Grandfather Perak - My Melaka

A-Level English: Translation. Taman (Thomas) Kasturi. Melaka International School

1 December 2021

I am an 11th-year student at Melaka International School studying A-level English. My first term project is a translation of a clerk’s journal entry from my paternal grandfather 18 generations removed, dated as Christians do, 21 October 1522. It involves the Melaka Port and the great fort built at the Port by the Portuguese on or around 1511-1513, entitled, “A Famosa.” A few remnants of this fort remain. My relative’s name was Tun Perak and he was one of several clerks for the harbormaster at the Port of Malacca and continued to have this occupation until he died in 1558. He was cautioned to keep records of how the Portuguese worked and how foreign [non-Malaccan] vessels interacted with the Portuguese. Perak was 20 years of age when writing this entry.

Edward P. Sager

ARC 531 : Architectural History II

Project 02

Prof. Zoë Cope

Figure 1 Remnants of A Famosa

21 October 1522

On this day in my section of the Port, only 6 junks [vessels] moored and unloaded cargo of various kinds due to unfavorable winds from India and China, and therefore, we welcome traders from the south. We shall have the larger trading vessels from China and India regions in one (1) month.

Origin (No. of ships) Cargo Fees paid per weight Makassar Ipo Necessary for maintaining life; fees waived.

Moluccas (2) Cloves, sage, rice, coconuts, figs 6% Timor Sandalwood 6% Bandas (2) Nutmeg and mace, with nutmeg fruit preserved in vinegar 8%

The Portuguese are not difficult, but they do favor their own people with payment of the taxes, port fees, tributes, and the like, often not charging the Crown traders but a small incentive payment/gift to the Captain of Malacca, currently García de Sá

Malaccan harbormasters and executive officers have been mostly allowed to continue their duties, but are punished by fines in gold if they are caught accepting any incentive payments, plus the incentive payment is forfeited to the Captain for the maintenance of his town and the Port.

Many Chinese, Javanese, and Arabs have taken local wives to be treated better by the harbormasters and also the local population due to them becoming residents upon marriage. Many live here only for ½ of the year until the winds and weather are favorable for their trading. The Portuguese and Indian-Portuguese have done the same, but they require their wives to convert to Christianity.

Edward P. Sager

ARC 531 : Architectural History II

Project 02

Prof. Zoë Cope

Figure 2 Chinese Junk

Our little island has found in the past that conversion to religious sects makes for better trade with the more dominant trading regions. However, these Portuguese seem to have a hatred towards those who are Islamic, although such feelings are kept in check due to the high population of Islamic traders and residents. Before the Portuguese masters arrived, no one seemed to care about the little differences between the peoples who chose our Port: Arabs prayed with Chinese, Armenians traded with Javanese, and Indians and Japanese see each other daily.

Once we were just a small fishing village discovered by the Revered Sultan Parameswara who removed our dependence on Siam. Before the Portuguese masters arrived we grew to be a great cosmopolitan [diverse] city known throughout our world as a safe stopover for traders engaged in exchanges [bartering/sales]. What the Portuguese masters do not understand is that our city is only a place where traders agreed to meet and exchange their goods. With the heavy taxes burdening the traders, foreign traders have shifted their moorage to other equally acceptable regional ports, such as Aceh, Johor, Java, etc. All vessels in the Malacca Strait are supposed to moor at our Port, but so many vessels there are that the Portuguese fleet cannot force all of them. Those that can not be forced are fired upon. Vessels used to come here by choice because the Malacca Strait has waters as calm as a lake when compared to the roaring, tempestuous waters which would have to be endured and navigated to the south.

We were not a perfect city before the Portuguese arrived; we sought to increase our fortunes and rise in social hierarchy, but the elites increase their esteem and the power of governance by increasing their followers as a result of virtuous conduct. Our leaders have been firm, but fair and just and the occasional bribe/facilitation payment put no one’s life in danger. This was a place where 84 languages were spoken.

We are peace-loving people who wish to trade with our whole world. The Portuguese say they “own” the land on which stands their great [mighty] Fort and they decide who is forbidden to sail down our seas. But God made the land and the sea and it is unthinkable/inappropriate to forbid or restrict those who desire to sail on God’s seas. Yet, they left our adat [unwritten customary practices/laws] mostly intact and built a hospital for the poor

Edward P. Sager

ARC 531 : Architectural History II

Project 02

Prof. Zoë Cope

Figure 3 The Port City of Malacca during the Reign of Parameswara, painted by Unknown

Figure 4 The Port City of Malacca seen from the Sea

on the hill nearby the Port, and piracy, which had been common in the Malacca Strait, has been reduced.

We loved the relative peace and tranquility we had when our Sultan Mahmud Shah shared the taxes and incomes with all of Malacca. It is said by the elders that we killed 50% of Viceroy Albuquerque’s men, with Prince Alaedin responsible for cutting down 30 Portuguese himself. And yet, we still preferred peace and were open to all traders including the Portuguese. We could not match their advanced weaponry, as all we had was our land-based arrows and dart poisons, our Navy being then currently in Singapore. However, we do believe that we have been Divinely-aided with the retribution against Viceroy Albuquerque. His voyage home on the Flora de la Mar was so marred by tragedy that most of his crew died at sea and our stolen invaluable treasures were lost. Our fortunes have not matched that of the past; our submission and excessive burdens continue.

Excellent news: the new Emperor Jiajing has ruled that the Portuguese must leave China and restore our Sultan to his kingship and when that is done, the Emperor will release Portuguese prisoners. He has taken Ambassador Tomé Peres and at least 23 other Portuguese and have executed several in ignominious ways. This was confirmed by the fleet of Portuguese ships that arrived home this evening, short of several ships and many men. However, in the case that we do not receive back our King, I will continue to hide my journal entries behind the loose rock at the new St. Paul’s Church.

Edward P. Sager

ARC 531 : Architectural History II

Project 02

Prof. Zoë Cope

Figure 6 11th Emperor of Ming China Jiajing

Figure 8 Ambassador Tome Peres

Figure 7 St. Paul's Church on St. Paul's Hill

Figure 5 Afonso de Albuquerque conquering Malacca 1511

I am the 3rd to be called Tun Perak, grandson of he who rebuffed the Siamese fleets which were sent to invade Malacca. This is a reminder that once the political power is lost, everything else is lost.

/s/ Tun Perak

Edward P. Sager

ARC 531 : Architectural History II

Project 02

Prof. Zoë Cope

The last sentence from my ancestor is on a large plaque outside of the Flora de la Mar Maritime Museum here in Melaka.

Edward P. Sager

ARC 531 : Architectural History II

Project 02

Prof. Zoë Cope

Figure 9 Plaque outside the Flora de la Mar Maritime Museum, Melaka

Bibliography

Afonso de Albuquerque Conquering Malacca 1511. 2022. Online image. Wikimedia.org. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/ac/Conquista_de_Malaca%2C_estud o_-_Ernesto_Condeixa_%28cropped%29.png “Afonso de Albuquerque | Portuguese Conqueror | Britannica.” In Encyclopædia Britannica, 2022. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Afonso-de-Albuquerque

Barros, João de. Décadas Da Ásia (Excerptos Das Quatro Décadas). Translated by Mark Dion. Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 1944. https://hdl.handle.net/1813/53480.

Carey, Daniel. “The Political Economy of Poison: The Kingdom of Makassar and the Early Royal Society1.” Renaissance Studies 17, no. 3 (September 2003): 517–43. https://doi.org/10.1111/1477-4658.t01-1-00034.

Cartwright, Mark. “Portuguese Malacca.” World History Encyclopedia, July 2021. https://www.worldhistory.org/Portuguese_Malacca/ Facebook. 2022. Online image. Facebook.com. https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=478008517672105&set=a.478008487672108.

Hall, Kenneth R. “Local and International Trade and Traders in the Straits of Melaka Region: 600-1500.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47, no. 2 (2004): 213–60. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25165035.

Holiday Inn Melaka. A Famosa & St. Paul Hill. 2018. Online image. Holiday Inn Melaka https://melaka.holidayinn.com/blog/a-famosa-st-paul-hill

Jiajing Emperor. 2015. Online image. Chinafetching.com. https://www.chinafetching.com/jiajing-emperor-zhu-houcong.

Leinbach, T. R. and Frederick, . William H.. "Southeast Asia."Encyclopedia Britannica, October 19, 2022. https://www.britannica.com/place/Southeast-Asia.

Lo, Fei Pou. “Three Embassies That Changed the World.” macaomagazine.net, February 28, 2019. https://macaomagazine.net/three-embassies-that-changed-the-world/ “Mahmud Shah | Sultan of Malacca | Britannica.” In Encyclopædia Britannica, 2022. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Mahmud-Shah

Marinersmuseum.org. “Junk Ship - Ages of Exploration,” 2014. https://exploration.marinersmuseum.org/watercraft/junk-ship/.

Edward P. Sager

ARC 531 : Architectural History II

Project 02

Prof. Zoë Cope

misedu. Home • Melaka International School. July 4, 2022. Online image. Melaka International School. https://mis.edu.my/. Museum. “Home | Museum,” 2015. https://maritimemuseummela.wixsite.com/museum. Pires, Tomé, Francisco Rodrigues, and McGill University Library. The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires : An Account of the East, from the Red Sea to Japan, Written in Malacca and India in 1512-1515 ; And, the Book of Francisco Rodrigues, Rutter of a Voyage in the Red Sea, Nautical Rules, Almanack and Maps, Written and Drawn in the East before 1515. Internet Archive. 1515. Reprint, London: The Hakluyt Society, 1944. https://archive.org/details/McGillLibrary-136385-182/page/n7/mode/2up. Portrait of Pires. 2014. Online image. Connected Mediterranean. https://connectedmediterranean.weebly.com/tomeacute-pires-and-the-spice-islands.html. Strootman, Rolf, Floris van den Eijnde, Roy van Wijk, and Peter Borschberg. “Ch. 11 The Melaka Empire, c. 1400–1528.” Essay. In Empires of the Sea: Maritime Power Networks in World History, 263–93. Leiden: Brill, 2020. doi:10.1163/9789004407671_012

“Sultanate of Malacca | Malay Dynasty, Southeast Asia | Britannica.” In Encyclopædia Britannica, 2022. https://www.britannica.com/place/sultanate-of-Malacca.

Villiers, John. “Trade and Society in the Banda Islands in the Sixteenth Century.” Modern Asian Studies 15, no. 4 (1981): 723–50. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0000874x.

Visual China. 2014. Online image. Vcg.com https://www.vcg.com/

Wijaya, Daya Negri. “Malacca Beyond European Colonialism (15th-17th Centuries),” 2022. Universidade do Porto. https://repositorioaberto.up.pt/bitstream/10216/141531/2/564862.pdf

Wikipedia Contributors. Afonso de Albuquerque. Online image. Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, November 25, 2022.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afonso_de_Albuquerque#/media/File:Retrato_de_Afonso_ de_Albuquerque_(ap%C3%B3s_1545)_-_Autor_desconhecido.png.

Wilkinson., R. J. “The Capture of Malacca, A.D. 1511.” Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 61 (1912): 71–76. https://www.mbras.org.my/file/Malacca%20Sultanate%2071-76.pdf.

Edward P. Sager

ARC 531 : Architectural History II Project 02 Prof. Zoë Cope

Yang, Li, Zhuang Ying, and Adam J. Ensign, eds. “Jiajing Reign.” The Palace Museum. en.dpm.org.cn, 2020. https://en.dpm.org.cn/EXPLORE/ming-qing/2015-03-24/35.html. “Zhengde | Emperor of Ming Dynasty | Britannica.” In Encyclopædia Britannica, 2022. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Zhengde.

Edward P. Sager

ARC 531 : Architectural History II

Project 02

Prof. Zoë Cope

Due to ISSUU page constraints, only portions of the following source is shared. However, the Bibliography will lead you to an online copy.

Ube 1bahlu)2t Societ)2

THE SUMA ORIENTAL OF TOME PIRES AND THE BOOK OF FRANCISCO RODRIGUES

SECOND SERIES No. LXXXIX

Note on this digitized version produced by McGill University Library.

This is a digitized version of a book from the collections of McGill University Library. The pages were digitized as they were. The original book may have contained pages with poor print. Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume may also appear. For wider or heavier books, a slight curvature to the te xt on the inside of pages ma y be noticeable.

McGill University Library: http:/ /www.mcgill.ca/library

ISBN: 978-1-926846-1-0-1

COUNCIL OF

THE HAKLUYT

1 944

SIR WILLIAM FosTER, C.I.E., President.

SOCIETY

THE RIGHT HoN. THE EARL BALDWIN OF BEWDLEY, K.G., P.C., VicePresident.

ADMIRAL SIR WILLIAM GOODENOUGH, G.C.B., M.V.O., Vice-President. JAMES A. WILLIAMSON, EsQ., D.LIT., Vice-President.

THE ADMIRALTY (L. G. CARR LAUGHTON, ESQ.). J. N. L. BAKER, ESQ., M.A., B.LITT. SIR RICHARD BURN, C.S.I.

THE GUILDHALL LIBRARY (RAYMOND SMITH, ESQ.).

PROFESSOR V. T. HARLOW, D .LITT. A. R. HINKS, ESQ., C.B.E., F.R.S. G. H. T. KIMBLE, ESQ., M.A. Sm GILBERT LAITHWAITE, K.C.I.E., C.S.I.

MALCOLM LETTS, ESQ., F.S.A.

PROFESSOR KENNETH MASON, M.C., R.E. WALTER OAKESHOTT, ESQ., M.A. N. M. PENZER, ESQ., M.A., D.LITT.

PROFESSOR E. PRESTAGE, D.LITT. s. T. SHEPPARD, ESQ.

PROFESSOR E.G. R. TAYLOR, D.Sc. R. A. WILSON, ESQ.

EDWARD HEAWOOD, EsQ., M.A., Treasurer.

EDWARD LYNAM, EsQ., D.LITT., M.R.I.A., F.S.A., Hon. Secretary (British Museum, W.C.1).

THE PRESIDENT }

THE TREASURER Trustees.

MALCOLM LETTS, ESQ., F.S.A.

THE SUMA ORIENTAL , OF TOME PIRES

AN ACCOUNT OF THE EAST, FROM THE RED SEA TO JAPAN, WRITTEN IN MALACCA AND INDIA IN 1512-1515 AND THE BOOK OF FRANCISCO RODRIGUES

RUTTER OF A VOYAGE IN THE RED SEA, NAUTICAL RULES, ALMAN ACK AND MAPS, WRITTEN AND ORA WN IN THE EAST BEFORE 1515

Translated from the Portuguese MS in the Bibliotheque de la Chambre des Deputes, Paris, and edited by ARMANDO CORTES.AO VOLUME I LONDON PRINTED

TO CHARLES RALPH BOXER

A true friend, to whom the history of the Portuguese in the East owes so much

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY ROBERT MACLEHOSE AND CO , LTD. THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, GLASGOW

CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FOREWORD

INTRODUCTION:

The Paris Codex

VOL. I Biographical Note on Tome Pires The Suma Oriental . The Pilot and Cartographer Francisco Rodrigues The Book of Francisco Rodrigues

THE SUMA ORIENTAL OF TOME PIRES PREFACE.

FIRST BOOK-EGYPT TO CAMBAY: Egypt to Ormuz Ormuz Persia Nodhakis Rajputs . Cambay

SECOND BooK-CAMBAY To CEYLON: Deccan Goa Kanara . Narsinga. Malabar . Ceylon

THIRD BOOK-BENGAL TO !NDO CHINA: Bengal Arakan Pegu Siam Burma Camboia Champa. Cochin China . vu

PAGR IX Xl Xlll XVlll . lxxii lxxviii lxxxviii I 7 19 21 31 32 33 88 95 97 103 110 112 112 114

FOURTH BOOK-CHINA TO BORNEO: PAGB China LiuKiu Japan Borneo Philippines

FIFTH BOOK-INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO: Sumatra. Java South-Eastern Islands Banda, Ceram, Amboina Moluccas Central Islands

S1xTH BooK-OF MALACCA:

116 128 131 132 1 33 1 35 166 200 205 212 223 Early History . 229 Neighbouring Lands 259 Native Administration 264 Trade 268 Portuguese Occupation 278

THE

VOL. II

BooK OF FRANCISCO RODRIGUES

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS

VOL. I

I. Tome Pires' letter to Afonso de Albuquerque

II. Text of Francisco Rodrigues' Book Frontispiece XVI

III. Rodrigues' map (fol. 18) of the West Coast of Europe, etc.

IV. Suma Oriental, text in Lisbon and Paris MSS

V. Rodrigues' drawing (fol. 43) of Alor

VI. Rodrigues' Voyage to the Spice Islands

VII. Rodrigues' Voyage in the Red Sea

VIII. Rodrigues' drawing (fol. 58) of Sukur .

XVll lxiv lxv lxxx lxxxi

IX. Rodrigues' drawing (fol. 54) of Adunare . lxxxviii lxxxix

X. Ensemble of five Rodrigues' drawings of Raja Island

XI. Rodrigues' map (fol. 26) of East Coast of Africa, XCIV etc. 16

XII. Rodrigues' map (fol. 27) of N.E. Coast of Africa, etc. 17

XIII. The West Coast of India according to Pires. 48

XIV. Rodrigues' map (fol. 28) of the West Coast of India, etc. . 49

XV. Rodrigues' map (fol. 29) of Ceylon, Malacca, etc. . 88

XVI. Rodrigues' map (fol. 33) of the Bay of Bengal 89

XVII. Rodrigues' map (fol. 34) of the Malay Peninsula, 96

XVIII. Rodrigues' map (fol. 30) of N.E. Coast of Sumatra, etc. 97

XIX. Rodrigues' sketch (fol. 38) of the Gulf of TongKing . II2

XX. Rodrigues' sketch (fol. 39) of South Coast of China, etc. . 113

XXI. Rodrigues' sketch (fol. 40) of the Canton River, etc. 120

XXII. Rodrigues' sketch (fol. 41) of N.E. Coast of China, etc. 121

XXIII. Rodrigues' sketch (fol. 42) of Formosa 128 lX

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS

PLATE

XXIV. Rodrigues' map (fol. 35) of Sumatra, Java, etc. 129

XXV. Ensemble of three of Rodrigues' drawings of Sumbawa, etc. 200

XXVI. Rodrigues' map (fol. 36) of Borneo, Bali, etc. 208 XXVII. Rodrigues' map (fol. 37) of the Spice Islands, etc. 209 Outline Map of the East, showing Tome Pires' itineraries and the geographical names as mentioned in the Suma Oriental In pocket

VOL. II

XXVIII. Frontispiece of Rodrigues' Book XXIX. Malacca according to Pires .

Frontispiece 240 XXX. Rodrigues' map (fol. 19) of N.W. Coast of Africa,

XXXI. XXXII. XXXIII. XXXIV.

XXXV. Rodrigues' map (fol. 21) of West Coast of Africa XXXVI. Rodrigues' map (fol. 22) of the Coast of Brasil, etc

XXXVII. Rodrigues' map (fol. 23) of West Coast of Africa, etc.

XXXVIII. Rodrigues' map (fol. 24) of the Coast of South Africa

XXXIX. Rodrigues' map (fol. 25) showing St. Helena and Tristan da Cunha XL. Rodrigues' map (fol. 114) of the Western Mediterranean . XLI. Rodrigues' map (fol. 115) of the Central Mediter-

241 296 297 3o4 3°5 352 353 ranean 522 XLII. Rodrigues' map (fol. 116) of the Eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea 523

etc. Rodrigues' figure for 'Ascertaining the latitude' . Figure from the Regimento de Munich . Compass-rose for measuring a degree in leagues Rodrigues' map (fol. 20) of West Coast of Africa, etc.

