this narrow strait carrying over 3.4 million barrels of crude oil and are unable to manoeuvre freely, increase speed or avoid visual detection by heading farther offshore”.
Methods
Hijacking merchant vessels or other commercial vessels and then ramming into a patrolling warship are other ways of carrying out a terrorist attack at sea. Also, the hijacked vessel, if a chemical tanker of sorts, could be navigated to a port and then blasted causing heavy destruction. If terrorists were to seize a tanker, a large ship and sink it into a narrow part of the straits it will cripple world trade and would have the iconic large impact which terrorists seek.
MONSTERS AT SEA
Threat of Maritime Terrorism To curb terrorism at sea, the measures cannot be similar to those used for fighting piracy as the very nature of terrorism is a wholly different ordeal especially in fighting terrorists on suicide missions cannot be effectively policed using tactics and strategies designed for pirates. Whereas pirates can be deterred by ensuring that they cannot escape following an attack, maritime terrorists must be deterred before an attack even takes place. Therefore, the terrorists need to be hit at their very nerve centr that is not at sea but on land.
T
he Asian region as a whole has been a hub for international terrorism since the past decade jeopardising the peace and stability of the region. Most of these terrorist organisations have found safe havens in the Indian Ocean region affecting the security environment. Terrorism today is a global security concern. The unpredictable nature of terrorist attacks that occur anywhere and anytime have been creating havoc in the world by their indiscriminate use. The nature of terrorism has turned more violent and tactical in the recent years. Now, the terrorists have also changed their modus operandi, the attacks from being land-based are now challenging our cyberspace and maritime domain. Although a rarity so far, concerns over the possibility of maritime attacks has increased. Some analysts who study terrorist procedures believe future attacks are as equally likely to originate from nautical settings as they are from land. With 90 per cent of the world’s international trade being seaborne and countries becoming largely energy driven economies, it is important to address the issue of maritime terrorism before it becomes unmanageable.
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Maritime Terrorism
“… the undertaking of terrorist acts and activities within the maritime environment, using against vessels or fixed platforms at sea or in port, or against any one of their passengers or personnel, against coastal facilities or settlements, including tourist resorts, port areas and port towns or cities.” — The Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific (CSCAP) Working Group. The Indian Ocean theatre is the classic example of a volatile neighbourhood with its own history of conflicts. This sub-region is a mix of strong ethnic identities and diverse religious communities. Islamist extremism has flourished in this intemperate soil and it is here that the world’s first global Islamist terrorist movement was bred and nurtured and from where it was exported – first into the immediate neighbourhood and then across the continents. A maritime terrorist attack mounted at a natural choke point would provide a significant strategic advantage while also increasing collateral damage. “For example, the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait
Using sea routes to enter a country against which the terrorist activity has to be carried out, as it was done to carry out attack on the financial capital of India on 26/11 2008, where the terrorists used sea route to enter Mumbai with the help of fishing trawlers. Sea routes are also used to transport weapons and people across continents for training purposes to carry out terrorist activities. Terrorists in possession of maritime capabilities could use their speedboats to sail close to warships and cause significant destruction. The example of USS Cole, a guided missile destroyer, 2000 incident is a good example of this. The US ship stopped for refuelling at the Port of Aden, Yemen, when a small craft stopped on the port side of the ship and bombarded, causing 17 casualties and several injured. Al Qaeda claimed the attack.
Also there is a perceived threat that there is a possibility of these terrorist organisations being in possession of fissile material which can be used for making dirty bombs, bad enough to damage. Also smuggling a crude nuclear or radiological device into a hijacked ship or loading the same into a container and setting it off in a port city, shipping lane or waterway has also emerged as one of the possible doomsday scenarios. The impact of a nuclear-terrorist act would be far greater when it is misconstrued as an attack by the enemy country.
Maritime Technology
SALONI SALIL
The writer is a Geopolitics and Security Analyst. She is a Researcher with South Asia Desk at Wikistrat, US and is also a designated Visiting Fellow in the Indian Ocean Research Program at Future Directions International, Australia. She is also included as a contributor in Asia Pacific Security Magazine, Australia. Her research areas include the Indian Ocean Region, South China Sea and the Indo-Pacific Studies. She has been currently contributing to the growing discourse on the concept of Indo-Pacific and the major power intentions in the region.
Out of all the known terrorist organisations, only a few have demonstrated their capability of carrying out terrorist activities at sea such as Al Qaeda, Abu Sayyaf operating from Indonesia, Jemaah Islamiah in Philippines, Al Shabaab in Somalia and Al Qaeda in Arabian Peninsula also known as AQAP. In fact, the capture of Al Qaeda’s chief of naval operations, Ahmad Belai al-Neshari, helped reveal the blueprint of the group’s maritime plots. Al-Neshari was found carrying a 180-page dossier that listed large cruise liners sailing from Western ports as “targets of opportunity.” The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), operating in Sri Lanka, although is not an existential threat anymore, however, it was among the few terrorist organisations, which had acquired maritime capabilities and also had a maritime wing, called the concentrated “Sea Tigers”.
Potential for infiltration of those with a terrorist ambition into the manpower pool for employment onboard commercial maritime energy, chemical and cargo carriers. If those agencies that are hiring crew men for these shipping vessels fail to do a proper security verification through background checks and criminal records, may end up hiring perpetrators themselves. Organisations whose With trade motives and objectives are guided by fundamentalist religious or in so few ports in today’s Al Qaeda has well-linked political philosophies, such as global economy, even a single Islamic terrorist network and have Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) and groups maritime terrorist incident has been able to task their affiliated of veterans from Afghanistan and the potential for significant terrorist organisations around Mindanao training camps operating economic disruptions with the world to provide maritime independently from JI, have access considerable financial and human capital, training, equipment to manpower pools from which to human implications and incentive to attack maritime recruit candidates for attacks against targets. The relationship between Western maritime interest and Al Qaeda and Al Shabaab in Somalia is a perfect operations through sabotage. melding of ambition and maritime capability for a The temporary hijack of Dewi Madrim, a chemical tanker successful maritime terrorist attack. In February 2010, off the coast of Sumatra, brought out another interesting Yemen-based AQAP stated it would coordinate with aspect to light, that is, use of merchant vessels to learn how “Islamic fighters” from Somalia to secure both sides of to steer a ship. The kidnapping was aimed at acquiring the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, through which 30 per cent expertise to help the terrorists mount a maritime attack. of the world’s trade passes annually. There is evidence that terrorists are learning about diving, with a view to attacking ships from below. The ASG in the Indian Vulnerability Philippines kidnapped a maintenance engineer in 2000. India is situated in a vulnerable geographical location When released in 2003 the engineer said his kidnappers with over 80 per cent of the terrorist organisations with a capability for maritime terrorism operating in the areas wanted diving instructions!
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maritime muscle
maritime muscle
NEW CHALLENGES
and seas to the west of India. Over 90 per cent of successful Lombok Straits. In a world where every nation is maritime terrorism strikes have taken place in this area. Of dependent on seaborne trade, it is necessary to secure particular concern for India is the use of the sea to penetrate these choke points. The disruption of the Sea Lines of and attack India’s strategic naval ports which house its Communication (SLOCs) will choke the global economy. important warships, oil resources and infrastructure in With trade concentrated in so few ports in today’s global Bombay High, incapacitate and target high value assets economy, even a single maritime terrorist incident has such as atomic and other related plants located near the the potential for significant economic disruptions with coast. Hence, there is an urgent requirement to challenge considerable financial and human implications. Given these threats in their face by using International Institute of these potential impacts, the threat of maritime terrorism Counter-Terrorism (ICT) and all relevant tools associated must continue to be taken very seriously. with it. Indian government has taken a step towards a network centric force. These applications can be used for Therefore, the need of the hour is to first accept that as underwater surveying, vessel identification, simulation mentioned earlier in the article, that although a rarity, in port security scenario, as also reconnaissance tools, the threat of maritime terrorism is growing. Due to a intelligence gathering tools etc. Hence, the government small number of incidents, it is still not perceived as a has taken a series of concentrated considerable problem as opposed efforts in its Look West and Look to other challenges, however, with Of particular concern for India is our maritime domain becoming East Policies by engaging in routine naval exercises with other countries the use of the sea to penetrate and increasingly important as well as in the region to enhance maritime attack India’s strategic naval ports vulnerable, it is in the best interest security and also through various which house its important warships, of nation states to recognise the regional forums and signed several oil resources, infrastructure and high issue of maritime terrorism. If agreements in order to augment value assets such as atomic and other not curbed now, it has potential cooperation among member nations to grow and cause devastating related plants located near the coast in collective security efforts. results. There are some measures that have been put in place but Future Of Maritime Terrorism they are mostly to fight the piracy and to fight terrorists, It is a known fact that the Indian Ocean, the world’s it is important that the logical starting point in preventing third largest ocean, is of great strategic importance future maritime attacks, as Dr Rohan Gunaratna stated, for the supply of crucial energy resources. It provides is to disrupt the terrorist infrastructure on land where an major sea routes connecting the Atlantic Ocean with identified terrorist can be much more effectively targeted the Pacific Ocean. The Indian Ocean is home to critical by security services. The failure to detect the planning choke points such as the Bab-el-Mandeb, the Straits and preparations of a maritime terrorism attack will lead of Hormuz, the Straits of Malacca, the Sunda and to an attack attempt by that terrorist organisation. To curb terrorism at sea, requires stringent and effective measures in place, these measures cannot be similar to those used for fighting piracy as the very nature of terrorism is wholly different ordeal especially in fighting terrorists on suicide missions with the goal of mass casualty or economic destruction cannot be effectively policed using tactics and strategies designed for pirates. Whereas pirates can be deterred by ensuring that they cannot escape following an attack, maritime terrorists must be deterred before an attack even takes place. Therefore, the terrorists need to be hit at their very nerve centre that is not at sea but on land, from where operations are originally executed because it is extremely difficult to prevent maritime terrorism “on the expansive seas and among thousands of ships of different builds and function.” Also International cooperation, especially since Indian Ocean theatre is an area of competition among regional and extra-regional powers engaged in a struggle for supremacy, for access and influence; however, it is important to develop comprehensive and cooperative maritime strategies to face common threats from asymmetric non-state actors. An increased level of joint naval exercises and coast guard, intelligence sharing, joint maritime surveillance and technology transfers, maritime capacity building is necessary to keep the perpetrators away from the bay.
