Essays and viewpoints

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essay

The Young Must ‘Disrupt Antisemitism’

Six years ago, the two of us met as bright-eyed junior staffers working at American Jewish Committee’s office in Washington, D.C. We were fresh out of college, brimming with ambition and eager to help the Jewish people. Fast-forward to today, we are two of the youngest members of AJC’s leadership team. While we still believe in a bright Jewish future, we are now confronted with a much darker reality than we have ever experienced and, like many American Jews, we are deeply concerned.

We grew up in a United States in which antisemitism existed but had been relegated to the fringes of public discourse. Modern-day antisemitism was not a regular topic of discussion in our synagogues or Jewish day schools, and fear of antisemitic attacks was not on our radar.

Since we began working at AJC, we have seen that paradigm shift. Antisemitism has emerged in new forms and is permeating more and more areas of our lives. We’ve seen a rapid growth of incidents, including, in recent weeks, the stabbing of a rabbi in broad daylight.

The demonization of Israel and Zionism has not only increased but become part of many progressive circles and has become a normalized experience on college campuses.

Likewise, the far-right is emboldened and far too comfortable in perpetuating antisemitic conspiracy theories like QAnon. And Jew-hatred has gone viral online through the ever-growing rise and expansion of social media.

Many young Jews on these platforms are on the frontlines, under attack, daily, for their identities as Jews and their support for the State of Israel in a way that our parents never experienced.

We aren’t the only ones who feel this way. AJC’s “State of Antisemitism in America” report found that nine out of 10 American Jews believe that antisemitism is a problem in the U.S., and more than four out of five believe that it has increased over the past five years.

Looking at our peers, 39% of 18- to 29-year-olds think antisemitism in the U.S. is a very serious problem and 50% somewhat of a problem. A significant 82% of the youngest cohort says it has increased since 2015.

On the bright side, these concerning trends have led to a cultural awakening among young Jews around antisemitism. In our personal and professional lives, friends and peers increasingly are coming out of the woodwork, ready to call out and confront Jew-hatred.

These newly minted young Jewish activists are tired of suppressing their full Jewish identities in certain spaces. They’re no longer staying silent in the face of antisemitic comments and social-media posts made by those on the far-right, far-left or in their own social circles. They’re passionate, they’re fired up, and they have innovative ideas. Antisemitism has existed for millennia. On Passover, we recite from the Haggadah, vehi sheamda — “in every generation, they rise up to destroy us.” And

Meggie in every generation, courageous Wyschogrod Fredman and Belle Etra Jews — often young people — summon the courage to fight

Yoeli back.

JNS.org

THE TIME IS NOW

The time has come to couple the tenacity and perseverance of the Jewish people with the innovative spirit and drive of millennials and Gen Z to disrupt antisemitism.

While the arc of Jewish history is rooted in the notion of holding onto our traditions and iterating slowly, in our professional work and in many disciplines, young Jews are at the forefront of innovation. Silicon Valley is propelled by the mantra of “move fast and break things.” Too often, the Jewish communal world shies away from this approach, but given the enormity of the challenge, it’s time for a new path.

At AJC, we’re humble enough to acknowledge that when it comes to addressing antisemitism, we must be open to all ideas, no one has the monopoly of wisdom, and listening to all viewpoints is critical.

Our peers know that big challenges call for big ideas. We know the value of empowering young Jews, and the need to take seriously their ideas and perspectives.

To do just that, AJC has launched “Disrupt Antisemitism,” a new initiative that is the first-ever incubator for young American Jews focused solely on developing bold ideas to combat antisemitism. Inspired by the incubators of Silicon Valley, we are calling on young Jews from around the country to submit bold ideas to take on antisemitism locally, nationally or virtually.

We are looking for impactful ideas developed by and for young people. Winning proposals will receive up to $10,000 in seed funding from AJC, along with access to AJC expertise and mentorship from leaders in the fields of advocacy, finance and tech as they bring their ideas into reality.

None of us alone can end antisemitism, but with fresh thinking, our generation can bring about change. Antisemitism is a hatred committed by non-Jews, but it is incumbent on us — the Jewish future — to take action. If we don’t make fighting antisemitism a priority, then who will?

It’s time to move fast and break things.

So, how will you disrupt antisemitism?

Meggie Wyschogrod Fredman is the American Jewish Committee’s director of the Alexander Young Leadership Department. Belle Etra Yoeli is the AJC’s chief communications and innovation officer.

analysis The Implications of the Fall of Kabul

In the wake of the sweeping Taliban victory in Afghanistan, the region now faces the symbolic impact of these dramatic scenes of U.S. failure unprecedented since Vietnam. To thwart the notion that resurgent Islamism — in one of its most extreme forms — is now victorious, the United States must now reassert its commitment to traditional allies. They, in turn, need to draw closer together — specifically, in the face of Iran’s defiance — in an alignment of like-minded forces of stability, much as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) did after the fall of Saigon. Israel should position itself to play a useful role in such an alignment.

