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ndia and the United Kingdom have a strangely embedded relationship. In the four centuries of official and unofficial contact the relationship has seen many turning points. Despite its many challenges the relationship has endured the tests of time. And the tests have been numerous. But the shared sense of the past and common interests in the future, ensure that the two countries cooperate and communicate in an enduring manner. The cooperation and communication is not always savoury or pleasant, but it endures and that is testimony to this bond. Hurdles of the past and of the present, have not been able to undermine the relationship. Which is its innate strength. Hurdles there are many. The encounter with India began as a trading application for the United Kingdom and evolved into a territorial conquest of the country. Its success in expanding the hold on India also resulted in the rise of the United Kingdom as a global power. But for India the United Kingdom would have remained a middling seafaring nation, adroit at trade and battling regional European rivalries. It supplanted its predecessors in the empire building game thanks largely to its success in India. That ‘the sun never sets on the British Empire’ was primarily due to its dominant position in India. As a result, the romance of India has endured in the United Kingdom. India is still regarded as the pinnacle of UK's global position, at a certain period of time. There are various reasons why the colony came to be regarded as its ‘jewel in the crown’ and numerous other cliches that came to be coined. An Indian experience was compulsory in order to rise in the ranks of the British elite. Vast fortunes were made in India, many battles fought, most won and a few lost and memories passed on from generation to generation about its exoticism. An ‘Indian Summer’ is a uniquely British phenomenon. Testimony to an everlasting bond. India made United Kingdom the world’s greatest empire in history. There is a reverse romance as well, in the case of United Kingdom and India. Its public manifestation is of course the craze of cricket in India. With its mass appeal cricket is a mania that faces little competition. Other than that there is an enduring appeal in India’s elite for United Kingdom. It continues to attract a very high number of visitors from India, drawn by a common legacy, expressed in a language that both understand as natives. India absorbed English as its own, more than it has done with any other language from outside. English can no longer be termed a ‘foreign’ language in India. So much so that the language has absorbed Indian words to a significant degree as well. Proficiency of the language is equal in both countries. The empire, on the other hand, was an unequal relationship, as they always are. What began as trading arrangements between the East India Company and the Mughal emperor mutated into a colonial encounter as curry was replaced by conquest. As with all colonial ventures this too was a brutal and exploitative arrangement. It was a one way relationship, based on maximising gains for the occupier. That arrangement has now been overturned. And with the Indian acquisition of Jaguar, Land Rover, Tetley Tea and Corus Group (formerly British Steel), the empire has almost been reversed. A couple more marquee brands will complete the process of reversing the empire in toto. Indian investments in United Kingdom are amongst the largest in the country. Both countries share a vibrant trading regime. Despite the bonhomie that prevails there is still a lot to be done, particularly in spheres that constitute vital national interests. A test case is the issue of Afghanistan and the flip-flop that remains a constant feature of NATO-ISAF policy in the beleaguered country. India seems to have learnt lessons from 19th century experiences better than 21st century Britain. For there to be peace in Afghanistan both countries have to cooperate with Kabul, on equal terms and without attention being diverted by the jugglery of others. Departure from India unmade United Kingdom as the global power. Now both need to help each other in bringing peace, regionally as well globally.
Manvendra Singh November 2013 Defence AND security alert
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ur history gives us an insight into our past. For posterity, it records great deeds of our forebears along with their shortcomings. Like the First War of Independence of 1857, British history in India is well-documented. There will always be a difference of opinion on whether the first war of Independence was a “mutiny”, as some British called it, or a greater effulgence of nationalistic fervour.
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Indians born after the attainment of Independence on 15 August 1947 have had the choice of deciding for themselves on how to view the British Raj in keeping with democratic rights and enshrined freedom. It is evident that this new generation has chosen to judge Great Britain on the basis of how Britain treats India during the 21st century. This edition of Defence and Security Alert strives to document, the mindsets and attitudes of a new generation of leaders and citizens of these two important countries of the world. History is a relentless master. It has no present, only the past rushing into the future. We fought the British for our Independence and we take great pride in having done it peacefully, without war. Being born in an independent India, our new generation gets to experience the same pride in the fact that today Britain feels it is mandatory to improve commercial, political, defence and security, cultural and social relations with its former colony … the same reasons which lured the British to Indian shores during the 18th century. We strongly believe there is no need to dwell on the atrocities and the high-handedness of the British rulers. But we most certainly feel pacified that the new generation of British leaders think it appropriate to apologise. With changed scenarios, India steps into the future anticipating associations with like-minded friends across the globe. India acknowledges that the United Kingdom has recognised the strategic importance of India in the world today. Today we talk of identifying common interests and working on them. It’s high time that we strengthen our association with Britain for the common cause that we adhere to. I wish all success to our thinkers, policy and decision-makers and governments, who have been working towards establishing cordial relations with one another and I am sure that this will be more focused and result-oriented in the coming years. DSA has been trying to project thought-provoking analyses by experts on themes and sub-themes of each edition making it popular worldwide among policy makers and practitioners of defence and security. This issue focuses on “Indo-UK Strategic Partnership” as the main theme with a sub-theme of “National Security – Role and Contribution of States”. Despite multiple international and 28 state borders in India, there is a clear demarcation of police and administrative responsibilities with an involvement of the Central government as the Federal authority in ‘local’ issues. The Central government being responsible for national security in all aspects secures active participation of the States, considering multifaceted threats confronting both on a regular basis. The States must recognise their responsibility and extend all possible support in dealing with these challenges by sharing information, lending unstinted support to Central security agencies, security and paramilitary personnel.
5 Years After 26/11: Status Appraisal
The leadership of States is required to be practical and proactive in maintaining peace and security instead of cribbing and cursing the Central government. The States need to ensure that the funds allocated are honestly utilised to strengthen the entire security system within their respective jurisdictions. I look forward to an exemplary relationship between India and UK and an unadulterated bonding between the Central and State governments of India … so that our countries emerge more secure, peaceful and prosperous. Jai Hind!
November 2013 Defence AND security alert
Pawan Agrawal
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Contents
Indo-UK Strategic Partnership
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National Security – Role and Contribution of States
An ISO 9001:2008 Certified Magazine
Volume 5 Issue 2 NOVEMBER 2013
A R T I C L E S India-UK Strategic Partnership Ambassador Ashok Sajjanhar and Anuradha Sajjanhar
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Indo-UK Strategic Partnership Lt Gen PC Katoch, PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, SC (Retd)
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India-UK Strategic Relationship: Emerging Nuclear Dimension Dr Rajiv Nayan
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UK Reaches Out To India Dr Harsh V Pant
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Freudian Dilemma Cecil Victor
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An Audit Of Indo-UK Strategic Partnership Praful S Adagale
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Vimana: The Ancient Indian Aerospace Craft Air Marshal Anil Chopra, PVSM, AVSM, VM, VSM (Retd)
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National Security – Role And Contribution Of States Lt Gen OP Kaushik PVSM, AVSM, VSM, M-in-D (Retd)
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ISI’s Role In Communal Politics? Joginder Singh IPS (Retd)
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Uttar Pradesh’s National Security Calculus Amitabh Thakur IPS
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Biological Weapons Threat To National Security Dr Vinod Jyothikumar
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F E A T U R E S
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Indo-UK Strategic Ties: An Overview 28 Team DSA
SAAB INTERVIEW 34 Mr Dan Enstedt, President and CEO, Saab, Asia Pacific
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INDRA-13: Indo-Russian Joint Military Exercise Team DSA
For online edition log on to: www.dsalert.org November 2013 Defence AND security alert
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Indo-UK bilateral relations
BUILDING ON LEGACY
India-UK Strategic
Partnership How can Britain – a small island on the edge of a continent of diminishing global clout – hope to stand out from the crowd? The UK has sought to help India develop new cities and districts along a proposed 1,000 km corridor between Mumbai, India’s financial capital and Bengaluru, its technology hub, generating investment projects worth US$ 25 billion.
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n the past year, the UK government has expressed a singular desire to further develop the nature of its relationship with India. The British Prime Minister, David Cameron, made a second visit to India in February and unequivocally stated that he was determined to forge a “special relationship” with India, which is set to be “one of the leading nations in this century.” However, talk of an especially close bond with Britain does not ring true in India. While Britain has much to offer – investment, technology, university excellence, links to 1.5 million people of Indian origin in the British Isles etc – important foreign officials from several countries visit India with steady regularity, each claiming a special link to the country. Earlier in February, France’s President Francois Hollande visited India. Before and after this Presidents of China, Brazil, Russia, South Africa, Egypt and PMs of China, Canada and Australia made their way to India in quick succession.
How can Britain – a small island on the edge of a continent of diminishing global clout – hope to stand out from the crowd? Cameron has sought to answer this by explicitly affirming to his Indian interlocutors that the UK is serious about building a strong and ‘’special relationship’’ with India based not only on trade, investment, education, technology, nuclear energy but also on cooperation on strategic issues like counter-terrorism, Afghanistan, cyber-security etc. David Cameron had earlier visited India in July 2010, just ten weeks after assuming office. Strengthening economic
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interaction was the focus of the visit, during which there was recognition that stronger bilateral economic ties lie as much in the realm of cooperation between SMEs of the two countries as on big ticket items (such as Agreement between BP and Reliance in 2011 worth US$ 7 billion for a 30 per cent stake in the oil and gas reserves in KG basin off the east coast of India). While it is true that Cameron’s second visit amply underscored his strong desire to foster a vibrant partnership with India, several significant developments on the UK-India front have taken place since.
New Cities In Deccan Plateau
The UK has sought to help India develop new cities and districts along a proposed 1,000 km corridor between Mumbai, India’s financial capital and Bengaluru, its technology hub, generating investment projects worth US$ 25 billion. During his visit, Cameron emphasised that architects, planners and financiers were a part of his team to work with Indian counterparts to provide them with complete solutions to develop the industrial corridor. He offered to provide £ 1 million to conduct a feasibility study of the project if matching funding from the Indian government was available. At this point, the DIPP (Department of Industrial Policy and Promotion) has drafted terms of reference for the feasibility study and is awaiting feedback from the UKTI (UK Trade and Investment) and other UK representatives. Once the terms of reference are finalised, discussions about funding can be initiated to explore possibilities of co-financing to implement the project. In the Bangalore-Mumbai corridor,
the industrial areas that would be covered include Vasanth Narasapura (Tumkur), Bharamasagara (Chitradurga), Shimoga, Savanur (Hubli), Haveri, Kushtagi-Gadag, Yelburga (Gadag), Belur (Dharwad), Hukeri (Belgaum), Navanagara (Bagalkot). The first phase of this project is likely to involve investment in physical infrastructure like transport networks, telecommunications and power generation. At a later stage, construction would concentrate on social infrastructure like welfare, healthcare and education. Bangalore has joined New Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai and Hyderabad with the launch of the Bangalore chapter of the British Business Group, an association of expatriate British business people. According Cameron pushes Mumbai-Bangalore to forecasts, 5.8 per cent of India's population development corridor growth would be in the corridor, contributing 11.8 per cent of the country's gross domestic product growth by 2020. By 2030, if realised, the project could generate close to half a million jobs, while indirect jobs could bring the total in the region to two million. India is among the top five investors in Britain with over 700 Indian companies having invested US$ 19.9 billion. Total investment from UK into India is US$ 28 billion. Bilateral trade was US$ 16.25 billion in 2011-12, up from US$ 12.7 billion in 2010-2011 and US$ 10.7 billion in 2009-2010. Both sides had agreed in 2010 to double trade by 2015 and officials in the know said that they are on track to achieve this target. Two-way merchandise trade between India and UK grew by an average 23 per cent each year over the last 2 years.
Ambitious Projects
During Cameron’s visit in February, he and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh agreed on a Joint Statement detailing several ambitious areas of cooperation. This outlines plans to further expand cooperation in sectors encompassing healthcare, education, science and technology, skill development, R&D, infrastructure, green energy, energy efficiency, low carbon technologies and cyber security. Discussions on a civil nuclear cooperation agreement are set to be launched in the near future.
Presidents together for providing a prominent role to Pakistan in the post 2014 Afghan scenario. In terms of strategic cooperation, both countries have agreed to strengthen their cooperation in the area of counter-terrorism and have called upon Pakistan to take speedy action against the perpetrators of Mumbai terrorist attacks in 2008. In expansion of people-to-people contacts, India has sought Britain’s help and support in obtaining a speedy completion of the India-EU Bilateral Trade and Investment Agreement in 2013. The issue of the retrospective tax of Rs 11,000 crore on Vodafone has been discussed and is close to resolution and, indeed, it is likely that Tesco will make an appearance on the Indian scene before too long. Tesco has already collaborated with Tata to capitalise on this opportunity. The UK has categorically stated that it will provide quick and easy passage for Indian businessmen and students to invest, study and work in UK. There has been mention of one-day service to businessmen to obtain visas for UK. Indeed, this was an issue that had loomed large over discussions and atmospherics during Cameron's visit in 2010. The first UK-India Business Centre to facilitate British business entry and expansion in India was launched in Gurgaon on 19th September 2013.
Ambassador Ashok Sajjanhar The writer a postgraduate in Physics from Delhi University and a career diplomat, has served as Ambassador of India to Kazakhstan, Sweden and Latvia. He has also held several significant positions in Indian Embassies in Moscow, Tehran, Geneva, Dhaka, Bangkok, Washington and Brussels. He negotiated for India in the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations. He has been an active participant in many International Seminars organised by UNCTAD and WTO.
Anuradha Sajjanhar The co-writer did her schooling in Delhi, Washington, Brussels, Moscow and Bangkok. She did her Honours in English Literature from the University of York, UK and completed her MA in Sociology from the Delhi School of Economics, Delhi University. Currently she is working as a Research Assistant at a premier think tank in New Delhi.
The UK has extended its full support to India’s permanent membership of UNSC as well as of the four multilateral export control regimes viz NSG, MTCR, Wassenaar Arrangement Launch of UK-India Business Centre at Gurgaon and Australia Group. The situation in Afghanistan being of an immediate nature, Facilitating British SMEs a Joint Working Group has been established to monitor The creation of a pan-India network developments in the country and to coordinate positions is being led by the UK India Business Council (UKIBC) on the issue. As India is concerned about Pakistan's role in with the aim of providing Britain's small and medium Afghanistan, it has expressed displeasure at the move by enterprises (SMEs) a platform in the country. The centres, the UK in early February to bring the Afghan and Pakistan starting with Gurgaon, will provide an incubation centre
November 2013 Defence AND security alert
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Indo-UK bilateral relations
BUILDING ON LEGACY
Indeed, the UK seems to have shifted focus and treats India not within the confines of South Asia but as a rising power which will become the world's third largest economy by 2030. There is realisation on both sides that this is the beginning of a long and arduous journey to further deepen bilateral political and commercial engagement for British SMEs to access the Indian market. As the first of the centres, the Gurgaon centre will set the template for other such bases around the country. It will take a sector-specific approach to business activities and focus on three segments to begin with – advanced engineering and manufacturing, healthcare and life-sciences and skills and education. The UK has also urged the Indian Government to bring down outdated barriers to investment to help UK-based companies in areas like insurance and banking to establish a foothold in the fast-growing economy. Cameron is aware that India plans to spend US$ 1.5 trillion towards creating infrastructure by building roads, ports, telecom, highways, airports and transmission and distribution systems and wants British companies to exploit all such emerging opportunities.
Fall In Numbers Of Students
The UK has announced that there will be no limit to the number of students wanting to pursue studies in UK provided they know English and have obtained admission in a British University. However, according to current statistics, the number of students from India pursuing higher education in UK has fallen steeply from 40,000 two years ago to around 30,000 last year. The ‘clamping down’ of new immigration rules appears to be the biggest reason for this sharp decline. Earlier in June 2013, the UK government announced plans to roll out a pilot scheme that will require visitors from “high-risk” countries to put down a 3,000 pound US$ 4,690, Rs 3 lakh deposit before they are allowed to enter the country. According to an official statement on the ‘visa bond scheme’ to be rolled out in November, the pilot will be highly selective and focused on the highest risk applicants (initially applying only to selected visa-seekers from six countries: India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nigeria and Ghana.) The number of enforced bonds will be limited and the payment will be returned if the visitor returns home after their visit visa has expired and within the time period specified by their visa. While this might prove to be an effective method of curbing illegal immigration, the scheme has been interpreted as standing contradictory to Cameron’s claim that Britain and India will have ”one of the great partnerships of the 21st century.”
Eurofighter Still In Reckoning
Britain has expressed its continuing interest to supply the Eurofighter Typhoon in case the deal for Dassault Rafale fails to come through. Indeed, BAE’s Eurofighter group has still not given up on India after being outgunned last year by France’s Dassault Aviation in the bid for
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126 warplanes – one of the biggest defence contracts around with an estimated value of US$ 15 billion (£ 9.6 billion). As a recognition of India's rapid economic development but also possibly irked by India’s decision to turn to France for its supply of fighter aircraft, Britain has decided to discontinue its direct aid to India (amounting to around US$ 350 million per annum) from 2015 and instead route its support through technical assistance. The supply of 12 VVIP helicopters from AgustaWestland had come under scanner after Italian authorities alleged that bribe money was given by the company to clinch the deal. Regarding growing voices to cancel the deal, Cameron has strongly pointed out that Britain has in place tough anti-bribery legislation to ensure against any fraud and promised to extend all help to the Indian Government to investigate the case.
Regret For Jallianwala
While appealing to history, culture and language as binding factors between the two countries, it has been acknowledged that these bonds are not enough to cement business ties in the present day competitive environment. During his visit, Cameron took the opportunity to visit Amritsar to pay respect at Jallianwala Bagh and express “regrets” at the monstrous action which killed more than 1,000 unarmed, innocent men, women and children on Baisakhi day 13th April, 1919. He termed it as ‘’a deeply shameful event in British history”. While he may have done this for domestic political reasons, its psychological impact on the people of the two countries cannot be under-estimated. Indeed, it is important to understand that an intangible bond between the two countries still exists, however tenuously, as a result of its colonial legacy. Indeed, how Britain reconciles its colonial rule as it seeks a modern trading and cultural relationship with India was addressed earlier this year in a British Council-led initiative called “Re-imagine: India-UK cultural relations in the 21st century”. The research project explored how while the two countries have 200 years of “shared history”, their contemporary relationship has yet to reconcile with its past. The head of the British Council in India noted that the legacy of empire is less of an issue than the challenge of connecting with the next generation. Acknowledging this facet, however symbolically, is an essential step in further cementing a relationship in the present. Indeed, the UK seems to have shifted focus and treats India not within the confines of South Asia but as a rising power which will become the world's third largest economy by 2030. There is realisation on both sides that this is the beginning of a long and arduous journey to further deepen bilateral political and commercial engagement. Britain finds itself confronting several challenges of increasing unemployment and declining growth at home while having few options except to try to convince emerging economies like India that collaboration with UK would be a win-win opportunity for both. Developments in several areas this year, including strategic cooperation, have led the relationship in the right direction and augur well for a stronger and mutually beneficial strategic and economic partnership between the two countries.
Wish you a very Happy and Prosperous
Deepawali! Team DSA
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DEFENCE AND SECURITY ALERT Committed To Defence And Security Worldwide
Indo-UK bilateral relations
PREGNANT WITH POSSIBILITIES
Lt Gen PC Katoch PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, SC (Retd)
Indo-UK
Strategic Partnership A hallmark of this strategic partnership has been British support for India gaining permanent UNSC membership and being an important interlocutor for India in the EU, G8 and other global contexts. On the negative side Pakistan’s proxy war against India runs unabatedly but Western aid to Pakistan has never been linked to Pakistan curbing radicalisation, shutting down terror infrastructure against India and not even linked to opening of India’s land route through Pakistan to Afghanistan and Central Asia.