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TERROR FACTORY
AIR MARSHAL ANIL CHOPRA PVSM, AVSM, VM, VSM (RETD)
HINDU KUSH
The writer is an ex NDA Air Force officer who was a fighter pilot in the IAF. He is a Qualified Flying Instructor and Test Pilot who was among the initial lot to train on Mirage 2000 in France. He commanded a Mirage Squadron, two operational air bases and the IAF’s Flight Test Centre ASTE. He was the Team Leader of MiG 21 Upgrade programme in Russia for over 4 years. He is currently a member of Armed Forces Tribunal. He is also a member of Executive Council of Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
INVADERS’ GATEWAY TO INDIA The best approach for India is to befriend the locals through development and military training aid. Simultaneously India needs to keep ears to the ground and anticipate a terrorism onslaught as ISAF withdraws from the region, lest history repeats itself and Hindu Kush becomes a source of another slaughter for Hindus. It is time the world realises that Hindu Kush has been the epicentre of world terror and other illicit activities and it can’t be left to fundamentalists in Pakistan to rekindle the terror fire.
H
indu Kush is an 800 km long Central Asian mountain range that rises north eastward from Kabul, which is at 5,900 feet, till it meets the Karakoram Range of the Great Himalayas. Inhabited by a million tribesmen, it separates the valleys of river Amu Darya to its north and Indus to the south. These mountainous areas are mostly barren and sparsely sprinkled with trees and small bushes. Gem-grade emeralds are found in the valley of the
Panjsher River north of Kabul. The centre of this region is occupied by the powerful Ahmadzai Wazir and Mehsud tribes and a few others like the Ghilzai, Durranis (Nozais), Alekozai, Eshaqzai) etc. They are totally independent and pay neither tax nor owe allegiance to any one. Only in late 1980s, they changed ‘loyalty’ to the Taliban and Al Qaeda combine that had transformed the region from Hindu Kush to Waziristan region of West Pakistan into a loosely integrated jihadist state.
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TERROR FACTORY traced to a well-guarded house in military cantonment town of Abbottabad in Pakistan and killed in operation Neptune Spear. ISAF continued to face battle causalties and USA was unable to prop up a strong local leadership in spite of extended military operations. There was strong domestic pressure in all participating countries to withdraw. Meanwhile Pakistan was under pressure from Islamic militants to support their cause. As an offshoot, militancy spread in Pakistan.
Terror Breeding Ground
There is no militant group in the world that does not operate in Hindu Kush. From Uzbeks, Chechens, to Chinese and Turkish militants, everyone is in action and some owe allegiance to no one. Taliban and Al Qaeda have built their state within a state in the Hindu Kush and find a good demographic base to enrol those needed to pursue their political and ideological agenda. They propagate Shariah Laws and maintain the Shoora legal system where beheading is a common punishment. Madrassas are used to indoctrinate the young with their ultra-orthodox version of Islam and graduate brainwashed motivated fundamentalists. Suicide bombers are their main weapons. Pashtun nomads and Gujars dominate the area. Pashtun chieftains enforce the writ and a quasi-government structure.
Military Ingress
and Russian empires met. British made the artificial ‘Durand Line’ in For centuries Hindu Kush had acted After 9/11 attacks, Al Qaeda 1893 to divide the Pashtuns, but due as the great wall between Central became America’s number one to harsh peculiar terrain and stubborn Asia and India. Towards the east it enemy and US led International self-pride of local people, they could merges with Pamir knot from where Security Assistance Force (ISAF) not exercise any control. The region the mighty Himalayas start and where arrived in Afghanistan and has been elusive to even Super Power borders of China, Tajikistan, Pakistan began their campaign against control ever thereafter. Independent occupied Kashmir and Afghanistan Al Qaeda and Taliban making India’s contact with the famous dry meet. These mountains have fruit and shawl seller ‘Kabuliwala’ historically seen military presence the area highly militarised was also lost by mid 1960s. This since Alexander the Great. Greek region became part of power play and Indian Kings (Chandragupta during the cold war. In spite of Maurya and Kushans) ruled the region for long periods in the first millennium. Of the pumping in modern weapons, Soviets failed to exercise many origins of the name, most accepted meaning of control and were forced to leave in the 1980s. Al Qaeda ‘Hindu Kush’ is from Persian meaning “Kills the Hindu”. and Taliban used this exit and made it their haven. The Hindu slaves while being transported to Central Asia got government authority is little or non-existent and the killed by harsh weather or were killed by the invaders. areas are ruled mostly by tribal elders. After 9/11 attacks, Historic documents indicate many million Hindus Al Qaeda became America’s number one enemy and were killed in the last two thousand years. Mahmud US led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) Ghaznavi crossed these mountains and invaded India arrived in Afghanistan and began their campaign against through Khyber Pass 17 times between 1001 and 1030, Al Qaeda and Taliban making the area highly militarised. Muhammad Ghori came in 1175 and 1193, Timur in 1398 Islamic militant organisations gradually assembled and Babur first came in 1505 and again in 1526 to establish the Mehsud, Wazir and other tribal groups into a the Mughal Empire. Nadir Shah came in 1739 and loosely integrated confederation, which acknowledged Ahmad Shah Abdali in 1761. Ever since Alexander the Mullah Omar (the Taliban) and late Osama bin Laden Great came searching for this fabled land, Hindu Kush (Al Qaeda) as their spiritual and political ‘Emirs’. Mountains have been the gateway to India. The ISAF forces unleashed airstrikes led by drones Region Beyond Control to flush out militants. This forced the militants to seek Last two centuries Hindu Kush was the point where British safe homes in adjoining Pakistan. Osama was finally
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the FATA (Federally Administered Tribal Areas) to root out the Taliban and Al Qaeda once and for all from Pakistani soil adjoining the Hindu Kush area. The effort was a dismal failure and cost the army over 600 lives. Pakistan Army more recently unleashed a massive assault in North Waziristan and FATA areas to regain control from militants albeit at cost of more lives of own troops.
Strength In Depth
Pak Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) has invested heavily in the local warlords. They see a friendly Afghanistan as strength in depth against India. This desperate desire for depth has been questioned by some Pakistani strategists because it is resulting in playing into the hands of terrorists and has consequential internal terror effects in Pakistan. Taliban and Al Qaeda have de facto set up home, with virtual impunity, in what many call chaotic Pakistan. USA is wooing Iran and even going soft on its nuclear ambitions in view of altered dynamics in the region. China wants to have closer military ties with Iran, the Chinese defence minister told the visiting head of the Iranian Navy recently. Iran recently attacked Pakistani outposts to prevent terrorist infiltration.