Eran Lerman

JNS.org

THE LONG SHADOW

A tragic event of great symbolic importance is now upon us. Despite a deliberate press blackout (exemplified by the way the Bagram Airbase was cleared out in the middle of the night), the Biden administration could not avoid the long, sad shadow of “the last helicopter from Saigon,” which now also exemplifies the fate of Afghanistan. The Taliban have marched into Kabul, and while they would be wise to let the Americans leave safely, they are bound to slaughter those left behind who stood against them. They will once again enslave women and deny girls education; and will reinstitute the horrors of their pre-2001 regime, in the name of their interpretation of Sharia law.

If the perception of an Islamist ascendancy takes hold, the implications for the region, and for the world, are liable to be profound. Israel should do its part in bracing for the impact.

Twenty years ago, the “Global War on Terror” seemed to get off to a promising start. Taliban rule in Afghanistan was quickly overthrown, for what was at the time a minimal cost: the Americans, their allies and the Afghans of the “northern coalition” seemed to be welcomed as liberators. But Afghanistan, which had frustrated British conquerors in the 19th century and did much to undo Soviet power in the 20th, turned out to be easier to conquer than to reform.

Tribalism, corruption, poor governance, abject poverty, virulent variations of Islamist extremism — all added up to a toxic mix that no amount of American firepower, creative energy or piles of public money (the full cost of the “longest war” is estimated at $2 trillion) could fix. President Joe Biden’s decision to pull out is thus understandable and perhaps inevitable. But it doesn’t lessen the anticipated consequences of the fall of Kabul.

The direct strategic impact of what happens in Afghanistan, landlocked between Pakistan, central Asia and Iran, may be limited. Russian policy in “the near abroad”— and Chinese

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policy in Xinjiang — will face new challenges. It is safe to assume that the Taliban will be wary, at least for a while, about hosting global terror networks such as al-Qaeda — the cost to them in 2001 was too high and the lesson has probably been learned. But over time, Afghanistan may yet again become a hub of terror.

Meanwhile, at the symbolic level — namely, the sense that “the arc of history” now bends toward Islamist victory — the imprint of the scenes from Kabul may be devastating. The consequences for regional stability could be severe, and vulnerable regimes may feel the need to cast their lot with the winners, or even look to Iran for shelter.

WHAT CAN THE U.S. DO?

This damage of the images emerging from Kabul will not be easily undone; some of the scars of Vietnam are still with us still. The United States is implementing a largescale “exfiltration” plan for those marked by service to U.S. forces in Afghanistan. Still, the scope of the brutal acts that will follow the Taliban’s victorious entry into Kabul is painfully predictable. As former U.S. allies are executed in a public way, and women are relegated to servitude, the message to the rest of the Muslim world, and beyond it, could be quite dangerous. Has the West, and specifically the United States, become what the prophet Isaiah called “a broken reed”?

To counter this message as much as possible, it is vital for the United States to demonstrate — elsewhere since the Afghan case is clearly beyond salvation — that it is not a spent force. It would also be of decisive significance to reassure traditional U.S. allies, including Israel and other like-minded forces of stability in the region. This would require not only proactive diplomacy at the highest level but also actions that would reassert the American commitment to their security and survival.

Central to any such demonstration, given what we witnessed in Afghanistan, would be the way the United States (assisted by its key allies, Britain and France) deals with Iran’s defiant conduct. Provocations at sea; rocket fire by proxy into Saudi Arabia and Israel; regional subversion; and a rapidly advancing military nuclear project — all these require a robust response, not abject surrender at the negotiating table in Vienna.

True, the Afghan debacle (which amounts to a resounding failure of the U.S. “nation-building” concept) and the Iranian challenge are different in nature and only marginally related (there is some evidence that Iran, despite the Taliban’s brutality toward Afghan Shiites, was willing to help them defeat the United States). But their timing makes it even more important for the United States to use this opportunity to reverse the images of decline. Moreover, European Union-style appeasement of the murderous Iranian regime will not play well with U.S. public opinion, come next November. When necessary, the practice of punitive actions against terrorism and subversion needs to be reestablished.

