6
.
THEOPHRASTUS PARACELSUS
BY
F.
PARKES WEBER,
[Reprinted from
M.D., F.S.A.
The Medical Magazine,
Vol. VI., April
,
1897]
LONDON
“THE MEDICAL MAGAZINE” 140
STRAND, 1897
<
.
*
YV.C.
CO.,
LIMITED
THEOPHRASTUS PARACELSUS. By
It
is
F.
PARKES WEBER,
doubtful whether the
life
M.D., F.S.A.
and writings of any physician
have received so much attention or have excited so much controversy as those of Paracelsus
The
stand the reason.
unusual degree
all
;
nor
is
difficult to
it
under-
history of Paracelsus possesses in an
those elements of attractiveness which have
been so clearly explained by the Bishop of London, recent lecture at the in
History”.
Royal
It is this
Institution,
on
“
in
his
Picturesqueness
kind of attractiveness probably which
induced Robert Browning to choose the
one of his best-known works
life
as a
theme
for
— a work which has contributed
in
no small degree to the present fame of the Swiss physician. Paracelsus was a
man
of action,
who
period of history, a period, moreover, well readers of
all
countries
;
in the fresco of
the most famous
men
whom
known
he appears doubtless
many, as he does of
lived in a stirring
in
to general
the minds of
Kaulbach, standing amongst
of the epoch of the reformation,
he must have seen and known.
some
His impulsiveness
The Medical Magazine.
2
and eccentricity helped rather than
hindered
him
acquisition of notoriety, and, though notorious during
posthumous celebrity
far
exceeded
his
Alchemists, quacks, and charlatans of
name
for
purposes of their own, so that
possible to distinguish attributed to
him and
the false ones,
what he
really
Hence
their attempts to glorify or
Amongst
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
that
of
his
all
kinds paraded his
it
became almost im-
wrote from what was
i.
story-tellers
damn
making
his
waged on
humour
this un-
and antiquaries
memory has at least had name still more famous.
of Rabelais, the
Erasmus,
humane
spokenness of Johann
W
Dolet and Michael
Servetus have hardly sufficed to
their
eyer,
and the
names more widely known,
in
his
his great contemporaries, the learning of
the art of Holbein, the
from
the various estimations of his character
ground by physicians,
effect
life,
contemporary fame.
are totally contradictory, though the battle
one
the
to separate the real facts of his life
Fig.
certain
in
terrible deaths of
out-
Etienne
make
Theophrastus Paracelsus.
The names
of Paracelsus in
full
3
were Aureolus Philippus
Theophrastus Bombast von Hohenheim.
Paracelsus was a
name he
is said to have assumed in boyhood and by this name afterwards best known. became As to its meaning there he has been a good deal of discussion. Some have supposed it to
signify that in
knowledge he claimed
Roman
to surpass the
physician Celsus, but such a far-fetched meaning could have
hardly presented that
it is
itself to
mind of a
Others argue
boy.
Hohener or Hochener, name. But Hohener was not
a hybrid classical rendering of
which they suggest was his
the
his real
name, and we believe the true explanation
simple one.
The meaning
is
the following
of the patronymic von in
noble names can be supplied
German
Greek by Trapa. At a time when most German Professors changed their names into the Latin or Greek equivalents, this youthful in
Latin by a or ab and
in
4
The Medical Magazine.
philosopher was
not
content with the ordinary
Hohenheim, which appears on and
2),
but preferred the Greek
instead of
making
his
Ab
Latin,
his authentic portraits (figs, tto pa
name wholly Greek, “
obtaining the doggerel mixture,
and then,
to the Latin ab,
Melanchthon, added the Latin Celsus
like his
(for
i
contemporary
Hohenheim), thus
Paracelsus”.
fie was born at Einsiedeln in Canton Schwytz in the year
Bombast von
His father Wilhelm
1493.
physician
in
poor circumstances,
German
the natural son of a his early instruction
Hohenheim, a supposed to have been
is
from his father
at Villach
then he studied at the Lbiiversity of Basel, and life
He
of travel.
certainly
During
He
noble of that name.
received
Carinthia
in
;
commenced a
passed through various countries, including
Germany, Hungary, France and the Netherlands. period of his
this
life
he visited different mines,
especially those belonging to the wealthy
Tyrol, and gained
all
lurgy and chemistry.
Fugger family
in
the information he could about metal-
He
doubtless collected what knowledge
he could get from the poorer people on the use of popular remedies and local customs
in
ordinary complaints.
