family and customary law in Albanian society

1 A social and ethical perspective on violence against women, family and customary law in Albanian society

Thoma Çomëni

As. Lecturer of Christian Ethics, Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos, Tirana

Corespondence:

e-mail: thoma.comeni@kulogos.edu.al

Abstract

Violence against women, family and customary law are three components that are often found together within Albanian society. Violence takes place in the family, but its nourishment is often found in customary law. Even a stratification of customary law makes it powerful and its influence within family and social life. Sometimes visible and sometimes as a shadow, it affects the behavior of family members and society, and especially in family violence in general and divisive violence in particular. Violence against women is not a new phenomenon, perhaps its lifespan is the same as that of humanity. It has its basis in the perception that the man (masculine gender) has towards the woman (feminine gender) or in the impotence of the masculine gender to face the feminine gender. And precisely this invincibility is strengthened or masked with customary power, which within it includes from simple relationships to economic, intimate ones and the social role of women in society. This topic tries to analyze some constituent elements of violence against women, which are based on various sociological studies done in certain periods, after the fall of communism in Albania. And these data are analyzed from a social and ethical point of view, to see and ascertain how customary law has influenced the exercise of violence. And from the analysis of the facts, it is clear that the influence is extraordinary, not only when the family functions as a patriarchal type, but also when it is nuclear.

Keywords:

parish, parish conscience, temple, violence, women, family, customary law, Albanian society, patriarchal family. Citation:

Çomëni T. A social and ethical perspective on violence against women, family and customary law in Albanian society. Theology & Culture. 2022; 5: 1126. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.17932.59523

Social phenomena are many, just as there are many events that accompany human life. And one of these phenomena is violence, which is expressed in different types and forms. One of these forms is domestic violence, which is a complex phenomenon due to the variety in which it develops, the persons who become part of the phenomenon and the consequences it creates. So, we have violence by parents against children, children against parents, grandchildren, spouses against spouses, grandparents against grandchildren and grandchildren against grandparents (Haxhiymeri, 2006, p.16).

We should not overlook the fact that the forms of domestic violence are similar in different societies, as well as special and specific in different societies or social groups. Thus, this diversity made it even more difficult to analyze the entire dimension of violence with one topic. Since violence is formed by many components, appears in many forms and is presented with its specifics in different societies and social groups, we will focus on violence against women in society in general and the Albanian society in particular. The purpose of the topic is to present on the one hand the facts gathered from various studies and on the other hand a social and theological analysis of the phenomenon.

Even violence against women does not appear only within the family, but also outside it, but the index of its exercise is taken from the family. And when we talk about the family, we are talking about a social institution that has its origin and history connected with man and his existence. In its ideal form it is founded on the love between two persons, male and female, and develops on their marriage. The variety of characters of the people who create it, the different types of functioning of local societies or the all-round effort to maintain it, give it a variety of colors and experiences.

The family was and is at the center of the developments of social phenomena. For the most part, the family is founded on marriage, but there are also cases where the term family describes a group of individuals who have come to use the word “family” to describe a group of people who have achieved a significant degree of emotional life and involvement, even because they are not related by family ties, marriage or adoption (Newman, 2002, p.11). From what we have said so far, we understand that the family is not only the genetic relationship of spouses and the education of children, nor is it a joint economic enterprise, but it includes the human being as a whole in all its manifestations and deeply affects his mental world (Kyriakidi, 1988, p.173).

After the Second World War we have big changes in the way family life works. Problems appear which were unknown or unimportant for social life or maybe they existed, but within a social context they were not considered a problem. These processes of change and problems that appear from time to time are also experienced by the family in Albanian society. So, today’s family in Albania suffers from the problems that the whole world society suffers from, one of which is violence, mainly against women.

1. Domestic violence within the social dimensions of Albanian society

Α better analysis of the phenomenon of violence against women is the reference to the history of the family in Albanian society. This observation is important because, although the family is not identified with violence, it is the dance where violence is shaped and practiced consciously or unconsciously. One of the main factors for the formation of violence is the prejudices within the family environment. Violence in the family is no longer limited to violence against women, but violence against women is a reason for the formation of other forms of violence (Fischbach L. Ruth, 2007, p. 216). Violence is not only about physical violence, but also about psychological, spiritual, sexual and financial violence.

Today’s Albanian family presents some ways of its functioning. In some cases there is the patriarchal family form and indeed in some cases it retains an archaic form in family connections. Even in cases where it functions as a nuclear family, pronounced elements of the patriarchal mentality are found. In other words, the family functions as a nuclear family, but the formation and exercise of violence comes from the influence created by the patriarchal form of functioning. In these cases, the theory of the Cycle of Violence works, where the family environment becomes the cause of violence (Wallace, 2007, p. 286).

First of all, the patriarchal family was and is a unit of people who are related through the male line or are connected through marriage. That is, the patriarchal family was basically a union of small families with consanguineous connections and a male genealogy (paternal genealogy). The resistance of the male line has not simply created a form of social functioning of the family, but it has created spaces and has even created spaces for the power of the man, the head of the family, over other people, which is also expressed with violence, especially against their wives (Kilmartin, 2015, p. 16).

One of the deformed forms is the concept of honor. More than human life itself is the weight of honor or rather the weight of shame. The woman must maintain the moral purity of herself and the family to which she belongs. Meanwhile, the man shows his honor with manliness and strength. It is precisely the difference in the concept of honor or shame that stems from its violation that causes the creation of violence. In this way, honor from a characteristic of human virtue turns into a tormentor of human society, especially of women (generally the female gender of human beings) who are forced to bear its weight (Gassin, 2015, p.166). Thus, any deviation from honor becomes a reason for the appearance and development of violence. The masculinist concept, as a dominant concept, becomes decisive in the role of women within Albanian society. It not only defines the behavior of the female gender, but also creates a sense of guilt and shame in the female gender.

In a study that was done in 2000 among girls and women from 14 to 25 years old, it was confirmed that the prejudices men have about women and women among themselves (Dervishi, 2001 p. 48-49). Thus, the concept of honor develops consciously and unconsciously in Albanian society. Not a few times masculinity has even become more refined and consequently its influence is refined (Tushi, 2016, p.27-28). It is precisely this refined behavior that causes the level of violence against women in Albanian society to remain at high levels. And in reality, violence against women remains at high levels1 , despite the fact that at first glance it does not seem so.

The concept of defining social roles is related to the concept of honor. The definition of social roles has a consequence on the family and marital relationship between the male and female members of the general family and the family in particular. If this situation needs to be changed, the concept of social roles should be changed, which should not be defined based on the narrow concept of sexuality, but on a broader one. And when we talk about a broader concept, it is first related to the perception of the opposite sex by men towards women and women towards men. It must be accepted that man and woman have the same nature, that is, human nature.

If they were to look at it from the biblical point of view, we would say that man, man and woman, were created according to the image of God. It is a fact that the Holy Scripture proves to us (Gen. 1:27). And the fact offered by the

1 In a study on the state of violence in Albania, 52.9% of women (18-72 years old) questioned in the survey have experienced one of the forms of violence sometimes or many times (National population-based survey for 2018 – Violence against girls and women in Albania, Tirana 2019, accessed by www.undp.org. at 25.10.2022).