Indian Interests
India too is pumping in development aid to Afghanistan and Tajikistan to strengthen presence to reduce The US engineered collapse of powerful regimes of Pakistani leverage. China is extending road and rail links and oil pipelines to the region Saddam in Iraq and Gaddafi in Libya for strategic reasons. China is also left a large highly trained force on the Pak Inter-Services Intelligence looking at the huge untapped loose. This combined with US support (ISI) has invested heavily in mineral resources and rare earths. to the rebels in Syria created a powerful the local warlords. They see a Chinese influence in the region militant entity called the Islamic would help them prevent spread of State (IS). Premature withdrawal friendly Afghanistan as strength Islamic militancy into their Muslim of US forces from Iraq created a in depth against India. This dominated Xinjiang province. vacuum that IS occupied. This has desperate desire for depth Stability of the region is in China’s now become more powerful than has been questioned by some interest. Also Russia and China Al Qaeda and others. As US prepares Pakistani strategists would like to keep US out of their to withdraw from Afghanistan, many backyard. While Pakistan is busy global players with strategic interests are trying to establish / strengthen their foothold in the playing a double game, keeping both sides in good region. Also the region has become a sourcing ground humour, Indian policy in the region has been somewhat for Islamic State recruits. Explosives laden suicide ambivalent. It hopes one day US will realise that trucks are used to create holes in mud-brick walls India is its natural ally in war against jihadi terrorism. US think tanks have been cautioning against hurried of prisons, to free prospective recruits. ISAF withdrawal from the region lest we create another Dominance Of Hindu Kush Iraq-like situation. The best approach for India is to Anyone who dominates the strategic Hindu Kush befriend the locals through development and military region and controls its opium-dollars and illegal small training aid. Simultaneously India needs to keep ears to arms industry will have significant influence over the ground and anticipate a terrorism onslaught as ISAF Islamic world and the terrorism that emanates from withdraws from the region, lest history repeats itself and its fundamentalist groups. They would also control Hindu Kush becomes a source of another slaughter for the strategic land routes connecting major Asian Hindus. It is time the world realises that Hindu Kush players China, India, Saudi Arabia, Iran and the rest of has been the epicentre of world terror and other illicit Middle East. If the militants were to find a stronghold and activities and it can’t be left to fundamentalists in anchor in the region, it would have serious ramifications Pakistan to rekindle the terror fire. Narco based for India which is considered a soft target for spread of agriculture economy and illicit fund transfers from ideology. Interestingly, the region has become secure supportive regimes have to stop. While Pakistan base for producing propaganda documentary films, is fast becoming a failed state due to bad strategic iPod files and cell phone videos for jihadists. This state planning and it fights to retain its sovereignty, within the state is often referred to as ‘Jihadistan’. India has to use its renewed friendship with the West and emerging power status and equations to In 2006 President Pervez Musharraf ordered the arm-twist the world to clear the Hindu Kush region and Pak Army’s XI Corps and elite Special Services Group into clear up the terror factory of the world.
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BOOK REVIEW
THE RISE OF THE INDIAN NAVY INTERNAL VULNERABILITIES, EXTERNAL CHALLENGES
T
he slow shift to a maritime outlook by India has brought into sharp focus the growth and modernisation of the Indian Navy. This shift in thought processes and polices has connected the Indian Navy to a myriad of national strategy aspects including foreign policy, protection of economic waterways, security and stability in the Indian Ocean Region, to name a few. These issues have also brought along with them a host of challenges. This book edited by Harsh Pant, looks at these issues and challenges in two parts with four chapters each; internal dimensions in part I and external dynamics in part II. The writers are from India, England and the US and are experts in the field of maritimity. The preface sets the pace of the book and whets the appetite of the reader. Walter Ladwig in chapter 2 examines the “Drivers of Indian Naval Expansion” from the period 1991 to 2011. He looks at force levels and budgetary figures, compares the development of major assets vis-à-vis Australia, Japan, South Korea and China. He also examines three main arguments justifying the need for expansion and brings out both the shortcomings and positive aspects and concludes that these shortcomings would limit the Indian Navy’s ability to fulfil its roles, especially the main role of hard power.
Title
The Rise of the Indian Navy: Internal Vulnerabilities, External Challenges
Editor
Harsh V Pant
Publisher
Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2012
ISBN No
978-1-4094-3087-2
C Uday Bhaskar in chapter 3 looks at “The Navy as an Instrument of Foreign Policy: The Indian Experience” and examines the relation between foreign policy and military capability and Civil-Military institutional imbalance since the time of independence before looking at the Indian experience. He brings out the change in calculus that commenced from the mid 1980s and sequentially highlights the various cardinal events that have resulted in the Indian Navy becoming a highly acceptable and effective instrument of India’s foreign policy. Iskander Rehman in chapter 4 looks at “India’s Aspirational Naval Doctrine” and attempts to provide a better understanding of India’s Maritime Doctrine of 2009 and why he calls it aspirational. Iskander looks at the doctrine in terms of four schools of thought as well as aspects that drove the thought processes brought out in the doctrine. He defends his calling the doctrine aspirational by stating that it lacks the reflection of reality.
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K Raja Menon in chapter 5 looks at “Technology and the Indian Navy” and covers the path traversed by the navy across a spectrum of technologies, the problems faced and how the technologies and new assets that were acquired transformed the navy into the potent force it is today. Probal Ghosh in chapter 6 looks at “Sea Dragon at the Doorstep: PLA (N) Modernisation and the Indian Navy”. Ghosh examines issues like organisation, drivers, inventorial and doctrinal approaches adopted by the PLA (N) towards modernisation. He also looks at the evolving strategy, the Chinese defence white paper of 2010, various programmes that greatly emphasise the modernisation path of the PLA (N). He finally examines the implications on India as well as the Indian response strategy.
December 2014 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT
Harsh Pant in chapter 7 looks at “India in the Indian Ocean: A Mismatch between Ambition and Capabilities”. Pant examines India’s view of the Indian Ocean, the resource base, growing threat from non-state actors and the Chinese ingress in the region. He then examines India’s response specifically to the Chinese ingress, various diplomatic initiatives, naval strength and doctrinal and organisational issues. While doing so he brings out the lacunae that are affecting the ability of India to match its Indian Ocean ambitions.
Unique. Ahead Ahead of of the the Art. Art. Unique. Unique. Ahead of the Art.
James Holmes in chapter 8 looks at “The US-India Naval Cooperation: Moving beyond Rhetoric”. Holmes analyses four basic aspects that affect this cooperative mechanism and brings out specifics in the form of policy pointers that could bring about a better form of cooperation and lead the maritime partnership onto the next step. Nitin Pai in chapter 9 looks at “Non State Threats to India’s Maritime Security: Sailing Deeper into an Era of Violent Peace”. Pai examines a plethora of causes behind these threats to maritime security and how they manifest themselves. He also suggests the means of countering these threats in a definitive manner. The views, insights and analyses balance the book and make it a valuable contribution about the study of the Indian Navy.
Reviewed by Sarabjeet Parmar. The reviewer is a serving Indian naval officer presently on deputation to IDSA as a Research Fellow. ShinMaywa Advert_for MYB & MAI.indd ShinMaywa Advert_for MYB MAI.indd ShinMaywa Advert_for MYB &&MAI.indd 11 1
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WITHDRAWAL SYNDROME
Afghanistan Imbroglio Challenges for India India’s first and foremost concern will be to ensure that no political dispensation emerges in Afghanistan that is hostile to its interest. However, it is easier said than done as India’s direct overland routes to Afghanistan pass through either Pakistan or PoK and these remain blocked due to Pakistan’s intransigence. To overcome this problem India has taken some important steps; it has built a road from Chabahar Port of Iran to Delaram in Afghanistan for onward linkage across the River Oxus.
countries, are expected to provide critical financial and military support to the new Afghan government. Despite these hopeful developments the ethnic divisions and internecine struggles between warlords and their militias could plunge Afghanistan into chaos after the US- NATO troops depart later this year. A major confrontation is likely between dominantly non-Pushtun Afghan Army and the Pakistan-backed Taliban forces, posing a serious challenge to the stability of Ghani-Abdullah government. In these circumstances Afghanistan government will need uninterrupted economic and military aid by a consortium of nations to keep Taliban at bay and maintain peace. The Taliban have remained undefeated and defiant and they seem to be in no mood to follow a peaceful path. They are already on the offensive in southern Afghanistan and Helmand province which is the hub of poppy cultivation remains their stronghold. The Taliban are reported to be in the process of taking control of the Sangin district with the help of “Pakistanis and Arabs”, these elements are also helping the Taliban offensive in Musa Qala, key areas in Zad and Kajaki districts in northern Helmand.
Afghanistan. However, Pakistan’s aim in supporting such a regional consensus may be to upstage India as Pakistan would like to neutralise any Indian proposals or influence in the Istanbul Process.
Pakistani Intentions
Pakistan can play a crucial role in maintaining peace in Afghanistan because of its geostrategic location, but it is more likely to unleash Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and Haqqani militants against Afghan security forces to keep the Afghan government under siege. International community will have to ensure that the Haqqani Shoora and other Pakistan-based terror outfits are not employed by Pakistan to undermine the peace process in Afghanistan after the departure of foreign troops.
MAJ GEN AFSIR KARIM AVSM (RETD)
The writer is a well-known retired Indian Army General and a military scholar who has authored several books on strategic affairs and military studies. He is a graduate of the Defence Services Staff College, Wellington and the National Defence College.