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I
ndo-UK bilateral relations have a long shared history and cultural intermingling since the British rule in India and beyond including with the Commonwealth ties. But it is also true that in terms of geopolitics and strategic issues, UK has no option but to tag along with the US and hence national interests of India and UK many times do not coincide. Then there are unsavoury historical incidents like at Skardu during Partition, wherein Skardu that should have been part of India was deliberately given to Pakistan because of deceit of the British. The scars of British atrocities and loot from India may be things of the past but there have been permanent scars. For example, use of Indian troops in the Jallianwala Bagh massacre was a major reason
The writer is a third generation Army officer who retired as DG Info Systems in 2009 after 40 years service. He participated in the 1971 Indo-Pak War, commanded a Special Forces Battalion in Sri Lanka, a Brigade on Siachen Glacier during Kargil Conflict, a Division in Ladakh and a Strike Corps in Semi Deserts. He is former Colonel of The Parachute Regiment. A leading defence expert, he is a visiting fellow in foreign Think Tanks and contributes regularly for Indian and foreign publications.
for Nehru’s disdain of military – a legacy that continues todate with adverse affect on India’s national security.
in Community Colleges and School Leadership Programmes.
Strategic Partnership
Three Indian Presidents have visited UK, last one during 2009. The ‘Strategic Partnership’ was signed during visit of our Prime Minister to UK. Queen Elizabeth has visited India thrice. Besides, there are regular ministerial level exchanges and inter-parliamentary contacts including through the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association. We also have an India-British Friendship Group in our Parliament.
Indo-UK bilateral relations received a major boost in 2004 when the relationship was upgraded to ‘Strategic Partnership’. The 2004 Joint Declaration called for intensifying cooperation in civil nuclear energy, space, defence, combating terrorism, economic ties, science and technology, education and culture. In 2010, Prime Minister David Cameron called for a new ‘Special Relationship’ with India. He visited India twice (in July 2010 and February 2013) calling for ‘Enhanced Partnership for the Future’ and a ‘stronger, wider, deeper partnership’ on respective occasions. In 2012, UK’s trade offices in Hyderabad and Chandigarh were upgraded to Deputy High Commissions. A hallmark of this strategic partnership has been British support for India gaining permanent UNSC membership and being an important interlocutor for India in the EU, G8 and other global contexts. During his visit to India this year Cameron was accompanied by the largest British trade delegation ever to visit India, leaders of the India-UK CEO Forum, members of Parliament and University Vice Chancellors. He laid a wreath at the becoming the first serving UK Prime Minister to do so and signed the condolence book describing the 1919 massacre as “a deeply shameful event in British history”. MoUs signed during his visit included: Collaboration in Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear Defence; on Skills Development; collaboration
Science And Technology
A ‘Science and Innovation Council’ has been set up that holds regular ministerial level meetings. Joint research projects with joint funding are ongoing in fields of nano-science, biotechnology, telecom, solar energy, weather forecasting etc. In 2013, the India-UK Programme of Cooperation (PoC) on Industrial R&D was signed between Department of Science and Technology (India) and the Technology Strategy Board of UK. Post the bilateral Civil Nuclear Cooperation Declaration in 2010, several joint research projects are in progress.
Defence
An institutionalised defence dialogue at Defence Secretary level exists. There are regular military exchange visits as well as exchanges for training of officers, plus joint exercises. India procures defence equipment from UK and there is collaboration in
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R&D between DSTL of UK and DRDO of India.
Education
The UK-India Education and Research Initiative (UKIERI) launched in 2005 forges collaborations for schools and higher educational institutions including joint research. The India-UK Education Forum launched in 2008 holds regular meetings at ministerial level. Some 30,000 Indian students are presently studying in UK which is the second largest foreign students segment after China.
India-UK Round Table
The India-UK Round Table was set up as a non-government channel for long range and ‘out of box’ thinking on the future of the bilateral relationship.
Economic And Commercial
The Joint Economic and Trade Committee (JETCO) was set up in 2005 to tackle trade and investment barriers on both sides and promote business links. Bilateral trade during 2012-13 was US$ 15.189 billion showing a decline
During his visit to India this year Cameron was accompanied by the largest British trade delegation ever to visit India, leaders of the India-UK CEO Forum, members of Parliament and University Vice Chancellors. He laid a wreath at the Jallianwala Bagh becoming the first serving UK Prime Minister to do so and signed the condolence book describing the 1919 massacre as "a deeply shameful event in British history" of about 6.78 per cent over the previous year. However, during 2012-13, India’s merchandise exports to UK grew by 0.7 per cent from US$ 8.628 billion to US$ 8.633 billion
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while imports from UK declined by over 14 per cent from US$ 7.666 to US$ 6.555 billion. In the services sector, the UK is the largest market in Europe for Indian IT services. UK is India’s 3rd largest FDI investor. Main investments are in petroleum, ports, services, roads and highways, computer software. India is the fifth largest investor in UK with some 700 Indian companies operating in the UK.
Culture
Both countries signed an MoU on Cultural Cooperation in 2010. The Nehru Centre in London organises a wide range of cultural functions including talks, seminars, exhibitions, book launches, film shows, plays and music and dance programmes. The population of Indian origin in UK is estimated around 1.8 to 2 million – largest segment of ethnic population. Majority of Indians are professionals like doctors, engineers, solicitors and chartered accountants. The present UK Parliament has 8 Indian-origin MPs and 21 Indian-origin Lords. There are over 180 Indian-origin Councillors elected to Councils across UK.
Some 500,000 Indians visit UK every year and about 400,000 UK tourists visit India with UK ranked number two in terms of tourists visiting India. Over 100 weekly flights operate between the two countries.
Research
The Research Councils UK (RCUK) Office in India was opened in 2008. RCUK is the strategic partnership of the UK's seven Research Councils. Every year Research Councils invest about £ 3 billion in research covering academic disciplines from the medical and biological sciences to astronomy, physics, chemistry and engineering, social sciences, economics, arts and humanities. RCUK-India aims to upgrade bilateral research partnerships and make it easier for the best researchers to develop high-quality, high impact research partnerships
by developing positive, sustainable and influential relationships with key stakeholders; supporting facilitation of high quality research collaboration; and building profile of the RCUK office to influence policy and deliver valuable, high impact outputs. In August 2013, a report titled ‘Enhancing collaboration between research and industry: Analysis of UK-India research partnerships’ by RCUK-India in collaboration with Indian agencies recommended practical ways to enhance collaboration, investigate how and why business and industry benefit from sustained research partnership, over what time frames; assess indirect contribution of research partnerships to challenges and opportunities identified by business, industry and both governments; fix practical barriers to sustained research partnership and engagement with industry in international collaborative research; explore scope for transfering or applying research outputs from one domain to another and thereby identifying opportunities for multidisciplinary research; and link joint UK-India research programmes to future scenarios work by industry and government. UK’s Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC), in partnership with the Unbox Festival, the British Council and the UK’s Science and Innovation Network, has announced additional funding to further develop creative entrepreneurship between UK and India. Additional funding has been announced as a follow-up to the Unbox Fellowship Programme where UK researchers undertook short-term Fellowships with hosts in India. Following these fellowship placements of up to four weeks, UK researchers could bid for follow-up funding during the UnBox Festival in New Delhi in February 2013. The UnBox Festival is an annual celebration of creative minds and collaborative
It is distressing to note that some think tanks and scholars in US and UK blame India (rather than Pakistan) for the instability in Afghanistan and even Baluchistan. What is even more indicative of this convoluted thinking is the recommendation that the US should continue to limit Indian involvement in Afghanistan for any hope of long-term co-operative relationship with Pakistan research. This year the UnBox Festival provided a platform for UK and Indian teams of creative researchers to engage and discover avenues of creative thinking through inter-disciplinary partnership.
The Negatives
Divergence of views on strategic issues is part of geopolitics and routine in international relations. However, in case of UK its foreign policy appears to be inexorably linked to that of the USA. That is perhaps the reason, that despite the British Parliament voting against UK’s participation in any intervention in Syria, David Cameron continued supporting US strikes on Syria. Then there is the Pakistan factor which is the primary irritant in India’s relations with the West as well as with China. Despite continuing concessions by India, Pakistan’s proxy war against India runs unabatedly but Western aid to Pakistan has never been linked to Pakistan curbing radicalisation, shutting down terror infrastructure against India and not even linked to opening of India’s land route through Pakistan to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Not without reason Ashley Tellis of Carnegie Foundation says, “India
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Indo-UK bilateral relations
PREGNANT WITH POSSIBILITIES
Based on the need to devise an effective method based on expert judgments using statistical techniques to rank the preferences of India’s strategic partnerships, scholars with the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi undertook an exercise to evaluate India’s Strategic Partnerships ... The final results incorporating opinion of 15 experts polled, showed the Indo-US partnership as the most important with a score of 0.4084, followed by the partnerships with Russia, China, Japan and UK, Indo-UK partnership scoring 0.451
Indo-UK bilateral relations NUCLEAR COLLABORATION
were orchestrated; Iraq, on false pretext of that country developing nuclear weapons and Afghanistan on pretext of GWOT while Pakistan, the main source of terror, was made the ally. The Afghans continue to ask a simple question – if this was indeed GWOT, why were the terror factories inside Pakistan not attacked? If Pakistan could be forced to become an ally in GWOT for fear of “being bombed into stone age” but why could the same threat not be used to make her shut down the terror hatcheries?
Evaluation
Dr Rajiv Nayan
Based on the need to devise an effective method based on expert judgments using statistical techniques to rank the preferences of India’s strategic partnerships, Arvind
India-UK Strategic Relationship
The writer is a Senior Research Associate at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi since 1993, where he specialises in export control, non-proliferation and arms control. He was a Visiting Research Fellow at Japan Institute of International Affairs, Tokyo, where he published his monograph Non-Proliferation Issues in South Asia.
Emerging Nuclear Dimension being continuously subjected to terror actually suits many ... India is a sponge that absorbs global terror.” Ironically, the West has indirectly encouraged Pakistan to breed terrorism with her handle to play interlocutor with Taliban for power sharing in Afghanistan post 2014 and on dubious assurance that Pakistani proxies will not attack mainland US. It is distressing to note that some think tanks and scholars in US and UK blame India (rather than Pakistan) for the instability in Afghanistan and even Baluchistan. What is even more indicative of this convoluted thinking is the recommendation that the US should continue to limit Indian involvement in Afghanistan for any hope of long-term co-operative relationship with Pakistan. In recent past, William Dalrymple wrote in his article ‘A Deadly Triangle: Afghanistan, Pakistan and India’ that the hostility between India and Pakistan lies at the heart of the current war in Afghanistan. So, what is the basis of this absurd postulation? Who started the war in Afghanistan, why and with what effect? Anatol Lieven too links the Afghanistan situation with that of Kashmir, as do some US think tanks who completely ignoring how India continues to suffer because of terrorism perpetuated by Pakistan, suggesting India should not only have full top-down engagement with Pakistan but should give more concessions. Obviously the thought of looking oneself in the mirror must not have crossed the minds of these scholars as to how the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan
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Gupta and Sarita Azad, scholars with the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi undertook an exercise to evaluate India’s Strategic Partnerships with the US, Russia, Japan, UK and China, on the basis of five parameters, namely economics, politics, defence, technology and peopleto-people and ranking them in order of importance. After the priority vectors for each criterion in relation to different countries were calculated, the final step was to establish the overall priorities of the criteria in relation to India’s partnerships with other countries and multiply each column of vectors by the priority of the corresponding criteria and add across each row which results in the desired vector of India’s strategic partnership. The final results incorporating opinion of 15 experts polled, showed the Indo-US partnership as the most important with a score of 0.4084, followed by the partnerships with Russia, China, Japan and UK, Indo-UK partnership scoring 0.451. To say that Indo-UK Strategic Partnership holds vast possibilities would be an understatement. In July 2013 alone, the growing strength of joint UK-India research was highlighted with the announcement of 12 new research collaborations in the areas of Advanced Manufacturing and Smart Energy Grids and Energy Storage. That is just one segment of partnership. Not only would enhancing economic cooperation be beneficial to both countries, taking this partnership forward actually on ‘real strategic issues’ to make the region and the world safer would be the real test.
For sure, the two countries have travelled a long way. During the cold war, India and the UK were politically apart. The paradigm of optimism replaced that of mutual suspicion and hostility. The UK is also a member of NATO. It has an obligation to use its nuclear weapons to protect other countries of the alliance. Quite interestingly, India and the UK both agree that they would be more secure in a world without nuclear weapons.
I
ndia and the United Kingdom have entered a new phase of relationship in the nuclear field. The new phase of the relationship has basically begun in the twentyfirst century. In this phase, the two countries are locating several areas to work on. It ranges from non-proliferation and disarmament to nuclear security and safety to civil nuclear energy cooperation. Quite importantly, the UK is showing willingness to replace India’s trusted partners such as Russia and France in the nuclear field. It is an altogether different issue whether it can and if it can, how long it will take to do so.
For sure, the two countries have travelled a long way. During the cold war, India and the UK were politically apart. India was an active member of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and did not join any military bloc. The UK was an important member of the Western bloc and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). However, at times, the UK not only maintained its distinct European identity but also took independent stance, at least, in the first decade of the cold war.
Nuclear Meeting Point
Even after the end of the cold war, the UK and
India traversed by and large on two different paths. Non-proliferation was one of the defining elements in the relationship. The UK is a member of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and India decided to stay away from it. Later, it conducted nuclear tests in May 1998. It made the relationship tense, but the UK tried to normalise the relationship. It also agreed to supply defence equipment to India. Both cooperated under the security dilemma. Like the US-India relationship the UK-India relationship was also of two estranged democracies. There were common areas for the two countries to work. But these areas did not become incentives for working together at a reasonable pace. However, gradually, it improved. Both the democratic countries are committed to international order and stability. Although it was the US which took the initiative to get exemptions for India in the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), yet it was the UK which not just strongly supported the move but also campaigned for the exemption in many countries. In fact, in September 2004, India and the UK elevated their relationship to the strategic level. India and the UK committed to work together on several strategic areas, including nuclear.
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Indo-UK bilateral relations
NUCLEAR COLLABORATION
The Declaration does not limit the cooperation to only specified areas mentioned in it. Both countries left scope for any new area or non-designated area for working together. In fact, among others, signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear Security is quite important. In many new areas too, this kind of MoU may come up Afterwards, India and the UK started working out details of mutually beneficial cooperation with and without international institutions. The cooperation always took into account global nuclear norms and rules. The NSG exemptions made the task for India easier. The paradigm of optimism replaced that of mutual suspicion and hostility. During the 2010 Indian visit of the British Prime Minister Cameron talked about the special relationship of the two countries becoming the ‘Enhanced Partnership for the Future’. Indeed, it started becoming so over the years.
Civil Nuclear Convergence
Civil nuclear energy cooperation is the most prominent bilateral cooperation on nuclear issues. In the February 2010 Joint Declaration, both the countries recognised each other as a State with advanced nuclear technology. Both countries realised the significance of safeguarded nuclear cooperation for economic and social development and decided to conduct ‘scientific and technological research’. Both countries committed to promote and facilitate nuclear trade and commerce for civil nuclear energy. Of course, the nuclear commerce has to operate under international law and obligations both countries had adhered to. In the Declaration, both countries agreed to encourage institutional linkages between them. Laboratories, private companies and universities along with other scientific institutes of the
two countries may interact to promote peaceful use and development of nuclear science and technology. The Declaration assigned significance to other aspects of nuclear science and technology development as well. The two countries wanted to cooperate and where cooperation already existed to increase activities and share experiences in nuclear safety and radiation protection; emergency preparedness and response to nuclear accident; management of radioactive waste and spent fuel for non-explosive and peaceful uses; decommissioning of nuclear facilities; environmental protection vis-à-vis civil nuclear energy generation; and discussion and cooperation on physical protection and safeguards in different international bodies. However, the Declaration does not limit the cooperation to only specified areas mentioned in it. Both countries left scope for any new area or non-designated area for working together. The framework provided by the Joint Declaration may be used by different institutions and bodies to further conclude a Memorandum of Understanding. In fact, among others, signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear Security is quite important. In many new areas, too, this kind of MoU may come up. The February 2013 Joint Statement on the India-UK Summit 2013, issued at the time of Prime Minister Cameron’s visit to India, expressed the desire for a ‘stronger, wider, deeper partnership’. It listed the achievements of the past and future activities. It also recorded the British interest in the Indian Global Centre for Nuclear Energy Partnership. It reiterated the commitment of the two countries to work for civil nuclear energy cooperation. Officials from both sides are working on a commercial agreement for civil nuclear energy cooperation. The UK is an old nuclear weapon country, which developed its nuclear weapons for an uncertain nuclear and strategic environment evolving in the early years of
United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1540
the cold war. As discussed earlier, the UK is also a member country of NATO. It is understood to have an obligation to use its nuclear weapons to protect other countries of the alliance. As the UK is a signatory of the NPT, India and the UK may have some fundamental differences over some of the issues relating to non-proliferation and disarmament. However, over the years, both the countries have started working on the issues which were considered contentious for them.
Negating WMD Threat
As discussed, nuclear security is one area on which both countries have had an agreement. They have developed an understanding to promote nuclear security in different international fora. Both countries are participating in the Nuclear Security Summits, which were held twice and the third version of the summit is going to be held in The Hague in 2014 and the fourth somewhere in the US in 2016. India and the UK are committed to fight nuclear terrorism as well as use of other Weapons of Mass Destruction. Both expect better results from the cooperative international endeavours. In recent years, India and the UK have evolved almost the same position on the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1540, though both countries started with a divergence. India as a member of NAM resisted the idea of UNSC becoming the place for legislating international law. But thereafter it contributed to the committee set up to promote the resolution and to get it properly implemented. India even strengthened its export controls system by passing the Weapons of Mass Destruction Act. India has received the British support for its membership for the four multilateral export controls regimes, including the NSG. In fact, in the 2013 NSG plenary meeting, the UK circulated a paper supporting the Indian case.
Innovative Diplomacy
In the February 2013 Joint Statement and before, both countries underlined the need for the peaceful resolution of Iranian nuclear issue. The two countries looked on the use of diplomacy to address the Iranian conundrum as well as on the Iranian compliance of the treaty it had signed and the UNSC resolutions and allowing the International Atomic Energy Agency inspectors to the Iranian suspected nuclear sites and facilities. On the Iranian issue, India has really innovated its non-proliferation approach and policy. Quite interestingly, India and the UK both maintain that both are more secure in a world without nuclear weapons. Though the UK wants nuclear disarmament through the framework of the NPT, India wants time-bound, universal, non-discriminatory, phased and verifiable nuclear disarmament. For India, the NPT framework is not necessary. However, all NPT countries, especially those possessing nuclear weapons need to give it the utmost priority. The Conference on Disarmament is the most appropriate body for negotiationszfor nuclear disarmament for both.
PSI And CTBT
Still, India and the UK have two different approaches on
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The Chinese attempt to equate the Indian and Pakistani cases needs to be discouraged strongly. The Western countries would once again be committing a blunder. In the past, their mishandling and trust on Pakistan resulted in not only the current fiasco in Afghanistan but also nurturing Taliban and allowing Pakistan to develop nuclear weapons. If the Chinese and Pakistani bluff is not called now, it may have disastrous consequences a number of nuclear issues such as Proliferation Security Initiative and Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. However, the divergence of the approaches is not stopping them to work together on other issues. The Indian law permits interdiction which does not contradict any international law. Both the countries also want negotiations for Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty to take place in the Conference on Disarmament. However, the relationship has potential which has not been fully realised. The UK may work with other European countries, which are coming in the way of India’s membership of the four multilateral export controls regimes. The UK should take the lead to convince these countries. It may operate through different European Union platforms. The UK may work with other countries like France which are supporting India’s membership of the NSG and other regimes. A country like China will ultimately fall in line.