Holy Scripture so that it is not difficult to understand the Christian theology offers the example and the explanation on the relationship of the three persons of the Holy Trinity. In the explanation, the relationship between the three persons of the Holy Trinity becomes clear, distinguishing between essence and attributes. Precisely the clear non-distinction of the essence from the attributes of the three persons of the Holy Trinity resulted in the creation of a non-free and conscientious subordination of the persons to each other, which disturbed and disturbs the balance of God’s existence. This wrong perception turned into a wrong interpretation of the relationship between man and woman as an icon of God (Adamtziloglou, 1997, p. 31-37). Just as the creation of the man before the woman was interpreted incorrectly, which was interpreted as a change in the nature of the spouses, and not as a change in the social relations of the spouses. Added to this attitude is the fact that the functional structure of society for many centuries had influenced the functioning of the family as well. In this way, the social, moral, canonical, customary, economic relations of the people of the society were often developed on the wrong perception of the man-woman or male-female ratio.

To bring about a change in the role of relations between the two human sexes there was an effort and the communist system in Albania. The communist president had the initiative for the legal recognition of the rights of women, for their education, their participation in the social, economic, educational, administrative life of the Albanian society (Etnografia Shqiptare 15, 1987, p.107). Despite this effort of the communist leadership, which basically had a reaction against the religious faith, and as a result, it was against the patriarchal style of the family, it was not able to overcome and erase the prejudices of the patriarchal family. The effort appeared to be making progress, but it later turned out to be unsustainable. And what stands out is the fact that the prejudice against the female gender on the part of the male gender continues and is even often expressed and violently (Dervishi, 2001, p. 48-49)2 .

Perhaps the failure at this point occurs because equality is sought in the ideological dimension. And perhaps it is the moment to emphasize that in order to overcome this conflict between the two sexes, equality must be sought, but their equality or equivalence, the same assessment, as it happens between the two persons of the Holy Trinity - as expressed by Saint John Chrysostomos (Ioannis Chrysostomos, PG 60, 214-215), of which preserves the common nature, but does not invalidate the particularities. This attitude becomes even

2 A study done in 2000 on girls and women from 14-25 years conforms to the prejudice that men have about women.

more adequate in spouses, where marriage aims at the union of two people who are required to love each other, to correctly evaluate their characteristics and complement each other (Mantzaridis, 2015, p. 362-363).

What makes it even more difficult, in today’s times, to ascertain and even more so to solve the problem of violence against women, in today’s times, is the fact that the phenomenon most of the time takes place within the family environment and is considered a private matter and not public or community.

This phenomenon continues to be treated by the majority of the population as a private matter and it is a problem of the family and not of society3. Despite the realization that the work done especially in recent years to sensitize the public, the attitude towards violence has not changed much. The difficulty of studying the phenomenon increases even more if we take into account that the phenomenon occurs “behind closed doors”. Therefore, it is difficult to observe and study carefully, while there is a difference in the years from 2012 onwards. Only in 1998 about 5% of abused women in the family have taken the opportunity to report violence against them, while in 2012 there is an increase in reports according to the Statistics of Albania. Although there is an increase in reports, the problem and the phenomenon are on a large scale4. The only source information remains in most cases, the victim, who is in no way free from prejudices and stereotypes that exist in society or in the Community where she/he is a part. not only to be present, but also to take on disturbing dimensions. Violence against women, despite stricter penalties5, continues not only to be present, but also to take on disturbing dimensions.

A complex social organization consists of various roles and responsibilities, but the difference with other social groups is that the relationships between its members are more friendly, more emotional and sensitive. We live in a time when the family has lost the “love” that is expected to characterize it. This is threatened not only by traditional factors, such as death, disease, various disasters, poverty, etc., but also by “non-traditional” and abnormal behaviors

3 http://www.instat.gov.al/media/2618/dhuna_ne_familje_ne_shqiperi_2013.pdf, fq. 9. 27.09.2021. 4 In fact, in a 2018 INSTAT study, one third of women (37%) have suffered domestic violence. http://www.instat.gov.al/al/statistikat-n%C3%AB-shkolla/dhuna-ndaj-grave-dhevajzave-n%C3%AB-shqip%C3%ABri/. Datë 27.09.2021. 5 Exercising psychological violence against family members, without causing bodily harm, is punishable by up to three years in prison. Threatening and murdering family members is punishable by four years in prison. Intentional wounding of family members is punishable by 5 years in prison. The Criminal Code of the Republic of Albania amended by Law No. 20, year 2020. https://qbz.gov.al/eli/ligj/2020/04/16/35/8dabf5aa-6226-4ced-b9d076b88493da7b

and conflicts, such as violence, alcoholism, drug use, and affection, sexual diseases, etc. Thus, the family is a structure that includes a variety of relationships and roles, and as such is vulnerable to violence that operates within it. Thus, with the non-recognition of social and family roles and their rights, violence against women and its elements will always be active. Violence is created by the usurpation of freedom by the arbitrary use of freedom.

2. Violence against women, economic, social and spiritual facts

Violence is a deprivation of economic, social and intellectual freedom. Economic dependence is one of the big problems. Part-time employment or unemployment of women is an important reason for their devaluation, for social conflict and violence towards them. Nevertheless, in Albanian society the causes for violence in the family are broader, because the basis of economic dependence and inequality of the two races in society is very strong, because violence is considered an expression of the power and unlimited power of the man, and because they come back to surface customs and habits which continue to keep this social distortion alive (Tushi, 2006, p. 452. Durham, 1991, p. 467).

But the unemployment data shown by INSTAT (Statistics Institute of Albania) with the analysis of the unemployment rate in years, although the difference in unemployment rates between men and women has decreased, the labor market in Albania reflects inequality between men and women6. But an INSTAT study in 2021 highlighted that gender inequality continues in even in a study done years ago addressed to women on workplace preferences, they require two essential elements, security for a long-term employment and economic independence creating in the business of their (Dervishi, 2001 p. 22)7 .

Along with these data is the difference in the percentage of wages between men and women. There is also a difference of 6.3% in the difference in pay between men and women in a study between 2015-20168. It is this trend that

6 Thus, during the years 2000-2006, the administrative unemployment data show that this difference is on average 5%. Njerëzit dhe puna në Shqipëri – Krahu i punës, punësimi dhe papunësia, INSTAT 2004, p. 35. www.instat.gov.al 7 To the question: “What is the preference for labor and professional employment?”, there are few who want to work in the family or related business, more of them prefer: a) work in the public sector 40.65%, b) in their own business 24.95%, c) in a foreign company 18.06%, d) in their own business together with the man 12.08%, e) in an economic unit outside the family economy 1.94%, f ) no answer 1.72 %. 8 Report of the Labor Market in Albania, Institute for Public Policy (IPPM) and Wel-

continues with almost the same quotas (6.6%) and in 20219. Women’s employment in the private agricultural sector is increasing, while the same is not true of unemployment in the private agricultural sector. Our data is also confirmed by a study conducted on the state of men and women in the Albanian society in 200810. At least in the 2011 census, the ratio between men and women for work employment is three to one, and women have the lowest wages11 .

In order to better understand the economic relations between men and women, one must first understand the factors that create it. The economic relationship between men and women, as much as it tries to be contemporary, it remains in the captivity of historical-social customs and customs. The very concept of the functioning of the traditional-patriarchal family is that it exists as a group of people related by blood or blood, who live together, cooperate financially and share the responsibility of raising children together. This patriarchal family had a common economy and the management of this family economy was done by the head of the family, who in addition to financial management had the right to manage every problem of the family as an expression of male power. In this patriarchal family, the man was a sharer of the family property, which is not the case with the woman. She had no property either in her family or in her husband’s family (Luarasi, 2001, p. 15. Kuri, 2011, p. 211-212). In this social situation, women did not have the right to participate in public offices and functions.