The East, from the Red Sea to Japan, as known to Francisco Rodrigues . In pocket

FOREWORD

WHEN I returned from Paris in 1937 and told Dr. Edward Lynam, Hon. Secretary of the Hakluyt Society, that I had just discovered the long-sought codex containing the Suma Oriental of Tome Pires and the Book of Francisco Rodrigues, he immediately suggested that I should edit the manuscript for his Society. I gladly accepted, as no other learned Society could so appropriately publish this almost completely unknown work. Moreover the English, being the principal heirs of the great Portuguese Eastern Empire, are as much interested as the Portuguese in a document of such importance for the history of the first regular contacts between West and East.

The present study allows new light to be thrown on the first official European Embassy to China and its leader, Tome Pires, the extraordinary man who, after being apothecary to the unfortunate Prince Afonso, son of King John II, went to India in i: 511 as 'factor of the drugs', lived for two and a half years in newly-conquered Malacca, where he wrote most of the Suma Oriental, and then was sent as ambassador to China, where he died after some twenty years of varied and painful experiences. Till now, little was known about Pires and his Embassy, and the scanty information and scattered documents referring to both had never been brought together.

War broke out when I had nearly finished the lengthy task of typing and translating the whole manuscript. Not until 1942 could I continue my work. This is why I could not finish it as early as promised to the Hakluyt Society and to the International Congress of Geography of Amsterdam, in 1938, where I presented a brief tentative report on the codex, and announced my intention of editing it. The impossibility of working in Portuguese Archives or in Paris to clear up doubtful points, and the removal from the British Museum of much early material, caused me considerable difficulties. Furthermore, when the whole typescript was ready, war-time printing conditions forced

me to reduce my editorial work by about two-fifths. All this accounts for some of the deficiencies in the present edition.

From MM. les Questeurs de la Chambre des Deputes I obtained authorisation, dated 5th March 1938, for the publication of the codex; this I here acknowledge with thanks. Without the aid of many friends and correspondents I could hardly have solved several of my problems. I wish to express my gratitude to all who have assisted me. Besides Dr. Lynam, I am specially grateful to Miss P. J. Radford for her varied assistance throughout this work; to Miss M. Withers for her help in the translation up to fol. 172; to Dr. H. Thomas, Keeper of Printed Books in the British Museum, for much valuable advice, for help in the translation from fol. 173 onwards, and for reading the Introduction and Notes; to Major C. R. Boxer, now a prisoner in Japanese hands, for assistance and encouragement; to my learned friend the Viscount de Lagoa for information supplied from Lisbon; to Prof. E. Prestage for reading that part of the translation not seen by Dr. Thomas, and for valuable advice; to Prof. C. A. Moule for guidance in all matters relating to China; to Mr. G. R. Crone, Librarian of the Royal Geographical Society, for much help; to Commandant D. Gernez, of the French Navy, for help over Rodrigues' Book; to Dr. J. Ramsbottom, Keeper of Botany, Natural History Museum, for advice on all botanical matters; to M. C. de la Ronciere, of the Bibliotheque National de Paris, Prof. W. Simon of the School of Oriental Studies, Dr. L. Giles, Mr. R. Pocock, F.R.S., Mr. J.E. Dandy of the Natural History Museum, Sir Richard Burn, Mr. C. D. Ley, J. Frazao de Vasconcelos, L. Reis Santos, Ad. Lopes Vieira, and my son Eduardo Luis, for assistance in various ways; to the Staff of the British Museum, especially Mr. J. A. Petherbridge, and of the Royal Geographical Society's Library and Map Room, especially Mr. G. Mackay, who has drawn all the illustrative maps. Last but not least, I wish to acknowledge the support received from the Society for the Protection of Science and Learning, without which it might have been impossible for me to carry on with this work.

LONDON, August 1944. A. Z. CORTESAO.

misdeeds of Simao de Andrade in Tamao. Furthermore, Pires had brought with him three letters for the Emperor from King Manuel, Fernao Peres de Andrade and the 'Governors' of Canton. Andrade's letter had been mistranslated into Chinese by the interpreters; they wrote according to the custom of the country, saying among other things that the King of Portugal wanted to be a vassal of the Emperor of China. The letter of the Canton 'Governors' had been written and handed to Pires while they were still under the good impression left by Fernao Peres de Andrade. When the sealed letter of King Manuel was opened and translated in the imperial palace, it was found that its spirit was (of course) quite different from that of the letter written by the interpreters in the name of Andrade 1 • The interpreters accepted responsibility for Andrade's letter, but an inquiry was opened and all the members of the Embassy were ordered not to approach the imperial palace. Though, according to Vieira, the Emperor magnanimously said 'these people do not know our customs; gradually they will get to know them', more charges, some of them quite fantastic, were being brought against the Portuguese. After telling us that one of the charges was that 'we bought kidnapped children of important people and ate them roasted', Barros comments: 'They believe this to be true, as being about people of whom they had never heard; and we were the terror and fear of all that East, so it was not too much to believe that we did such things, just as we too think of them and other far-flung countries, about which we have but little knowledge.' Some early Chinese historians go even so far as to give vivid details of the price paid for the children and how they were roasted 2. Meanwhile the Emperor Wu-tsung died three months after his arrival in Peking, and was succeeded by Shih-tsung, a youth of fourteen. The embassy was then ordered to withdraw from the capital and return to Canton with the presents brought for the Emperor, which were refused. Some high officials in the court declared that the embassy was not genuine, and wanted strong action taken against the Portuguese, maintaining that

1 Vieira gives many details about all these letters. Op. cit., fol. 104.

2 Chang, p. 48.

they should die as spies; but their diplomatic status saved them for the time being. However, according to Vieira, of the five interpreters, one died of sickness and 'the other four were beheaded in Peking for having left the country and brought the Portuguese to China', and their servants were given as slaves to the mandarins as having belonged to traitors.

BACK IN CANTON. Finally Pires and his companions left Peking on 22 May and arrived in Canton on 22 Sept. 1521. Francisco de Budoia died during the journey. From Peking instructions were sent to Canton that the ambassador and his suite should be kept in custody, and that only after the Portuguese had evacuated Malacca and returned it to its king, a vassal of the Emperor of China, would the members of the embassy be liberated.

In the meantime, after the departure of Simao de Andrade, the ship Madalena, which belonged to D. Nuno Manuel, coming from Lisbon under the command of Diogo Calvo, arrived at Tamiio with some other vessels from Malacca, among them the junk of Jorge Alvares, which the year before could not sail with Simao de Andrade's fleet, because she had sprung a leak. When the instructions issued from Peking against the Portuguese arrived in Canton, together with the news of the death of the Emperor, the Chinese seized Vasco Calvo, a brother of Diogo Calvo, and other Portuguese who were in Canton trading ashore.

On 27 June 1521 Duarte Coelho arrived with two junks at Tamiio. Besides capturing some of the Portuguese vessels, the Chinese blockaded Diogo Calvo's ship and four other Portuguese vessels in Tamiio with a large fleet of armed junks. A few weeks later Ambrosio do Rego arrived with two other ships. As many of the Portuguese crews had been killed in the fighting, slaughtered afterwards or taken prisoners, by this time there were not enough Portuguese for all the vessels, and thus Calvo, Coelho and Rego resolved to abandon the junks in order the better to man the three ships. They set sail on 7 September and were attacked by the Chinese fleet, managing however to escape, thanks to a providential gale which scattered the enemy junks, and arrived at Malacca in October 1521. Vieira mentions other junks which arrived in China with Portuguese aboard; all were

attacked, and the entire crews were killed fighting or were taken prisoners and slaughtered later. From Diogo Calvo's ship there remained, besides Vasco Calvo, seven other Portuguese and four servants, who escaped the slaughter because they said that they belonged to Pires' embassy. But many others died in prison, some of hunger, many strangled, 'after carrying boards stating that they should die as sea-robbers', one struck on the head with a mallet, and others beaten to death.

Pires and his companions arrived at Canton a fortnight after the three Portuguese ships had escaped from Tamiio, and they found themselves in a most difficult position. They were immediately summoned to the presence of the Pochanci 1 and Pires was told to write to the Portuguese in Malacca telling them to return the country to its ex-king. Let Vieira describe for us what then happened: 'Tome Pires replied that he had not come for that purpose, nor was it meet for him to discuss such a matter; that it would be evident from the letter he had brought that he had no knowledge of anything else .... With these questions he kept us on our knees for four hours; and when he had tired himself out, he sent each one back to the prison in which he was kept. On 14 August 1522 the Pochanci put fetters on the hands of Tome Pires, and on those of the company he put fetters, and irons on their feet, the fetters soldered on their wrists; and they took from us all the property that we had. Thus, with chains on our necks, and through the city, they took us to the house of the Anchaci2 • There they knocked off our fetters and put on us stronger chains; on our legs fetters were soldered, and chains on our necks; and from there they sent us to this prison. At the entrance to this prison Antonio de Almeida died from the heavy fetters that we bore; our arms were swollen, and our legs cut by the tight chains. This, with a decision that two days afterwards they would kill us. Before it was night, they put fetters once more on Tome Pires and conducted him alone, barefoot and without a cap, amid the hootings of boys, to the prison of Kuang-chou-fu (Cancheufu), in order to see the goods that they had taken from us, which had to be described; and the mandarin

1 Pu-cheng-shih or Provincial Treasurer. Cf. Ferguson, p. 51.

2 An-ch'a-shih or Provincial Judge. Cf. Chang, p. 56,

clerks who were present wrote down ten and stole three hundred

... The goods that they took from us were twenty quintals of rhubarb, one thousand five hundred or six hundred rich pieces of silk a matter of four thousand silk handkerchiefs which the , Chinese call sheu-pa (xopas) of Nanking, and many fans, and also three arrobas of musk in powder, one thousand three hundred pods of musk, four thousand odd taels of silver and seventy or eighty taels of gold and other pieces of silver, and all the cloths, pieces of value, both Portuguese and Chinese, the pachak of Jorge Botelho, incense, liquid storax, tortoise-shells, also pepper and other trifles 1 • These were delivered into the factory of Kuang-chou-fu as the property of robbers. The present of our Lord the King which he sent to the King of China is in the factory of the Pochanci' (fols. 106-7). Ferguson sums up thus: 'After a farcical show of respect for the members of the embassy, extending over ten months, these were all imprisoned, and the whole of their property and the presents from the king of Portugal to the emperor were confiscated, the lion's share, as might be expected, falling to the mandarins' 2 • Fernao Mendes Pinto tells us that in 1541 he saw the mandarin of Nouday 'mounted on a good horse, with certain cuirasses of red velvet with gilt studs of ancient date, which we afterwards learnt belonged to one Tome Pires, whom the King Dom Manuel of glorious memory sent as ambassador to China, in the ship of Fernao Peres de Andrade, when Lopo Soares de Albergaria was governing the State of India'J.

Meanwhile from India, where the news of this state of affairs had not yet arrived, another fleet of four ships under the command of Martim Afonso de Melo Coutinho sailed for China in April 1522. Coutinho had left Lisbon just one year before, commissioned by Dom Manuel with a message of good-will to the

1 This is according to the Lisbon original fragments of Vieira's letter. Barros (III, vi, 2), following the Paris MS (ff. 106-7), gives a slightly different list (see p. xlvi below) of the goods confiscated. But instead of saying, like Vieira, that the goods were taken from them, he says that they were taken from him (Pires). This alteration was perhaps the reason for Sousa's unfair comment (1, iii, 6). There would be nothing extraordinary in all those goods belonging to Pires, who had already amassed a considerable fortune even before going to China; and after all the goods did not belong exclusively to him.

z Op. cit., pp. 18-19.

3 Peregrinafiio, LXV.

INTRODUCTION xliii

Emperor of China, for which purpose he carried another ambassador with him. He arrived at Malacca in July and there he learned of the misfortunes that had happened to the Portuguese in China. Nevertheless he determined to continue his journey, accompanied by another ship and a junk with Ambrosio do Rego and Duarte Coelho, who reluctantly and only under pressure from Jorge de Albuquerque, then Captain of Malacca, consented to go back to China, where the year before they had had a narrow escape, as seen above. Coutinho's fleet of six sail left Malacca on 10 July and arrived at Tamifo in August 1522. They were soon attacked by the Chinese fleet. The Portuguese had many men killed and taken prisoners, two ships and the junk were lost, and after vain efforts to re-establish relations with the Cantonese authorities, Coutinho returned with the other ships to Malacca, where he arrived in the middle of October 1522. Though some chroniclers put the blame on the Chinese, Chang quotes Chinese sources which assert that the Portuguese should be held responsible for the outbreak of hostilities 1 •

According to Vieira the mandarins again ordered that Pires should write a letter to the King of Portugal, which the ambassador of the ex-king of Malacca should take to Malacca, in order that his country and people might be returned to their former master; if a satisfactory reply did not come, the Portuguese ambassador would not return. A draft letter in Chinese was sent to the imprisoned Portuguese, from which they wrote three letters, for King Manuel, the Governor of India and the Captain of Malacca. These letters were delivered to the Cantonese authorities on I Oct. I 522. The Malay ambassador was not anxious to be the courier, nor was it easy to find another. At last a junk with fifteen Malays and fifteen Chinese sailed from Canton on 31 May 1523 and reached Patani. In his letter of I Jan. 1524 to King Manuel, Jorge de Albuquerque, Captain of Malacca, says that D. Sancho Henriques, Captain-major of the Sea at Malacca, had gone to blockade Bintang at the beginning of July 1523, and thence went to Patani with Ambrosio do Rego and another ship to wait for a Portuguese junk that was in Siam, 1 Op. cit., p. 59.

'and to learn news from China from the Chinese that come there.' Ambrosio do Rego returned first to Malacca with news, which he learned from 'an interpreter who acted between the Chinese and Portuguese when they were at peace. He told him that there were living [in Canton] from eight to thirteen Portuguese, and it was not certain how many, because one said eight and another thirteen; and that they said that the ambassador Tome Pires was still living. A message came to the king of Bintang from his ambassador [in Canton], and the man who brought it soon returned. The report which the king of Bintang was spreading in the country is that the Chinese intended to come against Malacca. This is not very certain, though there are things that may happen. If they come, they will do great harm, unless the Captain-major [of India] shall come in time, as I am writing to him. However, in my opinion they will not do so, as they also say in China that they desire peace with us' 1 • This document sheds some light on the matter. It is obvious that the three letters brought in the junk from Canton never reached their destination, being very probably retained by agents of the ex-king of Malacca, a master intriguer who had plenty of reasons for hating the Portuguese, and perhaps even Pires in particular. The man who brought a message to the king of Bintang 'soon returned', says Jorge de Albuquerque. Vieira tells us that the junk 'returned with a message from the king of Malacca, and reached Canton on the 5th September' (fol. nov.). We do not know what the message was, but we may well guess, for, as Vieira states, 'On the day of St. Nicholas [6 Dec.] in the year 1522 they put boards on them [the Portuguese prisoners] with the sentence that they should die and be exposed in pillories as robbers. The sentences said: "Petty sea robbers sent bythegreat robber falsely; they come to spy out our country; let them die in pillories as robbers." A report was sent to the king according to the information of the mandarins, and the king confirmed the sentence. On 23 Sept. 1523 these twenty-three persons were each one cut in pieces, to wit, heads, legs, arms, and their private members placed in their mouths, the trunk of the body being divided into two pieces round the belly. In the streets of Canton, 1 Cartas, IV, 41-2.