Chinese Manoeuvre
Moreover, the Chinese attempt to equate the Indian and Pakistani cases needs to be discouraged strongly. It has already undermined the non-proliferation regime and the NSG through Chashma and Karachi Coastal Power Corporation Limited collaborations. In a section of the Western non-proliferation community, there is an active campaign to rehabilitate Pakistan. Afghanistan appears to be setting the agenda. The Western countries would once again be committing a blunder. In the past, their mishandling and trust on Pakistan resulted in not only the current fiasco in Afghanistan but also nurturing Taliban and allowing Pakistan to develop nuclear weapons. The UK may have to warn the new partner of the clandestine and illicit nuclear trafficking. Unfortunately, this new partner is becoming stronger in the established Western think tanks and in some Western governments. If the Chinese and Pakistani bluff is not called now, it may have disastrous consequences. For this purpose, Indian and some rational think tanks and institutions need to work extensively and give feedback to their governments. One of the areas could be conducting studies on nuclear security, safety and safeguards along with many other nuclear and dual-use goods issues. At present, the Indian export control system is developing in an ad hoc way. Policy making backed by proper studies may serve Indian national interest better. Similarly, a proper study may help the British policy making community understand the Indian position and approach on nuclear liability law better.
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Indo-UK bilateral relations
EVOLVING PRIORITIES
UK Reaches Out
To India
Disenchanted with its special relationship with the US and disillusioned with the overly bureaucratic EU, Britain is now looking to Asia to develop new partnerships. As Britain and India embark on laying the groundwork for a new special relationship, economics and trade are likely to dominate. But politics has a way of intruding and complicating matters.
Disenchanted with its special relationship with the US and disillusioned with the overly bureaucratic EU, Britain is now looking to Asia to develop new partnerships. The aim is to use Asia’s economic dynamism to help Britain’s status as a major global economy. The new government has decided to inject a "new commercialism" into the work of the Foreign Office and British Foreign Secretary, William Hague, has been explicit about the use of Foreign Office to drum up business for Britain, using the country's extensive diplomatic network to lift its economy.
T
Underscoring India’s importance in Britain’s evolving foreign policy priorities, the British Prime Minister, David Cameron, was in India earlier this year in February for a second time since assuming office in 2010. Though his visit to Jallianwala Bagh has evoked mixed reactions in India, he became the first serving British Prime Minister
November 2013 Defence AND security alert
to pay his respects at the site, describing the massacre as "a deeply shameful event in British history.” He may very well have done this for domestic political consumption but nonetheless its symbolic importance should not be underestimated. Cameron is trying to take the UK-India ties to a new level of maturity and India would do well to respond adequately.
Fast Track Business Visas
The focus of Cameron’s visit in February 2013 was on economics with one of the largest business delegations from the UK accompanying the Prime Minister and Cameron emphasising that both New Delhi and London should remove barriers to cooperation and make it easier to invest in each other. Signalling Indian investors his government’s seriousness about the UK-India ‘special relationship,’ Cameron has decided to introduce a same-day visa service for Indian businesses waiting to invest in the UK. He also suggested that there is no limit to the number of Indian students who can study at British
Muslims. But such an approach has left an indelible mark on the Indian psyche of Britain being on the side of Pakistan on this most crucial of issues. The Labour government failed to recognise that New Delhi’s ties with Washington could only evolve after the Bush Administration more or less accepted the merits of the Indian arguments on Kashmir.
Dr Harsh V Pant The writer is reader in International Relations at King’s College, London and an affiliate with the King’s India Institute.
Cameron’s government made It is in this context that Cameron’s visit to New Delhi a serious effort to jettison the assumes significance. The Conservatives have been clear traditional British approach about India being a priority for the UK since the visit of towards the subcontinent in so far Cameron to India in 2006 as the leader of the opposition. as it has decided to deal with India Cameron had written fondly of India before his as a rising power, not merely as a visit: “India is the world’s largest democracy, a rapidly South Asian entity that needs to be seen through the prism growing economy, a huge potential trading partner, a of Pakistan. David Cameron made all the right noises in diverse society with a strong India during his first trip in 2010. culture of pluralism and a key Cameron warned Pakistan against Cameron had written fondly of India regional player – a force for promoting any “export of terror”, before his visit: “India is the world’s stability in a troubled part of the whether to India or elsewhere and world.” He had suggested that said it must not be allowed to “look largest democracy, a rapidly growing though Britain’s relationship both ways”. He has proposed a close economy, a huge potential trading with India “goes deep,” it security partnership with India and partner, a diverse society with a “should go deeper.” underlined that Britain like India strong culture of pluralism and a key was determined that groups like regional player – a force for stability India and Britain had forged the Taliban, the Haqqani network or in a troubled part of the world.” He a ‘strategic partnership’ during Lakshar-e-Taiba should not had suggested that though Britain’s the former British Prime Minister be allowed to launch attacks relationship with India “goes deep,” it Tony Blair’s visit to India in 2005 on Indian and British citizens “should go deeper” but it remained a partnership in India or in Britain. Despite only in name. The Conservatives causing a diplomatic row with were keen on imparting it a new Pakistan and David Miliband momentum. The UK is the largest European investor in calling him “loudmouth,” Cameron stuck to his India and India is the second largest investor in the UK. comments. More significantly, the British Prime Indian students are the second largest group in Britain. Minister also rejected any role for his country in the There are significant historical, linguistic and cultural ties India-Pakistan dispute. that remain untapped.
Undoing the Miliband Effect
his year has seen two high profile visits to India from Europe. First it was the French President, Francois Hollande and immediately following him was the British Prime Minister, David Cameron. Behind these diplomatic moves lies the hard reality of shifting global balance of economic power. Even as the French President was landing in New Delhi, the economic news from the Eurozone got even gloomier with reports that its largest economies, Germany and France, shrank at the end of 2012, leading to a deeper than expected recession in the region. A new dynamic is emerging between Europe and Asia and India is at the heart of this recalibration.
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universities and to the number that could stay and work.
But the Labour government’s legacy on India was very complex and Cameron’s government needed great diplomatic finesse to manage the challenges. This was particularly true of the issue of Kashmir where the Labour government could not help but irritate New Delhi. As recently as 2009, the former Foreign Secretary, David Miliband, was hectoring the Indian government that the resolution of the Kashmir dispute is essential to solving the problem of extremism in South Asia. In so doing, Miliband revealed not only his fundamental ignorance about the regional issues but in one stroke he ended up demolishing whatever little credibility Britain had in India. Granted that Indians tend to overreact whenever there is even an indication of any outside interest on the issue of Kashmir, Miliband’s ill-informed pronouncements and complete lack of sensitivity to Indian concerns raised some fundamental questions in New Delhi about the trajectory of British foreign policy. Miliband was merely trying to assuage the concerns of Labour Party’s domestic constituents, in particular the Pakistani Muslims who form the largest share of British
Graceful Disagreement
As Britain and India embark on laying the groundwork for a new special relationship, economics and trade are likely to dominate. But politics has a way of intruding and complicating matters. After all, it was only in 1997 that during Queen Elizabeth’s visit to India the then British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook had offered to mediate between India and Pakistan on the issue of Kashmir only to be reminded by the then Indian Prime Minister, IK Gujral, that “Britain is a third-rate power nursing illusions of grandeur of its colonial past.” Cameron has managed to change Indian perceptions about Britain to a considerable extent. If even after this the UK-India ties fail to take off, it won’t be for lack of trying by the British Prime Minister. As major western powers come to terms with India’s growing heft, New Delhi also needs to recognise that it enjoys a lot of goodwill in the West and western liberal democracies genuinely want India to succeed. With this in mind, India should seriously nurture its ties with its European partners. India and Europe will not always agree but it’s a sign of mature partnerships when partners can gracefully agree to disagree.
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Indo-UK bilateral relations
DUBIOUS GAME PLAN?
A duality has characterised Indo-British relations since the partition of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan. On the one hand Britain contributed to creating infrastructure in India for manufacture of military equipment for air, land and sea warfare and on the other it connived with Pakistan to encourage Sikh and Kashmiri terrorism against India.
sea warfare and on the other it connived with Pakistan to encourage Sikh and Kashmiri terrorism against India.
Military Hardware
Among the very first items of military transfer of technology was the Folland Gnat aircraft which, in the
and other British acquisitions in the Indian armed forces proved effective and total air superiority was achieved in 1971 over both wings of Pakistan. It led to the creation of Bangladesh and the capture of 93,000 Pakistani prisoners of war.
Air Component
Cecil Victor The writer has covered all wars with Pakistan as War Correspondent and reported from the conflict zones in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia in South East Asia as well as from Afghanistan. He is author of India: The Security Dilemma.
In keeping with the Government of India’s policy of achieving self-reliance in major weapons platforms HAL was encouraged to upgrade the Gnat for both air defence as well as short-range interdiction (ground attack). In 1972 the IAF placed orders for a follow-on aircraft named Ajeet based on the Gnat experience. Similar was the case with Leander class of frigates for the Indian Navy and the Vickers main battle tank (renamed Vijayanta) for the Army. They became the bedrock for gradual “competence building” and indigenisation of weapons platforms. HAL made a solo attempt with the HF-24 (Marut) a joint venture project with the other co-founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, Egypt. The aircraft was designed by the German expert Dr Kurt Tank. Cairo was to provide the engine and India would create the fuselage. The Egyptian project floundered and the Marut was left with a British engine that did not produce the required thrust to enable the aircraft to touch its designed speed of twice that of sound.
Armoured Vehicles
B
ritain’s relations with India have long been tempered by the perfidy at nativity. There has been a subliminal yearning in Britain to retain control of a former colony that was once described as the “Jewel in the Crown”. The perfidy at nativity was enacted by a Major Brown then posted in Gilgit in the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir when he colluded in handing over the Gilgit and Skardu garrisons to Pakistan. That was a deliberately planted thorn in India’s flesh that has remained a suppurating wound called “Kashmir”. The perfidy began with the application by the last British Viceroy Lord Mountbatten of the same formula of British subjugation of Northern Ireland by the imposition of a two-nation theory (Protestant and Catholic in that case) in the subcontinent to create a nation called Pakistan. The Freudian dilemma is apparent in the manner in which Britain has, since the 50s, transferred technology for
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creating the foundations of a military-industrial complex that went on to undermine Pakistan’s several attempts to carry forward a game plan for the Balkanisation of India. It was designed on the same British formula of a religion-based vivisection as in Ireland by using the fundamentalist Sikh Khalistanis in Punjab and the current attempt to amalgamate the Muslim majority Kashmir Valley on the same basis of a two-nation theory. Britain supported the Sikh separatist movement known as Khalistan by giving refuge and facilitating travel to the protagonist of Khalistan, Jagjit Singh Chauhan, who used the BBC television channel to threaten the Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi and her children. It turned a blind eye to Pakistani projection of Islamic fundamentalist terrorism into India. A duality has characterised Indo-British relations since the partition of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan. On the one hand Britain contributed to creating infrastructure in India for manufacture of military equipment for air, land and
hands of Indian pilots, proved to be better in dogfights than the Sabre jets provided to Pakistan as part of the Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO) deal fathered by Britain and inclusive of Iran, Iraq, Pakistan and Turkey (with the US joining in later). The intent was to contain Russian communism. It failed. The Gnats arrived in Indian skies in 1958. The first lot in crates with progressive transition to assembly from knocked down kit to manufacture with up to 70 per cent indigenous components in Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd factories. There was a full-fledged fighter squadron in 1960 complemented by British supplied Hawker Hunters and Canberra bombers. That is why it is said that India could have changed the battlefield scenario against the Chinese if it had used its airpower to break up Chinese troop concentrations during the 1962 war. In both the 1965 and the 1971 Indo-Pak Wars the Gnat
The second major project was the licensed production of the British Vickers tank renamed Vijayanta which led up to the design and development of the indigenous main battle tank named Arjun. Learning from the Vickers experience the Defence Research and Development Organisation at its Avadi factory produced a prototype using a German MTU engine. However, as one prescient observer pointed out at the time, the use of foreign engines to prove the qualities of the indigenous weapons platform was an adventure fraught with the danger of ending up with an under-powered weapons system. And that is exactly what happened when the indigenous engine for the tank failed to meet expectations and India was left dependent on German goodwill for the tank engines for the Arjun. Something similar happened with the Kaveri engine for the Tejas aircraft. The serial production platform is dependent on an American engine. India’s hopes of being able to buy technology from foreign sources to remove the kinks in the indigenous projects fell foul of the embargo imposed by most western nations led by the US and UK after India conducted the
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Indo-UK bilateral relations
DUBIOUS GAME PLAN?
Hawker Hunter
Folland Gnat aircraft
British attempts to keep India out of the post-ISAF withdrawal situation in Afghanistan where India has made significant contribution to infrastructure development, public health and education, have rankled
Nilgiri class frigate
1974 nuclear test in Pokhran
their nuclear stockpile (as Pretoria did) or roll back on nuclear weapons ambitions (as Libya under Gaddafi did) that had been assisted by Dr Khan. But the US stood guard over Pakistan’s nuclear programme even as American scientists reported that the Pakistanis were just “two screwdriver turns away” from completing its “bomb in the basement programme”. The Indian series of nuclear tests were designed to force Pakistan out of its nuclear closet and publicly acknowledge its nuclear weapons status.
Afghanistan Conundrum
Main battle tank Arjun
The Gnats arrived in Indian skies in 1958. There was a full-fledged fighter squadron in 1960 complemented by British supplied Hawker Hunters and Canberra bombers. That is why it is said that India could have changed the battlefield scenario against the Chinese if it had used its airpower to break up Chinese troop concentrations during the 1962 war first “peaceful nuclear experiment (PNE)” at Pokhran in the Rajasthan desert. The denial of technology for refusing to sign the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) has caused delays in India’s indigenous weapons programmes which, nonetheless have attained fruition.
Naval Projects
Perhaps the most successful of the licenced produced weapons platforms is that of the Leander class frigates the technology for which Britain sold to India in the early 70s. Six of the renamed Nilgiri class frigates were
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Vijayanta MBT
to be constructed by Mazagon Dock Ltd, Mumbai, between 1972 and 1981. Almost as soon as the first of the Leanders was completed MDL and the newly created Naval Design Bureau set about designing what at the time was called a “stretched Leander” because the original design was elongated and its girth expanded to allow for the inclusion of a hangar that could take two Sea King helicopters, a whole host of indigenously developed components and a large number of Russian and European components. In 1974, after the nuclear test in Pokhran, the British refused to release designs for the radar and India had to look elsewhere. The Britons also refused to extend design warranty to the modifications made by the shipbuilders but these proved themselves in sea conditions, adding greatly to the competence that Indian Defence Public Sector Undertakings were absorbing with each product improvement and upgradation. Going by the facilitation of the creation of infrastructure for weapons platforms for air, land and sea warfare, due
Indian Navy Westland Sea King helicopter
credit must be given to Britain in helping India achieve a large modicum of self-reliance and, particularly, in the case of naval platforms a very large amount of self-sufficiency in surface vessels and submarines. Alarming Geopolitics However Britain’s position on the Khalistani separatist movement; its tacit response to Pakistan’s role in the Islamic fundamentalist terrorism in the region; and the failure of Britain to take a strong stand against Sino-Pak nuclear proliferation which is seen in India as being in sharp contrast to its earlier stand that India must sign the NPT and the CTBT if it is to escape pariah treatment. Over the years since the first nuclear test at Pokhran, India has been telling the world community of the nuclear nexus between Beijing and Islamabad and the dire implications of the activities of Pakistani nuclear scientist Dr AQ Khan. It was only when geopolitical equations in West Asia and South Asia threatened to get out of hand that the US, Britain and the other members of the Nuclear Suppliers Group forced countries like Libya and the racist regime in South Africa to destroy
British attempts to keep India out of the post-ISAF withdrawal situation in Afghanistan where India has made significant contribution to infrastructure development, public health and education, have rankled. The visit of former Foreign Secretary David Miliband to India has been described in the British media as “His performance in India was rude, stupid and politically and diplomatically naïve”. His reference to terrorism and his interference in Kashmir pushed one newspaper to draw a parallel with an Indian lecturing Britain on, you guessed it, Ireland. Such is the umbilical connectivity that the parallelism with Ireland oozes out of the subconscious just as Freud predicted. Of course David Miliband is history. The Prime Minister is David Cameron and, in his anxiety to get out of Afghanistan lock, stock and barrel he is showing a similar insensitivity to Indian concerns as did the other David. The Indian concern is over the resurgence of cross-border terrorism of not just the Islamic variety that Pakistan has used to great advantage, but also of the Khalistan variety to cultivate which it had appointed a retired director general of the Pakistan Army Inter-Services Intelligence to restoke the subconscious embers through the Pakistan Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee. Last year the Indian National Investigation Agency sought British help to probe certain “social organisations” – a euphemism for front organisations – of the Khalistan Sikh separatist movement that was crushed in Punjab in the 90s. There are signs that it is now raising funds for the Babbar Khalsa International to train foreign terrorists for operations against India. It has long been known that there are sleeper cells of the Khalistan protagonists in the US, Britain, Brussels (EU Headquarters), Germany and Australia who occasionally reveal their existence by using the Internet to propagate their views. However, as Britain and the US are acutely aware, the hawala method of transferring money can stoke dormant fires. The British government has been alerted. It is to be seen what Britain does.
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Indo-UK bilateral relations
SCOPE FOR IMPROVEMENT Since the post independence period, both India and UK have understood their limitation and the delimitation for each other at various occasions extending from the economic to political and to the security challenges. However, there has been a new developing reality in the Indo-British interaction. India’s bilateral cooperation intensified further with the upgradation of a Strategic Partnership that was signed in 2004, extending its collaboration into comprehensive areas from trade to defence and security cooperation. The two countries are building strong ties to play a better role and have extended their hands further in maintaining peace and security in the world by working closely in the areas of conflict prevention.
Global Security Environment
An Audit Of Indo-UK
Strategic Partnership The present global security environment includes various threats and challenges facing the nations around the world. It becomes imperative for India to build closer cooperation with the external players in the global system that share common threats and respect each other’s struggle against the aggressors. The major area of concern to the international community is from the cyberspace and nuclear terrorism, where both the countries have signed agreements to enhance security cooperation. 24
November 2013 Defence AND security alert
I
t could be challenging to begin with the good reminiscences when we mention an Audit of India and United Kingdom’s relations as discussed in forums or summits. Something similar happened earlier this year of 2013, in the month of February, with the visit of the British Prime Minister David Cameron who came with a specific purpose to enhance the strategic partnership for the 21st century. At the beginning of the talk he had to mention about the “postcolonial guilt”, before he could further focus on the specifics of the package he had to deliver with the Indian delegation. He mentioned that the problem is that Britons and Indians see the “shared history” differently. For UK, India is the world's largest democracy, which we left behind on Independence Day in 1947; because of our historic relationship, India shares with us an independent judiciary, a free press, the English language and our love of cricket. With this could one analyse how important is UK for the emerging India in the 21st century?
The present global security environment includes various threats and challenges facing the nations around the world. With the wave of globalisation, having both positive and negative effects, has attracted various nations to share their skills and technological know-how with each other and also has given advantages to non-state actors to attain their objectives. Several challenges impinge on the security of the nation extending from threats that are classified as internal or external depending upon the geostrategic location of the country or the state. It becomes imperative for India to build closer cooperation with the external players in the global system that share common threats and respect each other’s struggle against the aggressors. The use of cyberspace is a major challenge to both the nations, as misuse of Internet to carry out transnational organised crime and planning of terrorist activities becomes a major threat to the national security of the country wherein both its economic and defence areas are hampered. Similarly, UK and India are bound by strong historical and cultural affinity. Their cooperation in various areas extending from trade to economic ties, civil nuclear energy, space technology, defence and security, combating terrorism and transnational crime, cyber security, science and technology, educational exchange programmes and cultural activities has been deepening and widening.