In the Family Code of the Albanian Republic, the economic dependence of men and women in the financial sphere of the family is legalized, while they have fulfilled family obligations, free labor and professional employment, as well as legal protection for people who have been subjected to violence (Kodi i Familjes i Republikës së Shqipërisë, 2003, p. 24-25).

The Family Code is based on the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, where in its second part, articles 49-59, are related to the principles of freedom and basic human rights. The code underwent changes in 2015, where it improves family relations. From 2006, law no. 9669 “Measures against domestic violence, which underwent improvements in 2018 as well. In 2008, law No. 9970 “For gender equality” was voted and strategies are occasionally built on this topic. The last strategy is in 2021. An attempt to combat domestic violence

fare and Civil Society Support Agency (AMSHC), accessed at September 2017, p.27 by www. Ippm.al and www.Amshc.gov.al. 9 Women dhe Men in Albania 2021, INSTAT 2021, p.70. www.instat.gov.al. 10 Women and Men in Albania 2008, INSTAT 2009, p. 28-29. www.instat.gov.al. 11 http://www.instat.gov.al/media/2332/perspektiva_gjinore_n__shqip_ri.pdf. fq.69. accessed at 27.09.2021.

is the resolution passed in the Albanian Parliament in 2010, which states the state’s obligation to combat violence. In this great effort to combat violence, various non-governmental organizations also offer help.

While the legal framework has provided a legal solution to violence and its cases, I cannot stop or reduce its extent. In a study some time ago, the motive that encouraged some women to do business was the desire for freedom, and these constituted 58% of the respondents (Ramadani, 2015, pp. 204-221). Here is a question, if there are women who have secured economic independence and are victims of violence against them? Other factors of violence is alcohol, which is not a vice, which is exclusively related to the economic situation, but perhaps to the lack caused during the socialization process. And there is a reason for this, since the problem of domestic violence is not exclusively an economic problem, but a social, psychological and, above all, spiritual problem. And maybe violence against women in Albanian families can be found in atavism. And when we say atavism, we mean the return of the phenomenon after a period of hiding or rest, based on certain social factors.

The economic situation may not be a factor for the creation of violence against women, but it may be the element for its duration. And this happens because many women, even the majority of them who are subjected to violence, do not consider themselves economically powerful. Lack of economic power is a reason for not accepting divorce. They are thinking about the long process of intercession, what will happen to the children, economic survival and how the society will see them. These are the reasons that do not condemn violence and suffer from it.

Even if we refer to the range of violence against women, we will find a variety. It is the case where the girl is abused by her mother or an older sister. This means that women who are abused may have suffered violence in their family of origin. Violence has also been perpetrated against boys, perhaps less in percentage, due to customary law where girls (females) have fewer rights compared to men (males). The right to decide on her engagement or marriage, the engagement could be done from the cradle age and she could not change it, often considering the engagement or marriage as an exchange, significant with a financial amount, being justified by the preparation of dowry (Elezi, 2002, p.78). All the above phenomena occur while customary law emphasizes equality between family members (Luarasi, 2001, p. 58.) Even the concept of the care of the male of the house towards the female of the house, that is of the brother towards the sister, using violence is still in the shadows. In this case,

violence is perceived as a means of protection and in front of it there should not be opposition, but submission through obedience.

From what we said above, it becomes clear that the development of violence, in addition to other factors, also has the problem of mixing with customary law, which replaced legal law. This situation also affected the stratification of the impacts of customary law, where violence in the family in general and against women in particular is its expression (Abdiu, 2010, p.6). In this way, society, with or without its own desire, contributed to the formation of persons who perpetrate violence and persons who silently or consciously accept the violence perpetrated against them.

These influences had even influenced the psychology of women’s positioning in the face of various forms of violence against them. In a study a few years ago, the answers given by girls and women show the level of influence that customary law and the stratified mentality play in the acceptance of violence. They justify and accept the violence that the men of the family exert on them (Dervishi, 2001 p. 59)12. Even if we refer to the study reports of recent years, violence against women coexists with the feeling of blaming themselves. The continuation of this mentality is not exclusively related to either the traditional form of family functioning or the modern form. Perhaps it is a form of Stockholm syndrome, where both the traditional and the modern side contribute to the functioning of this syndrome in this case. Or maybe it is a mentality, which is imposed by male impotence and is overcome by doing violence to the person who is more powerful, maybe not physically, but in terms of coping with things.

Following the concept of the justification of violence, we also go to another point, to the point where the concept of submission exists and the positive consequences of violence are seen in the consciousness of the people. And in this case, it is girls or women who know violence against their gender. The worst thing is when those who are the object of the crime have this mentality and connection. These girls, who are also victims, say that their mothers have been abused by their husbands equally and they never denied it. What is even more painful, although these mothers wish for a better life for their daughters, that they have given the message that “to men they must show obedience and

12 The presence of these effects in today’s Albanian society is shown by a study done on the facts and consequences of violence 37% of girls and women think that their violence helps prevent mistakes, 4.5% their violence has an impetus to creative actions, 27% violence has no significant effect on family life, 27% think that violence has caused wounds in family relationships and 3.15% did not give an answer.

endure “. In a study that has been done on this problem shows that 47% of women have experienced bad experiences of violence in their early families (Dervishi, 2001 p. 54-55). And especially in rural families, the father’s violence towards the mother and the mother’s violence towards her daughter are common.

Violence against women and girls continues even after the fall of communism. Among the reasons, which we mentioned above, there are also three other reasons.

First, the involvement of men in criminal activities such as various traffics, white meat trafficking, which have increased the level of daily stress and make women the object of men’s anger. Secondly, the involvement of men in gambling as a result of unemployment, lack of other opportunities, vacuum in their social and spiritual life, ultimately leads to increased tension in the family and causes violence.

Thirdly, the increase in the number of people who have the idea of getting rich quickly has affected the level of social stress, which indirectly causes domestic violence (Prezantim i Informacionit Ekzistues mbi Dhunën në Familje në Shqipëri, 2002, p. 12).

Violence has a human, social and economic cost. In Albania, with the effort made to detect violence, there are several records and publications about the level of violence within the family, especially against women and girls, although the publication does not happen regularly. The causes that affect the occurrence of violence also affect the concept of non-publication of data. Considering it as a private phenomenon within the family makes it difficult to expose violence in public. Another factor is added to this factor, where the man is considered the “king” of the house (Tushi, 2006, p. 72). So for now in Albania it is difficult to calculate the true cost of the phenomenon, but from the evidence that exists the cost is high. It is big because it has to do with the direct cost, the cost of the people who suffer directly from the phenomenon, but also the costs for the court, the police services, the treatment centers, the social workers, etc. At the same time as the indirect cost, the cost related to the people indirectly affected by the phenomenon, but also to the long-term problems that the phenomenon leaves behind. The cost in different countries is from 5%-14% of GNP (Haxhiymeri, 2006, p.66-67).

The family and violence within it are two phenomena that have different natures and do not match each other, as the family tries to unite its members while violence separates them. Violence in its own way tries to destroy the functioning of the family, while the family, on the other hand, tries to destroy violence. It becomes clear that the family is based on unity, which starts from the marital one. The love between man and woman, the mutual trust in each other and the mysterious acceptance of divine grace contribute to and aim at this unity. It is divine grace that not only nourishes love, but also strengthens faith in each other and in God.

The clash between family and violence also occurs in Albanian society, which, bearing within itself the weight of history, different forms of functioning over the centuries, tries to survive. Violence against women starts and ends within the family. It is the family in the delicate and weak moments of its functioning that creates spaces for the entry and action of violence. Oftentimes, clashes due to the concepts, mentality, interests of family members become the reason for their differentiation and where one party exercises power and violence over the other party. Perhaps if we look at certain components of the marriage and divorce ratio, they reveal the level of violence within the family. If there is a decrease in the number of new families and an increase in the number of divorces, it is clear that the level of violence within the family is high.