In his
wanderings he made the acquaintance of alchemists, especially
Johann Tritheim
— Trithemius — with
well as of charlatans
searched after not
felt
my
ashamed
and quacks of
On the
and
my
life,
said
:
“
I
and have
).
he set up as a physician
1527, probably
in
in
at the instance of
reformer Oekolampadius and the printer Frobenius (a
patient of his),
was appointed
University of Basel. it
He
sorts.
1
his return to Switzerland
his native country,
he studied, as
something even from tramps, ex-
to learn (
all
the risk even of
art, at
ecutioners and barbers ”
whom
was about
this
advice by letter
by
his
medicine at the
fame became very great, and
time that Erasmus of Rotterdam sought his (2).
dogmatic teaching of flamed
Here
to the chair of
Here his
it
was
also that in ridicule of the
contemporaries, and probably
their opposition
to
his
innovations,
in-
he himself
T HEOPIIRASTUS
PARACELSUS.
5
committed the ridiculous error of publicly burning the works of Avicenna (3), on which much of the dogmatism of his rivals
was founded.
In 1528, however, he brought an action for the recovery
Canon von Lichtenfels, and on account of his quarrel, owing to the judgment being against him, he had to quit Basel and recommence his wanderings. of a fee against
He
the
rich
then resided for a short time at Esslingen, Strassburg,
Niimberg, Augsburg and other towns.
invitation of the
About
1541, on the
Archbishop of Salzburg, he settled
Salz-
in
burg, but this proved his last resting place, for he died there in
the
month of September, 1541,
A monument was Church of
St. Sebastian. in
a quarrel, and
some
is
the age of forty-seven.
It
memory
in
the
has been said that he died from
consequence of rough handling received
a debauch or
that could only
at
afterwards erected to his
in
state that his skull bore evidence of injury
have been
inflicted
during
life
altogether denied by Professor Aberle,
;
who
this,
how ever, r
carefully de-
The Medical Magazine.
6
His age
scribes the skull (4).
given, but
The
seven.
medal
all
(5),
at
the best evidence
is
death has been variously in favour of
it
being forty-
occurrence of the age forty-five inscribed on a
bearing the date of his death (1541),
may be
ex-
plained by supposing that the likeness on this medal has been
copied from a portrait taken in 1538,
when he was only
forty-
five years old.
Fig.
Of
portraits
of
Paracelsus
These can be divided Aberle has done,
4.
into a
a
very large
number
exist.
few main groups as Professor
most of the
individual
portraits
being
obviously copies or variations of one or the other of a few original prototypes.
claim
to
be
Of
all
these portraits scarcely any can
contemporary likenesses.
Wentzel Hollar, though possibly
after
The engraving by Rembrandt, and the
T IIEOPHRASTUS
PARACELSUS.
7
various portraits after Rubens, give us naturally altogether
untrustworthy
Rembrandt
representations,
Hollar lived
for
whereas Paracelsus died
in
1607-1677,
Rubens lived 1577-1640, F. Chauveau engraved
1608-1669, and
lived
1541.
a portrait of a totally different type, which he claimed to
have copied from a painting done from
by Tintoret.
life
This engraving forms the frontispiece to the Latin edition of the works of
Paracelsus published at
Fig- 5
but
little
can
the likeness 1512,
and
be
said
in
if
favour
still
a boy.
of
the
1658,
authenticity
that Tintoret
was born
the portrait really represents Paracelsus
must have been taken long before
was
in
-
when we remember
that
Geneva
It is
his death,
of in it
when Tintoret
quite probable that the painting which
and which has now disappeared, did not represent Paracelsus at all, but some unknown man,
Chauveau took wrongly
as his original,
supposed
in
Chauveauâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s
time
to
be the
Swiss
The Medical Magazine.
8
There may have been an Chauveau copied to the
physician.
painted
from
it
on
inscription
painting which
effect that
the
Tintoret
but this would not prove that the portrait
life,
was one of Paracelsus.
The
two en-
really authentic portraits of Paracelsus are
gravings
(figs,
i
and
2),
both the work of an
artist,
who
signed
himself by the letters A. H., in monogram, as well as some
medals
(fig.
3),
4 and 5) and paintings bearing two engravings referred to, represent
prints (figs.
similar likenesses.