Post Cold War Scenario
The post cold war era drastically brought about a transformation in the approaches to deal with the international actors. The distribution of power created a spillover effect across the globe, with the emergence of new world order and new global players to join the blocks as well as form new alliances. Other aspects dealt with the dependency as another factor amongst the major powers to build closer cooperation. The relations between UK and India also took similar turns as India’s total weaponry and arms imports dependency got declined at the end of the cold war. However, India’s need to emerge as a leading player in the international system made it reconstruct its foreign and security policies suitable to each individual country, including the UK. India was primarily focusing upon European Union (EU) since 2000 while concurrently India was also building relationship with UK, which in year 2004, saw the ‘EU-India Strategic Partnership’ agreement signed and also build a ‘Strategic Partnership’ with United Kingdom. The bilateral cooperation further widened due to the closer cooperation in the areas of defence and security between the two. The attack of 9/11 did reform the concept of security at global level. The need to close the gaps in the security apparatus and to build strong networks amongst nations that have undergone the trauma of terrorism was realised.
Economics And Development
An audit of areas dealing with the most important aspect related to the field of education and economic aspects are also of vital importance when we mention India and UK relations. As mentioned by Prime Minister Cameron, for UK, it obviously needs more export markets and hopes especially to tap into Asia’s higher rates of economic growth, Praful S Adagale while also forging a closer diplomatic The writer is a PhD and security relationship. As trade Research Fellow working certainly forms the vital aspect in in YCNISDA, University of Pune, India. His areas the bilateral relationship, to move of expertise further it depends upon how both and specialisation include India and UK achieve their tradeoffs International Security, in the competitive world along with European Studies and China as a major dominating market Terrorism Analysis. player. The establishment of Joint Economic and Trade Committee (JETCO) in 2005 to tackle trade and investment barriers on both sides and promote business links has positively assisted both to understand their potential and overcome the barriers. In education sector, India is the second largest source of students studying in UK. The UK-India Education and Research Initiative (UKIERI) launched in 2005, with focus on higher education and research, schools and professional and technical skills has also brought both the countries together. Another important factor to determine the power of any nation is calculated by population as a dominant factor, where Indian origin persons in UK is estimated to be around 1.5-2 million, accounting for the single largest segment of ethnic population.
With the wave of globalisation, having both positive and negative effects, has attracted various nations to share their skills and technological know-how with each other and also has given advantages to non-state actors to attain their objectives. Several challenges impinge on the security of the nation extending from threats that are classified as internal or external depending upon the geostrategic location of the country or the state Defence And Security Cooperation
Trade certainly dominates the relationship between any two nations, however, it is indeed rare that both the countries also share deep defence and security cooperation. UK and India are certainly among those to be mentioned in terms of defence cooperation. India and UK have deep involvement since 1838-42, when the British and Indian troops were massacred during retreat from Kabul when British invaded Kabul. Further, post independence, UK’s decision to assist India against China in the wake of the 1962 war, where UK played an important role to support and build its trust in the eyes of New Delhi. Both signed two agreements in this regard in November 1962 and November 1964. Under the first agreement, the UK agreed to provide limited arms and equipment for the explicit purpose of ‘defending India against Chinese aggression’. And under the second, it agreed
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Indo-UK bilateral relations
SCOPE FOR IMPROVEMENT
Hawk Advanced Jet Trainer
AW101 helicopter
Visit of HMS Daring in 2012
to provide a 10-year £ 4.7 million loan for the ‘reconstruction includes supply of AW101 helicopters and Hawk Advanced of the Mazagon Dockyard at Bombay and the construction Jet Trainers. The visit of HMS Daring in 2012 – the first of the there of Leander Class Frigates.’ During the latter part of the new Type 45 Destroyers – to Mumbai was a great success and 1960s, 300-plus Indian personnel engaged in the Leander provided an excellent opportunity for UK defence companies project gained on-site training in ship-building in the UK. to showcase the best of British defence technology. London also shared the design and even drawings related to the project with Mazagon Dock. The robust buyer-seller CBRN And Cyberspace Security relationship between the two countries began to decline The major area of concern to the international community steadily through the 1960s and beyond. The bilateral relations is from the cyberspace and nuclear terrorism, where both the countries have signed gained more momentum after the strategic partnership signed Post independence, UK decided to assist agreements to enhance security between the two in 2004. The India against China in the wake of the cooperation in the cyber security areas where UK expressed 1962 war. Both signed two agreements domain. The Chevening TCS concerns were the challenges in this regard in November 1962 and Cyber Programme is a new pertaining to terrorism, was November 1964. Under the first agreement, programme established in 2013 for mid-career Indian given top priority. It established the UK agreed to provide limited arms nationals in the field of the joint working group on and equipment for the explicit purpose cyber security and public counter-terrorism. India and of ‘defending India against Chinese policy in India. The objective the United Kingdom are aggression’. And under the second, it agreed includes strengthening the both Partner Nations in The to provide a 10-year £ 4.7 million loan for the collaboration between the Global Initiative to Combat ‘reconstruction of the Mazagon Dockyard academic and the private Nuclear Terrorism (GICNT) as well. The problem of Islamic at Bombay and the construction there of sector to develop synergy in research and development fundamentalism is a common Leander Class Frigates’ and reducing the risks concern for both the nations as population is also an important factor. It depends on posed by cyber threats on a global level by enhancing how both the countries build social cohesion between each international cooperation. The aim is to work together other will help to understand the challenges in combating "on areas of common interest in the cyber domain". "Both India terrorism. It will be more beneficial if both India and UK work and the United Kingdom share the core principles of liberty, hand in hand towards the de-radicalisation of the terrorist transparency, freedom of expression and the rule of law which as it forms an important element in tackling terrorism in the apply in cyberspace. Enhancing international cooperation 21st century. The visit of PM Cameron saw three MoUs to reduce the risk of threats from cyberspace to international signed on the sidelines – on collaboration in Chemical, security is the main objective behind the agreement. Nuclear Biological, Radiological and Nuclear (CBRN) Defence; on threat by way of radioactive material and nuclear waste is a real Skills Development; collaboration in Community Colleges threat at global level, where, both India and the United Kingdom and School Leadership Programmes. The UK supports India’s have signed and formally ratified the International Convention proposal for permanent membership of the UNSC and is also for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism (ICSANT). an important interlocutor for India in the EU, G8 and global The ICSANT establishes a legal framework for greater contexts. Maritime power is certainly of prime importance for international cooperation in the investigation, extradition and the Royal Navy of UK and the Indian Navy, where both the prosecution of nuclear terrorists. It is known and appreciated countries have framed their maritime strategy for 2025, which by New Delhi about UK’s support amongst other nations will positively acquire a new dimension in the coming days including France and Russia for the civilian nuclear cooperation with the two navies deciding to conduct more joint exercises India had with United States originally. UK’s positive steps to and mutual visit of warships. Shipbuilding and technical appreciate and understand India’s immediate concerns related know-how in building frigates and submarines must also be to both traditional and non-traditional security threats, could given more priority to help India become a maritime power optimistically serve both the countries’ interest in the long-term in the Indian Ocean Region. Defence equipment co-operation to become truly important strategic partners.
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November 2013 Defence AND security alert
Indo-UK bilateral relations
STRONGER, WIDER, DEEPER
Indo-UK Strategic Ties
An Overview
India’s multifaceted bilateral relationship with the UK intensified with its upgradation to a Strategic Partnership during meeting of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair in London in September 2004. In a Joint Declaration it was agreed to intensify cooperation in civil nuclear energy, space, defence, combating terrorism, economic ties, science and technology, education and culture. The coalition government led by PM Cameron which came to power in May 2010, called for a new ‘Special Relationship’ with India. PM Cameron has visited India twice. His first visit in July 2010 saw the relations elevated to ‘Enhanced Partnership for the Future’ and during his second visit in February 2013, it was agreed to have a ‘stronger, wider, deeper partnership’. The UK supports India’s proposal for permanent membership of the UNSC and is also an important interlocutor for India in the EU, G8 and global contexts.
I
Team DSA
ndo-UK relations post-Independence have been a series of see-saw rides dictated by what was seen in India as being the product of an emerging neo-colonialism. Military presence (boots on the ground) and military largesse for services rendered (by being part of military alliances) became the templates for the new emerging world order dictated by technology. Britain began with a strategic advantage in India. However, it soon frittered away this advantage by trying to pressure India to fall in line with discriminatory and exclusive arrangements intended to retain the technological edge over the Developing Nations.
colonialism of the kind that kept India in thrall for the better part of two centuries after Britain replaced the Mughal Empire with Pax Britannica. The attainment of freedom from Britain by India created a domino effect on its other colonies around the globe and the sun began to set on the British Empire. The effect was that the US, which was reluctant to enter World War II under a misconceived concept of ‘isolationism’, began to work to fill the perceived geopolitical vacuum that had emerged ‘East of Suez’.
Britain which began with a strategic advantage in India showed early signs of cashing in this advantage by partnering India in the creation of a military industrial complex. Its assistance in setting up construction facilities for aircraft, tanks and ships has come a long way in helping India attain its desired goal of self-reliance in some and self-sufficiency in several types of weapons platforms Emergence Of Military Blocs
Military presence (boots on the ground) and military largesse for services rendered (by being part of military alliances) became the templates for the new emerging world order dictated by technology. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) was created to surround the Soviet Union and its outgrowth the Warsaw Pact Communist nations within the European theatre but the world became the playground of these contending forces. The western bloc created offshoots in the Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO) with Britain at its hub and the South East Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) with America as it mentor.
A “Strategic Partnership” is normally gauged by the tenacity and longevity of relations between two nation states. It is celebrated by the potential of its growth over specified periods and timelines. Indo-UK relations post-Independence have been a series of see-saw rides dictated by what was seen in India as being the product of an emerging neo-colonialism. The new order was intended to replace the decadent
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Many former British and French colonies wanted to maintain their sovereign status in the face of this creeping neo-colonialism epitomised by the military blocs embroiled in what came to be called the “Cold War” wherein many former colonies were being sought to be used as proxies by the members of the two blocs.
The Non-Aligned Movement
From this milieu emerged what is best described in a word borrowed from the current political jargon “third force” – nations that did not want to appear to be
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Indo-UK bilateral relations
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India has multifaceted cooperation in the defence sector with UK. We have regular exchanges between the services including in training of officers. We also conduct joint exercises and procure defence equipment from UK. There is collaboration in Research and Development between DSTL of UK and DRDO of India
allied to either of these military camps. From a word once used by former Indian Defence Minister, the ascerbic and much-maligned VK Krishna Menon, in his most favourite hunting ground, the UN General Assembly in 1953 came forth a movement that was reviled by many of the western Cold Warriors and wooed by the Soviet Bloc. In what began as “The Initiative of Five” Jawaharlal Nehru of India, Nasser of Egypt, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Tito of Yugoslavia and Sukarno of Indonesia; these advocates of a middle course met in the Yugoslav capital Belgrade in 1961. A collective pledge to remain neutral in the Cold War had been taken in Bandung in Indonesia in 1955 under the sponsorship of Sukarno. It brought together leaders of the new emerging nations of Afro-Asia. Nearly all of them were first generation leaders of post-colonial nation states. Collectively they epitomised the erosion of colonialism in what was preferedly called the “Developing Nations”. Yugoslavia under Tito had always stood out like a sore thumb in Europe for refusing the join either the Communists of the Warsaw Pact nations or the capitalists of NATO. Throughout his long leadership he managed to hold together a nation that was multi-ethnic with a long history of an animosity between Serbs and Croats through a system of rotation of responsibilities at the national level. The underlying credo of the Non-Aligned Movement was the Five Principles of Panchsheel. The Havana Declaration of 1979 listed the purpose of the organisation to ensure “the national independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and security of non-aligned countries” in their “struggle against imperialism, colonialism and all forms of foreign aggression, occupation, domination, interference or hegemony as well as against great power and bloc politics”. As of 2012, during the 16th NAM Summit the movement had 120 members and 17 observer countries.
The Bilateral Effect
Britain which began with a strategic advantage in India
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showed early signs of cashing in this advantage by partnering India in the creation of a military industrial complex. Its assistance in setting up construction facilities for aircraft, tanks and ships has come a long way in helping India attain its desired goal of self-reliance in some and self-sufficiency in several types of weapons platforms. However, Britain soon frittered away this advantage by trying to pressure India to fall in line with discriminatory and exclusive arrangements intended to retain the technolgical edge over the Developing Nations. Based on its own genius India had made considerable progress in frontier sciences like atomic energy, space, information technology, metallurgy etc and was intent on catching up with the rest of the developed world. Having shown signs of being capable of developing nuclear weapons (even though it insisted that the atom must be used only for peaceful purposes and advocated complete and universal nuclear disarmament). It drew the ire of the developed world of which Britain played a crucial role in furthering American policy on such issues. When the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) was formulated, its restrictions were clearly aimed at India which was outside the pale of military pacts and favoured Pakistan which was part of CENTO. A follow-on programme the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) was designed to prevent countries like India from ensuring their projects work.
CoCom
CoCom is an acronym for Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls. CoCom was established by Western bloc powers in the first five years after the end of World War II, during the Cold War, to put an arms embargo on COMECON (Soviet Bloc) countries. It was intended to prevent technology that could be used both for civilian as well as military use. Because of the strategic partnership between India and the Soviet Union it was often brought under the purview of CoCom and denied technology that could have accelerated its search for self-reliance and self-sufficiency in the frontier sciences. Britain, by imposing bans and embargos on India soon lost its preeminent position of supplier of military equipment to the Soviet Union which allowed licensed production of everything India needed for its civilian and military sectors.
Wassenaar Arrangement
CoCom ceased to function on March 31, 1994 and the then-current control list of embargoed goods was retained by the member nations until the successor, the Wassenaar Arrangement, was established in 1996. The Wassenaar Arrangement (The Wassenaar Arrangement on Export Controls for Conventional Arms and Dual-Use Goods and Technologies) is a multilateral export control regime with 41 participating states including many former COMECON (Warsaw Pact) countries. It is named after the Dutch town of Wassenaar, near The Hague. Every six months member countries exchange information on deliveries of conventional arms to non-Wassenaar members that fall under eight broad weapons categories: battle tanks, armoured combat
vehicles (ACVs), large-calibre artillery, military aircraft, military helicopters, warships, missiles or missile systems and small arms and light weapons.
Defence
India has multifaceted cooperation in the defence sector with UK. India and UK have institutionalised defence dialogue at Defence Secretary level and the 13th round was held in London in January, 2011. There are regular visits of Chiefs of Staff. India and UK have regular exchanges between the services including in training of officers. We also conduct joint exercises and procure defence equipment from UK. There is collaboration in Research and Development between DSTL of UK and DRDO of India. Cooperation is undertaken under the Defence Consultative Group (DCG) formed in 1995. India and the UK cooperate in a number of ways. Joint Indo-UK exercise (a ten-day exercise Emerald Mercury was held in India in March 2005, the first of its kind between the two countries, which marked the biggest land deployment of British military personnel in India), research and technology and defence equipment collaboration. Britain supports India’s case for permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council as well as bilateral cooperation in civilian nuclear technology. The UK and India also cooperate on security and terrorism issues.
Missile Technology Control Regime
The Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) is an informal and voluntary partnership between 34 countries to prevent the proliferation of missile and unmanned aerial vehicle technology capable of carrying a 500 kg payload at least 300 km. The Missile Technology Control (MTCR) Regime was established in April 1987 by Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Great Britain and the United States. The MTCR was created in order to curb the spread of unmanned delivery systems for nuclear weapons, specifically delivery systems that could carry a minimum payload of 500 kg a minimum of 300 km. At the annual meeting in Oslo in July 1992, it was agreed to expand the scope of the MTCR to include non-proliferation of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) for all weapons of mass destruction.
Civil Nuclear Cooperation
India and UK signed a Civil Nuclear Cooperation Declaration on 11 February 2010. Several joint research projects are in progress. India and UK have also agreed to sign an agreement on civil nuclear cooperation.
Science And Technology
A bilateral Science and Technology agreement was signed in January 1996. In 2006, the ‘Science and Innovation Council’ was set up which holds regular Ministerial-level meetings. A number of joint research with joint funding are being conducted which include projects in nano-science, biotechnology, telecom, solar energy use and weather forecasting. The third meeting of
Britain supports India’s case for permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council as well as bilateral cooperation in civilian nuclear technology. The UK and India also cooperate on security and terrorism issues the Council was held in London in April 2012. On 11th March 2013, the India-UK Programme of Cooperation (PoC) on Industrial Research and Development has been signed at London, between Department of Science and Technology, Government of India and the Technology Strategy Board of UK.
Economic And Commercial Relations
Trade and investment is one of the most important underpinnings of Indo-UK bilateral relations, which got a boost with the setting up of Joint Economic and Trade Committee (JETCO) in 2005 to tackle trade and investment barriers on both sides and promote business links. The 8th JETCO meeting was held in London on 16th April 2012. India-UK trade has been growing. According to the data published by the Department of Commerce, New Delhi, two-way merchandise trade during 2012-13 was US$ 15.189 billion showing a decline of about 6.78 per cent over the previous year. During the period 2012-13, India’s merchandise exports to UK grew by 0.7 per cent from US$ 8.628 billion to US$ 8.633 billion and imports from UK declined by over 14 per cent from US$ 7.666 to US$ 6.555 billion. India’s main exports to the UK are ready-made garments and textiles, gems and jewellery, engineering goods, petroleum and petrochemical products, transport equipment and parts, spices, manufactures of metals, machinery and instruments, drugs and pharmaceuticals and marine products. The main imports from the UK to India are precious and semi-precious stones, metalifers, ores and metal scraps, engineering goods, professional instruments other than electronics, non-ferrous metals, chemicals and machinery. In the services sector, the UK is the largest market in Europe for Indian IT services. UK is India’s 3rd largest FDI investor. Top sectors attracting FDI from UK are petroleum, ports, services, roads and highways, computer software. India is the fifth largest investor in UK. There are around 700 Indian companies in the UK of which Tata is the largest private sector employer in the UK.
Commonwealth Of Nations
Apart from, yet concurrent with, the centripetal forces of a disintegrating Empire, Britain tried and retained relationships with her former colonies through the institution of the Commonwealth of Nations. It is a voluntary association of 53 independent sovereign states. No one government in the Commonwealth exercises power over the others, as in a political union. Rather, the relationship is one of an international organisation through which countries with diverse social, political and economic backgrounds are regarded as equal in status and
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Indo-UK bilateral relations
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co-operate within a framework of common values and goals, as outlined in the Singapore Declaration. These include the promotion of democracy, human rights, good governance, the rule of law, individual liberty, egalitarianism, free trade, multilateralism and world peace and are carried out through multilateral projects and meetings, as well as the quadrennial Commonwealth Games. The symbol of this free association is Queen Elizabeth II, known for this purpose as Head of the Commonwealth. This position, however, does not imbue her with any political or executive power over any Commonwealth member states; the position is purely symbolic and it is the Commonwealth Secretary-General who is the chief executive of the organisation. The Commonwealth was first officially formed in 1931 when the Statute of Westminster gave legal recognition to the independence of dominions. Presently, of the States that are members of the Commonwealth of Nations, three are in Europe, twelve in North America, one in South America, nineteen in Africa, eight in Asia and eleven in Oceania (including one suspended member, Fiji). There are seven former members, four of which no longer exist as independent entities (but form part of current member states). The members have a combined population of 2.2 billion people, almost a third of the world population, of which 1.21 billion live in India and 95 per cent live in Asia and Africa combined. The Commonwealth Business Council (CBC) is an institution of the Commonwealth Family that aims to utilise the global network of the Commonwealth of Nations more effectively for the promotion of global trade and investment for shared prosperity. It was formed at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting 1997 (CHOGM), in Edinburgh, United Kingdom. The CBC acts as a bridge for cooperation between business and government, concentrating efforts on these specific areas: Enhancing Trade Mobilising Investment Promoting Corporate Citizenship Facilitating ICT for Development Public Private Partnerships Commonwealth countries are major stakeholders in the process and success of the Doha Development Agenda. Commonwealth countries account for 40 per cent of WTO membership. CBC’s trade development objectives include encouraging trade facilitation and further liberalisation of services; encouraging developing countries to play an active role in the World Trade Organisation and in new
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trade rounds, by maximising their negotiating strength through cooperative action.