Often times, the Albanian family has accepted and accepts the influence of customary law, which turns and becomes an influence on the life of the family and even sometimes a source of violence, even contributing to the longevity of violence and its many forms. Violence in Albanian families, especially that against women, is due to the difficult orientation of family life. Taking customary law, which in its genesis has made a discriminatory difference between the male and female sexes, as the absolute authority, sometimes even replacing the law of God, makes the family powerless in the face of the challenges of the time.

Gender equality is the aspiration of every society, which offers great guarantees for avoiding gender violence. But a simple observation within the Albanian society, the different interpretations on the form of equality create spaces for its deformation. There are cases where gender equality is considered and in cases where men’s rights are more valued than women’s. In this way, equality

from a blessed form for overcoming violence turns into a curse, which feeds violence in the family and especially against women. Perhaps different societies should borrow biblical passages and examples to understand the meaning of gender equality, where the word equality is replaced by the word equality. The use of this word is an assessment made to both sexes, but at the same time it is also an assessment of honor, which men or men often leave in the hands of women and thus turns into a shame for women and girls.

Violence is not a violation of the law, but it is a distorted psychological, economic, social, but above all spiritual behavior. Different attitudes on the morality of men and women or on the immorality of men or women, which started centuries ago, is a source of domestic violence. A relaxed attitude towards the immorality of men and an always tougher attitude towards the immorality of women or women is a dose of empowerment for domestic violence.

Violence is an economic as well as a social, psychological and spiritual cost. Legal intervention may restrain it, but it does not heal that wound, which is spiritual in nature. The masculinist concept of ruling the other gender or the psychological insecurity to face the other gender on the part of men reveal the true nature of domestic violence, the spiritual one. Spiritual fulfillment remains the only solution for eliminating domestic violence. Overcoming fear, shame, withdrawal of lust or dependence on social and family customs is a spiritual struggle. When the family turns into a spiritual nursery, where people dialogue on any topic, exchange their thoughts, seek and give forgiveness, it is able to heal the wounds of society. Otherwise, the family, as a cell of society, turns into a victim of society. This is exactly what has happened in recent centuries in Albania. Various experiments have been carried out on the family, where the empire or the kingdom have imposed their social forms. Even in the last centuries we have some forms of functioning accompanied by the influence of the Turkish occupation, after the Turkish occupation, the communist rule and finally the post-communist period. All these, with the influence they exerted on the family, made its functioning difficult, and even created distortions in its functioning, which is identified with the level of violence. So, if we have to fight violence, we will have to focus on the family, and to do this, we must deeply disrupt its positive forms, which violence imposed by habit, interest, dependence, insecurity will be dealt a blow strong.

Any family that justifies even a little bit of violence damages its body, as its parts are damaged. The family should be seen as the apostle Paul saw it, the center of physical and spiritual balance, as the body of Christ, where the parts

recognize and respect each other’s values. Justifying violence is like living a body with the virus, with the evil inside it.

These show that the family is in confusion, so it is absolutely necessary for the family to define its principles. Its values must be consistent with the process of living and stimulate cooperation. Despite the positive side of laws in society, their practical and regulative nature, family problems cannot be solved if we do not see the family as a place of spiritual meeting of the debaters.

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2 The Orthodox Community in the Albanian Territory (XV-XIX centuries)

Thoma Shkira

Lecturer of the History of the Church of Albania, Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos, Tirana

Corespondence:

e-mail: thomashkira@yahoo.com

Abstract

This article informs readers about Albania’s Orthodox Community between the XV and XIX centuries. The relationship between the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Ottoman State following the Fall of Constantinople in 1453, as well as the circumstances under which the Orthodox social community operated as a component of the Millet and, in particular, the Orthodox community in Albania, will be discussed. An overview of the state of the Albanian Orthodox community in relation to the Ottoman State, within the historical context, and the various phenomena of crypto-Christianity, Islamization, and Uniatism, as well as changes in the church’s spiritual dependence up to the radical redistribution of the Orthodox community’s religious structure among Albanians, are provided for each century. The Orthodox community’s religious and cultural contributions to education, translations, and its members’ patriotic engagement during the National Renaissance in Albania are also addressed.

Keywords:

Orthodox Community in Albania, Ecumenical Patriarchate, Ottoman State, Crypto Christianity, Islamization, Culture. Citation:

Shkira T. The Orthodox Community in the Albanian Territory (XV-XIX centuries). Theology & Culture. 2022; 5: 27-46. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.14577.15204

The fall of Constantinople in 1453 marked the most important event for the entire population of the Christian community of the Balkans. The very foundations of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the headquarters of the ecclesiastical institution and the entire Orthodox community were shaken (Castelan, 1996 p. 94; Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 4-5).

However, Sultan Mehmet II established the Ottoman power as a follower of the Byzantine power with the conquest of Constantinople and the appropriation of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the spiritual and governing core of Orthodoxy (Παπαρρηγόπουλου, 1993, p. 20).

The new circumstances compelled the Patriarchate and the Ottoman Empire to establish cooperative relations within the framework of the Millet System compiled by Sultan Mehmet II himself, without affecting the spiritual and governing dimensions that were at the service of the Empire for the welfare of the citizens and the non-infringement of the territories under their control.

The Islamic state did not see a distinction between politics and religion; rather, they believed that if Christianity had to be acknowledged as an independent faith, its believers would need to organize themselves into their own political union and establish an empire within an empire. Because Rum Millet was already a part of the Orthodox Church, it continued to function as both a religious and political entity, and the entire church hierarchy served as a mechanism for cosmic rule (Ware, 1997, p. 89).

The Millet system, which was based on the religious allegiance, was designed to control and persuade the subjects to uphold the religious supremacy while also abiding by the new Empire’s laws. Sultan Mehmet II’s approach was advantageous to and in the best interests of the State. Since the majority of the inhabitants of the lands under his control were Orthodox, the Sultan was interested in preserving the institution of the Patriarchate. The New Emperor now permitted the usual functioning of the Patriarchate, giving it ecclesiastical and governmental privileges through a specific decree, unlike the powers of the Ecclesiastical Right of the Patriarch in the Byzantine Empire (Παπαρρηγόπουλου, 1993, p. 49-50).

Sultan Mehmet II became the defender of all Orthodox Christians as a result of his ruling strategy, which also included integrating the empire’s Orthodox into the Millet system. He called and installed the Patriarch of Istanbul, Genadh Skolar, a prolific writer and influential theological figure for his time, on the advice of some Greeks from Asia Minor who worked for him. He also appointed him to the co-government of the Orthodox Millet, which depended on him spiritually, giving the Orthodox people special privileges that no other people in the empire enjoyed. This system and this approach to the Orthodox satisfied his political interests.

The Orthodox were under his authority, and the patriarch Genadh Skolari, who had claimed that he had displayed anti-Latin sentiment, would be less inclined to turn to the Roman Catholics for assistance (Ware, 1997, p. 88).

The special decree ensured that the Patriarch would retain the privileges he had in the Byzantine Empire. This Sultan Mehmet II proclamation granted Christians the freedom to practice their religion freely in one of the churches, which later served as the Patriarchal seat, and permitted them to keep their religious texts and icons at home (Castelan, 1996, p. 94)1. In addition to the administrative rights of the ecclesiastical hierarchy and spiritual services, the decree acknowledged and granted jurisdiction to the ecclesiastical court, which dealt with the adjudication of criminal and civil problems of the Orthodox community inside it and with the Ottoman State. The Patriarchate took on the role of mediating disputes and conflicts for the entire Orthodox Christian population throughout the Empire.