INTRODUCTION

xlv

outside the walls, in the suburbs, through the principal streets they were put to death, at distances of one crossbow shot from one another, that all might see them, both those of Canton and those of the environs, in order to give them to understand that they thought nothing of the Portuguese, so that the people might not talk about Portuguese. Thus our ships were captured through two captains not agreeing, and so all in the ships were taken, they were all killed, and their heads and private members were carried on the backs of the Portuguese in front of the mandarins of Canton with the playing of musical instruments and rejoicing, were exhibited suspended in the streets, and were then thrown into the dunghills. And from henceforward it was resolved not to allow any more Portuguese into the country nor other strangers' (fol. 109).

Vieira's letter, probably finished in November 1524, says that of all the Portuguese only he and Vasco Calvo were still alive, and that 'Tome Pires died here of sickness in the year 1524 in May'. This date, however, cannot be accepted without much reserve, as we shall see.

VIEIRA'S AND CALvo's LETTERS. The copies of the two letters from Crist6vao Vieira and Vasco Calvo extant in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris were probably made in the second half of the sixteenth century. Though the letters in these copies are dated 1534 and 10 Nov. 1536, it is not difficult to show that theywere both written in 1524, Vieira's beingfinishedjustalittle before Calvo finished his on the I oth November. The two letters, besides being very important for the study of Pires' biography, are outstanding documents in the history of the first European relations with China; the date at which they were written is therefore important, and it is time that this point was cleared up.

In the first place neither of the letters refers to any event later than 1524; it is extremely unlikely that during the ten or twelve years between 1524 and the supposed dates of the letters nothing worth mentioning had happened. There are two points in the letters suggesting that they were written after 1524, but they are copyist's mistakes. In Vieira's letter it is stated: 'In the year 1524 they equipped a fleet of salt junks which they took by force; and until the year 1528 they prepared fleets' (fol. 118v.). 1528 is

INTRODUCTION

xlix

them. And according to what some of our people afterwards wrote, more died of hunger in prison and the bad treatment they received there, than by condemnation., The executions took place only after the confirmation from the Emperor had arrived at Canton in September 1523. Though Barros is obviously referring to Vieira's letter, he does not mention the date of Pires' death. Castanheda, who at the time was in India, says that the King of China 'ordered the arrest of our ambassador and those who were with him, and ordered that they should be kept separated from one another, and that all their goods should be confiscated; and some say that the ambassador fell ill with grief and died; and others say that he died by poison. And because I was not able to learn the particulars of these [events], I relate it briefly in this manner.' However, Correia, who for almost all those years was also in India, says quite positively-'It was the King (of China)'s pleasure to order the arrest of our ambassador, and that he should be taken to another town, where he lived for a long time (e leuar a outra terra em que esteue muyto tempo), till it should be the King's pleasure to speak to him; but he never more let him come back, and there he died.'

Now Fernao Mendes Pinto says in the Peregrinariio (xc1) that when in 1543 he passed through the town of Sampitay, on his way from Nanking to Peking, he met a Christian woman who, after showing a cross tattooed on her arm and inviting him and his companions to her house, told them 'that her name was Ines de Leiria, and that her father was called Tome Pires, who went from this kingdom [i.e. Portugal] as ambassador to the King of China, but because of a disturbance that a captain of ours made in Canton the Chinese regarded him as a spy and not as an ambassador as he said, and seized him with twelve other men he had with him, and after they had sentenced them and subjected them to many floggings and tortures, of which five soon died, they banished the others, separated from one another, to divers places, where they died devoured by lice; only one of them was living, who was called Vasco Calvo, a native of a place in our country named Alcochete, for so she had many times heard from her father, shedding many tears when he spoke of this. And that it <Y"anced to her father to be banished d H.C.S. I.

Ceylon merchandise.

86

TOME PIRES

port of Colombo, half a league from the port, and in the greater part of the island has the following merchandise:

It has all kinds of precious stones, except diamonds, emeralds, turquoises. It has all the others in quantities. The stones are not sold without the king's licence. Every stone in the country worth fifty cruzados belongs to the king . This is by decree under pain of death to whoever has it, and it is sold through the king's hands

Fol. z6ov. to whoever goes there to buy it. I It has a great abundance of elephants and ivory; it has cinnamon. Elephants are sold by the cubit; they are measured from the tip of the fore-foot to the top of the shoulder. Cinnamon is usually worth a cruzado a bahar. The bahar is the same as that of Cochin-three quintals and thirty arrates. The country has a great deal of areca, which is called avelana Indiae in Latin. It is eaten with betel. It is a foodstuff and is very cheap. It is sold in Choromandel.

Ceylon trades elephants, cinnamon, ivory and areca with the whole of the Choromandel and Bengal, [and] Pulicat, taking rice, white sandalwood, seed-pearls, cloth and other merchandise in return.

Merchandise of value in Ceylon. Coinage of the

Rice, silver, copper, a little quicksilver, rosewater, white sandalwood and Cambay cloths, a few cafutos, a great many mantazes, vispices 1 • All white cloth is of value, and some clothing-not much -from Pulicat, a little pepper, and also cloves and nutmeg.

They have silver fanoes, four being worth one Cochinfanam, which are eighteen to the cruzado. Gold money is current everycountry. where in Ceylon at its value. Ceylon has good craftsmenjewellers, blacksmiths, carpenters, and turners chiefly. The people of Ceylon are serious, well educated. The grandees do little honour to strangers, and they do not steal, [only] if they cannot. They have complete justice among them. (Kalutara), colunbo (Colombo), mogutuarii (Maguhare?), nygonbo (Negombo) and celauam (Chilaw).

Besides calee (Galle), columbo, nygumbo (Negombo), celabiio (Chilaw) and balimgiio (Weligama), Pires mentions tenavarije, which corresponds to Dewundara (or Devundara or Dewinuwara), on Dondra Head, the southernmost peninsula of Ceylon. This is Barros' Tanabare (III, ii, 1) and Couto's Tanavare, Tancuarem or Tanaverem (v, vi, 3; x, iv, 12; x, x, 15).

1 CA<;UTO was an Indian cloth, perhaps black or dark, of Persian origin. MANTAZ \Vas a Cambay cloth, perhaps of cotton. VISPICE \\'as a coarse cotton cloth in India. Dalgado, s.vv. Cai;uto, Mantaz and Bespii;a.

PEGU

The bahar by the dachim 1 of Martaban is less than that of Weights Malacca by twenty cates. The Martaban one contains a hundred and and twenty vi°fas which are a hundred and eighty cates, and the ~epasures in egu. Malacca one contains two hundred, and these cates are according to the big scales. Rice is measured by toos. Each tom contains ten Malaccagantas 2 tested in the country.

One Gujarat ship comes to the port of Martaban and of Dagon Gujarat (Doguo) every year. They bring these goods: copper, vermilion, ships in quicksilver, opium, cloth; and they take a large quantity of lac Pegu. which is cheap in the country-sometimes four vi°fas the bahar, sometimes five and six and seven; and they take benzoin, silver, [precious] stones and go back, and sometimes they are wrecked on the bar.

The king is always in residence in the city of Pegu, which is King and inland, and from the city to the port of Dagon (Dagam) is a day chief1 and night's journey, to Martaban four and to Cosmin (Coximjm) peop e. eight days. Next to the king in importance is the Braja3, who is

1 It seems that dachim, datchin or dachem was a steelyard or balance, but it was taken also as meaning a weight (100 cates in Javanese). According to Nunes (p. 39), at Malacca 'The baar of the great Dachem contains 200 cates, each cate weighing 2 arrdteis, 4 ounces, 5 eighths, 15 grains, 3 tenths .... The baar of the little Dachem contains 200 cates; each cate weighing 2 arrdteis'. Marsden says that in Achin, for the payments in gold dust 'one is provided with small seals or steelyards, called daching'. History of Sumatra, p. 401. Further on, when dealing with the weights and measures of Malacca, Pires says that he verified the dachim and that it 'weighed exactly three quintals, three arrobas and twenty-six arrdteis' (pp. 277-8).

2 Toos-The mercal or mercar, a grain measure in use in the Madras Presidency, is also known as toom. Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Mercill. Nunes (pp. 36, 59) refers to the mercar as a rice measure in Negapatam, of variable capacity, but now estimated at 2.6 litres.

GANTA-The guanta, ganta or ganton is a measure of capacity in Malaya. Several sixteenth-century Portuguese writers give its value as a Portuguese canada (1.4 litres), but Nunes says that it was a rice measure equivalent to five quartilhos (1.7 5 litres, the quartilho being a fourth of a canada) in Malacca. Ibid. pp. 39, 40. Further on, when dealing with the weights and measures of Malacca, Pires says he found that the rice contained in one ganta 'weighed three arrdteis and ten ounces of the new measure'. See notes p. 181 and 277.

As the Pegu toom mentioned by Pires contained ten Malacca gantas, it was about three times larger than the Negapatam toom or mercar. The ganton or gantong is still a measure of capacity in Malaya, equivalent to a gallon (4.543 litres) today. N. B. Dennys, A Descripti1!e Dictionary of British Malaya, p. 419.

3 Cobrajem in the Lisbon MS; Cobrai in Ramusio.

TOME PIRES

some of these are kings. They all have junks; these do not belong to the king of Siam, but to the merchants and the lords of the places; and after these ports there is the river of Odia, where they go up to the city-a river where boats and ships can go, wide and beautiful.

River of Kedah is a very small kingdom, with few people and few Kedah houses. It is up a river. There is pepper there, a matter of four (Quedaa). hundred bahars a year. This pepper goes by way of Siam to China, with that which they bring from Pase and Pedir also. When any ship comes to Tenasserim and to the ports of Siam, it comes to Kedah to sell its merchandise also, and the people from the tin districts buy and take gold, because Kedah is a trading country; and they get to the land of Siam in three or four days by land, and they take the merchandise from Kedah to Siam. The kingdom of Kedah is almost bounded on one side by Trang ( Terrao ), and on the other by the end of the kingdom of

R. de calantam and Patane. J. V. Mills says that the 'Sai River', as it appears on an ancient Chinese Wu-Pei-Chih chart, 'represents what is now called the Telubin River. The earliest European map to mark the river is that of Homem (1558) who calls it "Seiia" [a misreading for r. serra as noted above]. Similar names appear on all the maps on which the river is named, down to at least 1850: the name "Telubin" does not appear until after that date'. Malaya in the Wu-Pei-Chih Charts, p. 36. However, the name survived in Saiburi.

LuGOR-Lakon roadstead and town. The map of c. 1540 has logor.

MARTARA-The next important port to the north is Bandon. But still further north there is an islet called Matra near the coast, in 10° 24' lat. N., southeast of M. Chum Pon. Is this connected with Pires' Martara?

CALLNANSEY-Bang Kamma Sen, a small village on the coast, in IIu 2' lat. N.?

BAMCHA-Bang-taphang or Bang Sabhan, in I 1° 12' lat. N.? Banagh in the Mohit. Pinto mentions several times this town or port of Bancha.

CoTINUX-Further on called Chotomuj. Koh Ta kut, in 12° 15' lat. N.?

PEPERIM-Pechabury river and town. The Perperij of Barros. Perpji on the map of c. 1540, and Peiper on Berthelot's map. On several later maps it appears as Piperi (see maps in L. Fournereau, Le Siam Ancien). On an early sixteenth-century Portuguese map by Miranda (in Aires, Fernao Mendes Pinto e o Japii.o) it is Piper, corresponding to the town of Pechabury, in 13'' 6' lat. N. On the map published by Bowring, The Kingdom and People of Siam, end of vol. II, it still appears as Phiphri, on the north of the entrance of the river Pechabury in 13° 16'.

PAMG0RAy-This must be the Pangoray mentioned by Barros as the first port when going from Bangkok to Malacca. Pangoray was identified as Bang Plassoy by Campos, Early Portuguese Accounts of Thailand, p. I I.

Malacca and by Bruas (Baruaz) 1 • Kedah trades with Pase and Pedir, and the people of Pase and Pedir come to Kedah every year. One ship comes from Gujarat to the ports of Siam, and comes to Kedah and takes in a cargo of the pepper there is in the country, and from there it sometimes goes back to Pase and Pedir to finish taking in its cargo, and it takes the tin from Bruas, Selangor ( <;alamgor) and Mjmjam. 2 •

Kedah is under the jurisdiction of the king of Siam, and they go to Siam by the Kedah river. Kedah has rice in quantities, and pepper. A great deal of merchandise from China is used in Kedah; and Kedah does not have junks, it has lancharas. It is a country. It does good trade. Because of their proximity, cloth in Kedah is worth the same as in Malacca.

Now we will go on to Siam on the China side, and after having finished talking about Siam, and about some of its ports, we will enter into the kingdom of Cambodia.

There is a great abundance of rice in Siam, and much salt, Merchandried salt fish, oraquas3, vegetables; and up to thirty junks a year in used to come to Malacca with these. w~:~

used to

1 The mouth of the river Bruas or Sungi Bruas is in 4 ° 28' lat. N. One of the come to villages near the sea is called Pengkalen Bahm today, and higher up the river Malacca there is a village of Bruas. Pires says later, when describing Baruaz, that in at the the 'Baruaz river there are two inhabited places (povoatoes)'. Pinto (cxuv) time when states that in 1544 he 'saw all the coast of the Malay, which is 130 leagues they (from Malacca) to Juntaliio, entering all the rivers of Barruhas, Salangor, traded Pandgim, Quedd, Parles, Pediio, and Sambilao Siao'. Dealing with Malacca, with it. in 1614, Bocarro (xliv) mentions Barvas. The map of c. 1540 has broes, be- Foodtween queda and pulo ciibilam; L. Homem's map of 1554 has baruas between stuffs. pemdam (Penang) andpulo sambilam (Sembilan); Dourado's atlases and other Portuguese maps have baruas between toram (Trang) and p. sambilao; Eredia's map of the Malay Peninsula (fol. 27) has baruas immediately north of a cape corresponding to the Dindings; the Atlas of Janssonius (1658) still has Baruas. The Malacca Strait Pilot says that 'Sungi Bruas is a small river fronted by the mud bank extending from 5 to 9 miles off-shore' but navigable by canoes for nearly 60 miles. It appears that the former port of Barnas or Bruas disappeared through silting.

2 Mjmjam-The map of c. 1540 has micham immediately north of ciilagor (Selangor, in 3° 21'). The name still survives in Mehegan Point, the south point of the mouth of Dinding River (4° 14') which 'has a deep and clear entrance and is said to be navigable by vessels drawing 15 feet (4m 6) ... a distance of about 7 miles'. Malacca Strait Pilot. See below, p. 261.

3 Arrack, here the distilled spirit from a palm. In some instances Pires seems to mean the palm-tree itself.

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TOME PIRES

From Siam comes lac, benzoin, brazil 1 , lead, tin, silver, gold, ivory, cassia fistula; they bring vessels of cast copper and gold, ruby and diamond rings; they bring a large quantity of cheap, coarse Siamese cloth for the poor people. Fol. IJ7v. They say that the chief merchandise they take from Malacca to Siam are the male and female slaves, which they take in quantiMerchan- h. d 1 d · k ·1 T · disefrom ties, w 1te san a woo , pepper, qmc s1 ver, verm110n, opmm, Malacca azernefe, cloves, mace, nutmeg, wide and narrow muslins, and for Sil'lm. Kling cloths in the fashion of Siam, camlets, rosewater, carpets, brocades from Cambay, white cowries, wax, Borneo camphor, pachak which are roots like dry rampion, gall-nuts (gualhas), and the merchandise they bring from China every year is also of value there.

Merchandise.

The Siamese have not traded in Malacca for twenty-two years. They had a difference because the kings of Malacca owed mese have allegiance to the kings of Siam, because they say that Malacca not been belongs to the land of Siam-They say that it is theirs and that coming to twenty-two years ago this king lost Malacca, which rose up Malacca. against this subjection. They also say that Pahang rose against

How long it is that the '>iaSiam in the same way, and that, on account of the relationship between them, the kings of Malacca favoured the people of Pahang against the Siamese, and that this was also a reason for their disagreement.

They also say that it was about the tin districts which are on the Kedah side, and which were originally under Kedah, and were taken over by Malacca; and they quarrelled for all these reasons, and they say that the chief reason was the revolt against subjection. After this the Siamese sailed against Malacca, and the Siamese were routed by the Malays, and [they say] that the Lasamane was the captain-who has therefore been held in great honour ever since.

Where the The Siamese trade in China-six or seven junks a year. They Simese trade with Sunda and Palembang (Palimbaao) and other islands. trade They trade with Cambodia and Champa and Cochin China now.

1 Brazil-wood or sappan-wood, Caesalpinia Sappan Linn. In his description of Malacca, Resende refers to 'some sapam, which is a red wood for dyes not much inferior to that of Brazil'. Livro do Estado da India, fol. 377v. Two of the most important Brazilian species are Caesalpinia Brasiliensis Linn., and C. echinata Lam.

(Caufhy), and with Burma (Brema) and Jangoma 1 on the main land, when they are at peace.

On the Tenasserim side Siam also trades with Pase, Pedir, with Kedah, with Pegu, with Bengal; and the Gujaratees come to its port every year. They trade richly outside and liberally inside the country, but they are great tyrants.

King Prechayoa 2 means lord of all, and after the king the Aja King and Capetit3 is the viceroy on the Pegu and Cambodia side, and makes lords 0f war on Burma (Bremao) and Jangoma. This Aja Capetit has ~::,k:jgmany fighting men. Inside his own territory he is like the king of Siam. this land.

The second is the viceroy of Lakon (Loguor). He is called Poyohya ( ?)4. He is governor from Pahang to Odia; Pahang

1 CAuc;::HY, CauchiJ or Cauchy Chyna-Cochin China, called by the Malays Kuchi, whence the Portuguese Cauchi and Cochinchina. Cf. Hobson-Jobson. On the eastern part of the Cantino map there is champocochim and chinacochim. Rodrigues' map (fol. 38) has cofhim da fhina at the head of a long and narrow gulf. See note on Champa (p. 112).