India’s first and foremost concern will be to ensure that no Iran is the only country besides Pakistan that is in a position political dispensation emerges to directly intervene in Afghan affairs, but so far Iran has in Afghanistan that is hostile to its interest. However, been interested only in reconstruction and development it is easier said than done as India’s direct overland projects in Afghanistan, keeping routes to Afghanistan pass through away from other internal matters. either Pakistan or PoK and these Islamabad on the other hand has remain blocked due to Pakistan’s International community will been continuously interfering in intransigence. To overcome this have to ensure that the Haqqani internal matters of Afghanistan with problem India has taken some Shoora and other Pakistan the aim of establishing a compliant important steps; it has built a based terror outfits are not regime that will willingly provide road from Chabahar Port of Iran employed by Pakistan to “strategic depth” to Pakistan in the to Delaram in Afghanistan for event of an Indian invasion and onward linkage across the River undermine the peace process in Pakistan has been diligently working Oxus. India has also entered into Afghanistan after the departure to place a Pushtun-dominated a trilateral cooperation agreement of foreign troops Taliban government in Kabul for this with Iran and Afghanistan for purpose. Pakistan has been using the development and use of the terrorist groups from both sides of the Chabahar Port and the rail extension Durand Line to achieve this aim. These Pakistan-sponsored from Balkh to Turkmenistan and Tajikistan, with a terrorist groups will without doubt intensify their link to the Zaranj-Delaram Highway. These projects activities, become more lethal and operate more freely once would ensure India’s access into Afghanistan both the US-NATO troops leave Afghanistan. from Iran and Central Asia. However continued turbulence in Afghanistan is a hindrance in developing Russia-China-India Bulwark trade and transport corridors in the region in the The growing convergence of Russia, China and India desired time frame and this situation is not likely to on stabilising the war-torn Afghanistan region through change in the foreseeable future. economic development, by providing transport and trade linkages with Iran and the Central Asian nations may put India’s Search For Access a break on Pakistani ambitions of placing a pliant regime Fortunately, Indo-Tajik defence agreement which or promoting Islamic fundamentalism in Afghanistan. provides for modernisation of the Gissar military airfield Russia, China and India will be directly in the line of fire if near Dushanbe by India has opened a good air route for a fundamentalist regime takes control of Afghanistan, these India into this region. Tajikistan has been aligned against countries are therefore, much concerned about Pakistan’s Taliban since Ahmadshah Masoud’s time and Ayni and subversive activities inside Afghanistan that could provide a the Farkhor air bases in Tajikistan served as key airports firm foothold to Al Qaeda and a variety of terror groups here. for transportation of troops to Afghanistan during the Soviet invasion. These airbases are well located for Some reports suggest that Pakistan, Iran and Russia transportation of men and material and carrying out and China have reached an understanding during various intelligence operations in Afghanistan. Supplies that are rounds of the Istanbul Process on ensuring stability in airlifted to these airports can be easily transported to
Pak-sponsored Terrorists
A
merican forces are leaving Afghanistan without accomplishing their mission, despite their claims to the contrary; they are departing in undue haste without defeating the Taliban or ensuring a peaceful environment in Afghanistan. It seems presently a clean break and peaceful exit from Afghanistan is Washington’s main concern. The US objectives of bringing democracy to Afghanistan or ejecting Al Qaeda from the region have not been fully achieved, diligent efforts to train and equip Afghan National Army to assume security duties in the country have been only partly successful as ANA is still no match for war hardened Taliban forces which they face.
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BSA Lifebuoy
Dr Ashraf Ghani Ahmedzai and Dr Abdullah Abdullah displayed pragmatism and maturity to come to a workable arrangement about the formation of the government, raising hopes of stability in this war-torn region. The American shuttle diplomacy also played a major role in bringing about the wise political compromise which paved the way for a smooth political transition in Afghanistan. Within days of coming to power the new government signed the Bilateral Security Agreement (BSA) with the US and NATO which will enable foreign forces to stay on in Afghanistan for two years or even longer to support Afghan forces. The US and its allies, India and some other
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maritime muscle
FAILED STATE?
Pakistan A Nation Adrift Every single move Pakistani leaders have made against India has decidedly succeeded from another aspect. It has kept the army in power in Pakistan. Every time there has been a confrontation with India, Pakistan’s Army has enjoyed public adulation irrespective of the outcome. On the other hand every time politicians in Pakistan have tried to cross sword with the army, the latter has assumed control either directly or indirectly.
Afghanistan by road. Regardless is little doubt that Islamabad will spare of any obstructions put in its India has also entered into a no effort to sabotage Indian projects way, India must find ways and trilateral cooperation agreement after installing a puppet government means to keep these air and land with Iran and Afghanistan in Kabul. Pakistan subversive schemes routes open to pursue its strategic for the development and use will lead not only to greater instability objectives in Afghanistan. of the Chabahar Port and the in Afghanistan but will also have rail extension from Balkh to negative affect and lasting fallout on the India should expose the abiding Turkmenistan and Tajikistan, ground situation in the entire region. duplicity in Pakistan’s foreign with a link to the Zaranj-Delaram Boots On The Ground policy which while professing Highway The emergence of the ANA as strong peace is working to undermine force may prove a decisive factor to Afghanistan regime to establish a compliant Afghan Taliban proxy. As of now, the security deter Pakistan but it has yet to develop the capability situation is not too favourable for the new Afghan regime, to keep the Pakistani sponsored terrorist and militant the situation is deteriorating rapidly as the Afghan groups out of Kabul. There is some hope that Northern Taliban helped by Haqqani Shoora and other Pakistani Alliance warlords will join the fray and help ANA in the sponsored terrorist groups are mounting major attacks resistance. Although the Quetta Shura Taliban is presently in Sangin, Musa Qala and Nahr-e-Seraj of Helmand the strongest group which is arrayed against the Afghan province in the southwest and also in Hesarak district of government, but reliable reports suggest a strong element Nangarhar and Spin Ghar mountains of Kunar in the east. in the organisation would like to avoid civil war and prefer Parts of Laghman and Barq-e-Mahal district in Nuristan a peaceful settlement with the new Afghan government. are offering resistance so far but their capacity to resist for India has a vital stake in maintaining a peaceful long is doubtful in the absence of offensive air support. Pakistani sponsored forces are supporting the Taliban environment in Afghanistan in view of its developmental in these operations, the Haqqani network along with and assistance programmes and its plans to build new some other terrorist groups are believed to be involved infrastructure for economic and social development projects in Afghanistan. India should expand military in the fighting here. cooperation with ANA and further strengthen India cannot allow the machinations of Pakistan to strategic ties with Afghanistan to ensure stability in sabotage peace prospects in Afghanistan or to undermine the region. India may need to put some boots on the its projects in Afghanistan. India must adopt a more ground to protect its men and material deployed in aggressive posture to deter Pakistan from acting against various projects in Afghanistan. India will need the Indian assets in Afghanistan through its surrogates. cooperation of other regional powers for ensuring a The present situation indicates that India may not allow secure environment for its development programmes Pakistan to have its way easily in Afghanistan but there spread in various parts of Afghanistan.
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I
ndia’s decision to cancel the Defence Secretary level talks scheduled for 25 August with Pakistan was an appropriate response given the repeated provocations along the Line of Control and its High Commissioner’s meeting with the separatist Hurriyat leaders in New Delhi. Even though the Indian Foreign Secretary advised Pakistan’s High Commissioner to cancel the meeting as it would vitiate the atmospherics necessary during the proposed talks, the advice was blatantly ignored by him. Indo-Pak relations have been in a downward spiral since then.
The question that now arises is what does Pakistan really want. Does it want to explore peaceful resolution of the festering issues that have beguiled Indo-Pak relations for 67 years or does it want to continue with a confrontational approach that has served to push peace and prosperity over the edge. Pakistan’s compulsive animosity towards India preempts resolution of problems. The reason for this attitude lies in Pakistan’s inability to evolve as a nation state. The very birth of that country was based on the theory that after partition Muslims will not be secure and prosperous in a “Hindu India”. Never mind the millions of Muslims who would decide to stay back.
MAJ GEN AK HUKKU YSM (RETD)
The writer is a former infantry officer of the Indian Army. He served as the Indian Military Attache in France with concurrent accreditation to Benelux countries. Later he was the Chief Military Intelligence Adviser in the Cabinet Secretariat, following that a Centre Director in NTRO. After retirement he has been speaking on South Asia in the US, across Europe and in Malaysia.
Some 12.5 million people fled from their ancestral roots to seek refuge in Pakistan and a vivisected India. More than 1 million are said to have perished in the process.
An Ephemeral Dream
People who migrated from India in search of a dream to the land of pure and those who already lived in that region had great expectations of their new leaders. They believed that the promises made by Jinnah would bring joy of well-being, sufficiency and security. Sadly none of this came true. As a matter of fact Pakistan has teetered on the verge of economic collapse surviving on the largesse of the US and World Bank. In 67 years of its existence it has stumbled from one crisis to another, lost East Pakistan, got involved in unnecessary wars, promoted insurgencies, supported terrorist organisations and failed to establish democratic roots. Undeterred, it continues to follow a path that can only lead to self-destruction. Not only has Pakistan let down its own people, its wayward policies have destabilised the entire region. So who led that country to this pass, who stole the joys of its people? Can Indo-Pak talks ameliorate the situation?