The Gate granted the Patriarch a wide range of rights and privileges; as a result, he was appropriately referred to as the Ethnark, or Primate, not just of the church but also of the entire nation because he also had secular authority. Since all ethnic groups were referred to as Rums at the time, including Albanians, Bulgarians, Serbs, and Slavs, the Patriarch’s authority encompassed the entire Eastern Orthodox Christian flock in addition to the Greeks. In relation to the High Gate, the Patriarch served as the Orthodox community’s advocate and protector (Παπαρρηγόπουλου, 1993, p. 49-53).

In fact, the entire Orthodox community was known as Rum and was a part of one of the four “religious ethnicity” communities that included Jews and

1 It is about the Church of Pamakarist which became the cathedral of the Patriarch until 1586, the year in which it became the Fetie mosque.

Armenians, with the exception of the supreme leader, The Sultan or Padishah, who had his own religious leader. As a separate community, Rum also served as a “state within a state” as part of the social and religious structure of the Ottoman Empire. We can say that Millet leader of the Orthodox, the Ecumenical Patriarch, was regarded as the second leader after the Sultan, not just for the Orthodox but for the entire state, where he was accountable to him alone, because the majority of Ottoman inhabitants were Rums (Castelan, 1996, p. 125-127).

At the same time, the network of metropolitans, bishoprics, and monasteries that made up Orthodoxy’s complete leadership hierarchy formed the ideal organism for the supervision of the Rums. However, the Ecumenical Patriarch in the High Gate also stood in for the other Patriarchates (of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem), as well as the concurrent Archbishoprics of Ohrid and Peja, i.e., all of Rum subdued (Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 63-64).

Assuring the proper operation of the network and the existence of the ecclesiastical institution was one of the Patriarch’s ecclesiastical privileges within the organization and the Community of the Orthodox Church. With the Sultan’s orders publication called “berates”, the patriarch had the highest level of control over the metropolitans, archbishops, and bishops of each nation, and he had the authority to nominate, promote, and remove them. He oversaw the churches’ monasteries, parishes, and property as well. To observe various issues, he dispatched exarchs to the eparchies. In terms of the clergy, he had the power to judge them criminally and made all ecclesiastical decisions alongside the patriarchal synod.

The Ecumenical Patriarch enjoyed a wide range of political rights. Since the Patriarchate was first intended to be a separate ecclesiastical state, the Patriarch initially communicated with the High Gate through the Foreign Minister. The Patriarch had complete control over education in addition to the authority to tax both clergy and laity to fund the needs of the Church. He also had authority over the entire Orthodox Community’s family and agrarian law concerns (Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 66).

The social structure of the Ottoman Empire was characterized by two poles, one social and the other religious.

The first included: a) non-taxed: military and rich and b) taxed: peasants and farmers.

The subjects of the population known as raja zimmi were Rum Millet,

the lay members of the Christian community in the Ottoman Empire (to be distinguished from the Muslim raja). These belonged to the class of the raja (Raiyye - Sinifi), which was subservient to the other layer of Asqari, which contained the entire military (Asqeri Sinifi) and ruling class appointed by the Sultan. They were joined by the Muslims, who were known as raja Muslim. In the Ottoman Empire, these are the two main social classes. The Raja layer, a subordinate class that paid taxes, monetary taxes, and production obligations to the empire, bore the entire weight of the state bureaucratic system and all of the expenses of the Ottoman hierarchy (Rizaj, 1982, p. 357).

By implementing this system for the Orthodox Millet, the Ottoman state aimed to benefit financially and be “liberated from the internal organization of this community” (Thëngjilli, 2002, p. 15-16).

The Patriarch did, however, have the privilege of putting himself in direct contact with foreign authorities and asking the police to assist in carrying out his choices. The latter granted Orthodoxy a political influence that was particularly significant. While the metropolitans served as minor ethnarchs at the edges of their eparchies as the political representatives of the Patriarch, they were exempt from all taxation. In addition, they also had judicial authority over every local government (Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 67).

Denied of their religious leaders’ privileges, as a result, the Christians became not only spiritually and politically lost but also confused and exposed to the pressures and challenges of their environment on a material and moral level. “Eastern Christianity” became more and more firmly established as a continuation of the Orthodox Roman Empire with the political organization of the church (Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 69).

However, the condition of Orthodox Church members, whose rights from the Ottoman era were somewhat retained, remained incredibly challenging. Initially, contrary to what was supposedly the case prior to the fall of Constantinople, the Decree of Sultan Mehmet II offered the Church and its members great privileges. These privileges were upheld during his reign, but the Christians were greatly disappointed by how the later sultans used their power and maintained the privileges of the aforementioned decree, which not only had its articles favoring Christians reduced but was also improperly upheld until its partial and complete disobedience (Stavrianos, 2008, p. 149-150).

Additionally, Sultan Mehmet II granted the first patriarch, Genadh Skolar, a monetary gift, but he also required money from his successors, just as he did

from politicians and government employees. Every patriarch was compelled to contribute with money when they gave the “gift”, which was an amount of income required to hold the post (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 8). This circumstance drew individuals from among the Orthodox clergy who desired to hold the office of Patriarch in exchange for payment.

The change of patriarchs due to receiving money from the sultans became a phenomenon. Before much time passed2, it was decided that the annual tax of two thousand gold coins was required in addition to the amount of gift money that each Patriarch was obliged to provide (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 9). The Ecumenical Patriarchate’s annual tax payment to the Sultan increased by a third as a result of the repeated depositions and exiles of the Patriarchs by the Sultans.

The son of Sultan Mehmet II, Bayazit II (1481–1512), twice deposed Patriarch Nifon II (1486-1489 and 1497-1498), once to usurp the Patriarchate’s money and once after learning that a freshly constructed structure was serving as a church during a period when Christians were not allowed to build new churches or restore existing ones, leading him to fire the Patriarch. During the reign of this sultan, the new patriarch’s annual fee was raised by 1,000 coins, just as it had been with Patriarch Joachim, who came to the throne and donated another 500 coins (in 1498–1502 and 1504) after Niphon was overthrown (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 11).

Due to the rising tax burden and gifts requested, the patriarchs “felt a tremendous fear.” The Patriarchs traveled or sent delegates to collect taxes and other unsolicited demands from the high clergy of metropolitans and bishoprics, just as the latter had done with the lower clergy and the latter with the laity of the Orthodox Community (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 12).

The Arber Orthodox Community, which in this century was ecclesiastically dependent on the Archbishopric of Ohrid, undoubtedly felt the consequences of the war as well. The effects of the Ottoman War were felt by the Christian community of Arber as well as by the broader Balkan people in the fifteenth century. The pastoral statuses of this community and the ecclesiastical and cultural influences of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Archbishoprics of Ohrid and Peja changed over time as a result of these events and the new political conditions that emerged in the Balkans in the 15th century.

The resistance of the Arber people, led by Gjergj Kastriot Skenderbeu, be-

2 During the Patriarchate of Patriarch Dionis, who ascended the throne twice (14661471, 1489-1499).

came a symbol of freedom and hope for other nations who were threatened by the Ottoman conquest, and at certain points they partially supported this resistance to the invaders. As a result, our country was hit harder by the invaders than any other nation (Castelan, 1996, p. 98; Stavrianos, 2008 p. 64; Mantran, 2004, 96-97).