The
him, one at the age of forty-five, the other at the age of fortyseven, and bear the dates,
would be very interesting gravings was, and
it
1538 and 1541, respectively.
to
know
It
wdio the artist of these en-
has been suggested that the
monogram
A. H. stands for Augustin Hirschvogel, a famous draughts-
man, engraver, glass-painter, and potter of Ntirnberg, but is
The
quite uncertain.
these
portraits
is
that,
only fact
known
this
of the engraver of
whoever he was, he was probably
monogram appears Johannes Fabricius of Salzburg, made
about that time at Salzburg, for the same
on an engraving of Dr. in
1540.
In both these portraits of Paracelsus
man who
tation of a
age stated
in
looks
we have
the represen-
somewhat prematurely
old for the
He
has a large
the accompanying inscriptions.
head with a broad, moderately high forehead, and consider-
The crown
able development of the occipital region.
and there
is
no hair on the face
;
bald,
is
bushy rather dishevelled locks
The
cover the lower part of the sides and back of the head.
nose and mouth are large, the features somewhat haggard, and
The
the whole expression thoughtful, but rather coarse. is
face
of a kind which one might almost expect to see on an en-
thusiast of the
present day, haranguing
public place on his
own
ideas of religion
principles of the universe. fitting
gown, and
in
Paracelsus
the 1540 portrait
the
mob
in
some
and the fundamental
is
dressed
(fig.
suspended from the neck, and he grasps
in
2)
in
a loose
has an amulet
both hands the
Theophrastus Paracelsus. enormous handle of
his
famous sword,
to
9
which we must refer
later on.
The
been most differently
character of Paracelsus has
On
represented.
the one hand he
is
described as the type of
charlatans, the prince of mystics, the frenzied drunkard, the in-
spired of Satan
on the other hand he
;
indefatigable searcher after truth,
may have been annoying them
and the books on which practical successes, as
led
much
undervalue his rivals
to
depended, whose
teaching
as his want of tact, raised up for
He
sides.
all
has even been
Luther of Medicine”. it
which makes
still
more so the
not only the contradictory elements in character so hard to ascertain, but
real
great difficulty there all
him
their
him jealousy and enmity on called the “
his
and may have induced
say that he was drunk or frenzied, whose hatred of
to
It is
whose excessive enthusiasm
to others
dogmatism of the time
the
represented as the
is
is
to distinguish
what he
the tales and posthumous gossip about
what
he
been
fathered
really
Rosicrucians,
wrote from
upon etc.,
him.
used
his
the
all
him
to
mystics,
conjure
in
the fanciful
thought
panacea and the philosopher’s
stone was by diligently studying the works of Paracelsus, not surprising that for
many
“posthumous” works
of doubtful
continued
to
appear
unintelligible
questions
logues of
Sudhoff
We
than
the
to
authenticity should
the
great
— each one more
last.
it
is
years following his death, fresh
— probably
publishers and real authors
by,
him have some-
When many
brains of these self-styled followers. to find out the
which have
to
times originated, or at least been developed,
way
to separate
quacks,
name, as one
and doctrines which have been attributed,
that the
;
writings
Alchemists,
from
really did
profit
have
of the
mystic or more
In the investigation
of
these
much has been gained by the criticisms and cataMarx (6), Haeser (7), Mook (8), J. Ferguson (9),
(10), will
and others. firstly
discuss shortly
some
special
accusations
The Medical Magazine.
10
and other questions concerning him, and then proceed main points in his work and character. If
to the
the present evidence as to drunkenness, frenzied ravings,
and communion with part of
it
may be
evil
be examined, the greater
spirits
traced back to Oporinus.
Johannes Oporinus
(Herbst) of Basel, born in 1507, was for two years (about In 1533 he 1528) the famulus or amanuensis of Paracelsus. was made Professor of Latin at the University of Basel and
was Professor of Greek therefrom 1537 to 1539. Afterwards he became the most celebrated printer of his time in Germany and Switzerland, and died
In the biographical record
in 1568.
of Oporinus by Jociscus (11) published at Strassburg in 1569
we have
the following passage
intoxicated with wine,
causing great
thus
who, sleeping
in
Then he would
Moreover Theophrastus,
in the
unsheathed sword
tions with his
time,
was wont
â&#x20AC;&#x153;
:
for
night to attack appari-
almost half an hour at a
and danger
fright
to
Oporinus,
the same room, used to hide himself
in bed.
oblige Oporinus to write from dictation and
spoke so quickly that Oporinus often declared he believed the
words were inspired by
Well
demons.â&#x20AC;?