Islamisation
After partition instead of providing stability and pursuing a path of socio-economic progress, Pakistani
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FAILED STATE?
leaders placed religion above all other priorities. A new inexperienced and ineffective Pakistani government tried to unify its hungry millions under the banner of Islam. The idea did not quite work. Qaid’s rosy vision of Pakistan remained an illusive dream as the country was gripped by utter administrative dislocation confounded by confusion. In that environment the only institution that seemed to work in the eyes of its citizens was the Pakistan Army. It immediately became the symbol of good governance and the prima donna of Pakistani social order. Every Pakistani leader has leaned on Islam and has consorted with religious organisations, including extreme ones, for political expediency. The army too began to use Islam not only for keeping its rank and file motivated against “Hindu India” but also to bolster its own image as the guardian of the religion and Muslim identity of Pakistan. In her book Christine Fair opines “... Pakistan Army sees itself as securing Pakistani ideological frontiers, Islam is an enduring feature of army’s strategic culture”.
Military’s Atrocities
Indians are portrayed as Machiavellian non-believers and an enemy of Pakistan and Islam. Accession of Kashmir to India and the humiliating loss of East Pakistan are viewed as an outcome of Indian political machinations. No one talks about the brutality unleashed by Gen Yahya Khan and Gen Tikka Khan upon the hapless Bengali citizenry of erstwhile East Pakistan. To exacerbate the hatred, Pakistan Army has tenaciously invocated the concept of struggle against India being the holy duty of every Pakistani, above all that of the army. Jihad against India thus assumes a compelling religious overtone. The objective of Pakistan’s jihad is continued struggle against India by all possible means; be it waging wars, nurturing anti-India extremist organisations, training and infiltrating jihadis or flooding India with fake currency. After the creation of Bangladesh, Pakistan’s President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto relied on Islam to unify his shocked
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nation. Bhutto’s nemesis and executioner Gen Ziaul Haq gave unprecedented push to Islamisation of the society and Pakistan’s Army. Zia is also responsible for the unfortunate decision of encouraging Sunni Islam over all other sects and religious denominations. Ethnic and religious minorities in Pakistan are paying the cost of Zia’s religious bigotry with their lives till today.
Jihad In Afghanistan
In the meanwhile as Soviet Union entered Afghanistan on 24 December 1979 the great game, historically played between the Russian and British Empires, was revived. Instead of the British Empire the contender was the American might. As Carter and later Reagan administration helped by Saudi Arabia opened the floodgates of support to Pakistan, billions of dollars and weapons filled the coffers of a willing Ziaul Haq. Thus began the jihad in Afghanistan. Pakistan got involved in the venture with passionate zeal. It armed, trained and successfully orchestrated the jihadi insurgency. When the Soviet forces were forced to withdraw from Afghanistan in February of 1989, Pakistani military leaders were flushed with unprecedented euphoria born of victory against a super power. For Pakistan’s military it was redemption after the humiliation of 1971 War with India. In the civil war that erupted in Afghanistan after the departure of the Soviet Army, India supported the Northern Alliance under Ahmad Shah Massud. Pakistan was on the opposite side supporting the Mujahideen charge towards Kabul. Once again it confronted its arch enemy India, this time in Afghanistan even though there was no military participation from the Indian side. Pakistan’s efforts to control Afghanistan with Mujahideen were ultimately frustrated as the US unleashed its military might to hunt down Osama bin Laden.
Musharraf’s Gambit
In the decade of 1990s Musharraf chased the same dream as his predecessors. In Afghanistan he took the US for a ride by accepting to become a partner in the war against terror. As billions of dollars poured in to finance the war, he allowed the Taliban to have safe sanctuaries on Pakistani soil and supported their insurgency against his
benefactor the US and NATO. He gambled with the hope of ultimately propping up a pro-Pakistan government in Afghanistan and checkmating what he perceived as the Indian threat to his country’s western flank. Following the cataclysmic events of 9/11 a new dynamic in interstate relations was created. As terrorism related incidents began to take place across the globe, invariably a trace led back to Pakistan. In India too Musharraf gambled when he launched the Kargil misadventure. Unfortunately for him the gamble failed miserably, what he felt was a tactical success turned out to be a strategic blunder as India reacted more strongly than he had visualised. Neither the US nor Pakistan’s all weather friend China supported Musharraf’s misplaced military enthusiasm. Later, Musharraf as the President of Pakistan did begin to look at options for possible resolution of the Kashmir issue. Unfortunately Indian leaders did not exploit the moment when it came at the Agra Summit of July 2001.
All of this of course unites the Pakistani population like no other economic or administrative effort can and keeps the army firmly in the driving seat. Pakistan’s foreign relations particularly with India, Afghanistan, the US and China are the exclusive domain of the army as is the country’s security policy. The pursuit of this ideology allows the army, which runs a huge business empire in Pakistan, to remain rich, privileged and an indisputable centre of power. Not even after being caught red handed for nuclear proliferation, the perfidious game played against the US in Afghanistan, the discovery of Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad, or being seen as a nation that tenaciously promotes terrorism, has altered any of Pakistan’s misplaced strategic ambitions. Pakistan’s Army has not abandoned the path it has chosen to tread in its internal role and external relations. The policy of confrontation with India remains firmly intact. If for a moment it is assumed that negotiations between India and Pakistan succeed, Pakistan’s Army will immediately loose its preeminence in that country. For three generations the army has enjoyed a disproportionately privileged social, economic and political status in Pakistan.
Asif Ali Zardari’s long tenure failed to achieve any breakthrough with India. He was hopelessly mired in internal problems and was in direct clash with the army under General Kayani. Nawaz Sharif is Pakistan’s pursuit of flawed finding it equally difficult to get along strategic objectives has been with the army leaving no scope for described as “Magnificient détente with its neighbours.
India-baiting
Military and political leaders have consistently whipped up Delusions” by Mr Haqqani, anti-India emotions. Its education system inculcates hatred toward its former ambassador in The poor response to Nawaz Sharif’s non-believers, hinting unabashedly exhortations in the UNGA concerning Washington, in his book towards a “Hindu India”conveniently Kashmir and the cold shoulder given to by that name ignoring the fact that 13.4 per cent of him by the US President, was in stark Indian population is Muslim. The entire contrast to the welcome extended to the Indian Prime Minister Modi. Cancellation of Xi Jinping’s visit Pakistani system survives on this confrontation with India to Pakistan after a three days sojourn in India was also bitter under the garb of the Kashmir issue or Indian development pill for Pakistan’s leadership. When the Secretary level talks projects in Afghanistan. Compulsive animosity is were called off by India, Pakistan felt acutely isolated. It is not an integral feature of Pakistan’s policy toward India. surprising therefore that it has upped the ante on the LoC and Three generations of its leaders have relentlessly the international border hoping that Indian military reaction will draw the attention of the US and the world community indoctrinated Pakistani population to perceive India as an enemy. This has kept Pakistan going, though far better than Pakistan’s diplomacy has done. sadly as a nation on the brink. Islam and confrontation But every single move Pakistani leaders have made against with India are Pakistan’s raison d’etre. No other India has decidedly succeeded from another aspect. It has kept philosophy or ambition guides its thought and actions. the army in power in Pakistan. Every time there has been a Unfortunately for Pakistan the strategy to use extremist confrontation with India, Pakistan’s Army has enjoyed public organisations against India and to achieve strategic adulation irrespective of the outcome. On the other hand every depth in Afghanistan has boomeranged on Pakistan time politicians in Pakistan have tried to cross sword with the itself bringing much grief to its people. army, the latter has assumed control either directly or indirectly. Pakistan’s pursuit of flawed strategic objectives has been In short the army has remained an undisputed centre of power in Pakistan. Indo-Pak talks at the level of civilian leaders described as “Magnificient Delusions” by Mr Haqqani, its former ambassador in Washington, in his book by can hardly be conclusive under such a power structure. that name. It is this delusional approach, formulated by Proxy War Pakistan’s generals, that has led that country from one The matter does not rest there. After becoming a nuclear disastrous situation to another at the cost of peace and power Pakistan Army has concluded that it can push Indian progress. It is they who have robbed their own people patience even further with escalation on the border and LoC of the promised joys in the land of the pure. and simultaneously pursue proxy war. The idea being that if India reacts by launching a conventional attack, Pakistan Under these circumstances negotiations can never will threaten nuclear escalation inviting immediate US exorcise Pakistan’s paranoia about Indian intentions. intervention. And then back to square one, the game of jihad Their Generals will not allow it. On the negotiating table against India can be resumed all over again. India will always be talking to the wind.
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need to calculate the vulnerability of these assets in case of a military offensive. The creation of strategic depth would allow the country forces to move back deeper into their own territory, absorb the offensive thrust of the enemy short of his military objectives and also, apply power on the vulnerabilities of the attacking military.1 Strategic depth when interpreted in purely military terms can have threefold offshoots. First is where the combatant seeks strategic depth in his own territory; second, when a state seeks strategic depth in the neighbouring country extending its control in the foreign territory and the state is thus able to trade territory for a better partner; and third, when the state decides to create buffer states at its borders.