The activities of the Ottoman conqueror’s wars against the army and the country’s entire population were used to put an end to the Arber resistance. Radical democratic changes and a decline in population occurred in tandem with these initiatives. This occurred because, during the conflicts, the conqueror killed some of the locals who resisted in defending the towns, while the rest fled the region or migrated there to its depths, and still more perished from famine and disease.

Because of the human emptiness that spread across the community in the parishes devastated by the war, the destruction of the economy and civic life consequently paralyzed the spiritual life of the Christian community throughout our country for a long time.

The state of the Ecumenical Patriarchate Institution, the forced relocation of its headquarters from one monastery to another, and the threat to the Patriarchs’ and its administration’s life illustrate the status of the Orthodox Community’s exploitation in Constantinople throughout the 16th century. However, after paying taxes, citizens of the Capital were at peace. Nevertheless, in other church nations, such as the Patriarchate of Alexandria, the churches of the Empire and their Christian populations outside of the Capital faced more challenging circumstances (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 189-190).

Sultan Mehmet II’s supporters imitated him in this century by recognizing the privileges of Christians through berets, but on the other hand, they exerted pressure on the Ecumenical Patriarch and all Christians (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 11).

2. The Orthodox community in Albanian territory during the Ottoman Empire

The architectural and spiritual cultural heritage of the Christian population in the cities, in what is now the Albanian territory, was severely damaged until the 16th century. Numerous cult-related structures were demolished or converted into mosques, destroying or alienating priceless works of art and architecture. It took nearly a century for the cities to recover to the state they

were in prior the occupation by the Ottoman Empire, due to the catastrophic effects of that occupation.

Within a century, the overall number of communities nearly doubled, while the population more than doubled. This rise in population and communities is evidence of the general regeneration around the end of the 16th century.

At the end of this century, religious diversity among Albanians began to take shape as the process of Ottomanization by the Ottoman Empire gradually assimilated and islamized a portion of the Albanian nobility, as in the case of the Christian Timariots. This process occurred over the course of no more than two generations (Duka, 2009, p. 43).

While the widespread adoption of the Islamic faith by other social classes of Albanians can be observed in some civic centers as early as the end of the 15th century, for others it took until the 16th century. These groups included those who had only recently converted to Islam and were integrated into the economic life of Albanian cities, gaining the status of the “citizen” (Duka, 2009, p. 44-45).

The pace of Islamization among Albanians accelerated in the second part of the 16th century , as a result of the Empire’s taxing system constantly burdening all the rajas of every religion and somewhat equating the lower socioeconomic classes, which sped up the Islamization process. The Muslim population only reached 10% of the total population in the last two decades of this time period (Thëngjilli, 2002, p. 20-33; Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 61).

At the beginning of the 16th century, Sultan Bayazit carried out massacres during the invasions of the Peloponnese, Epirus and Albania3 .

Sultan Selim I (1512–1520), who succeeded Sultan Bayazit, gave the monks of Sinai and Jerusalem the advantages of religious freedom and the maintenance of their monasteries and Holy Places. But he imposed extra taxes on the Christians (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 12-13; Qiriazi, 2000, p. 86).

In the 17th century the Empire was in crisis. High government officials

3 Sultan Bayazit during the fall of Methon (1500), at that time occupied by the Franks, ordered that all residents Males over 12 years of age to go to the sword and build two towers with their severed heads. Women and children were crippled. Due to the losses of the Turkish Peloponnesian army, the Sultan ordered similar mutilations and slaughters in Epirus and Albania, while 10 Christian temples were seized in Constantinople. Only at the end of Bayezid’s reign did the persecution of Christians cease.’’ See: Χρυσοστόμου Παπαδοπούλου, «Η Εξωτερική Κατάστασις της Εκκλησίας Κωνσταντινουπόλεως από της Αλώσεως μέχρι του ΙΗ ΑΙΩΝΩΣ», Περιοδικό ΘΕΟΛΟΓΙΑ - Τριμηνιαία Έκδοση της Ιεράς Συνόδου της Εκκλησίας της Ελλάδος (A΄), Ev Αθήναις 1949, p. 12.

were corrupted, as were local officials.

There were mixed marriages between Christians, primarily Christian daughters of the dominated peoples, who married Muslim spouses, as a result of systematic islamization methods used in this century. Although the former were not coerced into becoming Muslims, their offspring were raised in an Islamist environment. Even though these marriages were forbidden by the Patriarchs in accordance with the Christian tradition, they were still common. Additionally, the Christian who had relationships with Muslims or was thought to have such relationships was subject to execution if he did not convert to Islam (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 196).

Through the implementation of military commands for the assembly of children into the military, systematic encouragement to abandon the faith first appeared during the reigns of Ahmet I (1603–1617) and Murat IV (1623–1640), which considerably accelerated the process of Islamization of the population in Epirus. In the Albanian regions, Islamization of the inhabitants started to take place specifically in this century (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 196).

Initially in many situations, it was only the family householder subject of the conversion to Islam after fulfilling the budgetary obligations to the Turkish government. The process of converting every member of the family to Islam would therefore take several generations to complete, starting from a formal conversion to the practice of the new faith.

This conversion was carried out faster in Central Albania, while in Northern and Southern Albania, the process of crypto-Christianization continued for longer. During this time, the Albanian people’s cultural foundation increasingly incorporated earlier Christian customs (Pelushi, 2003, p. 75).

These practices, which were based on the medieval tradition of the veneration of saints in our country’s Christian community during the Byzantine era, played a significant role in the development of interreligious harmony among the people even during the Ottoman era. The veneration of Christian saints is documented in historical documents and the rich material and spiritual heritage of the Albanian people. These forms of veneration coexist with the modern phenomena of Islamization and crypto-Christianity, overcoming historical and political intolerance even though the religious landscape and social conditions underwent significant change.

Therefore, the unique experience of a people who had to endure “fire and water” shaped the “achieved” coexistence via the veneration of saints, which

continues to be a value and contribution of the Albanian society today, where diversity and multicultural stratification are prominent, as well as the religious coexistence and multi-faith harmony.

Their worship among the Albanian people is also demonstrated by all various ways in which they are honored as a component of the non-material spiritual wealth, in addition to the spiritual and material prosperity. As is well known, the satisfaction of people’ spiritual needs of Arber throughout every stage of their lives were directly related to the Christian customs and the areas around Christian temples.

Therefore, their tolerance and religious coexistence were further protected by the spirit of unity and coexistence embodied in the cult of saints in their traditional beliefs and by the influence of later psycho-social and ethno psychological factors, which were seen in various phenomena, such as Islamization and crypto-Christianity, and which were able to successfully overcome the tide of historical and political intolerance (Qiriazi, 2000, p. 119-124). Albanians today foster tolerance and love coexistence with one another within a context of religious pluralism, to the point where their unique experience is worthy of promotion as a people who perfected the model of interreligious coexistence.