Oporinus was
!
about twenty-one years old then, and doubtless enjoyed his
He
sleep.
cannot have liked being aroused
the night, especially to artificial
(12) call
light
may
;
his
in
the middle of
write rapidly from dictation
in
an
annoyance as Melchior Adami suggests
possibly have led him to exaggerate the facts and
the restless enthusiasm of Paracelsus drunkenness.
It is
said that he afterwards regretted his accusations.
Erastus (13) tells a similar story, but it may be questioned whether much weight ought to be attached to his evidence,
even
if it
were
first-hand,
and
this
it
is
not.
Thomas
Erastus
(Liebler or Lieber) was probably the bitterest of the writers against Paracelsus. fessor of Medicine at
He
was born about 1523, became ProHeidelberg, and afterwards Professor of
Ethics at Basel, where he died
book on excommunication the
in
1583.
He
founded by a
religious doctrines called after
Theophrastus Paracelsus. him,
he
Paracelsus,
Medicine
Heidelberg, by writing
at
the
to
Duke
age, which caused
burning poor
him
to
his
enlightened
the
Weyer
of Cleves.
remembered on account of of
when Professor of some dialogues directed
himself,
Johann Weyer (1515-1588),
against sician
distinguished
i
on the writing of
Besides his attacks
Erastianism.
i
phy-
should always be
moral courage in that bigoted
speak out boldly against the practice
weak-minded
old
persons as witches and sorcerers.
women and
Paracelsus
hysterical
therefore in
is
good company when attached by Erastus.
The
latter also suo-aested that 00
Paracelsus w^as a eunuch
and that he therefore avoided women.
The
castration of Paracelsus during childhood
by the attack of a
hog may be
true, but
sounds
like
just as the similar story about
an attempt
at
story of the
mean
ridicule,
Boileau does, which rests on
very slight foundation. Erastus
also,
quoting Oporinus,
sword represented on the portraits
(fig.
2) of the
alludes to the
On
portraits.
curious
the contemporary
year 1540, Paracelsus
holding the handle of a very large sword.
represented
is
It
looks as
if
it
might have been a two-handed sword, such as those used by executioners, and Paracelsus himself affirmed that
sword of at
that
this
all
kind (14).
manner of
It
is
stories
after the
On
Paracelsus concerning his peculiar sword. (fig.
4) published with a
posthumous work of
the pommel of the sword has the word
on
Melchior
it.
he kept
in
(16) says:
the portrait
his (15) in 1568,
AZOTH
“Some
death of
inscribed
think that what
the handle of his sword, that which he himself
called Azoth,
stone
Adami
was a
wondered
therefore not to be
grew up
it
was a most potent medicine or the philosopher’s
”.
This passage throws considerable
light
on the subject.
Paracelsus did perhaps say there was “ Azoth of his sword,
” in
whatever he meant by the word.
crucians of the seventeenth
century (amongst
the handle
The
Rosi-
whom
were
The Medical Magazine.
12
the Englishmen, Robert Fludd and William Maxwell) especially it
developed the idea of Azoth and the “ quintessence
The
contained.
”
which
was afterwards vaguely enough
latter
and “animal magnetism,” when these
identified with mineral
came to the front. At any rate, much of the
subjects
“
”
Azoth
after
originated after the death of Paracelsus.
word occurs
the
all,
sword handle and
talk about the
in
Perhaps,
connection with his sword only
because Paracelsus named the sword after his (ideal
rather
than actual) medicine, Azoth. In examining the character of Paracelsus
and
in
estimating
the position which he occupies in the history of medicine, one is
forced to an opinion which others have already maintained,
namely, that the truth of his detractors find
and the
everything good
He
somewhere between the
lies
in
assertions
ideal representation of those
who
him.
certainly took a great
share
the introduction of
in
mercury, antimony, arsenic and iron into medical treatment.
He
knew
also
arsenic, etc.,
of the results of chronic poisoning by mercury,
and had had the opportunity of personally ob-
serving such symptoms
the case of metallurgists connected
in
He
with the mines he visited. sen,” as he called
it,
with mercury.
disease was in those days “
treated Syphilis, “die Frantzo-
Dieweil ich begreiff
What
a terrible scourge this
we may gather from
alle die
his
own words:
Wundkrankheiten, wie
die Frantzosen verwandelet werden, welche die grbsste
sie
in
Krank-
gantzen Welt
ist,
da kein argere nie erfunden, die
Niemandt schonet, und
die
mehresten Haupter
heit der
angreiffet
He
”
(
i
am Mehristen
7).
understood the use of opium, although what he called
“laudanum” was probably quite different opium, now called by that name (18).