(CHOGM) is held every two years. Education, Finance and other Commonwealth Ministers also meet regularly.
The CBC helps to mobilise investment into Commonwealth countries through measures including ensuring access to international capital markets; strengthening 26 domestic capital markets; encouraging regional integration; committing the private sector to work together with governments to help achieve a successful market economy for generating investment.
The Commonwealth Foundation
A key feature of CBC is its global membership, comprising corporate members from both developed and developing countries. This gives CBC the capacity to make a special contribution to the debate on corporate citizenship, dominated by developed countries.
Commonwealth Connects
The CBC has been working to involve private sector engagement in facilitating the implementation of an Information Communications Technologies for Development programme. The CBC programme enhances collaborative partnerships between the various stakeholders including governments, private sector, donor agencies and civil society. Major goals include: Bridge the digital divide for both social and economic development. Promote ICT for Development in Commonwealth countries. Promote an experience exchange among stakeholders in Commonwealth countries. Promote business and government cooperation for development. Create awareness and enhance the knowledge of policy makers regarding economic, technical and legal aspects of implementation of ICT for development. Provide and facilitate training and capacity building. CBC believes that there remains a significant gap for independent support to emerging market governments in the structuring and transacting of ICT infrastructure opportunities. The key CBC objectives are: Examine how support from highly experienced individuals can assist through the creation of an infrastructure technical advisory unit. Provide senior-level government support to provide focused advice. Provide mechanisms that will help governments leverage the huge capacity of the private sector to address the demand for better infrastructure.
Commonwealth Secretariat
Administers Commonwealth ideals on behalf of Commonwealth governments collectively. It promotes social, economic and technical co-operation throughout the Commonwealth. It also organises Commonwealth meetings and administers the Commonwealth Fund for Technical Co-operation (CFTC). Commonwealth of Learning (COL) is collaborating with the Secretariat in initiatives relating to management training, youth and health programmes as well as education. A Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting
The Commonwealth Foundation is an intergovernmental organisation funded by Commonwealth governments, providing travel grants and facilitating networking and training opportunities to encourage inter-country exchange and co-operation among Commonwealth non-governmental organisations, professional and cultural bodies. The new Commonwealth Connects programme aims to harness information and communication technologies (ICTs) to benefit member countries that need them most. It comprises the report and recommendations of the Commonwealth Expert Group on Information Technology, which was adopted by the Commonwealth Heads of Government at their meeting in Coolum, Australia, in March 2002. Its four recommendations, which are now being implemented by the Commonwealth agencies, in partnership with member governments, civil society and the private sector, aim to promote the wider use of ICTs in Commonwealth countries, to bridge the digital divide and promote socio-economic development of member countries, particularly the small states and developing countries. Commonwealth Connects was launched in August 2006 and re-launched in 2011 as a Commonwealth web portal. It formerly operated as the Commonwealth Action Programme for the Digital Divide.
Association Of Commonwealth Universities
Founded in 1913, the Association of Commonwealth Universities serves its nearly 500 members by strengthening international co-operation and understanding. It fulfils this by assisting members to build-up their human resources; by promoting, through several programmes, the movement of academic and administrative staff and of students from one country of the Commonwealth to another; by providing information about universities and about issues of relevance to them; by hosting a higher education management consultancy service; and by organising meetings of various kinds.
Institute Of Commonwealth Studies
The Institute of Commonwealth Studies is a postgraduate academic institution devoted to the study of the Commonwealth. Its purpose is to promote interdisciplinary and inter-regional research on the Commonwealth and its member nations in the fields of history, politics, economics and other social sciences and in subjects like the environment, health, migration, class, race, culture and literature. ICS also offers a Masters degree in Human Rights. The ICS web pages provide information about the Institute and its activities, including seminar programmes, conference previews and reports; library and archive holdings (with on-line access to the library catalogue); ICS Newsletter; ICS research projects at ICS; courses and research degrees; academic staff; and links to other Commonwealth sites.
Commonwealth Policy Studies Unit
The Commonwealth Policy Studies Unit is a think tank for the 54-nation Commonwealth based at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London. The CPSU
works where possible with persons and agencies around the Commonwealth. It aims to identify major policies for the Commonwealth, to research and formulate solutions for policy makers in governments, business and NGOs and to spread its findings, as an independent body. It has, since starting in 1999, focused on the impacts of globalisation and of the Harare Commonwealth Declaration (1991).
Council For Education In The Commonwealth
The Council for Education in the Commonwealth (CEC), a UK parliament-based NGO, was founded nearly 40 years ago, at the time of the first Commonwealth Education Ministers’ Conference. Its purpose is to create an informed public opinion on the salient issues concerning education and training in the Commonwealth and to identify appropriate ways in which Britain and the European Union can best contribute to their development. Education is a very important plank of our bilateral relationship. The UK-India Education and Research Initiative (UKIERI), launched in 2005 has been a success in collaborations for schools and higher educational institutions including joint research. The second phase of UKIERI was launched in June 2011 for another five years. An India-UK Education Forum launched in 2008 holds regular meetings at Ministerial-level. The fifth meeting was held in London in January 2013. Around 30,000 students from India are studying in higher education in UK which is the second largest segment of foreign students in UK after China.
Commonwealth Games
Held every four years, the Commonwealth Games date back to 1930, when the inaugural Games were held in Hamilton, Canada. Then known as the “British Empire Games” that first competition welcomed 11 countries and a total of 400 competitors. The Commonwealth Games have always enjoyed a unique atmosphere that has led to its being known as the “Friendly Games”. The 2010 Commonwealth Games held in Delhi, India, was a grand spectacle.
The Upswing
India’s signature on the Civil Nuclear Deal with the US has opened doors for closer cooperation with the Nuclear Suppliers’ Group and Britain too has shown keenness to cooperate with India on issues of nuclear safety, non-proliferation and securing exemptions for deals with the NSG. However, as in the past when Britain and the western world turned a blind eye to the China-PakistanNorth Korea nuclear / missile nexus the new contracts for unsafeguarded nuclear power plants at Karachi by China will exacerbate the threats to global security. During Prime Minister David Cameron’s last visit he proposed an exciting plan to create new cities along an economic corridor connecting Mumbai with Bengaluru. He had brought along a team of architects, planners to interact with Indian counterparts to provide them with complete solutions to develop the industrial corridor. He offered to provide £ 1 million to conduct a feasibility study of the project if matching funding from the Indian government were made available. The Department of Industrial Policy and Promotion has drafted terms of reference for the feasibility study and is awaiting feedback from the UK Trade and Investment and other British interlocuters.
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building partnerships
SAAB INTERVIEW
SAAb
an ethos of trust And reliability
s
aab is not only a provider of reliable, world-leading technologies; it brings as a supplier to the Asia Pacific, an ethos of trust, reliability and long-term relationships. The success of the fighter aircraft, airborne surveillance, military aerospace combat and control systems and naval programmes is testimony to the technology, compatibility and service ethos that Saab and Sweden bring to the region.
In an exclusive interview with DSA, President and CEO, Saab, Asia Pacific, Mr Dan-Åke Enstedt affirms his commitment to serve and deliver to the needs of various countries in the region and explains how Asia Pacific is a key market with large growth and partnership potential for Saab. Defence and Security Alert: Saab is a highly regarded name and provider of world-leading technologies offering high-end solutions in the defence and security arena. Which of your product lines have competitive edge in the Asia Pacific Region? Saab, Asia Pacific: Saab products are in use in a number of countries in the region, for example Korea, Japan, China (AIS), Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Australia and New Zealand. We have therefore proven capability and customers who have reposed their confidence in our products. Currently Saab is engaged in delivering on a number of programmes across the region, including in Thailand and Korea, as well as pursuing many individual opportunities in many other countries of the region.
All of Saab’s Business Areas are active in Asia Pacific offering high-tech solutions and products such as the Gripen, Skeldar, Remote Towers, C4I, EW (Self Protection Systems), Signature Management, Aeronautical Platforms, Communication Systems, Surveillance systems, Fire Control and Radar Systems, Warheads and Combat Management Systems. DSA: With the US pivot shifting to the Asia Pacific, the geostrategic importance of the region has increased exponentially and many countries in the region are embarking on massive modernisation and acquisition drive. How well prepared is Saab to exploit this opportunity? Saab: Saab has identified Asia Pacific as a focus Market Area where the company will significantly enhance its presence in order to participate in opportunities across the region. The Asia Pacific market is among the largest today. The defence market in the region is evolving from dependence on a small group of suppliers based on strategic relationships, to an interest in cutting edge solutions that are customised to the requirements of the country’s forces. We are in one of the few places in the world where the market is on the increase with all the countries in the region having an underlying economic growth. DSA: With China becoming more and more assertive, Asia Pacific region is emerging as the new ElDorado for the defence and security companies. What role do you foresee for Saab in this fast growing market? Saab: Saab’s focus will be on building partnerships with national industry, encouraging co-development, undertaking transfer of know-how and capacity building to take advantage of the transferred technology. This is in harmony with the goals of national governments and armed forces which today seek greater value and give greater emphasis on acquiring defence solutions that are customised to their requirements rather than simply taking products off the shelf. This is driving the process of indigenisation and localisation as industrial cooperation programmes are given greater national support. These meet with the Saab approach of building partnerships in each country and teaming up with national industry. We see ourselves playing a key role in enabling creation of a strong domestic defence industry. This
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Mr Dan Enstedt, President and CEO, Saab, Asia Pacific not only helps address national requirements, companies in the region can tomorrow become partners in global programmes since they are building on user experience of their own armed forces. DSA: Can you tell us, what is the present Saab strategy for countering the IED threat and what kind of change and reorientation it’s gone through in the recent past? Saab: Saab’s strategy for countering the IED threat lies within the “Train The Force” Framework of armed forces globally. Over recent years numerous armed forces have deployed into High Threat IED areas such as Afghanistan ill prepared and as such met with the unfortunate consequence of loss of life. Saab has coupled itself with key military forces to
assist bridge identified CIED training gaps in order to ensure that troops are deployed on operations with “world class” pre-deployment training and preparation. As an example, the Metal Detector Sensor which was designed and manufactured by Saab and subsequently brought into service initially as an Urgent Operational Requirement for the British Army, rectified the initial incorrect detector swing techniques of soldiers by measuring the correct search head parameters for height, speed, distance and angle of specific detectors, in order to ensure that the equipment was being used optimally and as such would detect the ever evolving IED threats in the operational theatre. The MDS was a resounding success and contributed to a significant decrease in IED casualties incurred in Afghanistan.
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building partnerships
SAAB INTERVIEW
Coupled with that item, Saab developed a comprehensive suite of augmenting interactive CIED training equipment such as Electronic Counter Measure simulators, High Accuracy tracking of CIED assets and a suite of Non-Pyrotechnic IED simulators to further enhance the training effect of the capability. Further amplifying the capability, are our team of ex-military Counter IED Subject Matter Experts who run the training concepts. In terms of change in recent past, Saab has to adapt and react very quickly to military force Urgent Operational Requirements, not only in equipment development and provision, but also as an adaptive resourceful training provider, both in home country locations for pre-deployment training and in high threat operational theatres. As examples of this, our UK team have established an enduring CIED training capability in Camp BASTION, Helmand Province Afghanistan, for the British Army, which also feeds the Danish Army and United States Marine Corps. All assets utilise the Saab CIED facility to conduct further and final preparation before deploying “Outside Of The Wire” on CIED operations. Additionally, mounted from Camp BASTION, Saab has also deployed an expeditionary capability 7 times by helicopter to Tarin Kowt in Uruzgan Province to train the Australian CIED assets, both conventional and special forces. This was a rapid request off the back of the great success of the Saab CIED pre-deployment training support programme to the Australian Army in Australia. In summary, Saab has had to further enhance its agility, flexibility, ingenuity and adaptability to meet the fluid and fast pace of evolving military Counter Insurgency operations. In doing this we can value add and contribute significantly in the global fight against the IED. DSA: What's on offer to today's C-IED operators? Can you outline how your training solutions are structured and how effective these have been so far? Saab: As was alluded to in the earlier response, Saab has much to offer the CIED operators of all global forces. Our equipment, which can be seen at the D&S exhibition in Bangkok, is the latest generation and is of the technology expected of today’s cohort of military personnel. Our training staff are all highly experienced ex-military CIED operators themselves with a vast array of operational experience through many enduring global CIED theatres. Couple these two factors and Saab can
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and is, providing world-class training and simulation in CIED. If we take Australia as an example, for over 12 months our CIED system and personnel were embedded into an Australian Army Explosive Ordnance Disposal unit whose main effort was to train and provide CIED assets for High Threat Operations in Afghanistan. The staff and equipment were utilised on Specific To Theatre High Threat Search and Improvised Explosive Device Defeat courses and the subsequent Certification or licensing exercise that individuals had to pass to deploy on operations in role, both of which our staff were central to the provision of evidence of student observation and providing objective electronic evidence and data on individual and collective performance, produced by our system. Additionally, teams were deployed into Afghanistan to conduct mid-tour training to mitigate against factors such as skill fade and battle fatigue which can induce complacency. In essence, our personnel have been at the very forefront of CIED training provision and validation which is essential as a major Force Protection measure to any force. Most recently in 2013 we were asked by the Australian Army to teach and instrument in Afghanistan a Ground Penetrating Radar capability in order to detect no metal content devices. We acted in response to observed concerns flagged by our team to senior Australian Army CIED orientated personnel. In terms of its effectiveness on the ground, matters like this are difficult to measure as each operational area has different IED threats, trends and densities; what we can say is that soldier confidence in their individual and collective ability and confidence in the utility of their equipment prior to deploying Outside Of The Wire, is very, very high and Saab can quantify that by the Feedback Survey statistics and comments that we gather post each training event. DSA: You have come from Europe. How different is the Asia Pacific market? What challenges do you encounter and what opportunities do you visualise for Saab in Asia Pacific? Saab: The Asia Pacific market is like any European market: professional and seeking the best value, efficient systems and high performance. Countries in the Asia Pacific are used to high standards of technology infusion from various strategic partners. The biggest task for Saab would be to ensure that we focus on each market independently and work to build partnerships and presence based on national defence needs.
vedic warfare
AERONAUTICS OF YORE
Vimana: The Ancient Indian
Aerospace Craft
Vaimanika Shastra, translated in early 20th century, covers definitions of airplane, pilot, aerial routes and planes are described in great detail. In 1991, a book by David Hatcher Childress, Vimana Aircraft of Ancient India & Atlantis covered the secrets of making planes motionless (hovering), of making them invisible (stealth), the secret of retrieving photographs of the interior of enemy planes (intelligence), the secret of ascertaining the direction of enemy planes approach (radar), the secret of making persons in enemy planes lose consciousness and the secret of destroying enemy planes.
I
ndia is known to have given to the world most major concepts of mathematics, some as far back as 1200 BC. Aryabhata, Brahmagupta and Bhaskara were famous mathematicians of the period 400 to 1200 AD. The concept of zero, the decimal system, negative numbers, arithmetic and algebra were Indian contributions. Trigonometric functions sine and cosine were added by ancient Indians. Even practical mathematics covering measures of length, proportions, ratios, weights, geometric shapes were also evolved. Large numbers from 100 to a trillion were in use in Vedic period. For construction those days Pythagorean Theorem and geometric area equivalence were used. India is estimated to have about thirty million manuscripts dating back to 700 BC. The knowledge of mathematics was germane to scientific research.
The Ancient References
The Sanskrit word ‘Vimana’ (meaning a part that has been measured and set aside) first appeared in Vedas with several meanings ranging from temple or palace to a mythological flying machine. References to these flying machines were common in ancient Indian texts, even describing their use in warfare and being able to fly within Earth's atmosphere. Vimanas were also said to be able to travel into space and under water. The Sun and Indra and several other
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Vedic deities were transported by flying wheeled chariots pulled by animals, usually horses, but others like the “agnihotra-vimana” (Agni means fire) with two engines and the “gaja-vimana” (elephant powered) were known. Rigveda also talks of “mechanical birds”. Later texts around 500 BC talk of self-moving aerial car without animals. In some modern Indian languages, the word vimana means aircraft. As per Ramayana Pushpaka (the flowery chariot) was originally made by Vishwakarma for Brahma the Hindu god of creation. Brahma gifted it to Kubera, the god of wealth, but was stolen, along with Lanka, by his half-brother, the demon king Ravana. It reportedly resembled the sun and could go everywhere at will. There are mentions of Lord Rama using it and under the command of Raghira (Captain), the chariot reportedly rose up into the higher atmosphere. This celestial self-propelled car was large, had two stories and many chambers with windows and was draped with flags and banners. By the time of the Mahabharata (400 BC), these flying chariots had grown in size but they never lost the large wheels. Mahabharata mentions the genius Yavanas as creator (Chief Designer) of a finite dimensioned Vimana with
four solid wheels owned by Asura Maya. Jain literature talks of the various Tirthamkaras flying different types of flying machines. Starting from the 4th Tirthamkara travelling in Jayanta Vimana, to the very famous 24th Tirthamkara Mahavira emerging out of a great Vimana Pushpa-uttara.
Recent Studies
Mr GR Josyer, former Director of the International Academy of Sanskrit Research in Mysore, claimed that the Academy had collected manuscripts that were compiled by ancient rishis thousands of years ago. One manuscript dealt with Aeronautics, construction of various types of aircraft for civil aviation and for warfare. Designs and drawings of a helicopter-type cargo plane, specially meant for carrying combustibles and ammunition and a double and treble-decked passenger aircraft carrying 400 to 500 persons were recorded. Vaimanika Shastra translated in early 20th century covers definitions of airplane, pilot, aerial routes and planes are described in great detail. In 1991, a book by David Childress, Vimana Aircraft of Ancient India & Atlantis covered the secrets of constructing aeroplanes that will not break, will not catch fire and cannot be destroyed. Also secret of making planes motionless (hovering), of making them invisible (stealth), the secret of retrieving photographs of the interior of enemy planes (intelligence), the secret of ascertaining the direction of enemy planes approach (radar), the secret of making persons in enemy planes lose consciousness and the secret of destroying enemy planes. The propulsion of the Vimanas according to Kanjilal (1985) was by “Mercury Vortex Engines”, apparently a concept similar to electric propulsion. Childress also finds evidence for the mercury vortex engine in the Samarangana Sutradhara, an 11th century treatise on architecture. Texts say “Vimanas are powered by some jet engines. This seems to be true from the description of the flight behaviour. Elephants ran away in panic; grass was thrown out because there was a lot of pressure from behind those Vimanas. The Vaimanika Shastra refers to metals used in these crafts. There is mention of electricity and power sources, of pilots and their flying clothing, about the food that they eat. It talks even about the weapons that are kept on these airships. The flight manuals of the Vimanas are quite similar to the flight manuals you find in the modern civil and military aircraft. It suggests that Vimanas were powered by several gyroscopes placed inside a sealed liquid mercury vortex. One of the texts talks about mercury rotating and driving some sort of a powerful propeller or fan.