ROLE OF PAKISTAN IN
AFGHANISTAN AND ITS DESIRE FOR STRATEGIC DEPTH
The general consensus is that Islamabad has not achieved desired objectives. Pakistan supported the Taliban regime in the 1990s for strategic objectives but did not get the desired results. Pakistani leadership miscalculated that the Taliban regime in Afghanistan would lead to recognition of the Durand Line and also, Pashtun nationalism would be much more under control. But, obviously none of the Pakistani assumptions came true, the Durand Line issue remained and the Pashtun nationalism was in fact further nurtured by the Taliban.
D
espite the fact that Pakistan and Afghanistan do share ethnic, linguistic and religious ties and the stability or instability in Afghanistan does impact Pakistan directly, the relationship between the two neighbours is marked by mutual mistrust and animosity. As Afghanistan’s transition draws closer by the end of December 2014, the role of regional powers and most importantly, Pakistan becomes extremely critical. The new regime in Afghanistan led by President Ashraf Ghani has been keen on improving the bilateral ties and the civilian regime in Pakistan has responded positively, but the military has its own startegic interests and has continued to interfere in Afghan politics, support the insurgents, further seeking to fullfil its desire to maintain strategic depth in Afghanistan. What does the future hold for Afghanistan? Obviously depends upon the ability of the new regime to handle the security situation which is expected to worsen after 2014, in the absence of the US and NATO troops. Pakistan is expected to play a key role in the stablitiy of Afghanistan. Afghans don’t essentially trust Pakistan and are skeptical about its role in the politcs and have always accused Pakistan of fuelling the insurgency and sheltering the Afghan insurgents in the tribal areas of Pakistan.
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Undoubtedly, Pakistan has been overly obsessed with the desire to gain strategic depth in Afghanistan. The all powerful military and the intelligence agency, ISI, which has guarded its interests in Afghanistan, authored and executed the policy of strategic depth since the late 1980s through the 1990s when they strongly backed Taliban, till day strongly believes in having strong control over Afghanistan. At no stage was the policy of “strategic depth” logical or viable for Pakistan and its adoption of doctrine of strategic depth and thus control over Afghanistan is considered as a strategic blunder which has actually facilitated Pakistan’s drift into extremism and not allowed Pakistan toward the option of altering its strategic calculus.
Defining Strategic Depth
The concept of strategic depth has been interpreted differently but broadly two approaches can be classified: First and a more traditional approach to the concept of strategic depth is, as it is understood in the pure military literature. Strategic depth according to this interpretation is the distance between the battle sectors and the combatants’ capital cities, industrial areas, defence production units and other units of strategic importance. The military planners
But the strategic depth is not merely geographical and could have multiple dimensions; political, social or for that matter, even ideological (as in the case of Pakistan). The concept of strategic depth has been used in the past, by Russia, Germany, Poland and even Mao’s People’s War was a part of strategic depth. Mao’s people’s war relied on strategic depth within its own territory China. The second approach to strategic depth is ideological and religious where the state tries to extend its control and influence by spreading ideology or religious interpretation. In this context China’s efforts of spreading its communist socialist ideology (through revolutions and war) for extending its control can be well understood.
to replace the Afghan government led by Najibullah. For decades, Pakistan has bewailed the lack of strategic depth and hence the need to create it in the neighbouring Afghanistan. Pakistan has always suffered deep sense of insecurity partially owing to its geographical limitations and to a great tent due to the fact that it was always apprehensive about India’s policies DR SHALINI CHAWLA which it perceived as ‘hegemonic’. The writer is a Senior Fellow at the Centre One can presume that the desire for for Air Power Studies strategic depth would have started (CAPS), New Delhi and to nurture after Pakistan’s defeat specialises in in the 1971 War, where it did lose Pakistan studies. a significant portion of its military assets also. It was after 1971 that Bhutto propagated the concept that Pakistan is not just a South Asian state but also a West Asian state. On the classical military aspect of strategic depth one would believe that since Pakistan presents a comparatively narrow width, it probably needed the expansion westwards and also, eastwards (in Kashmir). Also, General Sunderji’s doctrine of “deep strike” in the 1980s would have provided a justification to Pakistani thinking on criticality of gaining strategic depth.
On one side, in the 1980s one could see the fluence later followed by occupation of Afghanistan created a In the case of Pakistan one must remember that the conducive ground for Pakistan to intervene in Afghanistan. classical model of startegic depth in relation to India Pakistan’s engagement in the Afghan war had varied implications which actually impacted simply cannot work because all its the balance of power in the country. key cities and industry are within In the case of Pakistan one In the 1980s the ISI emerged as one of 70 odd kilometres from the Indian must remember that the the most important decisive factors in border. Hence, any withdrawal classical model of strategic Pakistan’s power politics. Although, westward would leave the soul depth in relation to India the organisation had expanded during of Pakistan in India’s hands. simply cannot work because Ayub’s time but ISI gained much more What we need, therefore, is strength under General Zia, as it was to understand the contours of all its key cities and industry entrusted with the responsibility of Pakistan’s concept and motivation are within 70 odd kilometres recruiting and training mujahideen for “strategic depth”. Essentially, from the Indian border and also running the covert war it has adopted a mix of both against the Soviets in the 1980s. military and ideological approach in order to gain “strategic depth” in Afghanistan. If one has to trace the events and the Growth Of The ISI evolution of Pakistan’s policies and actions in order to gain The Afghan war provided a legitimate infrastructure to strategic depth, both the approaches can be seen parallel Pakistan for preparing jihadis and using them for covert war. for Pakistan. Pakistan has been overly concerned about As Pakistan was anyway following the covert war strategy having a hostile government in Afghanistan and over the with India, Afghan war reinforced the existing strategy which decades has interfered in Afghan’s domestic politics. It has intensified much more in the coming decades. Democratic perpetually sought a ‘friendly government’ in Kabul. But regime in Pakistan was further weakened with this extended ironically, the relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan military takeover and ISI gaining strength. are scarred by turbulence and mistrust. Pakistan’s border regions – FATA and KPK (formerly Pakistan’s vision of strategic depth surfaced in the known as NWFP) became the staging posts for late 1980s with General Aslam Beg’s announcement of jihad because of their proximity to the eastern and “strategic depth” and the Pakistani elites began talking south-eastern Afghan provinces of Paktika, Paktia, about strategic depth and also explored opportunities Nangarhar, Kunar, Zabul and Kandahar.
Pakistan’s Desire For Strategic Depth
1. Air Commodore Jasjit Singh, “Strategic Search-Strategic Depth and the Question of the IAF’s Strategic Posture”, AIR POWER Journal, Vol 2, No 2, Summer 2007, pp 11-26.
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Pakistan was also now able to realise its long-cherished dream of securing strategic depth in Afghanistan. With its involvement in the Afghan war ISI was able to gather enough expertise in waging guerrilla war and also obtain sufficient equipment to accelerate and intensify their war in Kashmir and also other parts of the Indian Territory. In order to continue this process Pakistan needed a favourable government in Kabul and thus, the need for having the Taliban regime with a radical ideology was preferred in Islamabad. Pakistani policies in the late 1980s and 1990s amounted to rendering Afghanistan a satellite state and had a clear strategy of firstly, denying India any political or economic influence in Kabul and secondly, facilitating a favourable government in Kabul which would not allow the Pashtun nationalism simmering on the frontier borders of Pakistan to secede.2 By using the term strategic depth Pakistan seeks rationalisation of their control and influence in Afghanistan for a number of reasons which can be listed as follows:
for combat training without the risk of being monitored by the radars on the Indian side. Afghanistan, provided Pakistan as a safe haven to train the Islamist militants such as – Harakat-ul-Mujahideen (HuM) and Jaish-e-Muhammed (JeM) and the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), which were to conduct terrorist activities in Jammu and Kashmir and, eventually in the other parts of India including Punjab. Undermining Indian influence in Afghanistan has always been a priority for Pakistan. According to a former French diplomat, Fre’de’ric Grare, “According to Pakistan, whatever India does in Afghanistan is a ploy against Pakistan, be it economic investment, infrastructure, or any related matter .... As a result, Pakistan has ensured that Indian interest would be blocked whenever and wherever possible”.4
Friction On Frontier
Islamabad has always viewed India’s actions in Afghanistan as a policy of encirclement and thus, in their view a radical Islamist regime – Taliban would help to cut down India’s role in the region.