BREMA-Burma. Mentioned by Barbosa and other sixteenth-century Portuguese writers as Berma.

}ANGOMA-Mentioned by several sixteenth-century Portuguese writers. 'The town and state of Siamese Laos, called by the Burmese Zimme, by the Siamese Xieng-mai or Kiang-mai, &c.' Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Jangomay.

2 Rey pchayoa or prechayoa. Perchoaa in the Lisbon MS; Perchoa in Ramusio. This might suggest King Phrachai or Prajai; but he reigned after 1534. In Pires' time the king of Siam was Rama Tibodi II, who died in 1529. Phra-'it is addressed at court to the king,' in Burma and Siam. It is supposed to be a corruption of Skt. prabhu, an honorific title meaning 'lord or chief'. Hobson-Jobson, s.vv. Pra and Parvoe; Dalgado s.v. Precheu. From Pinto (CLXXXIX) it seems that Prechau was a title of the king of Siam, which agrees with Pires' Prechayoa: 'The King's highest title is Prechau Saleu, which in our language means holy member of God.' Gerini says that Pinto's Prechau is 'P'hraJ:i. Chau, the Sacred Lord, i.e. His Majesty; something like "Holy Tzar".' Historical Retrospect of Junkceylon Island, p. 1 3.

3 Agii capitemte in the Lisbon MS; Aiam campetit in Ramusio. Oya Kampengpet, the Governor of Kampengpet or Kamphengphet, the old Siamese city in 16° 30' lat. N. A fairly complete Portuguese map by Miranda, of the early eighteenth century (in Aires, Fernao Mendes Pinto e o Japifo) has Campeng.

4 Perajoa in the Lisbon MS; Peraia in Ramusio. Perhaps Pra Oya, meaning 'Lord Governor'. According to Campos some cities and ports had a governor with the title of Oya or Phya. Op. cit., p. 11. Pinto (cuoom) refers to the 'Oyas, Conchal€s and Monteos, which are supreme dignities above all the others of the kingdom' of Siam. But referring to Lugor he says (xxxv1) there is there 'a viceroy whom they call Poyho in their language'.

Merchandise of Pase. Coinage and weights used in Pase.

TOME PIRES

doing this in Bengal. And there is no country where this practice exists and lasts except in Bengal and Pase.

Because on two occasions two kings in Pase had died, ambassadors from Pase came twice in three months to show vassalage and obedience to Malacca, asking for Portuguese support as the land and people and kings were slaves of the king our lord; and they keep on coming to ask this as other kings succeed. And the king who is now reigning is the son of the king of Pirada.

The city of Pase lies about half a league up the river. And the river is like the one in Pedir, of that kind, a little wider but not much. Both rivers have stone pillars (padroes) of ours at their entrance.

It has from eight to ten thousand bahars of pepper every year. The pepper from this island is not as good as that from Cochin: it is larger, hollower and lasts less; it has not the same perfection of flavour and it is not so aromatic. It produces silk and benzoin, and in Pase you will find all the merchandise there is in all the island, because it is collected there.

There are small coins like ceitis. They are tin coins bearing the name of the reigning king. There are very small gold coins which they call dramas. Nine of these are worth one cruzado, and I believe that each one of them is worth five hundred cash. Above this they have gold-dust and silver. Their bahar of pepper is less than that of Malacca-five cates, that is twelve arrdteis less.

The merchants who trade in Pase are Gujaratees, Kling, 1ise which Bengalees, men of Pegu, Siamese, men of Kedah and Bruas, and ZS traded h 1 d d" .d d . I p d . in Pase in t ese are a rea y 1v1 e up, so many 1n ase an so many m junks and Pedir and the remainder in Malacca. They do not trade with ships. Pase from the east, only with the populous city of Malacca, for Fol. I 42 r. you could make ten cities like Pase out of the city of Malacca at the time of its punishment-when it received correction for the blunder it had made.

Merchan-

As for this improvement which Pase received through what happened in Malacca, when Malacca is reformed-as it is becoming every day-Pase will return to its former state, and [so will] Pedir. With the help of God Almighty, the kings firstly of Pase and Pedir and also all those in this island will be tribu-

taries and vassals to him who now owns Malacca, because otherwise in a year's time there will be no Pase and Pedir, and those who realise it are making themselves vassals before they are required to do so.

Pase has the right to one maz 1 on every bahar of merchandise Duties that goes out, and it levies anchorage according to whether it is in Pase. a ship or junk. They do not pay anything on foodstuffs, only give a present; on the other merchandise that comes from the west six per cent, and on every slave they bring there to sell five mazes of gold; and all merchandise they take out, whether it be pepper or anything else, they pay one maz per bahar. Neither Pase nor Pedir has a single junk; they have lancharas-as many as two, three or four for cargo. They used to come and buy junks in Malacca. The merchants of Pase buy junks from other merchants who go there from other places to trade, because they are not made in Pase on account of the scarcity in the country of jaty wood 2 , which is strong for junks.

The kingdom of Bata is bordered on the one side by the Kingdom kingdom of Pase and on the other by the kingdom of Aru ofBata 3 , (Daruu). The king of this country is called Raja Tomjam4. He is

1 A gold weight used in Sumatra, equivalent to one sixteenth of a tael or ounce. Further on, when dealing with the Malacca coinage, Pires says also that the tael weighs sixteen mazes. But the value of the maz was variable in the Far-East. See note on maz p. 124.

2 Jaty. Tectona grandis Linn., or teak, 'the pride of Indian forests'. The words Kayu jati mean 'the true, or real wood'. Burkill, op. cit., p. 2127. Though Corner (op. cit., 1, 706) says that the teak tree was introduced into Malaya from Burma, Siam, E. Java, and the Philippines, it seems that in Pires' time it had long been known in Malacca.

3 The Batas, Battas or Bataks were the inhabitants of the hinterland of northern Sumatra. Barros refers to the Bdtas who dwell in the part of Sumatra over against Malacca and 'who eat human flesh, the wildest and the most warlike people in the whole world' (III, v, i). Galvao (p. 108) and Eredia (fol. 23v.), among others, also refer to the cannibalism of the Batas. The anonymous Portuguese atlas of c. 1615-23 has bata on the north-west, and Berthelot's map of 1635 has R. dos batas on the north-east coast of Sumatra, in Lat. 3° N.

4 Raja Tomjam, or Tamjano as written before, must mean 'Raja of Tomjam'. Pinto refers to 'Timorraja, king of the Batas' (xm). Castanheda says that the survivors of the Fro! de la Mar went to the 'town of Temiiio in the island of Sumatra (111, lxxviii), and Barros informs us that the shipwreck was in front of 'a point called Timia in the kingdom of Aru' (II, vii, i). 'The river Tomiio is in 4½ degrees', correctly states the Livro de Marinharia, p. 243. This must

H.C.S, I,

The land of Rokan is between Arcat and the kingdom of Land of Rupat. This country has no king; it has a mandarin. He is a Rokan vassal of the late king of Malacca. He helped him during the war (Jrcan)i. with rowers and men-at-arms, who had to serve gratis, just for their food. Many of these people are Ce/ates, which is the Malay for sea robbers.

The land of Rokan 2 has gold and rice. This [land] has the shad fisheries, whence they take them to Malacca in large quantities. And there is also in this country a market of slaves whom they and other robbers steal, and they come to sell them here and also in Purim.

The kingdom of Rupat is bounded on one side by Rokan and Kingdom on the other by Purim. It is a small kingdom. Most of the people of Rupat 3 are robbers in small pardos. This kingdom has the same obligations to Malacca as the land of Rokan. It helps with people in war. It also has a little rice, wines, fruit, and they fish for shad in great quantities and for other fish.

The land of Purim is bounded on one side by Ru pat and on Lan~ of the other by Siak. This country has a mandarin, a powerful per- Purun 4 • son. He is a vassal of the king of Malacca, in the same way as was said of Rokan and Rupat, and he helps with rowing men in great numbers. And most of the people in this place are Ce/ates, robbers, and they are brought up on the sea and are great rowers.

This Purim has a larger market for stolen slaves than there is in the two places of which we have spoken-leaving out Arcat. This Purim also has many shad and other fish in large quantities. It has some gold, rice, wines, meat and other foodstuffs. This mandarin of Purim is an important person and a great warrior.

The kingdom of Siak is bounded on one side by Purim and on Kingdom of Siak

1 Jrcan corresponds to the Rokan River. The first maps on which I find (Ciac) 5• this river are Eredia's (1613) and Berthelot's (1635), where it is given as Aracan.

2 Though the MS has Purim, it is obviously a mistake for Jrcan.

3 Pulo Rupat, a large island just opposite Malacca.

4 The next island south-east of Rupat is Pulo Bengkalis (the Bamcallis of Dourado's atlas of 1580 and other later maps). The north-east point of this small island is called Parit, perhaps reminiscent of Pires' Purim, which farther on is also spelt Porim.

s Ciac corresponds to the Siak River. The map of c. 1540 has Cjace; similarly on later maps.

Chapter Title: The Melaka Empire, c. 1400–1528

Chapter Author(s): Peter Borschberg

Book Title: Empires of the Sea Book Subtitle: Maritime Power Networks in World History Book Editor(s): Rolf Strootman, Floris van den Eijnde, Roy van Wijk

Published by: Brill. (2020) Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1163/j.ctv2gjx041.15

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The Melaka Empire, c. 1400–1528

Peter Borschberg

Introduction: Definition and Issues of Territoriality

The history of the Melaka Empire, or Melaka Sultanate, spans little over a century, from the generally accepted founding of the city and port at the beginning of the fifteenth century until the expulsion of the last sultan, Mahmud Shah ii, by the Portuguese in 1511.1 Arguably, the Melaka Empire does not end with the expulsion of the sultan from his capital city, but continued for another two decades until the end of the 1520s with the death of Sultan Mahmud.

At its apex, the Melaka Empire is said to have exerted control over populations living on most of the Malay Peninsula, parts of central and eastern Sumatra, the Riau Archipelago and even parts of south-west Borneo (Fig. 1). The term ‘exerted control over populations’ has been carefully chosen in this context, as it would be fallacious to conceptualize and understand the premodern Malay polity of Melaka as a territorially defined empire evocative of a modern European nation state that was bounded, territorially defined and administratively centralized. As has been convincingly argued by several authors of Southeast Asian history—notably Anthony Milner, but also Oliver Wolters and Tony Day—pre-colonial Malay rulers were not preoccupied with territory.2 Rather, Malay rulers aspired to increase their nama (standing, reputation), and in so doing hoped to lift their status within the hierarchy of Asian rulers.3 They were also concerned to augment their population by attracting followers, or new subjects, as a as a way of expressing their prosperity in a fluid patron-client relationship.4 The followers were called ‘vassals’ in the precolonial European sources, but one should not think of these as vassals in a European sense. Minor rulers, who styled themselves rajas (princes), not only voluntarily submitted themselves to other rulers higher up in the hierarchy,

1 This chapter was written while serving as a Visiting Professor at the Asia-Europe Institute at the University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur.

2 Milner, 1982; Milner, 1995; Day 2002; Wolters 1982.

3 Milner, 1982, 101, 104–111, 114; Milner, 2008, 66–67.

4 Concerning patron-client relationships in precolonial Southeast Asia, and specifically its relation to bonded labour and slavery, see Reid and Castles, 1975.

© Peter Borschberg, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004407671_012 This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC 4.0 license. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2020 | DOI:10.1163/9789004407671_012

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figure. 11.1 Map of Melaka © P. Borschberg

but sometimes also acknowledged more than one overlord at any one time. In this sense also, the Melaka sultan is said to have been (simultaneously or at different times) a tributary of two other great rulers: the king of Siam and the Chinese emperor (Fig. 11.1).5

5 Hierarchy among the rulers has been thought to mirror the situation at the different Malay royal courts; see esp. Milner, 1982, 104–106, and Milner, 1995, 66–67.

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Sources

The primary sources for the genesis, flourishing, and decline of the Melaka Empire fall into three broad categories. The first are Malay-language sources of an epic literary genre such as the Sulalat-us-Salatin (better-known as the Malay Annals) as well as the Hikayat Hang Tuah.6 The Malay Annals are shaped around a historic core that is believed to have assumed the form of the king list. This rudimentary genealogy was later expanded and has been dubbed a ‘morality tale’.7

A second set of sources are the Melaka laws that comprise two separate texts. The first of these is known as the Risalat Hukum Kanun Melaka, but is now normally referred to as the Undang-undang Melaka (Laws of Melaka). Its origin can be traced back to the middle of the fifteenth century, but the text familiar to readers today also contains provisions that date from a later period.8 The Laws of Melaka sometimes have been considered to be a type of legal digest, but this has been questioned.9 Another text is the Undang-undang Laut Melaka (Maritime Laws of Melaka).10 These are believed to have been written as a supplement to the Laws of Melaka, and now are taken to represent a stand-alone text. The Maritime Laws stake out the authority of various officers aboard a vessel by comparing them to supposed counter-parties on land.

A third set was written by Asian authors during the pre-colonial period. Included here are materials of Chinese origin, such as the texts touching on the voyages of Admiral Zheng He (sometimes Cheng Ho) and also the Ming Shi-Lu, a source known in English as the Veritable Records of the Ming Dynasty. 11 The Chinese testimonies (many of which remain untranslated) are also supplemented by materials of west-Asian origin, such as Arab, Ottoman, or Persian writings. Arguably, they are strongest and most informative for the centuries preceding 1400, before Melaka had been (re-) founded by Parameswara.12

A fourth set bridges both the pre-colonial as well as the colonial period. This includes the account of pre-colonial Melaka contained in the travelogue of

6 Brown and Roolvink, 1970; Ahmad, 1968.

7 Cheah and Borschberg, 2013.

8 Winstedt, 1953, 31–33.

9 Ronkel, 1919; Liaw 1976.

10 Winstedt and Josselin de Jong, 1956. Islamic maritime law and navigational practices has been the focus of discussion by Khalilieh, 1998, 2019.

11 The open-access edition of this source is available via www.epress.nus.edu.sg/msl/.

Concerning the beginnings of Chinese contacts with Melaka and arrival of Zheng He’s fleets generally, see also Chang, 2019; Suryadinata, 2005; Wade, 2005, 2007; Wang, 1964, 1970, 2005.

12

Tibbetts, 1971 and 1979. In his ‘Report on the Golden Chersonese’ Manuel Godinho de Erédia identified Parameswara as a Javanese from Balambuan who had arrived in Singapore

the Italian traveler and adventurer Ludovico de Varthema, the letters of the Portuguese captives in Melaka written 1509–11, John of Empoli’s letters, as well as the Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires.13 This latter source, thought to have been written 1513–15, has been extensively cited, and for this reason arguably ranks as the single most authoritative source explaining the institutions of Melaka and its commercial practices before 1511.14

In addition to Pires, there are also insights to be gleaned from the Portuguese chronicles of the sixteenth century that include João de Barros, Gaspar Correia, and Fernão Lopes de Castanheda.15 A selection from Portuguese materials published in their original as well as an English translation were published by Malaysian National Archives in 1993 and 2012–2014.16 Among the most consulted texts are the letters of Alfonso de Albuquerque as well as the Commentaries of Alfonso de Albuquerque, a chronicle compiled by Alfonso’s son Brás.17 Other useful materials from the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries include the writings of Manuel Godinho de Erédia.18

Studies touching on the Melaka Sultanate are uneven in terms of the resourcefulness demonstrated by their authors and the depth with which they engage the surviving primary materials. Lim Pui Huen published a useful bibliography for Melaka studies in 1983.19 Among the principal publications is a two-volume collection edited by Paul Wheatley and Kernial Singh Sandhu in 1983.20 In addition to these are the authoritative studies of the Malaysian historian Muhammad Yusoff Hashim and of the Portuguese historian Luís Filipe Thomaz.21 Works of a general nature published since the 1960s include Paul Wheatley, Anthony Reid, M.A.P. Meilink-Roelofsz and Peter Borschberg. Studies on Melaka’s laws include Yock Fang Liaw and Khasnor Johan that supplement

in the year 1398. See ibid., 229. Pires, 2017, 241n1245, explains that Parameswara is not a name, but a title. The individual in question was married to a Majapahit princess. Additional information on founding of Singapore in Kwa, 2017; Heng, Kwa, Borschberg and Tan, 2019.

13 Jones, 1928; Spallanzani, 1999; Bausani, 1970; Cortesao, 1944, 1978. Loureiro, 1996.

14 See the new Portuguese edition of the text by Loureiro, 2017, as well as several publications by Thomaz cited below.

15 de Barros and do Couto, 1777–1778; Correira, 1858–1866; Lopes de Castanheda, 1924–1933.

16 Pintado, 1993 and 2012–2014.

17 de Albuquerque, 1973; Dalboquerque, 1875–1895. Excerpts with English translation in Pintado, 1993.