There are references to flying machines in the temple carvings and in the ancient writings. Most ancient Sanskrit manuscripts have still to be translated into English. It is claimed that a few years ago, the Chinese discovered some Sanskrit documents in Lhasa, Tibet and sent them to be translated. Dr Ruth Reyna who undertook the exercise, said recently that the documents contain directions for building interstellar spaceships
There are references to flying machines in the temple carvings and in the ancient writings. Most ancient Sanskrit manuscripts have still to be translated into English. It is claimed that a few years ago, the Chinese discovered some Sanskrit documents in Lhasa, Tibet and sent them to be translated. Dr Ruth Reyna who undertook the exercise, said recently that the documents contain directions for building interstellar spaceships. The method of propulsion, she said, was anti-gravitational, a system similar to that of “laghima”, the unknown power of man’s ego, a centrifugal force strong enough to counter gravitational pull. Hindu Yogis, for long have maintained “laghima” enables a person to levitate. Dr Reyna said that on board these machines, which were called “Astras”, the ancient Indians could have sent a detachment of men onto any planet.
Linkages To Modern Avtars
Vimanas were kept in a Vimana Griha, a kind of hangar and were sometimes said to be propelled by a yellowish-white liquid, which sounds more like gasoline. Perhaps Vimanas had a number of different propulsion sources, including combustion engines and even “pulse-jet” engines. It is interesting to note that when Alexander invaded India in 300 BC, his historians chronicled that at one point they were attacked by “fiery flying shields" that dived at his army and frightened the cavalry. The Nazis developed the first recent pulse-jet engines for their V-8 rockets. Hitler and the Nazi staff were greatly interested in ancient India and Tibet and sent regular expeditions to both these places in the 30s to gather evidence. Interestingly, Soviet scientists discovered old instruments used in navigating cosmic vehicles in caves in Turkestan and the Gobi Desert.
Air Marshal Anil Chopra PVSM, AVSM, VM, VSM (Retd) The writer is highly decorated and qualified aviator with more than 3400 hrs of flying experience on over 40 types of aircraft, Test Pilot and Qualified instructor and examiner of Indian Air Force. In near 40 years of Operational career in Indian Air Force, held important appointments such as Command of No. 1 Squadron (Mirage 2000), Air Officer Commanding of two major fighter bases. Team leader for an aircraft upgrade project in Russia. Commanded the prestigious Aircraft and System Testing Establishment where 4 proto-types were under testing and development at that time. Served as Assistant Chief of Air Staff (Inspections), directly responsible for Operational, Maintenance and Administrative Quality audit of entire Indian Air Force. In the last two years of service, served as Air Officer in Charge Personnel managing the Human Resources of entire IAF.
As per John Burrows, Sanskrit texts have references to gods who fought battles in the sky using Vimanas equipped with weapons as deadly as in current times. Indra’s Dart operated using a circular reflector. When switched on, it produced a ‘shaft of light’ which, when focused on any target, immediately consumed it with its power (laser weapons). There are references to highly manoeuvrable and powerful Vimanas launching single projectiles charged with ‘all the
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vedic warfare
AERONAUTICS OF YORE
power of the Universe’ against cities, resulting in huge columns of smoke and fire equivalent to tens of thousands of suns. This Iron Thunderbolt gigantic messenger of death reportedly reduced to ashes the entire race of the Vrishnis and Andhakas. These kinds of records are not isolated and can be cross-correlated with similar reports in other ancient civilisations. Were these nuclear weapons? Many western researchers studying UFOs tend to overlook possible origin in ancient India. Even Indians did not take the texts very seriously, but woke up when the Chinese announced that they were studying this data for their space programme. From the manuscripts it is not clear if interplanetary travel was ever made but there is a mention of a planned trip to the Moon. However, the Ramayana, does have a highly detailed story of a trip to the moon in a Vimana, including details of a battle on the moon with an ‘Asvin’ (Atlantean airship).
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There are references to highly manoeuvrable and powerful Vimanas launching single projectiles charged with ‘all the power of the Universe’ against cities, resulting in huge columns of smoke and fire equivalent to tens of thousands of suns. Were these nuclear weapons?
Lt Gen OP Kaushik PVSM, AVSM, VSM, M-in-D (retd)
called ‘Vimana Drive’ is used in the space exploration game Noctis. Producer Etnica released film 'Vimana' in 1997 includes references to UFOs and alien life forms. Michael Scott (Irish author) wrote The Secrets of the Immortal Nicholas Flamel, a fantasy series that included flying vimanas.
The writer has been the Chief of Staff of the Eastern Command, Indian Army and a former Vice Chancellor of Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak, Haryana.
NATIONAL SECURITY Role And Contribution Of States The Constitution has distributed legislative powers between the Union and the States under three lists. The States handle very substantial part of law and order, all the administration. Hence, it is not only a role that they should play in national security but also have an obligation to fulfill their Constitutional responsibility in this regard. Article 1 of the Constitution of India states, “India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States.” The Constitution provided us a federal political organisation the spirit of which is enshrined in the preamble in the following words:
An illustration of the Shakuna Vimana that is supposed to fly like a bird with hinged wings and tail. The Samara Sutradhara is a scientific treatise dealing with every possible angle of air travel in a Vimana (civil aviation). There are 230 stanzas dealing with the construction, take-off, cruising for thousands of miles, normal and forced landings and even possible bird strikes. It dealt with aircraft operations, included information on the navigation, precautions for long flights, protection of airships from storms and lightening and change over to "solar energy" for cruise. More recently, Vimanas have appeared in books, films, Internet and video games. Interstellar propulsion system
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NASA (National Aeronautical and Space Administration) is trying to create an ion engine that uses a stream of high velocity electrified particles. Interestingly the aircraft engines being developed for future use by NASA, by some strange coincidence also use mercury bombardment units powered by solar cells. The world continues to crave for ancient Indian knowledge. Can India one day regain its lost glory and be acknowledged as the leader of science and technology? Is Raksha Mantri AK Anthony’s desire for indigenisation borne out of this ancient knowledge?
“We, the people of India, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a Sovereign Socialist Secular Democratic Republic and to secure to all its citizens: Justice, social, economic and political; Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; Equality of status and opportunity; and promote among them all Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the nation”.
T
he Supreme Court has described the Constitution as federal as it satisfies all the essential conditions of a federal form of polity such as central sovereign authority and provincial autonomy in selected subjects, clearly stating distribution of powers between the Centre and the States, supremacy of the Constitution and authority of the court as the final interpreter of the Constitution. The Constitution has distributed legislative powers between the Union and the States under three lists. The
Union list consists of 97 items the most important of which are Defence, Defence Forces of the Union, Foreign Affairs, War and Peace. The State list, on which the State legislatures have exclusive powers of legislation; include 66 items of which the main are Public Order, Police, Local Government and Public Health. The third list, called Concurrent, includes 52 subjects, the main ones are – Education, Criminal Law and Procedure, Welfare of Labour, Economic and Social Planning etc. On subjects listed under the Concurrent List, the Centre as well as the States can enact laws, however, in the case of overlapping
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of any matter between the three lists, the Central government has been given the paramount power. It was necessary to state the above mentioned Constitutional provisions to know that in terms of our Constitution, the States have been given enough powers and they have exclusive powers in certain areas. The States handle very substantial part of law and order, all the administration. Hence, it is not only a role that they should play in national security but also have an obligation to fulfill their Constitutional responsibility in this regard. The primary objective of national security is to guard the nation’s international borders and sovereignty, unity and integrity of the nation, control secessionist tendencies, turmoil and unrest at home and also ensure optimum utilisation of the nation’s resources for balanced development of the country, ensuring contentment and happiness of the population. It can, therefore, be seen that besides guarding the national frontiers and keeping our sovereignty inviolate, which primarily are the responsibilities of the Central government, substantial part of security encompasses the items which primarily come under the sole jurisdiction of the State governments.
Our response to the threats has been mainly from the Central government and in that too the armed forces of the Union have become the sole player. The State governments have generally shown an indifferent and complacent attitude. Whereas the State police forces should be playing a primary role in internal security and stability condition of State police organisations continue to be archaic, untrained and poorly armed
India’s internal security environment today is witnessing a very disturbed and volatile situation. We have insurgent, sub-national, ethnic and terrorist movements not only in Jammu and Kashmir and in the North-eastern states, 272 districts of Central and South India, spread among 13 states, have been engulfed by Naxalism and Maoism. In fact, currently, the threat from our neighbouring countries amounts to low intensity proxy war involving sending across our borders well trained terrorists to cause sabotage and destruction to our developmental projects. Our response to the stated threats has been mainly from the Central government and in that too the armed forces of the Union have become the sole player. The State governments have generally shown an indifferent and complacent attitude. Whereas the State police forces should be playing a primary role in internal security and stability, the State governments have paid very little attention towards deplorable condition of State police organisations which continue to be archaic, untrained and poorly armed. Only contribution of State government has been to increase the number of police forces and, as a result internal security and law and order has come to stay as the Centre’s responsibility. The State police forces, which have burgeoned in numbers and ranks need to play a more positive and active role in security needs of the country and State governments must gear up their administration to meet the objectives of national security. Some aspects in which States can play role are discussed below.
Responsible Governance
The fundamental principle of governance is to provide efficient administration. It also involves accountability and timely responses to citizen’s problems and requests. If administration is efficient and honest, it will reduce
corruption and citizens life will be safe, secured and comfortable. It is also responsible to insure obedience to laws which have been passed by the legislatures for safe management of the society. The bureaucratic system in the country and specially in the States has declined immensely in carrying out this main obligation. Consequently, there is so much lawlessness and corruption that we as society have been termed ‘lesser breed without law’. Besides many other grounds, the main reason for this malady is politicisation of services. This disease is more prevalent in the States where politicisation, casteisation and reservations have destroyed the merit based system and have replaced it by indiscipline, corruption and favouratism. The civil services have become the personal servants of MLAs, MPs, Ministers and the Chief Ministers. As a result, the system and institutions have been wiped out. The general administration in the States has reached such low levels that it has become a normal practice to accept all inefficiencies on the part of bureaucrates. The entire functioning of States administration is disturbingly feudal. IAS officers in the States suffer from inadequate tenure and on an average are shifted three times in a year. Only those officers have security and adequacy of tenures who easily yield to politicians’ influence. This has totally jeopardised governance and maintenance of law and order. Consequently, terrorism, insurgency, Naxalite and Maoist militancy, secessionist movements, daily scuffle among political parties to gain power and rampant corruption in all departments of government and walks of life are common features of States’ administration. As regards civil services at the State level less said the better. They are absolutely third rate since Public Service Commissions at State level are completely dominated by politicians. Immediate measures are needed to make State administration accountable, transparent and ensure proper performance and integrity of public services. But there is lack of political will to do all this on the part of feudal masters of the States
Educational Inadequacies
Our education system since the British times has been producing youths who are dependent on government employment. Seventy per cent graduates of our Universities are not fit for any employment. Lack of vocational and job oriented skills has led to unemployed youth, numbering in millions, roaming the streets. This category of youth is being drawn towards criminality, terrorism, narco activities, secessionism, insurgency and are becoming hired thugs of corrupt politicians. They also easily get recruited as agents of anti-national forces to create sabotage and lawlessness in the society. Engineering education in the country has so much declined in quality and specially in basic skills that only 15-20 per cent of graduate engineers are employable. We have 3,494 engineering colleges in the country which produce 1.5 million engineers every year, which is more
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It is indeed a sad state that according to Ministry of Human Resource Development, 4,521 faculty positions are lying vacant in 16 IITs. Educated unemployed youth develops rebellious tendencies and hence, immediate steps with strong determination are needed in all the States to improve, control and contain this situation than any other country in the world. At any one time about 18 lakh students are studying at our engineering colleges. But this mushrooming has resulted in tremendous decline in quality. A recent survey has pointed out that 30-40 per cent fresh engineer graduates do not have basic qualitative skills required for entry level jobs. Annual employment capacity of the country which includes all IT companies and public sector, is about 5,25,000 engineers leaves 9,75,000 fresh engineer graduates without a proper job. Huge unemployment of engineer graduates has severely affected the security situation as this educated and trained youth is being attracted towards unsocial activities and has become a target for anti-national elements. The role of State governments becomes important to ensure quality education in Universities and technical institutions. They must ensure and regulate proper infrastructure for learning, quality and dedication in academic field of faculty members and absorption of their product in industry and public sector undertakings. It is indeed a sad state that according to Ministry of Human Resource Development, 4,521 faculty positions are lying vacant in 16 IITs. Educated unemployed youth develops rebellious tendencies and hence, immediate steps with strong determination are needed in all the States to improve, control and contain this situation. Effort made by State governments in improving the quality of higher technical education will pave the way for a shining rather than whining India.
Social Discord
Caste inequalities still remain a big hurdle in the way of achieving social integration. Framers of our Constitution thought that by providing statutory provision of reservation will by itself eradicate social backwardness and the caste system. The ground realities prove the fact that these provisions only help to perpetuate the caste system. These safeguards have been reduced to an opportunistic farce. Having sensed the political advantages that accrued from such provisions, in addition to scheduled caste and tribes, other classes also galvanised their efforts and succeeded in getting 27 per cent reservation for themselves and classified themselves as ‘other backward classes’ (OBCs). This fresh reservation for OBCs has generated such profound concentrating socio-political impulses that demands for cumulative reservation for sub-groups are on the increase and almost all castes want to be designated as OBCs to gain the benefits of reservation. Political parties have no qualms in indulging in the promotion of caste and communal identities. The election system has been thoroughly thwarted and, as seen on the ground, it is strengthening caste consciousness than weakening it. The system stands so thoroughly
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corrupted that it is almost impossible to achieve national consolidation. It is on account of gains that sub-groups get from reservations that political parties, based on sub-group caste identities and who are supporting the minority government at the Centre have forced the government to organise separate population count on the basis of castes. During last six decades, Constitution has been amended nearly 100 times but not a single amendment was adopted to hit hard on the caste system. Instead, plethora of reservations in jobs and educational opportunities were decreed by the exigencies of the moment. The impact of all this has been that instead of building a cohesive society with one conscious whole, we have a compartmentalised society today which is a big hurdle in the way of national integration and will prove a big flaw in the security of the country. An angry militant movement of the dalits is in the offing which will provide yet another cause to subversive forces to exploit it in order to destabilise our country. States have a major role to eradicate or, at least, contain this malady. Tendency to extend reservation for temporary gain must be shunned. States must develop logic and consciousness to make economic criteria as the sole factor for reservation. Efforts must also be made to help bright students from lower classes by organising special tutorials for them. Maintenance of social harmony is one of the biggest responsibilities of the State governments. If not done, this factor alone will be exploited by anti-national elements.
Political Fragmentation
Politically, part played by Sardar Patel by integrating the princely States into the Indian Union was the biggest achievement towards national integration. The same spirit prevailed while drafting Constitution in which enough provisions were made to maintain unity in diversity. However, in six decades, we face a very different scenario. The country was reorganised into various States based purely on the principle of language in 1956. This, instead of uniting various parts of country, further kept the population apart. We could not even develop and adopt a common language for the country as a whole. The formation of linguistic States was adopted to assuage agitational activities in some of the States at that time, it however, gave a boost to linguistic sub-nationalism. This approach of organising States on linguistic basis gave further rise to fissiparous tendencies and, coupled with religious, social and economic aspirations, resulted in anti-national movements in the North-east, Jammu and Kashmir and, subsequently, in the Punjab. There are some external powers who, subversively, are trying to spread a phenomenon among Indian States that India can be divided further into 25 independent sovereign States. Another country carried out a
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covert study and came out with a finding that India can be disintegrated into 17 independent sovereign States. The State governments have a special responsibility to ensure that such subversive elements are not allowed a free propaganda and that their administration is properly tied-up. Disintegration of USSR into 14 independent countries must give us a lesson to guard against fissiparous tendencies. Once again, demands have started emerging for further fragmentation of bigger States and form more smaller States. The Centre being a coalition government has also a tendency to give in. Formation of Uttarakhand, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh is now inspiring further divide of Assam, UP, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. Nothing meaningful is being achieved by such fragmentation, smaller states formed recently have remained financially dependent on the Centre. It is difficult for them, in the absence of independent sources of revenue, to meet rising aspirations of their people for development and progress and thus generating undercurrents of alienation. Territorial fractiousness is thus injurious to national unity and integration.
Religious Divide
We cannot forget that India was partitioned based on religion. The British who consolidated India during their 200 years rule eventually broke it up into two nations – India and Pakistan by creating inter-religion animosity. That religious discord did not die down despite many a law and decrees passed by the government and India continues to suffer on account of religious antagonisms. We even amended the Constitution and inserted the word ‘Secular’ in its preamble but it has not made much difference and religious strifes continue to take place resulting in hundred of lives getting lost every year. Religious factor alone has never been a base of forming a nation in the world. European countries share a common religion but have separate identities. Arab countries share the same religion but they are most disunited. Hence, what British created was an artificial division of the subcontinent and it did not last long. Bangladesh got separated from Pakistan as on independent sovereign country and there is an ongoing internal struggle among various provinces of Pakistan putting the security of
Religious tolerance and pluralism are not new to India. These have been part of our culture. In 250 BC, King Ashoka codified religious pluralism. The rise of minoritism does not augur well for national cohesiveness. The State governments must make earnest efforts in ensuring that religious divide in the society is avoided at all costs that country and law and order situation in jeopardy. However, partitioning India, on the basis of religion, planted such seeds of disharmony that there are ever escalating conflicts between Hindus and Muslims which continue to disrupt the State. India has been the home of all the religions in the world: five of them, in fact, originated from India. Our culture of tolerance and philosophy of Universal Nature have enabled peaceful co-existence between religions. Nevertheless, vote bank politics in India has vitiated the entire atmosphere. Politicians have created the minority and majority phenomenon which has divided the population into these two groups. Vote bank politics is compelling the political parties to accept damands of minorities and even go out of the way and grant special concessions to them without bothering about implications such concessions and demands will have on others. Since minorities enjoy special status and favours, they refuse to identify themselves with the mainstream of national life. It is having damaging effect on social reconciliation, national unity and security. At the time of elections almost all political parties bargain with minority communities for their votes. This has given rise to communalism. Outside powers, not friendly towards India, have started exploiting the minority phenomenon. They are indulging in recruiting fifth columnists, agents, saboteurs from among the minorities by showing religious affinity. Kashmir Valley stands alienated and misguided by such an outside power. Minority factor has led to spread of religious terrorism in the country. Minoritism and communalism have become synonymous and it is becoming increasingly difficult to break the nexus between the two. If our politicians had respected the Constitutional guarantees for social and economic justice to all and not adhered to policies of extending special provisions for the minorities, it would have been easier to Integrate minorities as a part of cohesive national identity. Hindus and Muslims had struggled together, jointly and unitedly, during the struggle for independence. Unfortunately, greedy power seeking politicians, by adopting lopsided policies, have created such differences between the two communities that it is becoming increasingly difficult to achieve social integration. If not checked by strong measures, the minority phenomenon will become a big danger to national security and integration. Religious tolerance and pluralism are not new to India. These have been part of our culture. In 250 BC, King Ashoka codified religious pluralism. The rise of minoritism does not augur well for national cohesiveness. The State governments must make earnest efforts in ensuring that religious divide in the society is avoided at all
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national security
FISSIPAROUS TENDENCIES
insured that all parts of the State get their due share of development activity and disgruntlement on account of lack of development is eradicated. Another feature which stands to divide the nation is the widening rural-urban divide as well as the growing fight between the hillsmen and the plainsmen. Consumerist lifestyle of the urban affluent minority and the poor majority of rural areas costs, no favours are shown to any particular community have started giving an impression of and functions and organisations are staged in which two Indias. Large scale migration of participants belonging to all religions take part. The State population form villages to cities for must learn a lot from our armed forces in this regard. better prospects of life has started causing social tensions. Same is the case Economic Disparities between the hills areas and the plains. India’s economic achievements during last 66 years Whereas infrastructural development have been substantial. We are the only country which in the plains has been phenomenal, experimented with planned development within a polity hill areas have remained devoid of based on liberal democracy. Today India is ranked amongst it resulting is widening hills-plains the top ten industrialised nations of the world and has dichotomy. These are discouraging one-sixth skilled industrial work force of the world. Our signs and great impediments towards industrial goods are competitive in world markets. We achieving national integration. Dismal have a growing industrial infrastructure which gives us state of means of communication confidence for accelerated development in this field. We in hill areas is denying contact to have attained self-sufficiency in foodgrains and, in fact, hill people with the rest of country we are exporting surplus foodgrain production to deficit and thus contributing towards their alienation. countries of the world.