Pakistan’s policies in Afghanistan have not gone well with the US and presently, the two nations stand at the worst phase of their relationship, which took a noticeable shift post May 2011, killing of Osama bin Laden. The US certainly is not pleased with Pakistan’s role in Afghanistan and the latest report by the US Department of Defense states:
One of the most important factors in determining Pakistan’s policies in Afghanistan is the lingering Afghanistan-Pakistan border issue based on the Pakistan’s control over Afghansitan gives it an access to the Central Asian Republics. Like Durand Line, which separates tribal India Pakistan is undoubtedly keen areas of KPK from Afghanistan. India signed a Strategic to expand its options for energy No Afghan regime including the Partnership Agreement with transportation due to increasing Rabbani government has ever demand for energy within Pakistan. accepted the legitimacy of the Afghanistan in October 2011 border drawn by British in 1893 and has pledged to invest Lastly and very importantly, – the so called Durand Line.3 The upto US$ 2 billion in the Durand Line agreement was to last for by using the normally not well development in Afghanistan 100 years and expired in understood terminology “strategic 1993. It was very clear depth”, which sounds impressive, that the Afghan regime would not recognise the Pakistani leadership could influence the public opinion to agreement and seek to incorporate the Pashtun areas support its polices. east of the Durand Line, into Afghanistan. Pakistan has faced the issue of Pashtun nationalism which demanded separate Pashutinstan from the 1940s. There have been concomitant calls for an independent Pashtun homelands in FATA, KPK and parts of Balochistan. Pakistan, certainly wanted to prevent the creation of Pashtunistan and thus, further disintegration of Pakistan. Control and influence over Afghanistan by a Pashtun dominated (essentially Taliban) government would therefore reduce the demand for Pashtunistan and yet have the Pashtuns under Pakistan’s control. During the 1965 War Pakistan managed to move its aircraft to the Iranian airfields of Zahedan across the Balochistan border. Pakistan was not certain that the same facility would be available in the future. Pakistan’s military objective was to use the Afghan territory and air bases as a sanctuary for Pakistan. The Afghan territory would also provide military with a much larger space
Has Strategic Depth Succeeded?
Pakistan has consistently attempted to control Afghanistan and its interference in the Afghan politics has invariably contributed significantly towards destabilisation of the country. Decades of Pakistan’s role in Afghanistan led to a natural question as to how successful has been Pakistan’s policy of creating strategic depth in Afghanistan? The general consensus is that Pakistan’s Afghanistan policy has been by and large unsuccessful and Islamabad has not achieved desired objectives. Pakistan supported the Taliban regime in the 1990s for strategic objectives but did not get the desired results. Pakistani leadership miscalculated that the Taliban regime in Afghanistan would lead to recognition of the Durand Line and also, Pashtun nationalism would be much more under control. But, obviouly none of the Pakistani assumptions came true, the Durand Line issue remained and the Pashtun nationalism was in fact further nurtured by the Taliban.
2. Shehzad H Qazi, Pakistan’s Afghanistan Plan: Strategic Depth 2.0, 03 November, 2011. 3. The British accepted the traditional boundary roughly established by Ranjit Singh along what came to be known as Durand Line based on the agreement between Emir Abdul Rehman, the ruler of Afghanistan and Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, British foreign minister in 1893. This left majority of the Pashtun population with British India. 4. Fre’de’ric Grare, “Pakistan”, in Ashley Tellis and Aroop Mukharji, eds, “Is a Regional Strategy Viable in Afghanistan”, Washington DC, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2010, p 21.
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Conclusion
Pakistan’s strategies in Afghanistan have proved ineffective and not only has Pakistan failed to sustain its strategic depth but has been very unpopular in Afghanistan. There have been increasing number of border skirmishes between Pakistan and Afghanistan security forces. Pakistani leadership has tried hard to establish control over Afghanistan but the reverse has happened.
“Afghan- and Indian-focused militants continue to operate from Pakistan terrirtory to the deteriment of Afghan and regional security. Pakistan uses these proxy forces to hedge against the loss of influence in Afghanistan and to counter India’s superior military. These relationships run counter to Pakistan’s public commitment to support Afghan-led reconciliation.”5
Lately, Pakistan did project a shift in its Afghan policy since very clearly its doctrine of gaining strategic depth in Afghanistan is being held responsible to continued instability and raging insurgency in Afghanistan. Former Army Chief, General Kayani stated that Pakistan did not want ‘strategic depth’ in Afghanistan as is generally perceived in pure military-strategic terms and army’s position is that Pakistan wants a “peaceful, friendly and stable” Afghanistan.6 Although, stable Afghanistan is in the interest of Pakistan, it does seek a Pashtun dominant government in Afghanistan in order to prevent Pashtun resistence on its tribal front. Today’s geopolitical environment is very different from the 1990s and thus some shift in Pakistan’s stated policy in Afghanistan is not surprising. But, the reality is that Pakistan’s interventionist policies continue to disturb peace and stability in Afghanistan and the Afghan insurgents do draw support from the extremist factions in Pakistan. Military in Pakistan continues to support the Afghan proxies in the hope of shaping Afghanistan’s transition. Certain conclusions can be drawn based on the study of Pakistan’s desire of obtainig strategic depth in Afghanistan:
Pakistan’s obsession with gaining strategic depth in Afghanistan is unlikely to change as the objectives which existed behind the whole rationale still exist. For example, the Durand Line Strategic depth will remain factor is still lingering, the Pashtun nationalism in Pakistan is not less an integral part of Pakistan but FATA and KPK, the troublesome military strategy and now, regions in the most peaceful the strategic depth means times in Pakistan are engaged in a pro-Pakistan government full-blooded insurgency, India’s in Afghanistan which allows image in Afghanistan has gone up them to exercise influence and its role has further expanded over Afghanistan into development.
Pakistan has failed to exclude India from Afghanistan and India has played an active role in rebuilding Afghanistan and India-Afghanistan ties have significantly improved. India signed a Strategic Partnership Agreement with Afghanistan in October 2011 and has pledged to invest upto US$ 2 billion in the development in Afghanistan. India has been actively involved in Afghanistan and yield good support from the Karzai government and also the Afghan nationals. Pakistan’s policy of support to terrorism has backfired and Pakistan currently is facing a broad landscape of militancy. Vast variety of terrorist groups operate from Pakistan and share varied relationship with the state. Some of these the military is willing to target, some it was compelled to target and, a few it wants to protect. The impact of Afghan war has allowed the al-Qaeda, Haqqani network and the Taliban to flourish inside Pakistan where they have been expanding their influence. Pakistani Taliban – Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, do share close ties with the Afghan insurgents and find safe havens in Afghanistan, which they use to conduct terorist operations within Pakistan.
Pakistan has talked about change in their Afghan policies but there are contradictions in Pakistan’s position and it is still not clear which route it wants to adopt. Strategic depth will remain an integral part of Pakistan military strategy and now, the strategic depth means a pro-Pakistan government in Afghanistan which allows them to exercise influence over Afghanistan. The latest protests in Pakistan led by Imran Khan and Qadri against Nawaz Sharif have once again asserted the supremacy of the military and the civilian government seems to have accepted the red lines drawn by the military which would not allow the Sharif government to have a say in the strategic issues, including Pakistan’s policy towards Afghanistan and India.
5. “Progress Toward Security and Stability in Afghanistan”, Department of Defense, USA, October 2014, p 95. 6. “Kayani Speaks” DAWN at http://archives.dawn.com/archives/29601
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INDIA’S AFGHAN STRATEGY
For quite some time now, Afghanistan has been requesting India for the supply of arms, ammunition and heavy weapons including armed helicopters in addition to providing training for its armed forces. Chabahar could invest India with the ability to move quickly goods and supplies and if necessary even defence personnel straight to Afghanistan though Iran. Of course, India should nudge Iran to agree to the idea of moving military forces to Afghanistan – under emergency conditions.
withdrawal of western forces, is yet to be fully well-assessed with a clear vision and dynamic clarity. India’s defence and security establishment should foresee the possibility of vastly stepped up attacks on its interest in Afghanistan in the backdrop of certain kind of equation the Afghan Taliban and Pakistan’s political and military establishment may arrive at to work out a mutually beneficial strategy.
Heightened Attacks
The late May terror strike on Indian diplomatic mission in Herat by jihadi forces should provide India an idea of what role the country can play without being caught up in the quagmire of “dilemma and uncertainties”. The Pakistani origin terrorist outfit Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) is said to have planned and executed the attack on the Indian consulate at Herat. Indeed, this audacious attack on the Indian consular establishment in Afghanistan by a jihadi outfit was the first ever serious development that the Narendra Modi led government had to deal with. The telephonic conversation that Modi had had with the then Afghan President Hamid Karzai did provide the Indian government a fairly good idea of what role India can play in Afghanistan and challenges ahead in shaping India’s Afghan strategy. In particular, India should take into account the ground reality of Taliban in Afghanistan getting moral and material support from the Pakistan’s military establishment and its spy agency ISI. Of course, thirteen years ago when US invaded Afghanistan in the aftermath of 9/11, the Taliban militia had all but collapsed. However, during the interregnum, Taliban managed to regroup and re-establish its control over a large part of this poorly administered country known for its abysmally low developmental record. All said and done, for USA Taliban was certainly a Frankenstein monster in that Taliban is considered a psychological progeny of the short-sighted US foreign policy that encouraged the growth of Islamic fundamentalism in Afghanistan as a counterpoise to the Soviet presence during 1980s.