The Archdiocese of Ohrid provided pastoral care and had a significant cultural impact on the Orthodox Christian community that it had under its authority in the south of the country as a result of the above phenomena. Due to the impact of this archdiocese, some residential areas, including Voskopoja and Korça, experienced economic growth in the 18th century, which was accompanied by advancements in the fields of education and culture4 . The Orthodox community made the greatest contributions to the cultural and

4 “A printing house was built in Voskopoja which continued to print books until this city was destroyed in 1769. The library of the monastery of Saint Peter of Vithkuqi has been rich with books printed in the above-mentioned typography, with Greek manuscripts of Albanian writers of this area, such as Kavaliot, Kostandin Cepi and others. There are data to believe that this movement in the field of education and culture had the support of the Patriarchate of Ohrid. Since the 16th century, we find its prelates at the head of insurrectionary movements to overturn Turkish slavery, making efforts for political connection with the outside world. Some of these prelates were local, interested in church, cultural and educational constructions. Although the official language of the Patriarchate was Greek, they did not hinder the languages of the country. Tradition says that they were careful to print books in these languages, therefore in the schools of Korça, Voskopojë, Vithkuq and elsewhere, the teachers, didactic needs, in some cases used the Albanian language to teach the students Greek, which at that time for almost all the Orthodox peoples of the Balkans it has been the language of culture...’’ See: Petraq Pepo, Materiale Dokumentare për Shqipërinë Juglindore të Shekullit XVIII- Fillimi i Shekullit XX (Kodiku i Korçës dhe i Selasforit), vëll. I, Tiranë, 1981, fq. 9-10.

social advancement of the nation throughout the Ottoman era, both in present-day Albanian territory and beyond. Orthodox clergy in the nation, as well as emigrant clergy, made significant financial contributions towards community life. Orthodox clergy and laic benefactors contributed to the success of the schools established by the Church and helped to create a level of educated people in the medieval Albanian cities5 .

However, during the 18th century, the Islamization of the Albanian population intensified, especially after the wars of Russia and The Gate (Giakoumis, 2010, p. 75).

This Patriarchate was unable to halt the processes that resulted from the muslimization of a part of the population, particularly the collection of bribes by the rich and the privileged (Qiriazi, 2000, p. 105-106). Amid this tense situation of the feudal anarchy at the expense of the Orthodox community, the influence of political factors made possible the suppression of this Patriarchate in 1767 (Pepo, 1981, p. 9-10).

The deteriorating relations between Istanbul and Russia, which during the 18th century claimed to be the protector of the Orthodox populations of the Balkans, were one of the major political factors that eventually led to the Sultan and the Ecumenical Patriarchate suppressing the autonomous ecclesiastical structures of the Patriarchates of Peja (1766) and Ohrid (1767) (Duka, 2009, p. 67; Duka, 2012, p. 18-21).

However, the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Istanbul, as the highest ecclesiastical center, continued to oversee the social, ecclesiastical and educational life of the Orthodox community throughout the Ottoman Empire (Beduli, 2016, p. 13).

The education system of Greek schools, which primarily consisted of primary schools where Greek language writing and singing was taught, as well as catechism training for Orthodox Christians were provided, as well as secondary schools, though in a smaller number than the first, where sciences were typically taught, was responsible for the cultural growth of the Orthodox community in this century. Several significant religious and educational fig-

5 Joasaf Gondu (1660-1745) or otherwise called Joasaf Korçari from Voskopoja. In 1709, he was bishop of Korça.And in the years 1718-1745 he was the patriarch of Ohrid. He gave importance to the development of education and culture in his eparchy, which in Albania included Durrës, Berat, Vlora and Korça, perhaps also Dibra, in other words, the majority of Albanian Orthodox. Dhimitër Shuteriqi, Through the Literary Centuries, Tirana 1960, p. 84; See also: Μαρτινιανός, Ιωακείμ , Συμβολαί εις την ιστορίαν της Μοσχοπόλεως : Η ιερά μονή του Τιμίου Προδρόμου κατά τον εν αυτή κώδικα 1630-1875, Αρχαίος Εκδοτικός Οίκος Δημήτριου Δημητράκου, Α. Ε. Αθήναι, 1939, σελ . 61-65.

ures, like Nektar Terpo, the abbot of Ardenica Monastery in Fier, Bishop of Drinopoja Sofianoi, Kozmai of Etolia, etc., made a significant contribution to ecclesiastical education and generally to the development of Orthodox consciousness (Skëndi, 2000, p. 23).

3. The situation on 19th and the beginning of 20th century

Because the Tanzimat reforms were misapplied and had detrimental consequences on the Albanian population, the economic, social, political, and cultural persecution by the Ottoman Empire worsened in our nation during the 19th century6. In these circumstances, the national consciousness was being formed among the Albanians, which preceded the uprisings of the 30s, which positively influenced the growth of the process of national consciousness, rebirth and freedom (Pollo, 1990, p. 12-13).

Political and cultural factors on both the internal and external levels either slowed down or expedited this process. The cultivation of religious division among Albanians, who belonged to three separate religious communities, was one of the key causes impeding this process. The religious split of Albanians into three faiths (Muslim, Orthodox, and Catholic) as well as the High Gate’s and the neighboring monarchies’ repeated efforts to create a religious schism should be mentioned in addition to the nation’s general underdevelopment. In the meantime, this process was exacerbated by the deterioration of the condition of the majority of the population, the need for self-defense against external aggression to the danger of the country becoming fragmented (Pollo, 1990, p. 14).

The fact that the majority of people were illiterate throughout the Renaissance era was another challenge. The High Gate prohibited the books of the Renaissance authors, which were exclusively published overseas, and they either did not reach Albanian territory or entered with great difficulty. This contribution came from the organized emigrant Albanian communities in the host nations, whose members helped the nation achieve its independence in

6 “Even that point of Gjylname’s decree that provided for the equality of citizens regardless of their religion remained on paper. The Turkish or non-Turkish feudal ruling class did not want to relinquish a condition that secured it a privileged position vis-à-vis the Christian mass. The legal inequality of the Christian population was expressed, among other things, in the payment of a special tax for all males over 12 years old. Although in the new codes the death penalty was removed for those who denied Islam, breaking away from the official religion continued to be severely punished.’’ See: Aleks Buda dhe bashkautorët, Historia e Shqipërisë, Universiteti Shtetëror i Tiranës, Instituti i Historisë dhe i Gjuhësisë, Tiranë, 1965, vëll. II, p. 48.

a variety of ways. The religious division was a huge obstacle and persisted until the very end, and yet once more stood out the cooperation of the Orthodox Albanians with the Muslims, who affirmed their nation on the basis of the historical-ethnic, linguistic, and territorial community, surpassing the incitement of the Albanians’ enemies for political-religious division, which, depending on their faith, considered them Turks, Greeks, and Latin (Pollo, 1990, p. 26).

The request from the renaissance patriots abroad envisioned the autonomy of the Albanian territories, where in addition to provincial and state autonomy, cultural autonomy was also included. This meant allowing the teaching of the Albanian language in Ottoman schools (until that moment from the High Gate), the spread of education in the mother tongue, using it in religious services, allowing the freedom of all religions and forbidding their interference in state affairs, the use of the Latin alphabet for the Albanian language, etc. (Pollo, 1990, p. 48).

The majority of the Albanians’ national activity at this period was conducted abroad, where Albanian communities had already been founded. Numerous well-known figures from the National Renaissance, including Naum Veqilharxhi, Konstandin Kristoforidhi, the Frashëri Brothers, Nikola Naço, Thimi Mitko, Ismail Qemali, and Father Theofan, Noli and others were prominent in some of the main Albanian communities that had bases in Istanbul, Romania, Egypt, and the United States, as well as numerous funders of these communities, including the philanthropists Anastas Lakçe, Jovan Banga, Vangjel Zhapa, etc., who supported not only the financial needs of the Orthodox communities both inside and outside of the nation out of a sense of duty to their religion, but also many of the costs associated with their national activity (Pollo, 2003, p. 120-128; Hoxha, 2011, p. 18-33).

Therefore, in line with the Orthodox Church tradition of our nation that was encountered over the prior centuries, Albanians of the Orthodox community, both inside and outside of the country, increased their efforts to translate and publish liturgical texts in the Albanian language in the 19th and early 20th centuries (Shuteriqi, p. 23-24; 835; Beduli, 2006, p. 43-47; Pelushi, 2000, p. 9-18).