REGIONAL COHESION IS NEEDED

One of the keys to the survival of the pro-Western forces in Southeast Asia after the fall of Saigon in 1975 was their ability to come together — despite deep historical differences and grievances — in the form of ASEAN. Created in 1967, it was given its present form and functions only by the TAC (Treaty of Amity and Cooperation) in 1976. It was only during the mid-1990s,

after the Soviet collapse, that the communist former enemies, including Vietnam, queued up to join it. To some extent, and despite the obvious differences, this can serve as a general template for those Middle East nations who fear the consequences of American retreat. The Abraham Accords already reflect, in many of Afghanis run alongside a U.S. Air Force C-17 plane their overt and underlying as it departs Kabul, Afghanistan, on Aug. 16. aspects, this need to “hang together.” What happened SCREENSHOT/JNS recently in Tunisia can be interpreted as a significant part of a pre-emptive campaign to blunt the influence of Islamist political movements across the region. In addition to the highly proactive United Arab Emirates (and the quietly persuasive work of the king of Jordan), it would be Saudi Arabia and Egypt that would need to take the lead in organizing the response; an opportune moment for Riyadh to cross the threshold into open relations with Israel — and to collect their reward for it in Washington. As for Egyptian President Abdul Fattah el-Sisi, his powerful message to the scholars of al-Azhar University on Jan. 1, 2015 (which they have yet to respond to in a coherent way) remains the most lucid clarion call against the scourge of Islamist totalitarian radicalism which has swept the Muslim world. His position should be propagated and upheld by other like-minded nations (it is bound to be reviled and rejected, however, by Erdoğan, Turkey and its ally, Qatar). Recent steps by his regime to back Sufi practices — abhorred by the Islamist “purists”— point in the right direction. As external but adjacent anchors of such a regional response — given the doubts about America’s role, which will not soon fade even if the Biden administration does take firm action — work should be done to bring in both France and India. Both have taken firm stands against Islamist radicalism, both have a vested interest in the outcome, and both already have strong bilater-

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letters

Thank You, Friends of the IDF Supporters

I was so grateful for the incredible honor of being chosen as the 2021 FIDF Women of Valor Honoree.

The first time I went to Israel was in 1977. While on a bus ride from Haifa to the Golan Heights, soldiers came on our bus making sure everyone was safe. For them, they were just doing something totally routine. But for me, it gave me this total sense of safety and security. It was a wonderful feeling knowing we were protected. I loved that and have never forgotten!

I am grateful to live in a country where Jews can still feel relatively safe, even with the rise of antisemitism and dark political currents.

However, I suspect, that’s how German Jews felt before the war. But what they didn’t have — and we do — is the State of Israel. Israel is our homeland. It’s a place of last resort for Jews in distress, and we have a duty to protect Israel and her citizens. That’s why supporting the young women and men of the IDF resonates so strongly with me. They are watching over the State of Israel, and I greatly admire them.

They not only learn to survive, but to excel, under the harshest conditions, and mature into the next generation of strong Israeli citizens and leaders. Many of these soldiers come from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds and cannot afford the cost of higher education once they finish their army service. FIDF’s IMPACT Scholarship program provides four years of advanced education to qualifying combat and combat support soldiers who have completed their military service and cannot afford the cost of higher education.

My late husband, Robert, and I shared a passion for education. The FIDF IMPACT Scholarship program provides educational opportunities for IDF soldiers that changes the trajectory of their life. I feel they are changing Israel’s trajectory. Education will help Israel grow its next generation of leaders, invent technology that will drive the economy and develop expertise that will keep the nation safe. I am honored to support the heroic veterans of the IDF through the IMPACT Scholarship program and help them achieve their dreams.

Thank you to all my friends, family and Friends of the IDF (FIDF) supporters.

Bluma Schechter and her family.

— Bluma Schechter Bloomfield Hills

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al and multilateral associations with players in the region. The same, of course, is true also for Greece and Cyprus, and other forces in Europe who are cognizant of the peril.

ISRAEL’S ROLE

Obviously, Israel cannot be the arbiter in intra-Muslim conflicts — but nor is it a bystander. We have a vested interest in stemming the tide of both Sunni and Shiite radicalism, and in proving our utility to our partners across the region, from the UAE to Morocco. Israeli diplomacy should place the cementing of these bonds near the top of its priorities, alongside the (related) Iranian question. Military actions in the context of Israel’s so-called “campaign between wars” are also part of the equation, both in terms of their impact on the adversary and of their message to our friends.

The same is true for the way in which Israel deals with Hamas rule in Gaza, which until Kabul fell was the only area in the region under the uncontested rule of an Islamist regime. Practical solutions to the humanitarian problems in the Gaza Strip, and a tough negotiation to retrieve the hostages and the bodies of our soldiers, are one thing.

A political license for Hamas to appear as the victor in the ideological struggle with the non-Islamist variant of Palestinian nationalism (i.e., the Palestinian Authority) is another matter. In close coordination with Egypt, such an outcome must be avoided, even at the risk of resumed hostilities.