18 Godinho de Erédia, 1882; Erédia, 2008. For an English translation of both texts, see Erédia, 1882.

19 Lim, 1983, 623–761.

20 Singh Sandhu and Wheatley, 1983.

21 Muhammad Yusoff, 1992; Thomaz, 1990, 1991, 1994, 2000b.

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the older exposés by Richard O. Winstedt, J. E. de Josselin de Jong, and Philip van Ronkel.22 Ahmat Adam, Cheah Boon Keng, John H. Walker and before them Winstedt have explored connections with Malay literature, especially to the Malay Annals and Hikayat Hang Tuah. Meanwhile, Gungwu Wang, Roderich Ptak and Geoff Wade have examined Melaka’s mercantile and tributary connections with China during the Ming dynasty.23 Additional writings of a specialist nature cover Melaka’s role in developing the Malay language and also the spread of Islam across insular and peninsular Southeast Asia.24 Some secondary sources, moreover, have explored the real and imagined relations of Melaka (together with other Southeast Asian sultanates) and the Ottoman Empire.25 Then there is the issue of the imperial turn. While this has had a significant impact, for example, in the context of studying the Ottoman Empire during the early modern period, there is presently no comparable historiographical counterpart for the Melaka Sultanate. Quite to the contrary, the propensity today in Malaysia is to push back from the idea of ‘empire’ on account of the largely negative connotations now associated with the term in this part of the former British Empire.26

Background to the Founding of Melaka

The historical background to Melaka’s founding around the early 1400s has been discussed in several key publications, though there is at least one study from 2012 that argues for an earlier founding of the kerajaan (loosely ‘kingdom’) in 1262.27 The most recognizable to readers of English are the discussions by Wheatley, especially his two books The Golden Khersonese and Impressions of the Malay Peninsula.

It is now accepted to situate the founding of Melaka within different contexts. With reference to the broader context this treats Melaka as a symptom

22 Wheatley, 1961; Wheatley 1964; Reid, 1988–1993; Meilink-Roelofsz 1962; Borschberg, 2008; Liaw, 1976; Khasnor 1999. See also de Josselin de Jong and van Wijk, 1960: 20–29; Aubin and Thomaz 2007, 107–138.

23 Ptak, 2004; Wade, 1997; Wang, 1964; Wang, 1970.

24 Bellwood, 2007; Ezzati, 2002; Tan, 2009; Wade, 2010.

25 Peacock and Gallop, 2015.

26 Concerning the imperial turn and the Ottoman Empire, see Mikhail and Phillou, 2012. A landmark conference on Melaka during the long 15th century is scheduled for 2019. In this conference Melaka will not be viewed through the prism of ‘empire’ of either a territorial or thalassocratic archetype in what could be dubbed an anti-imperial turn.

27 Abdul Rahman b. Ismail, Abdullah Zakariah b. Ghazali and Zulkanain b. Abdul Rahman, 2012. Their position contradicts earlier accounts of the founding of Melaka such as notably by Wheatley, 1964, and Wang, 1968.

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of urbanization across the region during the middle ages.28 At the geographic heart of this region are the Melaka Straits and the seasonal shifts of the monsoon winds that in the age of sail brought traders from across Asia to the shores of Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. The region had seen a contest for maritime supremacy over the Straits in which the competing powers sought to attract as much trade as possible. For this reason, historians have spoken of thalassocracies or sea-borne empires. During the middle ages the most important thalassocracy in the Straits region was Srivijaya, a maritime polity that was centered around present-day Palembang on Sumatra.29 Melaka is deemed to have been one of the principal heirs of Srivijaya in the Straits region.30

Srivijaya’s decline unleashed a competition for the domination of trade and trading routes around the Malay Peninsula, the Riau Archipelago, and the western South China Sea. Competing to fill the vacuum left by a receding or weakening Srivijaya were two polities. In the north was Siam, an agriculturally rich kingdom that was consolidating its power in the area of present-day Thailand and further extending its influence down to the Malay Peninsula. Melaka—and Temasek-Singapura before it—were said to have been (at one time) tributaries of Siam. To the south was the Majapahit empire that was centered on Java. It, too, was extending its influence to cover parts of eastern Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. Both Siam and the Majapahit Empire claimed Temasek-Singapura (hereafter simply Singapore) for themselves during Singapore’s golden century between approximately 1290 and c.1400.

It is here in Singapore that the more immediate context for the rise of Melaka can be found. Singapore was another heir of Srivijaya. It was a trading city that had reached its apex in the 1300s. Malay historical legend which is echoed in the writings of Tomé Pires, João de Barros and Brás de Albuquerque, brings the decline of Singapore into direct correlation with the rise of Melaka at the turn of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.31 Crucial to this episode is a Hindu prince from Palembang (or alternatively from Majapahit Java) who fled his homeland and sought refuge in Singapore.32 For reasons unknown,

28 Concerning the medieval urbanization in Southeast Asia, see for example Reid, 1988–1990, and Hall, 1985.

29 Its existence remained unknown until the beginning of the twentieth century when it was hypothesized and discussed by George Coedès and later also Gabriel Ferrand. Srivijaya (or San-fo-chi as it was known from period Chinese sources) is also the focus of a study by Wolters, 1970.

30 Coedès, 1918, 1968; Ferrand, 1922; Wolters, 1970.

31 This is also followed by Wheatley in Kwa and Borschberg, 2018, 66–80.

32 Eredia, Description, 16, where it is explained that the ‘xabandar’ (shahbandar, head of the port) was related to the ruler of Pam (Pahang).

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Parameswara murdered his host (variously named ‘Sam Agy’ or ‘Tamagi’ in the Portuguese sources, representing a corruption of the Javanese honorific Sang Aji;33 in Erédia the murdered official has been described as the shahbandar); he then staged a coup d’état together with his supporters. The circumstances hereafter become murky. The murdered official of Singapore was said to have been a Siamese official. There are two strands in the story: One claims that he was an in-law of the Siamese monarch, while a second deems him to be the offspring of the king of Siam with a princess from Patani. Be this as it may, after the usurper Parameswara had ruled Singapore for about five years, the Siamese launched an attack on the city around 1396.34 Parameswara later left (or should one rather say fled) town with his supporters, headed up the western coast of the peninsula and supposedly founded the settlement of Melaka.35 But before moving on to discuss the growth of this newly-(re)founded settlement, a few more words need to be said about Singapore to help with the historical contextualization.

Prelude to the Founding of Melaka

A close reading of the Portuguese sources reveals that there may have been other troubles to explain Singapore’s decline. In Tomé Pires we read that during Parameswara’s rule in Singapore he and his followers were not creaming off the profits of trade, but in fact were eking out a meagre living from fishing, planting padi (rice) and ‘plundering their enemies’.36 The problems with Singapore’s trading scene are supplemented by insights from both the chronicles of João de Barros as well as from the Commentaries of Alfonso de Albuquerque. Two reasons are worth summarizing in the present context.37

33 Erédia, 2017, 240n1234. There is also the possibility Tamagi might represent a corruption of the Malay title temenggong. The main duties of this official are outlined below.

34 Muhammad Yusof, 1992, 82. Sea-borne attacks by the Siamese were not uncommon. Ma Huan specifically highlighted the prowess of the Siamese at sea and in their overseas campaigns: Ma Huan, 1970, 107, ‘They [i.e. the Siamese] like to practice fighting on water [and] their king constantly dispatches his commanders to subject neighbouring countries.’

35 The most recent archaeological finds seriously question this account. See ‘13-Century relics from Majapahit kingdom found beneath Malacca river’ accessible at http://www .straitstimes.com/ asia/ se- asia/ 13th- century- relics- from- majapahit- kingdom- foundbeneath-malacca-river (accessed 9 January 2019).

36 Pires, 1944, ii , 232.

37 For a more detailed discussion, see Borschberg, 2017, 37–39.

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The first concerns weather patterns. Albuquerque in particular explains that violent storms hit the coast of Singapore, and often inflicted very serious damage to the vessels that were anchored in the port. ‘Such tempests strike’, he explained ‘that the [ships] perish.’38 This could be a reference to a weather phenomenon known as ‘Sumatra squalls’ which form over the island of Sumatra and the Melaka Straits during the pre-dawn hours and move as rain storms accompanied by lightning and strong winds toward the east.39 The second concerns the turnaround time of merchants doing business in this region. Barros explains that the monsoon winds did not serve the merchant vessels for their entire passage through the Melaka Straits to Singapore and for this reason it was necessary for the vessels to interrupt the voyage and spend time ‘halfway down the Straits’.40 Barros further underscored that the voyage down the Strait (or alternatively along the western coast of Sumatra) was slow and that it was not possible to complete the return voyage in less than two years. The long turnaround time conditioned by the topography of the Straits as well as by the monsoon winds applied equally to ships arriving either from the west, or from the east.

It would not appear that direct competition from Melaka’s rise triggered Singapore’s decline, for the developments conditioning Singapore’s decline were complex and include topography as well as the larger forces of nature. Violent storms mentioned in the Portuguese sources of the 1500s made Singapore a poor place to interrupt one’s voyage and wait for the monsoon winds to change. Ships arriving with the south-western monsoon winds would only be able to sail about half-way down the Melaka Strait. Where those winds failed appears to have been approximately the location where Parameswara decided to set up his new base, first at Muar and later further up the coast at Melaka.

Melaka is thought to have been founded in the early 1400s, but a settlement was probably there already prior the city’s (re-) founding by Parameswara. How old or large this settlement might have been is inconclusive. Still, we should take the statement by the Portuguese chronicler Gaspar Correa with caution when he claims that Melaka had already been a great trading emporium since the eighth century. The possibility cannot be excluded that he had confused this earlier port with another one along the western shores of the Malay Peninsula located further up the coast, perhaps as far as Kedah or even further up the coast at the Isthmus of Kra. A lot of the action took place around this land bridge that connects continental Asia with the Malay Peninsula. It is home to

38 De Albuquerque, 1973, ii , 85. 39 Kwa, 2017, 67–68; Borschberg and Khoo, 2018, 11. 40 de Josselin de Jong and van Wijk, 1960, 22.

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several historically important trading cities that for the period under review were subject to Siam.

This is an opportune moment to say a few words about Melaka’s physical location along the western shore of the Malay Peninsula. The settlement was surrounded by marshland, and the area around the city was suited for growing rice or planting fruit orchards, but not vegetables. To encourage sufficient supplies of food streaming into the city, the sultanate waived taxation on food imports.41 The city’s vulnerability to supplies, however, remained unchanged for centuries. External food supplies were critical to Melaka, not just in Portuguese colonial times during the sixteenth and first half of the seventeenth centuries, but later also after the Dutch takeover of the city in 1641.42

Paul Wheatley and Oliver Wolters reckoned that Melaka had its origins in a ‘pirate’s lair’.43 Its early success was fueled among other factors by a fairly open and unregulated trading space where merchants of all shades congregated to buy, sell and barter. Wheatley estimated the size of Melaka two decades after its founding at about six thousand inhabitants, a number that grew with later arrivals.44 The inhabitants built their houses at the water’s edge, and this appears to have remained unchanged until the first Portuguese arrived at the beginning of the sixteenth century. Rui d’Araujo reports in a letter dated 6 February 1510 that houses extended along the waterfront, but hardly land-inward.45 He estimated the number of homes at ten thousand, and these would have been mostly constructed of wood, bamboo, and atap. Five hundred houses, Araujo also added, were made of ‘earth’, evidently a type of adobe. Empoli broadly corroborates this description in explaining that the settlement is ‘situated near the sea-sore and thickly strewn with houses and rooms; and it stretches for three leagues which is most beautiful to see.’46

Another testimony claims that toward the end of the Melaka Sultanate the city had reached a permanent population of four thousand free men, plus their family members and their household slaves.47 All the figures cited above testify to a degree of urbanization, but the numbers are a far cry from

41

On this point, and other insights into the Melaka’s taxation policies, see esp. Thomaz, 2000a

42 Borschberg, 2010.

43 See Wheatley, 1961, 306–325; Wheatley, 1964, 119–176. Also Wolters, 1967, 225, ‘By the early fifteenth century Palembang had degenerated into a pirate lair, but the pirates of Malacca had become respectable harbor princes.’

44 Wheatley, 1964, 132–133.

45 Pintado, 1993, 132. 46 Bausani, 1970, 132. 47 Pintado, 1993, 132.

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guesstimates in the hundreds of thousands dropped in some of the early Portuguese chronicles, such as by the aforementioned Correa.48 During the peak trading season there was a large transient population of merchants and their family members who lived on ships and boats anchored off Melaka. It seems to have been customary among non-resident traders to remain at Melaka only for as long as was necessary to wind up one’s business. If we are to believe the testimony of Varthema, Melaka was also a dangerous place to be, with merchants reported slain ‘in cold blood like dogs’.49 While doing their business merchants remained on their own vessels in relative safety.

Still, we should not forget that there were a number of resident merchants who are reported to have been fabulously wealthy. Damião de Góis (sometimes Goes) asserted that Melaka must have been the wealthiest town in the world because of the opulence of its resident merchants.50 This wealth, he explained, was measured in bahar of gold, each Melaka bahar amounting to 4 quintais (of 59 kilograms) in Portuguese weight.51 Measured in this way, some of Melaka’s resident merchants were allegedly worth the equivalent of 10 or even 12 bahar, that is between around 2.4 and 2.8 metric tons of gold of unspecified purity. Despite some obvious heavyweights, the number of the fabulously rich was evidently limited. The sultan and some of his officials were also active in trade and were disinclined to broach rich and powerful rivals in his court and capital.

A sense of how busy the port had been is conveyed in the aforecited letter by Araujo from 1510. He claims that about 90 to 100 junks of all sizes were anchored in the port at any one point in time. He added that about 20 junks belonged to the local traders and another 150 perahus a vessel type covering a wide range of sizes that could be as large as a junk—belonged to the sultan and his family.52 If we take Araujo at his word, the local traders were ‘all very weak’, a reference to their capacity to arm their vessels (together with their men) and repel a future attack by the Portuguese.53

48 Ibid, 261. 49

Varthema, 1928, 84. 50 Pintado, 1993, 117. 51 Ibid. 52

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Melaka’s Rise c.1400–1450

How are we to understand the relatively rapid rise of Melaka over a period of about five decades? There are several factors at play here, and this section singles out four. The first has already been addressed in the previous section, namely the locational advantage of Melaka. This city was well situated in several respects: first, as the Portuguese chronicles have already intimated, the city and port is situated in a zone of monsoonal overlap. This facilitated Melaka’s role as a meeting place for merchants arriving from different parts of Asia. In addition to this, due to the location of the Melaka Straits and the absence of open sea, the port was less exposed to violent storms and other natural disturbances such as tsunamis.54 Admittedly, however, these conditions were best suited for catering to a particular type of trade that had grown over centuries in the Southeast Asian region. It is important to bear in mind that when the Dutch attempted to pluck the port from the Portuguese in 1606, they soon came to realize that Melaka was not located in a place that optimally catered to their needs. For this reason, the Dutch later chose to focus instead on an area located near the Sunda Strait.

The second factor in the rise of Melaka was the marriage of Parameswara’s son, Iskandar Shah, to a princess from Pasai.55 The latter was a prosperous city and polity located in north-eastern Sumatra and was an established port well before the (re-) founding of Melaka around 1400. It was arguably also its chief regional competitor for the entire lifespan of the Melaka Sultanate. Connected to this marriage was the Melaka ruler’s conversion to Islam which would ensure his port’s place within the Muslim maritime trading networks spanning the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. It was a strategic move just like the marriage to the Pasai princess. As Varthema observed with reference to the early sixteenth century: ‘[T]he pagans [i.e. Hindus, Buddhists] do not navigate much, but it is the Moors who carry the merchandise’.56

54 Similarly de Albuquerque, 1973, ii , 18, 93; and Dalboquerque 1875–1895, ii , 84, ‘This port of Malaca is very safe; there are no storms to injure it, and never was a ship lost there. It forms a point where some monsoons commence and others end. … Malaca is in the middle of all this, a sure and speedy navigation, such as Singapura never had. …’

55 Wolters, 1970, 160; Muhammad Yusoff, 1992, 185. Winstedt contended that Iskandar Shah and the legendary founder of Melaka, Parameswara, were one and the same individual, explaining that Parameswara had taken on a new name at the time of his conversion to Islam. See Winstedt, 1948, 726–29, see ibid., 727. On this claim and the problems surrounding the Melaka ruler ‘Xarquem Darxa’ [a corruption of ‘Iskandar Shah’] mentioned by Pires and Erédia, see Wolters, 1970, 108–127.

56 Varthema, 1928, 151.

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The factors leading to the conversion of Melaka’s ruler to Islam are not entirely certain. One strand in the story has it that the ruler was converted to Islam through the personal intercession of the Chinese Admiral Zheng He, at the time of his visit to the Melaka court in the early fifteenth century.57 Another strand in the story links the conversion of the Melaka ruler to Islam with his marriage to a princess from Pasai.

The third factor was the role Melaka would play both during and after the maritime voyages of Zheng He.58 This is not the occasion to delve more deeply into either the reasons or the objectives of the Ming Chinese maritime voyages to Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean littoral. Important are two considerations: one, the militarily presence established by the Ming dynasty in the Melaka Straits during the period of the Zheng He voyages; two, Melaka’s submission to the Chinese emperor as a tributary, and in turn, China’s elevation of Melaka’s ruler to the status of ‘king’.59 This move by the Chinese court was partially responsible for exacerbating tensions between two of its own tributaries: the kings of Siam and Melaka.60 Melaka had been earlier a tributary of the Siamese (to whom the Melaka ruler paid annually 40 taels [about 1.2 kg] in gold), but after China’s action (and perhaps even before), the Melaka rulers failed to pay tribute to Siam.61 The Chinese factor in raising up the Melaka ruler, and after 1511 the sultan’s attempts to gain support from the Ming court to evict the Portuguese, are understood in terms of a historically special relationship between Melaka and China.62

The fourth factor were specific developments that took place immediately before and after the coup d’état by Muzzafar Shah in 1445.63 Iskandar Shah and Muhammad Shah, the third and fourth rulers of Melaka respectively, were Muslims. The fourth ruler of Melaka, however, assumed the name Parameswara and is thought to have been a Hindu. This latter Parameswara ruled only very briefly between 1444 and 1445 when Muzzafar seized power by force. Over the preceding four decades Melaka had grown considerably, and it was under the auspices of this usurper Muzzafar that an overhaul of the laws and political institutions took place. This included the creation of the office of the laksamana

57

Suryadatinata, 2005, esp. 83.