The Albanians beautifully fostered supra-religious nationalism during the National Renaissance period. They worked together, being exceptional in their tolerance and interreligious harmony, to resolve the political and religious tensions and conflicts of the day. Despite the fact that they could not commune

as members of a single religious group, they coexisted and worked together as members of a society of the same ethnicity without discrimination.

One of the challenges facing the Orthodox Community was dealing with the propagandist practices of foreign policies that were carried out both inside and outside of its institution, particularly with their commencement and intensification in the final three decades of the 19th century and after.

This foreign propaganda, which served the interests of foreign countries at the expense of the country, had caused spiritual rifts in the unity of the Orthodox Church community7 .

At a time when Albania’s existence was in danger and a vast number of Albanians were working tirelessly to restore the Nation and secure its independence before declaring independence for the Albanian State, senior clerical members of this community or even other lay members served foreign interests through propaganda.

On the other side, important shifts in the map of ecclesiastical jurisdictions occurred with the emergence of nationalist governments in the Balkans as they sought their ecclesiastical autocephaly from the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Istanbul8 .

7 For foreign propaganda in our country, see: Ελευθερία Νικολαΐδου, Ξένες προπαγάνδες και εθνική αλβανική κίνηση στις Μητροπωλιτικές Επαρχίες Δυρραχίου και Βελεγράδων κατά τά τέλη του 79ου και τις αρχές του 20ου αιώνα. Πανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων, Ιωάννινα, 1978 8 Their request to have an autocephalous church was initially not accepted by the Ecumenical Patriarchate. This led to years of spiritual schism between the Mother Church, the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the daughter Churches of each respective self-proclaimed autocephalous state. Then the Patriarchate, through the corresponding patriarchal tomos, recognized the autocephaly of the churches of the countries in the Balkans. The governments of the new Balkan States, within the framework of the political situation and nationalism applied for the purpose of their state formation, became promoters of the request addressed to the Ecumenical Patriarchate to gain the autocephaly of their churches. Finally, it was observed that the Autocephalies of the Churches were not only in danger of secularization, taking into account the historical spiritual separations and cracks, but resulted in the submission of the spiritual power to the governmental power. These cases of overlapping political factors to the detriment of spiritual services caused the Ecumenical Patriarchate, through the Synod held in Constantinople in 1872, to condemn philetism, that is, nationalism as a sick condition that was often confused with patriotism or when for political purposes and state, trust was misused or considered secondary. If religion played a unifying role for the nations of countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia where the Orthodox made up the majority of the population, the Albanian case where the religious affiliation of the Albanians was abused, created difficulties that would consume a lot of energy especially among the Orthodox community in the country. . Within this spiritual experience that took place within the framework of the state formation of each Balkan country, it happened that nationalisms could deviate the preferences of the Orthodox, as happened in Bulgaria where a good part of the people supported

Due to political and economic pressure placed on the hidden Christians, who were forced to declare Muslim names for themselves in order to waive a high tax payment in exchange for the requirement to serve in the military, the Shpataraks, from Shpat in Elbasani region in our country attempted to accept Uniatism, spiritual dependence under the Pope of Rome, in order to be under the spiritual and political protection of the Vatican. Following the current attention in this issue from numerous nations, including Russia, Austria, Italy, and the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the Shpataraks continued to remain part of the Orthodox Christian Community (Graceni, 1987, p. 153-154; Pollo, 1992, p. 27).

Uniatism undermined the country’s Orthodox community’s spiritual cohesion and developed into a political-ecclesiastical problem, which required a lot of hard work from the Orthodox Church Institution over the course of the following century to repair the harm.

Having better economic and political conditions than the Albanians in their homeland during the 19th century and at the start of the 20th century, the Diaspora of Albanians in Romania, Egypt, Bulgaria, etc. supported the Albanian national movement, making contributions primarily to culture and education. The majority of them were Orthodox Albanians who supported the national cause while also demanding for the spiritual rights that their ecclesiastical community was entitled to in defense of its distinctive features, including their language and blood.

In terms of Albanian national culture and education, the “Drita” society of the Albanians of Bucharest was perhaps the first to advocate for an Albanian church in the country.

On October 1, 1903, this association from Bucharest sent a request to the Great Powers requesting the opening of Albanian schools. Three of the four points they requested in it were: 1) Official recognition of the Albanian nation with the registration of Albanians regardless of religion in the acts of civil status; 2) Albanian school and church; 3) Amnesty for all exiled Albanians and political convicts, victims of foreign intrigues found guilty only for demanding the free expression of national culture (Hoxha & Nuro & Nika & Bupsi, 1987, p. 145-147).

unitism as an anti-government force against politics that was not in the interest of the people and the Bulgarian state. See: Ελευθερία Νικολαΐδου, Ξένες προπαγάνδες και εθνική αλβανική κίνηση στις Μητροπωλιτικές Επαρχίες Δυρραχίου και Βελεγράδων κατά τά τέλη του 79ου και τις αρχές του 20ου αιώνα. Πανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων, Ιωάννινα, 1978.

The Albanians of this society were very religiously connected to the old church of Saint George in Bucharest (Hoxha & Nuro & Nika, Bupsi, 1987, p. 319). Later, in 1909, the priest Father Harallamb Çalamani granted them special permission to hold mass in Albanian, and from that point on, this church was known as the church of the Albanians.

The Society’s newspaper “Lidhja Orthodokse,” which was published in Korça in 1909 under the leadership of Mihal Gramenos, carried out extensive patriotic propaganda among the clergy and the population in addition to the efforts of the community members to read the gospel and partially celebrate the mass in Albanian. It also addressed the issue of the mother tongue in the church and in the school and having a purely Albanian administration. (Beduli, 1992, p. 16).

In the Albanian Diaspora of America and at the same time in the community of Orthodox Albanians, the date March 8th, 1908, marks the fulfillment of a century-old need among Albanians, the first mass performed entirely in the Albanian language. This need, unfulfilled until this date, was realized by the protagonist of this church community, Father Theofan Noli, who, according to the desire of the community and with the consent of the Synod of the Russian Church, became a priest and performed this holy celebration on the same day. Also, the mass in Albanian of Father Noli, celebrated on March 22, at Phoenix Hall Boston Mass, for the celebration of the Triumph of the Orthodox faith, on the Sunday of Orthodoxy, was shown as a day of victory and joy for the Albanians of America, since in the afternoon of that day, the Cathedral of Saint George was founded and the first church elders of this ecclesiastical-orthodox community were elected. Following this, the cleric Theofan Noli visited all Albanians in America and spoke to them about their ecclesiastical and national rights, and in the following years he visited Albania and all the Albanian Diasporas in the Balkans (Duka, 1992, p. 36-37; Beduli, 1992, p. 17-18).

“... The fundamental biblical-ecclesiastical translations of Kristoforidi and Noli, then until today, had a wide impact and use in the Albanian-Orthodox community, constituted the most worthy contribution and anthem for the creation of the Church of the Albanian compatriots, and even more so when these were carried out by only two people, but extremely dedicated to solving the national and ecclesiastical issue of all Albanians...” (Shkira, 2022, p. 17).

Finally, the efforts for the autocephaly of the Church Institution of the Orthodox communities in Albania were finalized with the receipt of the Patriarchal and Synodical Tomos on the blessing of the Autocephaly of the Orthodox Church in Albania, on April 12, 1937 (Anastasi, 2013, p. 97-102).

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