Ultimately, it may be in Lebanon — and in action against Iran — that Israel’s ability to turn the tide will be tested. There is nothing we can do about Afghanistan, nor is there any prospect of reversing the course of events there. But our actions closer to home will send a message.

These would be decisions driven by other considerations, and ultimately determined by the rate of progress of Iran’s military nuclear project. But at the same time, in other aspects of Israeli policy, the possible impact of the dark days that lie ahead should be considered. First and foremost, intensive intelligence sharing with like-minded forces, and informational cooperation in stemming the spread of the Islamist creed (in a war of ideas fought daily in the social networks) should be a key element of the joint regional and international response.

The stakes are high, and the time to prepare is now.

IDF Col. (res.) Dr. Lerman is vice president of the Jerusalem Institute for Strategic Studies. He held senior posts in IDF Military Intelligence for more than 20 years. This article was first published by the Jerusalem Institute for Strategic Studies.

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essay

Israel Education, Not Advocacy, Belongs in the Classroom

I’ve dealt with all kinds of conflicts as an Israel educator the past 25 years, from the mad parent who storms in and says, “Why do you have that map on your wall and not this map?” to the parents who get into fights in the carpool line because they don’t agree about something taking place or what somebody posted on Instagram.

Israel education could face even more pitfalls and political pressure this fall after May’s conflict in Gaza and a new survey of American Jewish voters that found 22% of all respondents believe that Israel is committing genocide against the Palestinians and that 20% of respondents under age 40 don’t believe that Israel has a right to exist.

It’s challenging to make the classroom a safe environment for such conversations if the home and community are not. That’s why it’s important to take the stance we have adopted at the Center for Israel Education: Educators should not use their podiums to spread their political views or launch polemics.

Our job is not to tell students what to think, but rather to train them how to think, an effort best accomplished by incorporating as many primary sources and as many different voices as possible.

Taking that apolitical stance, checking your biases at the classroom threshold, is an empowering approach to the education of Israel for teachers and students. Educators can explain to parents that their job is to enable students to think critically for themselves, to assess sources, to understand the differences between history and narrative and between competing narratives, and to appreciate the ideals of a Jewish state and its realities, which are messy, complex and imperfect.

Israel educators should establish a tone of respectful discourse incorporating listening and critical thinking at the beginning of the school year. It’s OK to disagree with somebody else’s opinions and ideas, as long as the discussion is based on the sources.

That’s how we teach every other subject. A literature student, for example, who wants to assert that Nietzsche or Sartre was a nihilist has to provide evidence from texts, not just cite a parent, a teacher or a social media influencer.

Educators also must help students understand the vagaries of vocabulary: What words are laden and to whom? “Occupation” means different things to different people, and there are reasons some people talk of Judea and Samaria while others speak of the West Bank.

Understanding vocabulary is a skill that needs to be taught, as are map reading and literary analysis. When we teach students these skill sets, we enable them to reach and defend conclusions based on documents they’ve examined themselves.

That educational approach is far different from the advocacy model: “If you hear X, you should say Y.” My two kids, who are now in college, would have rebelled if I had told them that. They would have done the opposite just because they were teens.

We can’t engage, empower and prepare students for those tricky conversations by teaching them automatic answers or avoiding the complexities altogether. That path leads to students concluding that their teachers lied to them and to believing the worst accusations against Israel.

Instead, we educators must tackle those difficult topics by modeling respectful, informed conversations regardless of personal opinions about, say, whether Israel used disproportionate force in Gaza in May. We must provide historical context and complexity to equip our students with resilience and help them become critical consumers of information so that the slogans they encounter on campus and social media don’t resonate. This endeavor can’t be limited to one Judaic studies classroom; it has to be embedded into the daily consciousness and experiences of everyone in the school. It requires support from non-Jewish educators and those teaching science

Dr. Tal and math, literature and social Grinfas-David studies. It involves school administrators, board members, rabbis and parents engaging in those same respectful, informed conversations and accepting that the best practice in Israel education is to treat it as education. That’s how we avoid the pitfalls and politicization of teaching about Israel and produce thoughtful Jewish adults who can engage with difficult questions rather than drown in competing narratives.

Tal Grinfas-David is the vice president of outreach and pre-collegiate school management initiatives for the nonprofit, nonpartisan Center for Israel Education in Atlanta and is a former Jewish day school principal.

CIE/ISMI Teen Israel Leadership Institute Sept. 19 and 26, 2021

Teens in grades 10-12 are invited to apply for this enriching virtual opportunity where CIE staff impart leadership ideas for sharing an understanding of Israel with their peers in their communities. Participants will gain tools for shrewdly interpreting contemporary events and framing them in context. Apply at israeled.org.