58 Wade 2005. He also compiled a collection of older publications that had appeared in the Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, see Wade, 2007.

59 Wheatley, 1961, 321–325.

60 On the fallout with Siam, see also Ptak, 2004, 7.

61 Wheatley, 1961, 321, 324; Borschberg, 2008. 34.

62 Cheah, 2012; ‘Restore Melaka’s Glory ’, http://www.pmo.gov.my (accessed 9 Jan. 2019).

63 Khasnor, 1999, 138n34.

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(admiral) whose first officeholder (after 1456) was Hang Tuah, a hero said to have had personal and familial links to Singapore.64

The creation of the laksamana marked an important development in several respects. First, because the new offices emerged from the fusion of two officials: the hulubalang besar, a local military commander based at Singapore, and the Sri Bija di Raja, a military leader with general responsibilities for defense.65 As a consequence, the laksamana served as one of the top merchantofficials, who in addition to his responsibilities in maritime defense also enjoyed certain powers over foreign emissaries and merchants.66

Second, with the responsibility for land and sea defenses separated, the laksamana soon emerged as the more important of the two. This is because as an ‘empire’ based on maritime trade, Melaka needed to regularly patrol the waters of the straits in order to keep rapacious neighboring tribes at bay. In this vein Rui d’Araujo and Tomé Pires wrote about Melaka’s protracted naval conflict with the king of Aru who had a significant capacity to attack and plunder vessels.67 Also, Melaka’s marshy surroundings and hills covered in thick jungle acted as natural barriers to land-based attack on the city. Any major security threat to Melaka would have therefore come from across the adjacent maritime spaces. Seen this way, the city of Melaka somewhat resembled an island, an expression that is sometimes employed later in European documents. The connection of the laksamana with Singapore is important in the present context: he commanded the loyalty of the orang laut, or sea-nomads, who inhabited the waters on both sides of the Singapore Straits. The laksamana also carried the titles or honorifics of ketua orang laut (a type of senior chief of the orang laut) and Raja Selat (Prince of the [Singapore] Straits).68 The Melakan fleet that comprised around forty large galleys and other smaller support vessels had its base in Singapore, and these war galleys were manned by the orang laut who acted as rowers.69 At the time of the Portuguese attack on Melaka in 1511, the galleys of the Melakan navy were not positioned

64 See Kassim, 1968. On the historic identity of Hang Tuah, see Ahmat, 2016. Also see Muhammad Yusoff, 1992, 219.

65 Muhammad Yusof, 1992, 98, 109, 217; Kwa and Borschberg, 2018, 131–138; Kwa, 1985, 124.

66 Pires, 1944, ii , 264; Borschberg, 2017.

67 Pintado, 1993, 198; Pires, 1944, ii , 244–255.

68 Concerning the role of the orang laut in general both during and also after the Melaka Sultanate (esp. in Johor), see the the chapters by Wheatley, Andaya, Muhammad Yusoff and Sopher in Kwa and Borschberg, 2018, 131–138; 155–178. See also the chapter by Chuleeporn Virunha in Sunait Chutintaronond and C. Baker, 2002, 143–166.

69 Pires, 1944, ii , 264.

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around the capital city. They had been stationed around Singapore and the Riau Islands, but were reportedly ‘on their way’ when the city fell to Albuquerque’s onslaught.70 The laksamana is reported by Brás de Albuquerque to have been around eighty years old and offered his services to Melaka’s new masters, a claim that is also repeated in other Portuguese chronicles.71 But the laksamana was subsequently dissuaded from proceeding to Melaka to discuss the next steps with Alfonso de Albuquerque by a letter from the head of Melaka’s Javanese trading community, an individual named Utimutiraja (Utama di Raja) by Pires. The laksamana hereafter consolidated his residence and main base on Singapore. His continued presence here at Singapore and the revival of its port after the traumatic events of 1511 are believed to have triggered a Portuguese attack on Singapore, in the course of which the settlement with its medieval ruins are presumed to have been destroyed.72 These ruins testifying to a former larger settlement were specifically mentioned in Albuquerque’s Commentaries.

Officials and Business

Melaka’s Islamization together with the aforementioned reforms spearheaded by Muzzafar Shah led to important changes in government. Many of the old (Hindu) titles, including raja, remained current, as was the exclusive use of the color yellow for royalty.73 The myths and legends with their emphasis on cosmic order and the divinity of the ruler were set aside in favor of narratives that legitimized the ruler and his family within an Islamic stress on genealogy. This emphasized the ruler’s pedigree and lineage.74 In addition, the form of absolute monarchy associated with the Hindu rulers was changed. The new arrangement, reinforced by the Laws of Melaka, saw the Muslim ruler delegating day-to-day running of the affairs of state to his ministers, and especially to the

70 Pintado, 1993, 319. Melaka had fallen to the Portuguese before the laksamana could reach the scene of action. Hereafter he returned to Singapore and communicated with the new Portuguese masters by correspondence. Concerning the laksamana’s return to Singapore after the fall of Melaka in 1511, see also Wheatley in Kwa and Borschberg, 2018, 80.

71 The testimonies have been reproduced in Pintado, 1993.

72 Borschberg, 2016, 23; Kwa, 2017; Borschberg, 2017, 41. Concerning ruins such as they were at the time of modern Singapore’s founding in 1819, see Wheatley in Kwa and Borschberg, 2018, 74, esp. n14.

73 Liaw, 1976, 173; Pires, 1944, ii , 265.

74 Wolters, 1970, 91, 125, 170.

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bendahara, who acted in a function comparable to a prime minister. Together with the temenggong, the laksamana and the shahbandar, the bendahara was one of the four great lords, or merchant-officials, of Melaka. Other important ministers included the bendahari (treasurer) and the hulubalang besar (a type of defense chief) who customarily also held the title Sri Bija di Raja.75

The bendahara acted as master of ceremony, accepted official gifts from foreign dignitaries and emissaries and legitimized court activities through ritual. According to the Laws of Melaka, he was granted ‘jurisdiction over those holding office, those who rank as tuan (lord) or sida (court officers)’ as well as over the children of high-ranking noble-officials.76

The temenggong was the second of the four great officials of Melaka and is consequently also considered one of the principal merchant-officials. He was in charge of security, prisons, and customs, and participated in policy decisions in close consultation with the ruler and the bendahara. In addition, he investigated crimes and held jurisdiction over criminals. These functions have brought the office of temenggong into closer association with the present-day chief of police.77

As intimated earlier, the laksamana was an official whose power base was rooted in the office of the hulubalang besar and the title of the Sri Bija di Raja.78 The latter was equivalent to the chief of defense and was a dignity that had been traditionally held by leading families from Singapore and Bintan. Unsurprisingly, the laksamana whose office was linked to defense, drew considerable support from the orang laut communities around Singapore and the Riau Islands.79 The orang laut are known to have served the laksamanas of Melaka and later of Johor as rowers and they worked only for food.80 According to the Laws of Melaka, the laksamana was the raja laut, the ‘king of the sea’.81 He commanded the royal fleet, and was responsible for diplomatic protocol and for receiving foreign embassies. He also exercised authority over foreign merchants in a range of responsibilities that seem to have overlapped somewhat with those of the shahbandar.

The fourth great Melaka merchant-official was the shahbandar, literally the ‘king of the port’. His main function was to supervise foreign merchant

75 Muhammad Yusoff, 1992, 98, 218; Muhammad Yusoff in Kwa and Borschberg, 2018, 131–138.

76 Liaw, 1976, 62–63; Muhammad Yusoff, 1992, 128–134.

77 Pires, 1944, ii , 264; Muhammad Yusoff, 1992, 218.

78 Borschberg, 2016, 24–25.

79 Muhammad Yusoff, 1992, 100.

80 Pires, 1944, ii , 264; Sopher in Kwa and Borschberg, 2018, 164.

81 Muhammad Yusoff, 1992, 134–137, 218.

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communities, act as an intermediary between these foreign merchants and a high-ranking official such as the bendahara, and in later times issued maritime passes.82 The shahbandar was the custodian of the weights, measures, and coinage; he collected anchorage fees and dues; held powers of arbitration to settle disputes between foreign merchants, and moreover exercised jurisdiction in all matters involving foreign merchants, foreign vessels, orphans and those persons who had suffered injustice. The Laws of Melaka describe the position of the shahbandar as the ‘father and mother of the foreign merchants’.83 In practice the shahbandar acted as the agent of the ruler’s maritime trading interests mentioned earlier. During the sultanate as well as later in some other Malay and Javanese port polities, the shahbandar often was not a native of the land, but a foreigner, and this office was also the highest rank and honor a foreigner could attain.84 Given the shahbandar’s duties to supervise and adjudicate disputes between foreign merchants, this made perfect sense, as he would have to be familiar with the customs and the languages of the foreign merchants whom he represented. The shahbandar was thus a powerful intermediary who enjoyed the trust of the foreign merchants as well as the confidence of the ruler and his principal ministers. In Malay polities shahbandars were installed to supervise ports located both along the coast as well as the banks of principal rivers.85

The Laws of Melaka are written in such a way as to suggest that there was, perhaps originally, only one shahbandar. The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires, however, intimates that there were four shahbandars in Melaka in the period leading up to the Portuguese takeover of 1511.86 Each of these shahbandars was responsible for merchants from distinct geographic regions: one for the Gujaratis; one jointly for the merchants from around the Bay of Bengal (the Coromandel Coast of India, Bengal, Pegu [Burma], and Pasai); one jointly for the merchants of the Malay and Philippine Archipelagos (Maluku, the Bandas, Palembang, Borneo, and the Philippines), and one jointly for traders originating from China and the Ryukyu Islands. The Suma Oriental also elaborates that, when a foreign merchant arrived at the port of Melaka, the shahbandar responsible for his business would intercede with the bendahara to obtain

82 Liaw, 1976, 138; Pires, 1944, ii , 265; Muhammad Yusoff, 1992, 138; Meilink–Roelofsz, 1962, 42.

83 Liaw, 1976, 123.

84 Schrieke, 1955, ii , 28.

85 For an account of the shahbandars, their varied responsibilities and their spread across the Indonesian archipelago, see Purnadi Purbatjaraka in Kwa and Borschberg, 2018, 354–65.

86 This observation has been repeated in several secondary studies.

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permission for this newly-arrived merchant to conduct business. Obtaining such permission was conditional on the payment of taxes, as well as (when necessary) the presentation of gifts to the bendahara, the temenggong and the relevant shahbandar, the aggregate value of which was equivalent to about 1–2 percent of the cargo. 87 As a rule of thumb, merchants arriving from the west (India, Arabia, Persia) paid taxes of 6 percent, whereas merchants from the east (China, Ryukyu, Siam) were expected to offer gifts and sell a fixed portion (25 percent) of their cargo at a discount. The financial losses incurred through this mandatory discounting rule amounted to the equivalent of around 5 percent tax on the value of the entire cargo.88 Together with the gifts presented to the merchant-officials, the combined payments and discounts were about equal to the 6 percent taxes that the merchants arriving from the west had to pay.

Anyone who has compared the relevant passages from the Suma Oriental with the Laws of Melaka will be struck by the almost complete absence of codified rules relating to the conduct of business. At a first glance it would appear that many of the customs may have been governed chiefly by adat (customary law). Malay rulers were very protective of their adat, an attitude that transpires not least from the tension between adat and Islamic law that emerges regularly in the Laws of Melaka.89 As a rule, Malay rajas were defensive and resentful when foreign rulers (and later also the European colonial powers) interfered with their adat.90 A successful envoy was one who grasped the different ‘forms of governing of all the great rajas’, a personal quality that has been ascribed to the Melaka laksamana Hang Tuah.91 In the seventeenth-century Malay text Hikayat Hang Tuah, the ruler of Melaka is on record cautioning not to ‘alter the adat that exist’ among the subordinate rulers.92

Returning to commercial practices during the Melaka Sultanate, it is clear that adat must have played a role in governing business transactions, and that applied not only to the adat of Melaka, but also to the practices governing the merchant communities by each of its four shahbandars. It can be further assumed that merchants arriving from Muslim lands located to the west of Melaka were not in need of a separate set of laws to regulate their transactions,

87 Pires, 1944, ii , 273–274.

88 Ibid., 272.

89 On the juxtaposition of punishments according to adat and Islamic law, see also Thomaz, 1990, 8.

90 Walker, 2004, 237.

91 Kassim Ahmat, 1968, 392.

92 Ibid., 411, 376.

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because Islamic law would have been more than sufficient to serve that role. It may be argued that Islamic law acted as a predictable as well as transparent set of rules that governed commercial transactions, at least between the Muslim traders. Chinese rules and customs might have played a similar role with respect to traders arriving from the east. This helps explain why it was practical to install more than one shahbandar to represent different cultural groups, ethnic communities, and their respective business practices in Melaka.

Much ink has been spilt on the presence and influence of the different trading communities from west and eastern Asia: from Arabia, Persia, Gujarat, Coromandel Coast, Pegu (Burma), Sumatra, Java, Sulawesi, Borneo (Brunei), the coastal areas of present-day Vietnam, China, Taiwan and the Ryukyu Islands. In present-day Malaysia, the accentuation has been understandably on Melaka’s role and status within the Islamic trading world spanning the Indian Ocean and insular Southeast Asia.93 But this should not detract from the fact that Melaka’s connections with China and Ryukyu were very significant since at least the early fifteenth century. China had shown great interest in Melaka as a source of marine and jungle produce, spices, as well as other imported goods from western Asia. Tony Reid has noted that Chinese merchants had joined the Zheng He voyages and these played a noteworthy role in the commercial rise of Melaka in the early fifteenth century.94 Craig Lockhard claims that in the early 1400s the Chinese community at Melaka counted “a few hundred permanent and seasonal residents”, some of whom may have been of mixed parentage and traced their familial roots to mariners of Zheng He’s men.95 Specifically, Patricia Risso has linked the rise of Chinese interest in Melaka and the Straits region as well as the establishment of a forward military base there in the 15th century to ‘piracy’. This was rising in tandem with the political decline of the Majapahit empire. Melaka, Risso claims, became the “preferred Southeast Asian port for the Chinese”, while Janet Abu-Lughod uncerscored that “Malacca aspired to become the new ‘gateway’ to China, the place at which merchants from all trading nations could meet but through which only a few could pass”.96 The commercial role of China, Taiwan and Ryukyu for the overseas trade with the Melaka Straits region from the 10th

93 Abu-Lughod, 1991; Risso, 1995, esp. 47–54. Also Reid, 1988; Ptak, 2007; Miksic, 2013, and Gipouloux, 2011.

94 Reid, 1980, 236.

95 Lockhard, 2010, 230. Concerning the Chinese diaspora see also Singh Sandhu, 1961; Chang, 1991.

96 Risso, 1995, 48; Abu-Lughod, 1991, 306. Concerning Melaka’s foreign merchant communities in general, see also Thomaz, 2000b.

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century A. D. onward has been addressed by Wang Gungwu, Derek Heng, Ng Chin Keong, Tony Reid and John Miksic among others.97 Chinese views on the port of Melaka straddling the period of the sultanate and the early Portuguese period have also been collated and examined by Ptak.98

In recent decades authors have stressed the efforts made by the early European colonial powers to blend in and accommodate pre-existing business practices when and where feasible.99 The spirit of accommodation is perhaps best exemplified in the continuation of many business practices by the Portuguese after the expulsion of the sultan from Melaka in 1511.

The key to unlocking the efforts to accommodate is to investigate and understand the agency of the local rulers and their peoples. Studies dating from the era of High Imperialism had committed the error of projecting period conditions deep into the pre-industrial era. This often resulted in a skewed view of conditions that over-emphasized European predominance and, in turn, conceded little agency to local rulers or peoples. This has posed a serious problem: histories generated during the one and a half centuries between 1800 and 1945 tended to emphasize European initiatives and juxtapose these to local responses.100

Melaka’s Political and Social Values

Historians have sought to reconstruct Melaka society, and particularly to single out a set of core values that are not only found in works of Malay literature such as the Sejarah Melayu or the Hikayat Hang Tuah, but also in the aforementioned Laws of Melaka. The latter text offers a glimpse into several facets of Melaka society relating to the second half of the fifteenth century.

By using the prism of Melaka’s laws and literature to examine key facets of its society during the period of the sultanate it is possible to tease out some conclusions. First, there seems to be an evident division between an urban mercantile and aristocratic élite versus a rural population that was economically tied to the capital city and primarily engaged in (subsistence) agriculture.

97 Wang, 2003; Heng, 2009; Ng, 2016; Miksic, 2013.

98 Ptak, 2004.

99 See for example Thomaz, 1991, 1994, 2000a.

100 The debates surrounding the agency of local rulers and their peoples, as well as their erasure in older histories have been summarised in a chapter by John Legge in the Cambridge History of Southeast Asia. There are, however, also other engagements with specific questions in the studies of Smail, 1961; Benda, 1962; Milner, 1987; and Heryanto 2007, 75–108.