The “chemical tacked and
to the tincture ol
doctors” (“spagyric” doctors) were
repressed
long after
the death
Antimony, opium and laudanum were
still
of
at-
Paracelsus.
prohibited
in
1640
—
Theophrastus Paracelsus. by the
faculty of Paris,
who
i3
called those doctors
who made
use
of them, such as the philanthropic Theophrastus Renaudot,
Just as Theophrastus Paracelsus in the sixteenth
empirics.
century was held up to personal ridicule and called “ Kako-
phrastus” (19), so in the seventeenth century Theophrastus Renaudot was likewise called Kakophrastus, and, on account
marked by smallpox, was compared by the Paris Guy Patin, to a “cheese eaten by mites” (20)
of his being physician,
an a
insult
which the Parisians washed out
monument
to his
Paracelsus
memory
in
1894 by erecting
in Paris.
investigated
the
of
effects
mineral
natural
waters and thermal treatment at Pfaefers and other baths.
The
first
medical account of Pfaefers (21) was written
by Paracelsus, and dedicated by him
Abbot his
of Pfaefers.
views on
from Dr.
J.
To
to
in
1535
Johann Russinger,
give an idea of the practical sense of
this subject
Macpherson
we
will
borrow the following epitome After explaining that a bath
(22).
physician should be thoroughly acquainted with his profession,
and that the virtues of
wells are best tested
produce, for daily experience
is
by the cures they
worth more than the counsel
of books, he says that the physician should regulate the diet of his patient according to the nature of his malady, and that a
physician in sending a patient to a watering-place should judge
and discriminate
in
what condition a patient
for a course of waters,
him.
and whether
it
is
more or
less fitted
a fitting time to send
is
No certain and precise number of baths could be fixed on.
According
to
Puschmann (23) Paracelsus in some Alpine regions. He
Professor
served endemic cretinism
obre-
commended alkaline medicines in gout and the stone. He made use of “milk of sulphur” in medicine, and employed tincture of galls as a test for iron in mineral waters.
Crocq (24) gives Paracelsus the first place in the history of Hypnotism, and sees in the Practica printed in 1529, the ,
first
scientific
set forth
theory of “animal magnetism,” as afterwards
by Mesmer.
The Medical Magazine.
14
His
however, on
theories,
various
known under
formerly
affections
now-a-days hardly
dance
Vitusâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s
St.
(
term)
that
grotesque than the dance
less
the
i.e .,
seem
itself,
if
indeed he really wrote what has been attributed to him on this subject.
Considering the time
in
which he lived
it
is
noteworthy
Paracelsus duly recognised the vis medicatrix natures
that
,
the tendency to spontaneous recovery from disease, and the natural process
an
by which wounds
Medicine was
heal.
ally aiding the patient to drive out
disease.
to
him
In his view
of disease as something foreign to the organism, which entered
with
in to fight
it,
he dimly foreshadowed the contagium vivum
theory of disease.
by the Jesuit Kircher
ciated â&#x20AC;&#x153;
The
they cannot
that
in
little
1659 he wrote:
worms, so
be recognised
small,
by the
â&#x20AC;?.
senses If
delicate
actually enun-
first
when
(25),
propagators of the plague are
and
fine
This was, however,
Paracelsus had rested at the introduction of useful drugs
and the development of
his practical
views of medicine, and
had simply upheld reliance on personal observations as well as on
book
learning, he
much opposed during name would have been
He
cherished.
would probably have been nearly as his
lifetime
;
less notorious, but
aimed
his
his
memory more
did not content himself with these practical
objects, but with his necessary limited,
ledge, he
though now-a-days
at
nothing
less
though growing, know-
than the development of some
scheme of philosophy which would explain the whole working Naturally, when he had welded into his of the universe. system
all
he had learned or heard on medicine, chemistry,
astronomy, religion and philosophy, the doctrines which he thus obtained were often anything but satisfactory, and were
rendered
still
unintelligible
more wild and absurd by his successors, whose jargon was intended to simulate depth of
thought.