Regional disparity in development has been a problem for India and it has, indeed, given rise to fissiparous tendencies in lesser developed States, Insurgency in the seven States of the North-east, terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir and Naxalite and Maoist militant movement in the Red Corridor comprising UP, Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra are as a result of regional disparity
However, about 40 per cent of the population of about 48 crore are below poverty line, 40 per cent do not have their own house, 90 per cent do not have sanitary services; 50 per cent do not have safe drinking water and on the health front 5 lakh children die every year before reaching the age of two years. There is an alarming unemployment situation. Approximately 15 crore persons registered as unemployed and this number is increasing by two crore every year. Population has gone up to 121 crore and there is no effective control to stop it from further rise. Mounting foreign debts, unfavourable balance of payments, black money, rising deficit financing and deep rooted corruption are eating into the vitals of our economy. These issues are receiving attention from the government; however, some of more crucial ones which affect national unity and integration are discussed below. Regional disparity in development has been a problem for India and it has, indeed, given rise to fissiparous tendencies in lesser developed States, Insurgency in the seven States of the North-east, terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir and Naxalite and Maoist militant movement in the Red Corridor comprising UP, Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Andra Pradesh and Maharashtra are as a result of regional disparity. Idea of balanced growth across all regions of India somehow got neglected and, consequently, inequalities between States have accentuated. With a rise in inter-State inequalities, tensions between better off States and States with not so good a track record will increase. The need is immediate policy intervention and an appropriate allocation of funds for States which are lesser developed. Within the States, it must be
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Subversive Activities
Among all the factors affecting India’s unity and integrity, subversion from within is the most dangerous of all. Whereas social, political, economic and religious factors are clearly discernible, subversion cannot be easily identified. Forces of subversion have been active in India for quite some time. These forces adopt many a form as their modus operandi. Financial help and supply of weapons and ammunitions to militants groups operating in Jammu and Kashmir and the States in the North-east is one such example. Influencing political parties as also individual members of parliament and State legislatures to adopt a particular approach during debates in the legislatures is another. Subversion of important administrators and bureaucrats may take the form of inviting them abroad and thus try and subvert their loyalties. Influence on Indian media, educational institutions and attacking our centuries old cultural values is yet another form of subverting Indian population. By having control on Indian media, efforts are made to create disenchantment against the government and develop lack of confidence and thereby destabilise the government. Spread of communalism, help to political parties based on regional ethos in preference to national base parties, exploitation of minorities and religious groups to indulge in acts which are detrimental to our
The Red Corridor – Naxalite Affected Areas
unity and integration are some of the acts which we see being enacted in our country on regular basis. Above mentioned subversive activities are being organised not necessarily by our adversaries alone. Even some of the countries which are friendly towards us may also be undertaking such activities with the intention of keeping rising India under check and not allow it to emerge as a powerful country and as a competitor in international events. State governments must be specially alert against this threat. Strict check on flow of money from abroad to religious-politico organisations, constant watch on secessionist organisations and concerted efforts to eliminate organisations having foreign connection must be ensured. States should also introduce a specially designed study capsule in schools, colleges and universities on
strengths and values of our culture. As a nation, we seem to be obsessed by external dangers, but we refuse to see internal dangers. Social disharmony, spread of regionalism and communalism, growth in numbers of people below poverty line, about 15 crore people remaining unemployed, economic degradation of rural areas, where over 75 per cent of India’s population reside, can be more dangerous for peace and stability. When combined with subversive activities taking place within India, we have all the ingredients for a big explosion. The country cannot be left to the mercy of these forces who are pushing it to chaos and disintegration. We have to guard against these forces immediately and neutralise them without losing any time. Our State governments have an important role to play in all these fields.
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national security
FESTERING CHASM
ISI’s Role In Communal Politics?
Unfortunately, despite the active role of Pakistan in fomenting trouble in our country the problem has not been tackled with the seriousness it deserves. We do not have a law for dealing with terrorism.
O
ur country, like all other countries in the world is naturally keen to safeguard itself against any activity which may harm it either from within or outside. For this, its agencies cultivate sources, which feed them from time to time. Mind you, they collect information, which might be reliable, but it may not be sufficient, to prove the offence in the court of law. This is because of the simple reason that the laws passed by the British are no longer relevant in the present times, because at the time of making of them, terrorism did not exist.
We do not have a law to deal with terrorism. Instead of putting the onus on the terrorists to prove that they have nothing to do with any terrorism incident the present laws require investigating agencies to collect evidence and produce it and prove the case in the court of law. It is an impossible task protect them. We have no Witness Protection Act, despite a decade old promise of the government to make a law on it. Government of India has forgotten that Punjab terrorism was eradicated by the policy of ‘bullet for bullet’, for which credit should go to Reberio a brave and bold IPS Officer of Maharashtra on deputation as Director General of Punjab Police.
Multiple Intelligence Agencies
Most of the time the government makes an assessment for taking action or ignoring it. There are a plethora of agencies in India like the Military Intelligence, Border Security Force Intelligence or Central Intelligence Bureau, Research and Analysis Wing, National Security Board Advisory Council, National Defence Agency, Signal Intelligence Directorate, Naval Intelligence Directorate, Air Intelligence Directorate, Revenue Intelligence Directorate, Investigation of Income Tax, Joint Intelligence Committee and at the top is the Cabinet Committee on Security. Apart from the above, each state has its own intelligence set up. The biggest problem is the coordination and egos which come in between as everybody wants to score marks with his boss or be the first to inform. At the top of it, India’s policy has been to cry hoarse and never show a firmness
in dealing with the problem.
Rahul’s Statement
The Congress Vice President said, some times back, that there are intelligence inputs of Pakistani agencies approaching victims of Muzaffarnagar riots to lure them to terrorism. He and his party spokesman charged the Opposition BJP with following the ‘politics of Joginder Singh IPS hate’ and ‘dividing people’. In fact (Retd) one of them went to the extent of The writer is former saying that BJP and ISI, rejoice over Director of Central Bureau the communal riots in the country. of Investigation and is best A situation affecting the security known for bringing the and vital interests of the country Bofors papers from the has degenerated into a slugfest. But Swiss Courts to New Delhi. As a student he at election time, in any situation was selected for the Indian of communal riots all parties vie Police Service at the age with others to show others down. of 20. He is both a regular This allegation is inequitable and columnist of leading undeserved and does not really dailies in India and an support what the Congress Vice author of repute, with 50 President said. It is normal for the books (including versions Intelligence Bureau, to keep a watch in Indian and foreign on sensitive places and it would languages) to his credit. have done so in Muzaffarnagar. It is the standard operating procedure. One can reasonably estimate, that IB’s input would have urged the government thus ‘in case the riot victims are not rehabilitated, there is a chance of some elements (read ISI) trying to lure them into their fold’. As India is an open democratic society, it is very easy for the diplomats of
ISI agent Sumer Khan
Our government knows that the entire world has changed their laws but not India. The job of the agencies is to pass on the information affecting the interest of the country to the government of the day for such action it may consider necessary. Unfortunately, despite the active role of Pakistan in fomenting trouble in our country the problem has not been tackled with the seriousness it deserves. We do not have a law to deal with terrorism. Instead of putting the onus on the terrorists to prove that they have nothing to do with any terrorism incident the present laws require investigating agencies to collect evidence and produce it and prove the case in the court of law. It is an impossible task as common citizens have more faith in the threat of the terrorists to kill than in the capability of the government to
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national security
FESTERING CHASM
The Congress Vice President said, some times back, that there are intelligence inputs of Pakistani agencies approaching victims of Muzaffarnagar riots to lure them to terrorism ... This allegation is inequitable and undeserved and does not really support what the Congress Vice President said any inimical country, to contact disruptive forces or even invite them to their official functions. The intelligence agencies report to their respective Ministries, like IB sends it reports to Home Ministry, RAW to Cabinet Secretariat and Revenue Intelligence reports to the Finance Ministry. It is an open secret, that the Kashmiri separatists
– some people call them terrorists’ mouthpieces or ISI agents – are in regular touch with Pakistani Embassy. The Congress Vice President has been criticised by the BJP Prime Ministerial candidate for his remarks on ISI’s fishing in troubled water and how and why he was told about the role. It is a fact that in a democracy, especially near elections, one party devotes all its time and energy to prove that the other party is unfit to rule the country. There are a number of principals in every political party, but there is no party of principles as the main objective is to win election, without proving that you are equally as good or as bad as others. Of course, there would always be some exceptions, in all political parties, but they are in a gross minority. According to latest government statistics, in the last three years, till
this year so far, 48 spies working for Pakistan’s ISI were arrested, of which, 38 were Indians and only 10 were Pakistani nationals.
Spies Have No ‘Iman’
Of the 38, 10 were government officials. The tipping point came on March 4, when the IB and the Rajasthan police caught Home Ministry official Surendra for passing on classified information to ISI agent Sumer Khan. It is worthwhile to recall that a Foreign Service Officer, Madhuri Gupta working in Pakistan was also discovered working for Pakistan and is now in jail in India. The cat-and-mouse game continues in the field of spying and even IPS officers working abroad as well
One can reasonably estimate, that IB’s input would have urged the government thus ‘in case the riot victims are not rehabilitated, there is a chance of some elements (read ISI) trying to lure them into their fold’ as in India, were arrested and dismissed from service. Approximately, there are over 1,200 posts in the PMO, ministries and other departments are considered ‘extra sensitive’, where people, who cannot be compromised are needed. In other words, everything about them should be investigated instead of leaving it to paper verification. Government knows very well, that more vigilance, checks, cross-checks are required in the matter of security and in the interests of the country. After the birds have flown away, the matter is handed over to the Central Bureau of Investigation, an open organisation, for registering a case and bringing the guilty to the court. The intelligence agencies should be encouraged to have an in-house watch system, as is being done in the CBI. It is a sad commentary that in one case where an officer of the level of Joint Secretary had been compromised as a double agent, he left the country and was later on discovered having settled in USA. There is no doubt that as a secular country, the suspicion, mistrust and tinge of favouritism between Hindus and Muslims need to be removed, as other minorities’ population vote wise in this scheme of things do not matter to major political parties. But unfortunately, as politicians try to outdo each other as the well-wishers of the Muslims and promise them the moon for the votes. The criticism of the Congress Vice President for raising the subject of the role of ISI fishing in troubled waters is much ado about nothing, as the ISI does not have only entrenched base in India but has plenty of sympathisers like Laskhar or Indian Mujahideen, to name only a few, playing into its hands. In fact his warning should be taken seriously by all the parties, instead of scoring brownie points for vote bank politics. At least for the security and integrity of the country the political parties should stop pandering to vote bank politics. This is a suggestion for all political parties, which, no doubt, would mostly be observed in the breach, as politicians all over the world are the same when it is a question of garnering votes.
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interoperability
Desert STorm
INDRA-13
Indo-Russian Joint Military Exercise Team DSA
has been a good improvement,” said Lt Gen Ghei. Troops of the two sides had earlier participated in Exercise Vindhural during which they indulged in search and destroy operations. The Indra-2013 exercise and the participation of the 11th Air Assault Brigade, which is now subordinated to the headquarters of the Eastern Military District, are connected with attempts to solve the Russian military’s practical problems. ‘destruction of camps’ in a ‘newly born nation torn apart by strife’. Live firing was carried out by T-72 tanks, BMP infantry combat vehicles, attack helicopters and other small arms. Both sides pitched a complement of 250 officers and men each in which the Russians were represented by their 11 Airborne Battalion and Indians by 6 Independent Armoured Brigade.
Col General Vladimir Shamanov, Commander of Airborne Troops, stated that in this connection, this unit, as well as the other two air assault brigades that are in the district, will, in the near future, pass to the command of the headquarters of the Airborne Troops, in accordance with the decree of President Vladimir Putin.
The Indian Army, which added another feather to its cap with the successful completion of Exercise Indra-2013, involving Russian and Indian forces, said its training standards are very high and it is ready for the challenges ahead. Indian armoured and mechanised warfare were provided to the Russians as they had come without their own equipment, under a pre-decided arrangement.
Shamanov explained the rationale for such arrangements, by the need to “keep in one fist, under single management, all airborne and air assault units, which serve as a mobile reserve of the High Command and as the basis of rapid reaction forces, would operate in accordance with a single operational plan in the interests of national defence.”
“These guys are tough. They are like us. Our men can go on without food and other facilities till such time the task demands. This is not seen with armies we’ve exercised with earlier. But the Russians are different,” said an Indian Army officer. Russian officers also applauded the meticulousness of their Indian counterparts.
Shamanov did not specify how the defence of the state is connected to the training exercise of the Russian paratroopers in India. Although it is no secret that with the advent of the new leadership in the Defence Ministry, represented by Sergey Shoigu, mainly airborne troops will have to deal with combat and peacekeeping missions outside of Russia.
An Indian Army officer said, “Foremost among them is their approach. Russians believe in deploying overwhelming firepower, whereas our approach calls for a very judicious use”, when asked about the differences between both the armies.
The sixth edition ‘Indra-13’ exercise of the Indra series which began with an exercise in Agra in 2005, was held in the semi-desert conditions in Rajasthan’s Mahajan Field Firing Range. Armoured and mechanised forces participated in the combat. 52
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ndra is a joint, bi-annual military exercise conducted by India and Russia starting in 2003. The exercise is tasked with boosting cooperation and interoperability between the Russian and Indian navies. The word INDRA is a portmanteau of the participants' respective countries. The exercise involves live firing drills, as well as air defence and anti-submarine operations. Additionally, counterpiracy, terrorism and drug smuggling operations are carried out. This seven day exercise saw both the armies jointly plotting the ‘taking control of rebel-held territories’, ‘neutralising leaders’ and
November 2013 Defence AND security alert
“The armoured and mechanised infantry of the army is good. Our training standards are excellent. The joint exercise was done under tough circumstances. The firings were accurate despite that. We have full faith on the mechanised divisions,” said Lt Gen NS Ghei, General Officer Commanding 10 Corps, while responding to a poser on the army's preparedness. Asserting that India and Russia share old and special ties, he said this joint military drill will be of great benefit to the two sides. Exercise Gangneva, which was conducted at the Mahajan Field Firing Range here as part of the drill, saw both Indian and Russian mechanised troops capture a notional rebel strong point by fire assault of attack helicopters, tanks and BMPs. The exercise, which displayed a coordination of tactics and jointmanship, had the troops of the two sides mixed together and performing their assigned tasks. “For the first time, we have integrated both troops together. The Russian tanks operated under Indian commander and vice versa. This
Today, airborne units are included in the Collective Rapid Reaction Force (CRRF) of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO). The position of deputy commander of airborne troops, responsible for peacekeeping forces and the CRRF, has been introduced in the headquarters of airborne troops. Major-General Alexander Vyaznikov has been recently appointed to this post. “India is a strategic partner for Russia on the Asian continent. With the withdrawal of international forces from Afghanistan, it becomes even more urgent to strengthen our alliance with Delhi,” said Colonel Eduard Rodyukov, corresponding member of the Academy of Military Sciences, to Nezavisimaya Gazeta. According to him, the military cooperation between the two countries is mutually beneficial. “I do not rule out that very soon Indian units will operate not only in bilateral military exercises with Russia, but also as part of the multinational forces under the banner of the SCO and the CSTO,” Rodyukov said. The objective of Exercise Indra is to enhance the ability of both armies to operate as an integrated force for peacekeeping operations within the framework of the United Nations.
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national security
Holistic Approach
Uttar Pradesh’s National Security Calculus
While it is true that there can be a lot of debate on the intricacies and finer nuances of national security, the fact remains that today the larger acceptability of the definition of national security is towards the holistic conceptualisation of the term and is hence not limited to the traditional thinking of defence and internal security aspects.
Having accepted this fact, it would be pertinent to look into the basic difference between the national security concepts in unitary and federal states. As is quite well known, in a unitary government the power is held by one central authority but in a federal government, the power is divided between national (federal) government and local (state) governments. In a federal government, power is split between a central government authority and its constituent states. Usually, the constitution allocates duties, rights and privileges to each level of government.
As Justices Reddy and Agarwal once noted, “within the spheres allotted to them, States are supreme”. In recent times, some of the states like West Bengal, Orissa and six others have questioned the right of the Centre to pass certain legislation dealing with terrorism without their being consulted. This is in regard to the proposed National Counter-Terrorism Centre Again, as is well known, India is a federal state, though according to one view, in spite of the fact that the Indian Constitution established a ‘federal’ state, it is indeed difficult to put the Indian state in the category of a true “federation”. Under the Constitution which came into existence on January 26, 1950, it is the Centre which is supreme and beyond challenge. But, as Justices Reddy and Agarwal once noted, “the fact that under the scheme of our Constitution, greater power is conferred upon the Centre vis-à-vis the State, does not mean that the States are mere appendages of the Centre, but “within the spheres allotted to them, States are supreme”. In recent times, some of the states like West Bengal, Orissa and six others have questioned the right of the Centre to pass certain legislation dealing with terrorism without their being consulted. This is in regard to the proposed National Counter-Terrorism Centre.
The UP Melange
O
n a broader introductory plane, national security is the requirement to maintain the survival of the state (nation) through the use of economic power, diplomacy, power projection and political power. The concept developed mostly in the United States after World War II. Initially focusing on military might, it now encompasses a broad range of facets, all of which impinge on the non-military or economic security of the nation and the values espoused by the national society. Accordingly, in order to possess national security, a nation needs to possess economic security, energy security, environmental security etc. Security threats involve not only conventional foes such as other
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nation states but also non-state actors such as terrorists, narcotic cartels, multinational corporations and non-governmental organisations; some authorities include natural disasters and events causing severe environmental damage in this.
Holistic Approach To Security
While it is true that there can be a lot of debate on the intricacies and finer nuances of national security, the fact remains that today the larger acceptability of the definition of national security is towards the holistic conceptualisation of the term and is hence not limited to the traditional thinking of defence and internal security aspects.
It is in this background that we would now like to focus ourselves on the state of Uttar Pradesh and its role in national security. Uttar Pradesh, formerly known as United Provinces, was created on 1 April 1937 as the United Provinces and was renamed Uttar Pradesh in 1950. On 9 November 2000, a new state, Uttarakhand, was carved from the mountainous Himalayan region of Uttar Pradesh, a fact which is certainly very important while discussing the role and importance of this state in the wider perspective of national security. The state is bordered by Rajasthan to the west, Haryana and Delhi to the northwest, Uttarakhand and the country of Nepal to the north, Bihar to the east, Jharkhand to the southeast and Madhya Pradesh to the southwest. It covers 93,933 square miles and is the fifth largest Indian state by area. With over 200 million inhabitants as of 2011, it is the most populous state in the country as well as the most populous country subdivision in the whole world. As of the 2001 Indian census, about 80 per cent of Uttar Pradesh's population is Hindu, while Muslims make up around 18.4 per cent, being the second-largest community and the largest minority group.
Uttar Pradesh is the second largest economy in India after Maharashtra. Its gross state domestic product for 2004 is US$ 339.5 billion by PPP and US$ 80.9 billion by nominal. After partition, the new Uttar Pradesh state produces about 92 per cent of the output of the old Uttar Pradesh state. Between 1999 and 2008, the Amitabh Thakur, IPS economy grew only 4.4 per cent The writer is an IPS officer per year, one of the lowest rates from UP cadre. He is in India. But between 2007 and also associated with a civil society 2011, the economy grew at over National RTI Forum 7 per cent GDP growth rate in working in the field of the time when Indian economy accountable governance. faced the meltdown due to global recession. Furthermore, UP has been one of the five states including Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Punjab, Maharashtra that have registered growth rates higher than their respective targets set for the 11th Plan period (2007–12). Since Uttar Pradesh sends the largest number of legislators to the national Parliament, it is often considered to be one of the most important states with respect to Indian politics. The state contributes 80 seats to the Lok Sabha and 35 seats to the Rajya Sabha.