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Looking at society as a whole, one gains the impression of Melaka as a prosperous, if socially divided, society that, due to its wealth generated by trade, enjoyed a high degree of monetization of its economy. Punishments were expressed in units (specifically taels or tahil) of gold, and this raises the question to what extent the rural population was able to meet the monetary obligations imposed on them.101 It would further appear that most aspects of life during the sultanate, both for the city dwellers as well as for the rural population, were governed chiefly by adat, a concept that has been already raised above. The significance accorded to adat, moreover, raises questions about the depth of Melaka’s Islamization during second half of the fifteenth century.102 These arise particularly with regard to punishments stipulated for certain sexual crimes like adultery and homosexuality, or also with reference to the treatment of women in general.103 Juxtaposing punishments for crimes according to adat and Islamic law also reinforces the view that daily life must have been governed substantially by customary practices, arguably even in the heyday of the Melaka Sultanate.104

A scrutiny of Melaka’s laws—both the Undang-undang Melaka as well as the Undang-undang Laut Melaka yields a number of insights into the culture, values and political arrangements that governed day-to-day life during the sultanate. The laws stake out and reinforce societal divisions and impose hefty fines on anyone who challenged or breached them. The ruling élite carved out privileges for itself, such as in the wearing of the color yellow or the use of certain words or terminology. The Laws of Melaka and generally also Malay literature address the normative priorities for the élite and here two expressions stand out: nama and adil. The pursuit of nama (reputation) served to support the ruler’s legitimacy. As Milner and Walker have argued, nama was not only essential to Malay kingship, but also to the ruler’s subjects and spiritual afterlife.105 The sultans emphasized people, and augmenting the number of subjects or followers through virtuous conduct enhanced both one’s nama as well as rank within the hierarchy of rulers.

The ruler and his ministers were also expected to be adil, a word associated with a range of qualities such as being fair, circumspect, just, firm, and

101 Khasnor, 1997, 145.

102 Ibid., 148. Testimonies survive by Muslims from western Asia that question the depth of Islamization at Melaka, famously the testimony of the Arab pilot Ibn Masjid from around 1480: “You don’t know whether they are Muslim or not.” Cited in Risso, 1995, 49.

103 Ibid., passim; Borschberg, 2015, 503–504.

104 Khasnor, 1997, 132.

105 Walker, 2004, 213. Also Milner, 1982, 101, 104–111, 113; Milner, 2008, 66–67.

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courteous.106 In turn, Malay literature exhorts subjects to obedience and deference. Raising one’s hand against a ruler—such as in an uprising or a coup d’état—has been portrayed an act of derhaka (treason), a very grave sin that not only threatened the social, but also the divine-cosmic order underpinning civil society. A raja-less polity was equivalent to a state of huru hara (chaos and confusion) without adat, traditions, justice, or ma’mor (prosperity, being populous).107

People and settlements—not land or even income derived from land— were main concerns of the rulers, and these priorities are echoed both in the Laws of Melaka as well as in the testimonies of early European visitors to the region. The Laws of Melaka attribute little value to land—in fact land was almost worthless on the Malay Peninsula, something early Dutch visitors in later times found difficult to grasp.108 It appears that the buying, selling, pawning or mortgaging of land was either uncommon or not practiced. For example, one could mortgage a fruit orchard—the fruit-bearing trees themselves—but not the land on which they grew. If someone accidentally cultivated land that belonged to another, then the harvest had to be shared between the two parties. Moreover the distinction between tanah hidup and tanah mati (living land and dead land) is one of human activity taking place on the land: tanah hidup was land that was tilled, planted and cultivated by people; tanah mati was not dead strictly speaking—it could involve, for example, a piece of uncultivated forest.109 As in later decades, the king is said to own all the land, and people could request a plot from him to use and live on. The travelogue recounting the visit of Admiral Matelieff to the Johor court in 1606 explained the situation thus: ‘All the land belongs to the king [of Johor] and is hardly valued, so that whoever asks it of him can receive enough land.’110

In line with these attitudes toward land, the wealth of an individual was measured not by the money he owned, the size of his land, or even the income he could derive from it, but rather by the labour over which one could command.111 In practice, this meant how many ‘slaves’ one had, always bearing in mind the term ‘slave’ was historically an elastic one in Southeast Asia that encompassed different degrees of personal bondage. Wealth was thus measured

106 Khasnor, 1997, 140–142.

107 Ahmad, 1968, 70, 307; Teeuw and Wyatt, 1970, 78, 131; Gullick, 1958, 44–45; Milner, 1982, 31–32, 94–95, 104, 109; Milner, 1995, 16–24.

108 Borschberg, 2016, 29.

109 Khasnor, 1997, 143; Borschberg, 2008, 42–44.

110 Borschberg, 2008, 109.

111 For the dynamics of labour, see also Milner, 2008, 57.

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in terms of labour and people. This is not just mirrored in the Laws of Melaka, but also in the early European testimonies touching on Malay societies such as for example in the Philippine archipelago.112

The situation with the sea mirrors the situation on land. Melaka’s maritime laws are not concerned with maritime dominium, fishing rights, or the freedom of navigation. Rather, they focus on order aboard the vessel, on crimes and emergency situations, on regulating transactions aboard a vessel at sea, as well as on salvaging goods from vessels that have been wrecked, stranded, or are helplessly adrift at sea.113

It is difficult to ascertain the extent to which Melaka’s maritime laws envisioned the projection of the ruler’s authority into maritime spaces. This raises questions about claims that the Melaka Sultanate—and Malay rulers during the precolonial period in general—implemented a policy of free navigation and trade. It cannot be claimed that Malay rulers generally pursued ‘free navigation’ broadly speaking, nor did they have ‘a general concept of mare liberum and claimed a right for … ships not to be interfered with on the high sea’.114 The origin of this position can be traced to Raja Ala’udin of Gowa (Sulawesi, Celebes) dating from the year 1615, who explained to officers of the Dutch East India Company: ‘God made the land and the sea; … it is unheard that anyone should be forbidden to sail the seas. If you seek to do that, you will take the food from the mouths of my people.’115 In fact, such a such an understanding of Ala’udin’s statement as a clear reflection of an accepted practice of mare liberum clashes with the generally accepted position that Malay rulers habitually compelled passing ships to call and trade at their port(s). For sure, Malay rulers encouraged merchants to come to their shores to trade, and this was admittedly a hospitable practice pursued with an aim not of enriching oneself, but rather for sustaining the sultanate’s redistributive economy and also for rulers to generate sufficient funds to meet their belanja (current expenses, outlays).116 Moreover, anyone who has trawled the maritime laws of Melaka will find that these focus on discipline and lines of authority aboard ships, and eschew express mention of either maritime dominium, or indeed any freedom of trade and movement across maritime spaces.

112 See esp. Scott, 1991. Generally also Brewster and Reid, 1983; Raben, 2008.

113 Winstedt and de Josselin de Jong, 1956; Liaw, 1976.

114 This position was notably advocated by Alexandrowicz, 1967, passim, and Anand, 1981, 446.

115 Stapel, 1922, 14; see also Wolters, 1982, 45; Kathirithamby-Wells and Villiers, 1990, 154. Concerning hospitality, see Wolters, 1982, 46.

116 It is said that the accumulation of money by the ruler serves no guna (purpose). Kassim, 1968, 68. Concerning belanja, see esp. Milner, 1982, 24–25; Milner, 1992, 25; Day, 2002.

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As has been observed in earlier publications, Malay rajas—and this would also include the ruler of Melaka—were often the single largest merchants in their own polity. With reference to Melaka it was stated earlier that the sultan and his family disposed over a private merchant fleet of 150 vessels versus some 20 for the locally-based merchants. How accurate was this estimate? Writing admittedly about a later period, Milner observed that, while Malay rulers took an active interest in commerce and also actively participated in—just as the Melaka Sultan had—‘the fact that they did not foster indigenous entrepreneurs is a theme in many reports …’ of the colonial era.117 Did this observation also hold true for the way Malay polities worked in much earlier times? What about Melaka specifically? How would an independent local trading middle class align with the ruler’s dominant role in the trading and redistributive economy of the city and hinterlands? What do the crude number of ships owned by the sultan and the local shipowners inform? The debate continues.

Concluding Thoughts

Melaka was embedded in a patchwork or network of personal allegiances and trading networks that authors in the past have dubbed empire or thalassocracy. It was not a territorial empire defined in a European sense. Melaka’s heyday lasted for a little over a century, from the early fifteenth to the first quarter of the sixteenth century. At the apex of its power Melaka commanded the loyalty of subjects on the peninsula, Sumatra, the Riau Archipelago and as far as Borneo. It must be remembered that as a consequence of the Portuguese conquest of Melaka in 1511 the sultan was only expelled from his capital city. The Melaka Empire understood in terms of a web of allegiance networks survived at least until the founding of the successor polities, Johor and Perak, by two sons of Melaka’s last sultan around 1528.

Melaka’s rise can be seen in terms of a confluence of factors and developments that included locational advantage, climate change, Chinese intervention, a strategic marriage to a Pasai princess, and Islamization. The latter three integrated Melaka into Muslim and separately also Chinese trading networks that spanned the region. The town had grown into an important emporium within just a few decades during the first half of the fifteenth century. A coup d’état in 1456, together with political and institutional reforms, laid the grounds for subsequent growth.

117 Milner, 2008, 72. Also 1982, 23.

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By the early 1500s, Melaka was reportedly facing problems on several fronts.118 The foreign merchants had already demanded a written set of laws to govern their transactions, perhaps as a response to the inadequacies of adat or the increasingly arbitrary behavior of the great merchant-officials. The Malay Annals are replete with messages about the dangers of disloyalty, decay, and the erratic decisions of its last ruler Mahmud. Eventually, tension arose between the sultan and his bendahara because of the latter’s greed. European sources from the early sixteenth century attest: ‘There is no foreigner or native who does not wish for his [the bendahara’s] downfall because of his affronts and robberies. … to which they [the foreigners] are subjected every day’.119 Today’s reader of Araujo’s letter gains the impression that Melaka had become a proverbial ‘low-hanging fruit’ ripe for the plucking.120 Assessing the potential success of a future attack on the city, Araujo noted that,

The Sultan of Melaka has no aid coming from inland, neither good nor bad. The Sultan of Pahang is his only friend and is getting one of his daughters married to his son. He [the Sultan of Pahang] is a weak sultan with a small population. By sea, the Sultan of Malacca has no ally to give him aid and he is at war with the King of Siam, who has a large land and many people, and many seaports … At sea the Sultan is also at war with the King of Aru, who is a Muslim, and this causes him great apprehension and fear. Now we have heard that the Sultan of Malacca is on bad terms with the King of Java, who will be coming against him with a large fleet within seven or eight months’ time to take this port.121

In sum, sources of Malay and European origin attest that Sultan Mahmud liked his opium,122 and his bendahara was corrupt and resented. Judging by the testimony of Varthema, the city had become a dangerous place for foreign merchants. Melaka, moreover, allegedly had many enemies but few allies. Even among the tributary rulers few were thought to be willing to rush to the sultan’s assistance in the event of an attack, and rumors of such an attack by Java were making their rounds at the time. Anyone who read Araujo’s letter would

118

Borschberg, 2015, 519–521.

119 Pintado, 1993, 132.

120 Borschberg, 2015, 521.

121 Pintado, 1993, 133. These appear to have been more than just rumors. Jepara attacked Portuguese Melaka in 1513.

122 Concerning Mahmud’s opium consumption, see Pires, 1944, ii , 254; mention is also made in the Sejarah Melayu.

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have concluded that the time was now favorable to launch a military strike. His words did not fall on deaf ears. Alfonso de Albuquerque arrived with his fleet the following year, and the rest is history.

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The political economy of poison: the kingdom of Makassar and the early Royal Society

Author(s): Daniel Carey

Source: Renaissance Studies, SEPTEMBER 2003, Vol. 17, No. 3, Special Issue: Asian Travel in the Renaissance (SEPTEMBER 2003), pp. 517-543

Published by: Wiley

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One of the earliest European accounts of the Indonesian archipelago from the fourteenth-century Franciscan friar Odoric of Pordenone, travelled in Sumatra and Java, among other islands in the region, in In the midst of an account of Eastern marvels, which ranged from spices of clove, nutmeg, and mace, to the wealth of local potentates palaces glittered in jewels and gold, he took occasion to note a remarkable tree in the country of 'Panten',2 which produced a poison 'the that existeth in the world'. In one of the many manuscript versions travels, Odoric explained that the country's warriors used this military engagements. They armed themselves with hollow canes ('braccio') in length which they loaded with darts dipped in the stance. His report continued: 'and when they blow into the cane, flieth and striketh whom they list, and those who are thus stricken ently die'.3 The virulence of the poison was such that only existed, a particularly odious one, namely to imbibe a mixture excrement diluted with water and thereby to induce a violent purgation.

Although the country in question is unclear from his account, describes a poison that became indelibly associated in the early period with Makassar. This important kingdom, located in South (Celebes), became a focal point of European trade and conflict in Asia in the seventeenth century. Numerous travellers, soldiers,

1 I am grateful to a number of friends and colleagues for their help in conducting my Beekman, William Cummings, Doreen Innes, Jacinta Matos, Herman Rasche, David Richardson, Vandevelde. This essay is dedicated to the memory of Norman Bisset. 2 'The travels of Friar Odoric', in Sir Henry Yule (trans., ed.), Cathay and the Way Thither 1913-16), ii, 155. He also calls it 'Thalamasyn'. Neither name has been identified authoritatively country in the region. See Yule, Cathay, ii, 155n. On Odoric's journey and Franciscan missionary see J. R. S. Philipps, The Medieval Expansion of Europe, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1998), ch. 5. Yule, Cathay, ii, 158. This passage appears in the Palatine manuscript. Odoric's text became sources for the travels of Sir John Mandeville. In the Egerton manuscript, Mandeville adapts of the poison tree by saying that the only remedy is to drink a mixture of the tree's crushed The poison is harvested by piercing the bark with a hatchet and allowing the 'liquor' to seep adds that he discovered a plot by the Jews to poison 'all Christendom' with this venom. Mandeville's ed. Malcolm Letts (2 vols, London, 1953), i, 134.

© 2003 The Society for Renaissance Studies, Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

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The political economy of poison: the kingdom of Makassar and the early Royal Society1

Daniel Carey

518 Daniel Carey and other authors returned again and and pernicious poison, describing its toxicity, how it was harvested, and any There was some urgency in this case in Makassar, played a part in resistance the country. As the Dutch consolidated centrated on subduing the threat of Makassar, meant they faced the prospect not only poisoned spears and darts blown from Georg Rumphius, the great naturalist Company, claimed that Dutch soldiers they were of 'Canon or Musket'.4

An investigation of the substantial literature forms part of a larger history of toxic European expansion and trade. Poisons extensive concern because of the potentially plorers in unfamiliar terrain, especially military application.5 In this essay, I examine to arrow poison in Makassar, but I also Europe. In particular, the Royal Society effort in the 1660s to experimenting with correspondents in Southeast Asia. Their them highlights the difficulty of obtaining and the problem of standardizing such reveal a new dimension of seventeenth-century knowledge of the effects and antidotes ened the position of the English against whom they were fighting a virtually global

The attention given to Makassar poison to its destructive effects and the sometimes its operation. But these accounts proliferated importance of the Makassar sultanate tional trade. The position it occupied led culminated in the Makassar war with the royal citadel of Sombaopu in 1669. The sisted of the twinned monarchies of ingly dominant position in South Sulawesi

The Poison Tree: Selected Writings of Rumphius on the Natural (Amherst, 1981), 127.

5

On South America, see Norman G. Bisset, 'War and hunting poisons of the New World. Part 1. Notes on the early history of curare', Journal of Ethnopharmacology, 36 (1992), 1-26.

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Makassar and the early Royal Society

THere are five of thefc Illands, that ■carry the pcrticulir name of Multtccjrj: Thefe live Iflandsarc very fmal!, featcd much about the Equincxflia! Line, in an unwholfome Air for Strangers. They arc under feveral Kings: The Hollander f havcalfo fomc Fortre/Tcs there. They afford Nutmegs, Ginger, and Cloves » 1 triune the biggeft ofthefivc little ones is eight leagues about, with a Mountain that cafts out fire. It hath bcJides feveral Villages uninhabited in times of War, three

Map of the Moluccas and the kingdom of Makassar in Celebes. From Robert Morden, Geography Rectified: or, A Description of the World (London, 1680), 314. Reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford (shelfmark Don e. 440).

century. The determination to extend the kingdom's influence and overlord ship of various territories on the island was strengthened by the adoption of Islam in the early years of the seventeenth century.6 The Makassarese

J. Noorduyn, 'De islamisering van Makassar', Bijdragen tot de Tool-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 112 (1956), 247 66; Anthony Reid, 'A great seventeenth century Indonesian family: Matoaya and Pattingalloang of Makassar', Masyarakat Indonesia, 8/1 (1981), 13-19. Reprinted in Reid, Charting the Shape of Early Modern Southeast Asia

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The MOLUCCA JJLtndi.

520 Daniel Carey successfully overcame the Bugis population based in the western part of the peninsula, include some of the Lesser Sunda Islands and the east coast of Borneo (Kalimantan).7 Their economic strength depended on the vitality of the port city of Makassar, which served as a key entrepôt for trade in cloves, nutmeg, mace, sandalwood, Indian textiles, tortoiseshell, benzoin, pepper, slaves, and a variety of other lucrative commodities, creating a network of trade that linked them with Macao, Manila, Cambodia, Timor, the Spice Islands, Aceh, and India.8 Javanese, Indian, Malay, and Chinese traders all frequented the city and many settled there, while a series of European nations established factories and appointed commercial agents - the Portuguese, Dutch, English, Spanish, French, and Danes.9 Indeed, after the fall of Melaka (Malacca) in 1641, the Portuguese made it their principal port, receiving encouragement for their continued trade with the Spice Islands and Timor (the source of the best sandalwood). The strategic location of the port, at a midpoint between the Spice Islands and the Straits of Melaka, strengthened its trading position, together with a substantial export market in rice and their own finished good of cotton cloth.10 This economic activity, complemented by the 'gifts' expected by the country's rulers and their ability to fix prices at which they made purchases,11 made the kingdom rich, allowing it to develop extensive fortifications and naval resources. At the same time, the Makassarese con tinued their own voyages to the Spice Islands (especially outlying Seram and Burn) and sold the valuable cargo to European traders. However, all of this was dependent on encouraging unrestricted trade, provided that their

(Chiang Mai, 1999), ch. 7. The first Muslim ruler of Makassar was Sultan Alauddin (r. 1593-1639). A series of 'Islamic Wars' on the island took place in the early seventeenth century leading to the successful forced conversion of the Bugis Kingdom of Bone. See Leonard Y. Andaya, The Heritage of Arung Palakka : A History of South Sulawesi (Celebes) in the Seventeenth Century (The Hague, 1981).