Indian Interests
T
he trouble torn, landlocked Afghanistan known for its serious ethnic fault lines and unchecked insurgency by Taliban cadres has now all the reasons to look forward to a greater level of stability with a fresh deal signed by the new political dispensation in Kabul facilitating the stay of US troops till the final pull out at the end of 2016. Significantly, the deal ensures that US and NATO troops will not have to withdraw completely by 2014 end. One of the objectives of the deal known as the Bilateral Security Agreement is to permit the US to continue training Afghanistan’s roughly 350,000 security forces which the US and NATO had built from scratch. Previous President Hamid Karzai had refused to ink this agreement. Under a separate agreement, a further force of about 3,000 troops will be contributed by the several NATO nations. “These agreements will enable American and coalition troops to continue to help strengthen Afghan forces,
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counter terrorist threats and advance regional security” said former US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel.
Taliban On The Prowl
And for India, this gives a breathing space to work out an effective strategy to sustain its long-term interests in Afghanistan. As it is, he appointment of Ajit Doval, a highly decorated intelligence officer and an acclaimed spook known for his daredevil acts, as National Security Adviser (NSA), was not long back welcomed in Afghanistan. For the reading in Kabul is that Doval’s security instinct with particular reference to Afghanistan augurs well for a robust defence and security relationship between the two countries. On his part, Doval wants India to be fully well-prepared for the fallouts of the meddling by Pakistan in Afghanistan in the aftermath of pull out of US and western troops. Even so, as things stand now, India’s position in Afghanistan, post the
BSA Effect
However with the continued presence of US troops and NATO forces assured, the possibility of Taliban and other Islamic hardliner groups regrouping and reorganising for launching a military campaign with possible Pakistani support to capture power in Afghanistan appears rather dim. US administration should keep mounting pressure on Pakistan not to meddle in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. Meanwhile, there are voices urging Beijing to rethink its refusal to play a proactive role in Afghan security.
RADHAKRISHNA RAO
The writer specialises in space technology, aeronautics, defence and security issues. He is a Visiting Fellow at Vivekananda International Foundation. Before taking to full-time writing he was associated with the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) for about two decades.
For quite some time now, Afghanistan has been requesting India for the supply of arms, ammunition and heavy weapons including armed helicopters in addition to providing training for its armed forces. In all respects, the Afghan military demands present a strategic dilemma for India and a serious policy challenge for the government led by Narendra Modi. As it is, Islamabad has been alleging that the Indian intelligence agencies are using the Afghan soil to support the separatist movement in the poorly developed, sprawling and restive Balochistan province of Pakistan which shares borders with Afghanistan. Pakistani establishment in Islamabad is afraid that Balochistan could go the way of Bangladesh.
Afghan Expectations
But the perception in the ruling dispensation of Kabul is that Indian military assistance could play a critical role in neutralising the “offensive spirit” of Taliban groups, Afghanistan is worried over the safe sanctuaries available to the One of the objectives of the deal Taliban fighters in the sprawling, known as the Bilateral Security mountainous and difficult to access Agreement is to permit the US to northwestern parts of Pakistan where continue training Afghanistan’s a string of jihadi groups supported roughly 350,000 security forces by Islamic hardliners from countries such as Uzbekistan and China are which the US and NATO had well entrenched. built from scratch
Since historically India has enjoyed a cordial and friendly relationship with Afghanistan, there is a growing anxiety and concern in Pakistan over the proactive role India could play in Afghanistan in the immediate future. As it is, India should protect its own interests in Afghanistan which has been a beneficiary of Indian investment in infrastructure and social development sectors. The overall Indian investment for the development of Afghanistan has been estimated at around US$ 2.3 billion. There is no denying the point that the policy of soft diplomacy pursued by India in Afghanistan resulting in the creation of a national infrastructure including road network and educational institutions has earned for the country enormous goodwill of common man in Afghanistan. The Modi government should cultivate the new Afghan ruling dispensation with all seriousness with forward ooking bilateral initiatives. The strategic importance of Afghanistan in terms of furthering India’s long time national interests cannot be underestimated.
A friendly and strong government in Kabul could help India isolate Pakistan which has all along been fishing in the troubled waters of Afghanistan. Against this backdrop, India should prepare for a bold and proactive role to sustain its long-term interests in Afghanistan. Clearly and apparently, India should try to address the issue of insecurity that would embroil Afghanistan following the exit of US and western forces.
Iranian Card
With Pakistan refusing permission to India make use of its territory to access Afghanistan, India would need to exploit its relations with Iran for reaching landlocked Afghanistan. It is here that India’s much talked of participation in Chabahar Port project assumes more than usual importance.
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As such, India should accelerate the process of actively participating in the upgradation of the Chabahar Port located on the coast of Gulf of Oman without any loss of time. For Indian investment in Chabahar is important to protect India’s “business and commercial” interests in Afghanistan as Pakistan has denied India transit access to Afghanistan through its land route. As part of the free trade zone around the Chabahar Port, it is planned to construct a railway network linking Chabahar with Zahedan in Afghanistan. Moreover, the port is already linked to the city of Zaranj in the southwestern Nimruz province of Afghanistan. This road link can serve as India’s entry point to Afghanistan, Central Asia and beyond. Indeed, Chabahar could invest India with the ability to move quickly goods and supplies and if necessary even defence personnel straight to Afghanistan though Iran. Of course, India should nudge Iran to agree to the idea of moving military forces to Afghanistan – under emergency conditions. But this would again be subject to Iran getting some long-term strategic benefits from India.
combatants. Afghan government in 2010 had pointed out that this impoverished, war-torn country sits atop a huge untapped mineral wealth worth about US$ 3 trillion. The Indian policy is clear that it would not have military presence in Afghanistan and will not provide small arms to Afghan security forces. For the chances of these Indian made small arms getting into the hands of Islamic militants and finding their way into Kashmir Valley is a possibility that cannot be wished away. However, Indian military aid will centre round artillery guns, air support in the form of helicopters and even armoured vehicles not excluding tanks.
Pak Reaction
The crux of Indian Afghan strategy is that at the end of the day Indian support and assistance The alternative is that the to Afghanistan should not have entire Pushtun population of negative reactions in Pakistan. For the Afghanistan and Pakistan is public opinion in Pakistan gives an that India is neck deep into merged into a consolidated impression the strategic landscape of Afghanistan. entity – by making Durand But to what extent a poorly motivated Line irrelevant – maybe the Afghan Army will be able to ward incentive for the Taliban to take off the threat from Taliban and other Afghan ambassador to India, over all of Afghanistan would Islamic hardline groups entrenched Shaida Mohammad Abdali in an be gone, they maintain in Afghanistan only time will reveal. interview to a leading Indian English For the battle hardened Taliban language daily, had some time back could pose a serious threat to the revealed that India and Afghanistan were working at a trilateral transitory agreement with security and territorial integrity of Afghanistan. Here Iran to trade goods via the Iranian port of Chabahar in Shaida Mohammad Abdali is frank enough to admit that the refurbishment of which India would be participating. “Afghanistan does not have the defence it needs to fight According to Abdali India’s trade and business with proxy terror groups”. As such Afghanistan is looking at Afghanistan could register a substantial growth from the Indian cooperation to strengthen its security apparatus. current US$ 600 million if the Chabahar Port in Iran gets For strategic reasons, Pakistan would like to keep the commissioned soon. Giving details Abdali pointed out that his country has several business opportunities in store kettle boiling in Afghanistan. For a stable Afghanistan for Indian enterprises. India has decided to commit about does not serve the long-term national interests of Pakistan. US$ 100 million for the development of Chabahar Port along As such, the possibility of Pakistan supporting non-state with related infrastructure. Right at the moment, more than actors operating to destabilise Afghanistan is very much on the cards. In this context, some Indian strategic analysts 100 Indian companies operate in Afghanistan. are of the view that to prevent the takeover by Taliban, With many of the Indian business enterprises keen on India should encourage the establishment of a collective entering the lucrative mining sector of Afghanistan, Indian consortium of countries in Afghanistan after the complete participation in Chabahar project could prove a win win deal withdrawal of US and NATO forces. The alternative is for India Inc. Indeed as stated by Abdali, mineral resources that the entire Pushtun population of Afghanistan and such as iron ore, gold, precious stones, coal and gas would Pakistan is merged into a consolidated entity – by making need to be tapped and exploited. As it is, India’s growing Durand Line irrelevant – maybe the incentive for the role in Afghanistan also focuses on the plan to extract Taliban to take over all of Afghanistan would be gone, iron ore from the mountain ranges of Hajigak, located about they say. India should take a well calculated step with a 100 km to the northwest of the capital city of Kabul. According long-term vision in ensuring peace and stability in to Ali Akbar Jalali, a Professor at the US National University Afghanistan by involving countries including China in Washington and a former Afghan Interior Minister, and Russia, both of which have stakes and interests in Indian and Chinese investment will be a major contributor Afghanistan. For India alone cannot be the sole guarantor to the stability of Afghanistan as US readies to pull out its of peace and stability in Afghanistan.
70
December 2014 DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT
Chabahar Port
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