Amongst
his contemporaries
he must have been deficient
,,
Theophrastus Paracelsus. in
learning,
classical
and
added that of practising
defect
this
to
to the
in
reading his
own
writings by the
number
of
The motto on
his scientific
and philosophic
There can be no doubt and that
in the practice
character,
who
as
theories.
and
not
and contemporary
fluences
were
lofty
and pure,
views of medicine he
practical
Puschmann
could
which he mixed up with
that his aims
introduced, or helped to introduce,
however,
his
1540 portrait perfectum a deo, imperfectum a dia-
Omne donum
“ 2),
bolo,” recalls the religious doctrines
was,
qui suus esse potest
sit,
terms he often needlessly invented instead of employ-
ing those already in use. (fig.
his
of him burning the standard works of Avicenna,
and are puzzled fanciful
scholarship he
in
extreme the principles of
rather arrogant motto, “Alterius non
Thus we hear
i5
many
him,
calls
sufficientlv
to
“Faust-like”
a
resist
difficulties
He
inprovements.
immediate
realise
in-
noble
his
aspirations.
REFERENCES. (1)
This passage we have not found ourselves, but it is quoted by Dr. M. B. Lessing in his Paracelsus sein Leben und Denken ,
p. 59,
(2)
The
Berlin, 1839.
Letter and Reply are printed amongst the collected works
of Paracelsus. (3)
On
question compare Professor C. Aberle’s
this
Grabdenkmal,
Schadel und Abbildungen des Theophrastus Paracelsus,
p. 521,
Salzburg, 1891. (4)
Aberle,
(5)
C. L. Duisburg’s edition of C. A. Rudolphi’s Recentioris
op. cit., p.
518.
numisinata vivorurn de rebus medicis p. 99, (6)
K.
F.
et
Aevi
physicis meritormn,
Danzig, 1862.
H. Marx, Zur Wiirdigung des Theophrastus von Hohenheim
Goettingen, 1840-1841.
(8)
H. Haeser, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medicin. Friedrich Mook, Theophrastus Paracelsus, eine Wurzburg, 1874.
(9)
Professor
(7)
Third edition. kritische Studie,
John F'erguson, Bibliographia Paracelsica.
printed at Glasgow, 1877-1893.
Privately
.
,
The Medical Magazine.
i6
(10) Karl Sudhoff, Versuck ciner Kritik dcr Echtheit dcr Paracelsischen
Schriften, Berlin, 1894. (11)
Andreas
(12)
Melchior Adami, Vitae Gern.anorum Medicorum
Jociscus, Oratio de ortu
,
Joannis Oporini
vita, et obitu
Basiliensis, p. 9, Argentorati, 1569. ,
p. 35,
HaideN
bergae, 1620. (13)
Thomas
Erastus, Disputationum de medicind nord Philippi
celsi pars
prima
(14) Erastus, op. cit.,
pp. 236, 237, Basileae (1572 p.
239, “ quern
cujusdem
carnificis
Pam
•
?).
fuisse jac-
tabat (15)
“
De urinarum ac pulsuum judiciis
Theophrasti Paracelsi heremitae
of Einsiedeln, where he was born] utriusque medecinae
\i.e.,
Published at Cologne, 1568.
doctoris celeberrimi libellus.”
Adami, loc. cit. Preface to the Paragranum.
(16) Melchior (17)
H user’s
J.
German
edition of his
collected works, published at Basel in ten volumes, vol.
1589 (18)
ii.,
p. 15,
et seq.
See Aberle, op
cit.. p.
332.
(19) See introduction to the Paragranum. (20) G. Gilles de la Tourette, Theophraste Rcnaudot Paris, 1884. ,
(21) (22)
(23)
Von dan Bad Pfeffers. The Baths and Wells of Europe pp. 23. 24, London, 1869. Theod. Puschmann, Geschichte des Medicinischen Unterrichts, ,
p. 259, Leipzig, 1889.
(24) Dr. Crocq (25)
fils.
L' Hypnotisme Scientifique pp. ,
2,
10, Paris, 1896.
Athanasius Kircher, Scrutinium physico-medicum cantagio me quae dicitur Pestis, 1659.
Museum
Kircher’s
name
1
is
a reduced copy of the engraving of 1540 from the
in the British
Figure
3
"
op.
Plate Va.
cit.,
Figure 2
Numismatic Chronicle
a reduced copy of the engraving of 1538, from Aberle,
is
luis
preserved by the
Kircherianum, which he founded at Rome.
Illustrations kindly lent by the Editors of the “ P'igure
is
from a unique medallion,
is
example
Museum.
Weber, described
in
the
in
the collection of Dr. F. P.
Numismatic Chronicle vol. xiii., p. 60. in the work De Urinarum (op. cit.), ,
Figure 4 is taken from the portrait published in 1 568. Figure
5 is
from a portrait
about
1
572.
in
the book
of.
Erastus
(op. cit.),
published