Highest Crime Rate
According to the National Crime Records Bureau, Uttar Pradesh has the highest number of crimes among any state in India. As of today, Uttar Pradesh has the second largest civil police force with 107,840 members, accounting for 9.5 per cent of the total civil police in the country. There have been some serious terrorist incidents in the state of Uttar Pradesh. On 5 July 2005, five terrorists attacked the makeshift Ram temple at the site of destroyed Babri Mosque in Ayodhya. All five were shot dead in the ensuing gunfight with the Central Reserve Police Force, while one civilian died in the grenade attack that the terrorists launched in order to breach the cordoned wall. The CRPF suffered three casualties, two of whom were seriously injured with multiple gunshot wounds. Since 2006, there have been a number of terrorist attacks, including explosions in a landmark holy place, a court and a temple. The 2006 Varanasi bombings were a series of bombings that occurred across that city on 7 March 2006 where at least 28 people were killed and as many as 101 others were injured. In the afternoon of 23 November 2007, within a span of 25 minutes, six consecutive serial blasts occurred in the Lucknow, Varanasi and Faizabad Courts, in which 28 people were killed and several others injured. The blasts came a week after the Uttar Pradesh police and central security agencies busted Jaish-e-Mohammed terrorists who had planned to abduct Rahul Gandhi. On 7 December 2010, a blast occurred at Sheetla Ghat, adjacent to the main Dashashwamedh Ghat in Varanasi in which more than 38 people were killed and several others injured. Other than these major terrorist acts, other incidences have also been recorded.
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national security
Holistic Approach
The open border between India and Nepal not only addressed mutual security considerations but also fostered close socio-economic relations between the two countries. But with change of time, this open border has been misused by terrorists and criminals. During the eighties and nineties, the Sikh and Kashmiri militants used to infiltrate into India through this border as fences were erected along the India-Pakistan border to prevent infiltration Another sensitive aspect related with the state is its communal sensitivity. Among the major communal flareups include the 1980 Moradabad riots in August-November 1980. The violence which was partly a Hindu-Muslim conflict and partly a Muslim-police conflict, where the government recognised and paid compensation for 400 deaths, while the unofficial estimates run as high as 2,500. In the alleged Hashimpura massacre that took place on 22 May 1987, during the Hindu-Muslim riots in Meerut, 19 personnel of the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) allegedly rounded up 42 Muslim youth from the Hashimpura mohalla (locality) shot and dumped their bodies in water canals. The recent in the series is the Muzaffarnagar riots where beginning on 27 August 2013, clashes between the Jat Hindus and Muslim communities claimed 43 lives and injured 93. In addition there are very serious trouble spots like Ayodhya, Kashi and Mathura in this state. While Ayodhya made the whole nation tremble and burn, after the demolition of the Babri Mosque in Ayodhya on December 6, 1992, the mosque and the temple were barricaded and tight security rings were laid around both. At Mathura, which Hindus believe to be the birthplace of Lord Krishna Keshav Dev temple co-exists with Shahi Idgah mosque. The dispute over Kashi Vishwanath Mandir and Gyanvapi Masjid also has its genesis in the pages of history, as Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb had allegedly ordered demolition of a temple of Lord Vishwanath to build the mosque in 1669.
UP-Nepal Border
The long border between this state and the neighbouring country of Nepal is again a very important issue governing the geopolitical complexion of the state. As is well known, this border is an open one. The seeds for an ‘open’ border between India and Nepal can be found in the Treaty of Peace and Friendship which the two countries signed in 1950. Articles VI and VII of the treaty specify that citizens of both countries have equal rights in matters of residence, acquisition of property, employment and movement in each other’s territory, thus providing for an open border between the two countries. These provisions allowed the citizens of India and Nepal to cross their shared borders without passport and visa restrictions. The open border between India and Nepal not only addressed mutual security considerations but also fostered close socio-economic relations between the two countries. But with change of time, this open border has been misused by terrorists and criminals. During the eighties and nineties, the Sikh and Kashmiri militants used to infiltrate into India through this border as fences
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national security
BIOTERRORISM
were erected along the India-Pakistan border to prevent infiltration. In addition, many hard-core criminals pursued by Indian law enforcement agencies escape into Nepal through the open border, where they set up smuggling gangs and criminal syndicates to smuggle gold, drugs, fake Indian currency notes (FICN), women and children, arms and explosives. Numerous madrasas which have proliferated in the Terai region on both sides of the UP-Nepal border during the past two decades have also become a source of major concern for the Indian security establishment as it is suspected that some of them might be providing shelter to fugitives and becoming a platform for recruiting cadres for terrorist organisations. The problem is further aggravated by intelligence inputs that Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) has been using Nepali territory to carry out anti-India activities since the 1990s. Presently this border is guarded by the Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB).
Dr Vinod Jyothikumar The writer is a skilled microscopist and molecular microbiologist. He received his PhD from University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, UK. He has expertise in bacterial genetic manipulations, sample preparations and advance fluorescence microscopy techniques. He has volunteered to help educate the general public in biosafety regulations, systems, procedures and training.
It is this background that makes the state of Uttar Pradesh what it is and each of these facts are important in understanding the role and importance of this state in national security scenario. To this the political importance of the state also needs to be understood to get a complete picture of the topic under discussion.
Central To National Politics
Subsequent upon India obtaining independence from the British in 1947, the Congress Party, the predominant political party at the time, took control of the political fortunes of the state. Since India achieved independence in 1947, eight out of fourteen of its prime ministers have hailed from Uttar Pradesh. Any initiation to the politics of Uttar Pradesh would be incomplete without discussing the caste system and the deep division and schism between the various castes and the current upheaval being seen in the so-called Dalit people. The 1975 emergency and the resentment of the common man against it led to the alignment of opposing factions, known as the Janata Party, with UP being its bedrock. It was again Ayodhya from UP that paved the way for rise of the right wing nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which had been decimated in the 1984 general elections, staging a comeback to national politics. There was a time when it was said that, “whoever ruled UP ruled India”. Though times have changed, there is no denying the fact that whichever party gains ascendance in Uttar Pradesh becomes a front runner in New Delhi. At present there are different political parties in power in UP and at the Central level. Each of these factors decides the role of UP in national security. In sum, UP being one of the most important and largest states of India has its own unique role and importance in national security concerns of India, while its own role is shaped, governed, facilitated and fostered by each of the above mentioned factors because today national security is no longer a lopsided or unilateral concept but is a complete conglomerate of all possible factors that help a state fight and mitigate any kind of danger and threat – be it on economic front, political front, cultural and social front or terror, internal security or defence front.
Biological Weapons Threat To National Security The easy access to a wide range of disease-producing biological agents, their non-detection by routine security systems and their easy transportation from one location to another are attractive features. Capability becomes the one factor in the equation that allows for varying risk assessments for bioterrorism and more importantly, offers a balanced approach to this problem. The necessity exists for the government to gauge BW terror capabilities in order to realistically determine the threat.
B
iological weapons are an increasing threat to world security. The emerging threat of bioterrorism raises important challenges for the biotechnology research and industry. Biological warfare is the intentional use of micro-organisms and toxins, generally of microbial, plant or animal origin to produce disease and / or death in humans, livestock and crops. The attraction for bio-weapons in war and for use in terroristic attacks is attributed to their low production costs. The easy access to a wide range of disease-producing biological agents, their non-detection by routine security systems and their easy transportation from one location to another are other attractive features. Their properties of invisibility and virtual weightlessness render detection and verification procedures ineffectual and make non-proliferation of such weapons an impossibility. Consequently, national security decision-makers, defence professionals and security personnel will increasingly be confronted by biological warfare as it unfolds in the battlefields of the future.
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national security
BIOTERRORISM
Proliferation of biological weapons by countries around the world is troubling. The Biological Toxin and Weapons Convention (BTWC) was signed in 1972 and went into force in 1975. Since then “the number of countries possessing or actively pursuing BW has more than doubled, from five to roughly a dozen today, including some member states of the Convention.” The increase in the number of countries with BW capabilities increases the chances a terrorist group will obtain agents, technology or hands-on assistance In today’s environment, assessing the terrorism threat is a top priority. Different methodologies exist for conducting a risk or threat analysis yet most generally utilise similar criteria for evaluation. Terrorist intent and capability, a potential weapon’s destructive power (criticality), society’s vulnerability to an attack and terrorist capability to carry out an attack are common to many risk assessments. One construct for assessing the terrorism threat encompasses all of these factors in three broad areas:
Threat = Vulnerability x Intent x Capability
Vulnerability: India’s vulnerability to any type of
terrorism is undeniable no matter how many resources are invested in the problem. While the focus of the security establishment is on the Line of Control (LoC), terrorists are hunting for new routes to sneak into India. India is and will always be vulnerable to some level of terrorism due to its resources and economic development, which varies depending on the type and intended target.
Intent: Many times terrorist intent is difficult to
interpret especially now that terrorist groups have
crossed the threshold from traditional attacks to utilising unconventional means. These include train bombings as in the Mumbai City [2006] and the bombings at the capital city Delhi [2011] in an open public arena. Terrorist attempts to use biological weapons (BW) have increased in the past twenty years as well around the globe. Intent may be a variable uncontrollable by any government agency and demanding to assess. Unlike intent, determining the vulnerability of India’s assets to terrorism is difficult yet possible. The country can at least take action to mitigate terrorist attacks. In contrast, assessing and influencing intent is extremely difficult due to the thousands of terrorist groups and potential lone actors, causing intelligence assets to be too over-tasked and unable to realistically assess them all. Capability: Revisiting the equation, Threat = Intent x Vulnerability x Capability, a framework for assessing the bioterrorism risk becomes clearer. If threat is evaluated in terms of only vulnerability, the overall risk is astronomical. India may be very vulnerable because the vast spectrum BW agents can be employed across and completely eliminating vulnerability is impossible. If the threat is measured only in terms of terrorist intent, risk must be assumed because ascertaining it from the thousands of groups worldwide is perhaps even more challenging. Threat must be assumed to be high from this perspective as well. If threat is measured in terms of capability, the level of risk can vary from negligible to extremely high. Capability allows for variation away from just a high threat level despite vulnerability and intent driving the overall assessment to this point. For these reasons, capability becomes the one factor in the equation that allows for varying risk assessments for bioterrorism and more importantly, offers a balanced approach to this problem. The necessity exists for the government to gauge BW terror capabilities in order to realistically determine the threat.
Biological / Chemical Warfare Characteristics
Biological, chemical and nuclear weapons possess the common property of wreaking mass destruction. Though biological warfare is different from chemical warfare, there has always been the tendency to discuss one in terms of the other, or both together. This wide practice probably arises from the fact that the origins of such warfare are biological unlike that in the Kosovo War in which destruction of civic infrastructure and large-scale disruption of routine facilities were the primary goals, eg the loss of electricity supplies through the use of graphite bombs. Another consideration is that several biological agents eg toxic metabolites produced by either micro-organisms, animals or plants are also produced through chemical synthesis.
November 2013 Defence AND security alert
As a rule, microbiologists have pioneered research in the development of a bio-armoury comprised of powerful antibiotics, antisera, toxoids and vaccines to neutralise and eliminate a wide range of diseases. However, despite the use of biological agents in military campaigns and wars, it is only since the mid-1980s that the attention of the military intelligence has been attracted by the spectacular breakthroughs in the life sciences. Military interest, in
Table 1: Biological and Chemical Warfare Characteristics Biological
Chemical
Natural odourless occurrence
Obtained synthetically with characteristic odour
Invisible particles normally dispersed through aerosol spray
Normally volatile in nature and dispersed either through mists or aerosol sprays
Entry through inhalation or ingestion
Entry through inhalation or dermal absorption
Pre-exposure treatment confers or enhances immunity through use of toxoids, vaccines, antibacterial protective clothing, biosensors and smoke-detectors
Pre-exposure treatment relies on use of gas-masks, antichemical protective clothing and use of chemosensors for toxic substances
Post-exposure treatment relies on antibiotics or in combination with vaccines
Post-exposure treatment relies antidotes and neutralising agents
Effects of biological agents and toxins are diverse resulting in incapacitation or death occurring after contraction of disease resulting from infection by a specific biological agent eg anthrax caused by Bacillus anthracis and plague caused by Yersinia pestis
Effects of chemical agents are either instantaneous or delayed for a few hours, with the onset of symptoms such as allergy, respiratory discomfort, intense irritation of mucous membranes, malfunctioning of physiological processes, resulting in dose dependent death or incapacitation
Not easily detected in export control and searches by routine detection systems eg X-rays
Detection facilitated through odour escape and packaging in inert metallic containers showing up on X-ray screens
One of the main goals of biological warfare is the undermining and destruction of economic progress and stability. The emergence of bio-economic warfare as a weapon of mass destruction can be traced to the development and use of biological agents against economic targets such as crops, livestock and ecosystems. Furthermore, such warfare can always be carried out under the pretexts that such traumatic occurrences are the result of natural circumstances that lead to outbreaks of diseases and disasters of either endemic or epidemic proportions. Biological agents listed for use in weaponisation and war are many. Those commonly
58
identified for prohibition by monitoring authorities are the causative agents of the bacterial diseases anthrax and brucellosis; the rickettsial disease Q fever; the viral disease Venezuela equine encephalitis (VEE) and several toxins such as enterotoxin and botulinum toxin.
on
use
of
harnessing genetic engineering and DNA recombinant technology for updating and devising effective lethal bioweapons is spurred on by the easy availability of funding, even in times of economic regression, for contractual research leading to the development of: Vaccines against a wide variety of bacteria and viruses identified in core control and warning lists of biological agents used in bio-warfare Rapid detection, identification and neutralisation of biological and chemical warfare agents
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national security
BIOTERRORISM
Antidotes and antitoxins for use against venoms, microbial toxins and aerosol sprays of toxic biological agents Development of genetically modified organisms Development of bioweapons with either incapacitating or lethal characteristics Development of poisons eg ricin and contagious elements eg viruses, bacteria Development of anti-animal agents eg Rabbit Calicivirus Disease (RCD) to curb overpopulation growth of rabbits in Australia and New Zealand Development of anti-plant contagious agents eg causative agents of rust, smut etc
threat important to assess correctly. The footprint of the equipment and material necessary to manufacture biological weapons is very small compared to that of nuclear or even chemical weapons. More importantly, almost all of these items are dual-use in nature, meaning they would be found legally in pharmaceutical laboratories or in biological weapons facilities. Very few differences exist between the two manufacturing processes until one decides to disseminate a weapon instead of manufacturing a vaccine.
The footprint of the equipment and material necessary to manufacture biological weapons is very small compared to that of nuclear or even chemical weapons. More importantly, almost all of these items are dual-use in nature, meaning they would be found legally in pharmaceutical laboratories or in biological weapons facilities. Very few differences exist between the two manufacturing processes until one decides to disseminate a weapon instead of manufacturing a vaccine Effects Of Biological Weapons
The possible effects of BW make it appealing to terrorist groups considering weapons of mass destruction (WMD) attacks. Viruses, bacteria and toxins have different potential for producing casualties yet all are useful in different scenarios. Similar to nuclear or chemical weapons, BW can produce significant devastation. A one megaton hydrogen bomb could kill anywhere from 500,000 to nearly two million people. An aerial delivery of 1,000 kg of Sarin nerve gas could kill up to 10,000 individuals depending upon environmental conditions. In contrast, in the same aerial delivery and variable conditions, 100 kg of anthrax may kill over 100,000 to nearly three million people. The large infrastructure and expenses of developing or acquiring a nuclear weapon make it less inviting for terrorist groups. Both chemical and biological weapons can be manufactured with a much smaller footprint than nuclear weapons. Moreover, biotechnology today allows BW development to be conducted in extremely small areas with easily obtainable equipment. These relatively low barriers to entry combined with the high potential for casualties make the BW terror
Biowarfare attacks are now a possibility. The medical community as well as the public should become familiar with epidemiology and control measures to increase the likelihood of a calm and reasoned response if an outbreak should occur. In fact, the principles that help clinicians develop strategies against diseases are relevant as the medical community considers the problem of biological weapons proliferation. Both production methods must somehow obtain or naturally isolate a pathogen. Next, they manipulate the pathogen to gain the desired properties of the agent whether for vaccines or virulence of a weapon. The two processes diverge slightly during employment of a
weapon versus vaccine; however, the equipment and technology needed to do either are similar if not exactly the same. Furthermore, large stockpiles are not necessary with biological weapons. Until actually needed, a virulent specimen can be kept in small quantities awaiting
The large infrastructure and expenses of developing or acquiring a nuclear weapon make it less inviting for terrorist groups. Both chemical and biological weapons can be manufactured with a much smaller footprint than nuclear weapons. Moreover, biotechnology today allows BW development to be conducted in extremely small areas with easily obtainable equipment. These relatively low barriers to entry combined with the high potential for casualties make the BW terror threat important to assess correctly.
60
November 2013 Defence AND security alert
full-scale production in order to keep the footprint small. Since the dual-use problem exists, proliferation of biological weapons can be done easily and has progressed over the past few decades. Proliferation of biological weapons by countries around the world is troubling. The Biological Toxin and Weapons Convention (BTWC) was signed in 1972 and went into force in 1975. Since then “the number of countries possessing or actively pursuing BW has more than doubled, from five to roughly a dozen today, including some member states of the Convention.” This increases the chances a terrorist group will obtain agents, technology or hands-on assistance. Biological weapons are unique in their invisibility and their delayed effects. These factors allow those who
November 2013 Defence AND security alert
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BIOTERRORISM
use them to inculcate fear and cause confusion among their victims and to escape undetected. A biowarfare attack would not only cause sickness and death in a large number of victims but would also aim to create fear, panic and paralysing uncertainty. Its goal is disruption of social and economic activity, the breakdown of government authority and the impairment of military responses. As demonstrated by the “anthrax letters” in the aftermath of the World Trade Center attack in September 2001, the occurrence of only a small number of infections can create an enormous psychological impact – everyone feels threatened and nobody knows what will happen next.
in full protective gear could cause widespread public distraction and anxiety. Biowarfare attacks are now a possibility. The medical community as well as the public should become familiar with epidemiology and control measures to increase the likelihood of a calm and reasoned response if an outbreak should occur. In fact, the principles that help clinicians develop strategies against diseases are relevant as the medical community considers the problem of biological weapons proliferation. For the medical community, further education focusing on recognition of this threat is
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The choice of the bio-warfare agent depends on the economic, technical and financial capabilities of the state or organisation. Smallpox, Ebola and Marburg virus might be chosen because they have a reputation for causing a more horrifying illness. Images on the nightly news of doctors, nurses and law enforcement personnel
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In addition, continued research to improve surveillance and the search for improved diagnostic capabilities, therapeutic agents and effective response plans will further strengthen secondary prevention measures. Finally, the role of tertiary prevention, which limits the disability from disease, shall not be forgotten. Unfortunately, the tools of primary and secondary prevention are imperfect. While the BWC is prepared to assist those nations that have been targets of biological weapons, the medical community must be prepared to face the squeal should the unthinkable happen.
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both timely and necessary. Primary prevention rests on creating a strong global norm that rejects development of such weapons. Secondary prevention implies early detection and prompt treatment of disease. The medical community plays an important role in secondary prevention by participating in disease surveillance and reporting and thus providing the first indication of biological weapons use.
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Primary prevention rests on creating a strong global norm that rejects development of such weapons. Secondary prevention implies early detection and prompt treatment of disease. The medical community plays an important role in secondary prevention by participating in disease surveillance and reporting and thus providing the first indication of biological weapons use.
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