The fullest account is Andaya, Arung Palakka.

See Anthony Reid, 'The rise of Makassar', Review of Indonesian and Malayan Affairs, 17 (1983), 117-60, reprinted in Reid, Charting the Shape, ch. 6; Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680 (2 vols, New Haven, 1988-93); John Villiers, 'Makassar: the rise and fall of an East Indonesian maritime trading state, 1512-1669', inj. Kathirithamby-Wells and John Villiers (eds), The Southeast Asian Port and Polity (Singapore, 1990), 143-59; Roderich Ptak, 'Der Handel zwischen Macau und Makassar, 1640-1667', Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 139 (1989), 208-26. Earlier, Makassar had benefited from the Portuguese conquest of Melaka in 1511, which resulted in increased trade through its port by Javanese and Malay traders; it also benefited from the decline of the Javanese coastal states. See E. S. De Klerck, History of the Netherlands East Indies (2 vols, Amsterdam, 1975), i, 257; Bernard H. M. Vlekke, Nusantara: A History of the East Indian Archipelago (Cambridge, MA, 1945), 113.

The Dutch established a factory in 1603, the English in 1613, and the Danes in 1618, while traders from Spain and China began to appear from 1615 and 1619 respectively. On the trading activities of Makassar and the European presence in kingdom, see note 8, and C. R. Boxer, Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo: A Portuguese Merchant-adventurer in South East Asia, 1624-1667 ('s-Gravenhage, 1967); John Villiers, 'One of the especiallest flowers in our garden: the English factory at Makassar, 1613-1667', Archipel, 39 (1990), 159-78; D. K. Bassett, 'English trade in Celebes, 1613-1667', Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 31/1 (1958), 1-39. 10 Reid, 'Rise of Makassar', 138-9.

Villiers, 'English factory', 168-70. This took the form principally of munitions - for example, cannon and gunpowder - which intensified during the growing conflict with the Dutch.

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Makassar and the early Royal Society 521 overlordship was respected,12 a policy that set them on a collision course with the Dutch.

From its base in Batavia (former Jacatra), the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC) consolidated its position as the dominant European force in the archipelago in the seventeenth century, after repeated conflicts with the Portuguese, Spanish, and English. Their principal objective was to capture the spice trade, particularly in cloves, nutmeg, and mace, which focused their attentions on the Moluccas, Ambon, and the Banda Islands. If the Dutch company controlled production and supply of these goods, it would also control their price in Asian and European markets, but this monopolistic strategy required an attack on any trading powers that attempted to establish direct connections with the Spice Islands. Aggressive pursuit of this policy led to frequent skirmishes with the English (including the famous 'Amboyna Massacre' of 1623), a long-term blockade of the Portuguese stronghold of Melaka (1633-41), and the eventual occupation of Spanish forts at Tidore. An alliance with the Sultan of Ternate gave the Dutch political leverage in the territories under his influence, but this too had to be enforced. By 1657, partly through the destruction of trees in areas both within and beyond its direct control, the Dutch succeeded in making an arrangement in which the cultiva tion of cloves would be confined to Ambon and nutmeg to Banda. However, the adverse economic impact of the Dutch policy and the complex network of political alliances in the region resulted in a series of insurrections by Indonesian states, sometimes with the support of the Makassarese themselves.13 Initially the Dutch attempted to negotiate with the Makassarese in order to secure their position. They asked the sultan to refrain from trading with the Spice Islands, but his refusal led to a Dutch blockade. The conflict con tinued until 1637, when Anthony van Diemen persuaded Makassar to recog nize the VOC's interests, but the terms of the treaty were not respected and the Dutch again attempted to obtain the necessary assurances, this time in the person of Arnold de Vlamingh van Oudshoorn, in 1653. The Makas sarese once more refused, and reasserted their right to trade with Seram and Ambon, which was then in revolt. This rebuff resulted in a declaration of war by the Dutch in October 1653 in which they repeated the blockade of Makassar's harbour. Throughout this period the Makassarese were known to be providing support for resistance to the Dutch from various quarters, espe cially in Ambon, Buton, and Seram. Another treaty was signed, but mounting Dutch dissatisfaction led to a military expedition in 1660, which resulted in a treaty guaranteeing the eventual expulsion of the Portuguese from the island. After a series of further conflicts, a full-scale war began in November

12 For an important clarification of what the mare liberum principle meant in a Makassar context, and the tribute they expected from vassal states, see Andaya, Arung Palakka, 46-7.

13 For historical discussion in English, see Vlekke, Nusantara; De Klerck, History of the Netherlands East Indies; and D. G. E. Hall, A History of South-East Asia (London, 1955); in Dutch, see F. W. Stapel et al, Geschiedenis van Nederlandsch Indië (5 vols, Amsterdam, 1938-40), hi.

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522 Daniel Carey 1666, when Cornells Speelman led a Makassar. This was the first campaign allied with Arung Palakka, the exiled region was finally attained in 1669 with

This background helps to explain the amount and its poison by commentators of including a range of traders, soldiers, poison tree, Antiaris toxicaria,15 is part a wide area of Southeast Asia, including Myanmar (Burma), Thailand, and the the highly toxic latex of the tree.17 This in early accounts as a sap - hardens to acquired by jabbing the trunk with a seep down the tube. At this point it was and transported in cloths. The method of for hunting as well as military purposes, and often included other plant-based strychnine, but the common ingredient sufficient in terms of toxicity. Warriors who adept at judging the most poisonous examples sistency, which they reconstituted by boiling other sharp objects.18 When they struck the victim's bloodstream with rapid and the presence of a complex mixture causing the heart to contract so severely

See Andaya, Arung Palakka; De Klerck, History of the Het Bongaais Verdrag (Groningen and The Hague, 1922).

On this subject the major sources are: Thomas Horsfield, 63; Henry Yule and A. C. Burnell extended this account Indian Dictionary [1886] (Ware, 1996), 952-9; I. H. Burkill, Peninsula (2 vols, London, 1935), I, 174-84; see also John rated Poison Tree of Java', Journal of the Malayan Branch

On the geographical distribution of the tree, see N. Asia, with particular reference to the Strychnos species Hainan, and Indo-China', Lloydia, 29/1 (1966), 1-18; poisons of South-East Asia, with particular reference Thailand, and Malaya', Lloydia, 29/3 (1966), 172-95. See also (Berlin, 1901), 37-41.

On the chemistry of the poison, see references in Timila Shrestha, Brigitte Kopp, and Norman G. Bisset, 'The Moraceae-based dart poisons of South America: cardiac glycosides of Maquira and Naucleopsis species', fournal of Ethnopharmacology, 37 (1992), 129-43.

Geiger's account includes illustrations of the technique of harvesting the poisonous latex and photo graphs of materials used in transporting it. See also H. van der Veen, 'Aanteekeningen van Dr. H. van der Veen over blaasroer, schild en pijl en boog bij de Sa'dan- en Binoeang-Toradja's', Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 63 (1924), 368-73.

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Makassar and the early Royal Society 523 systole.19 To this day, no adequate remedy against it has been found, with effects dependent on levels of concentration in the dosage and how quickly dart is removed. There is no question about its toxicity, but a series of legendary stories accrued around its effects and antidotes, sometimes drawn from local tradition but elsewhere embellished on the basis of fear and uncertainty.

During the period of European trade and colonization in Indonesia, the earliest accounts of arrow poison in the region came from the Portuguese, the dominant presence in the archipelago in the sixteenth century. In fact, Afonso De Albuquerque, who led the conquest of Maleka in 1511, described a series of battles in which many of his men were wounded and killed by poisoned weapons.20 As far as Makassar was concerned, with which the Por tuguese had little contact at this time, the information was less specific. Tomé Pires, author of the extensive Suma Oriental (composed between 1512 and 1515), had originally travelled to India as a factor of spices in 1511. From there he was sent to the Moluccas by Albuquerque and he made at least one trip to Java, but his information regarding Makassar was limited. According to Pires, the Makassarese were 'all heathens, robust and great warriors'. He noted that they were feared with good reason because 'They carry a great deal of poison [ed weapons] and shoot with them'.21 However, he had no information on the source of the poison or techniques of production. Subsequent Portuguese accounts were even more cryptic. Diogo do Couto's Década Quarta da Asia (1602) contained a brief report on the island of Celebes, based on a manuscript from the 1560s by Gabriel Rebelo, who had spent thirteen years as a factor in the Moluccas. Couto's somewhat enhanced version of his source mentioned a dangerous tree located on the island:

Ha n'estas ilhas muitas monstuosidades, de que nâo falamos, e antre ellas hua arvore, que quem se poem à sombra do ponente mata logo, se nâo vâo buscar a sombre do levante, que he seu antidoto.22

Chemically this is related to the operation of digitalis. For a report on a recent death that occurred after ingestion of Antiaris toxicaria latex, see L. M. Ho, I. Cheong, and H. A. Jalil, 'Rhabdomyolysis and acute renal failure following blowpipe dart poisoning', Nephron, 72 (1996), 676-8. This case is peculiar because the poison is not acdve through the gastro-intestinal tract, but the victim may have had a puncture in the stomach lining which allowed it to enter the blood stream.

20 The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque, ed. and trans. Walter de Gray Birch (4 vols, London, 1875 84), in, 104, 108-9, 121, 127. The first edition of the Commentaries was published in 1557, the second in 1576.

21 The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires, ed. and trans. Armando Cortesào (2 vols, London, 1944), I, 226, 227.

22 'There are in these islands many monstrous things, of which we haven't spoken, and among them a tree, which kills those who stand in its shade on the western side, but standing on the eastern side serves antidote.' Diogo do Couto, Década Quarta da Asia, ed. M. Augusta Lima Cruz (2 vols, Lisbon, 1999), I, 386.

There are three surviving manuscripts of Gabriel Rebelo's Informaçào das Molucas (dating between 1561 1569), the first two printed in vol. hi of Documentaçào para a Histôria das Missöes do Padroado Português do Oriente -Insulindia, ed. Artur Basflio de Sa (Lisbon, 1955) and the third in vol. vi (Lisbon, 1988). In the latter, Rebelo's more restricted statement reads: ' Tem arvores, cuja sombra e fina peçonha da banda do ponente, quando ela pasâo, mas cura-se este dano com a do levante' (202). 'There are trees whose shade is a delicate venom on the western side, when you pass by them, but the sickness can be cured by the shade on the eastern side.'

On Couto's borrowings, see Antonio Coimbra Martins, Em Tomo de Diogo do Couto (Coimbra, 1985), 133-5.

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524 Daniel Carey

However brief, Couto's account is significant ious work of nature within the discourse of the monstrous. To that extent, he participates in a rhetorical tradition identifying the productions of the East as marvels, although in this case they create something closer to terror than to wonder. We shall see that this narrative approach, evident in the medieval travels of Odoric, had a long continuance in the developing response to Makassar poison. Bartolomé Leonardo de Argensola continued the pattern in his historical account of the Conquista de las Isias Malucas (1609). Argensola had never travelled in Southeast Asia and relied on Couto, among others, for his narrative sources. When it came to 'las islas Celebes', he elaborated on Couto's text by suggesting that they produced 'infinitas monstruosidades'. He included a similar account of the mysterious tree, concentrating on the fatal effect of its shade, which was remedied only by moving from the western side to the eastern at a distance of 'cuatro palmos'.23 Clearly such a cure was not much help to anyone struck by a poisoned arrow. In any case, Rebelo, Couto, and Argensola seem not to have possessed informa tion on the poisonous sap or latex of the tree and its military application. Within Makassarese society itself, blowpipes and poisons played an important role. In the sixteenth century, royally sponsored blowpipe makers were established during the reign of Tunipalangga (1548-66).24 The Gowa Chronicle, which described the history of the kingdom's rise and domin ance, traced this power to the capture of a sacred blowpipe, called I Buqle, which originally protected a rival people, killing hundreds of Gowa warriors with its unfailing direction of fatal darts. Once Gowa obtained it, their overlordship was ensured.25 The use of poison was not restricted to military occasions, however. It was also employed injudicial executions, with an acute awareness that its disturbing power exerted considerable social control.26

When we enter the seventeenth century - a period of increasing direct European contact with Makassar for trading purposes - a fuller account begins to emerge in Western sources. In 1603, Herman de Bree, a Dutch traveller, reported knowledgeably on the country's commercial networks. He commented on the 'outstanding humaneness' ('singulari humanitate') of the Makassarese, at this early stage of Dutch contact, and wrote with high expectations of a hospitable reception in the kingdom. At the same time he

23

Conquista de las Isias Malucas [1609] (Madrid, 1992), 75. As Argensola's English translator rendered this passage: 'One of these [Monstrous Productions] is a Tree bearing a vast Head, the shade whereof kills any Man that lyes down under it on the West-side, unless he immediately lye down on the East-side; the same shade at only a Yard distance being an Antidote against its opposite Malignity.' The Discovery and Conquest of the Molucco and Philippine Islands, trans. John Stevens (London, 1708), 49. Here, malignancy becomes a kind of active principle. On Argensola's text, see John Villiers's essay in this volume.

Anthony Reid, 'Pluralism and progress in seventeenth-century Makassar', Bijdragen Tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 156 (2000), 447.

William Cummings, Making Blood White: Historical Transformations in Early Modern Makassar (Honolulu, 2002), 131-3.

26 Ibid. 183-5.

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Makassar and the early Royal Society 525 noted their bravery in war and their use of arrows with sharp fishbone tips, 'so deeply dipped in poison that men wounded and struck by them cannot escape death' ('veneno adeo infectis, ut illis vulnerati & percussi mortem euitare non possint').27 He added that the Dutch had received several quivers filled with these arrows, an unusually generous gift.

The earliest published report in English was written by Thomas Herbert, whose journey east began in 1626, initially as part of a diplomatic mission to the Persian court of Shah Abbas.28 After the death of Sir Dodmore Cotton, who had led the embassy, Herbert continued his travels in India and else where. His short discussion of Makassar begins with the lax sexual customs of local women and their habit of smoking tobacco, before turning to an observation 'which is rarest, yet very true'. He notes that the country's war riors employ 'long Canes (they call them Sempitans)' from which they blow a 'little pricking piercing quill'. If they draw any blood, the victim either dies immediately or within the hour. He then recorded a disturbing (if fabulous) feature of the poison's operation which exerted a considerable fascination among writers on the subject:

All the wounded body (by the virulent strength of the venome) in that small space [of time] rots and consumes most rufully and not without much wonder.29

Herbert could not identify the source of the material itself but concentrated on its wondrous effects. As a result, the mystery surrounding the poison deepened in his disturbing tale.30

Around the time that Herbert was visiting Makassar, the Dutch naturalist and expert on tropical medicine Jacobus Bontius (Jacob De Bondt, 1592 1631) produced a similarly worrying - and highly influential - account of Makassar poison, although his version did not appear in print until 1658.31

27

De Bree's account appeared in a Latin translation by Gotardo Arthus in a series produced by the De Bry brothers, Indiae Orientalis Pars Octava (Frankfurt, 1607), Llr.

28 Herbert's published journal, which appeared originally in 1634, went through an elaborate series of expansions over the course of his life before his final edition in 1677. Herbert supported the parliamentary cause and attended Charles I in his captivity. He was eventually appointed groom of the bedchamber and became Charles's sole attendant in the final months of his life. Throughout the account of his travels, Herbert records his observations in an eccentric, digressive style, interlarding the text with classical comparisons and encountering human difference with an unusual mixture of liberality and dismay. On Herbert, who was given a baronetcy in 1660, see DNB and Boies Penrose, Urbane Travelers, 1591-1635 (Philadelphia, 1942), 174-214.

Thomas Herbert, A Relation of Some Yeares Travaile, Begänne Anno 1626 (London, 1634), 199.

30 This notion is probably behind Samuel Buder's simile drawn in his character of 'The Glutton': 'His Entrails are like the Sarcophagus, that devours dead Bodies in a small Space, or the Indian Zampatan, that consumes Flesh in a Moment', in A. R. Waller (ed.), Characters and Passages from Note-Books (Cambridge, 1908), 191-2.

31 Bontius trained in medicine at the university of Leiden, receiving his degree in 1614. After starting a practice in the city, he opted to enter the service of the VOC as a doctor, apothecary, and surgical inspector, sailing with his family for Batavia in 1627. He died there just four years later. His time was productive in literary terms, and he achieved a posthumous fame with the publication of De Medicina Indorum in 1642. A further two books of this appeared in 1658 in the Elzevier edition of Willem Piso's De Indiae utriusque re naturali et medica, which contained Piso's natural history of Brazil, written in collaboration with Georg Marcgraff.

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526 Daniel Carey

Bontius describes some 'marvelous works East, including the vast stones expelled burns in water and on one occasion early account of acupuncture in Japan. on the king of Makassar's poison. He immediate, causing death 'quicker than phenomenon identified by Herbert: this obnoxious poison in such a way, the bones like slime' ('carnes intro veneno, ita computrescent, ut tanquam avelli queant'). The miraculous force ever. Bontius went on to report that waist, and the trickling blood was touched the venom was such that it 'ascends and the life of the patient is cut off in accounts were true, not fairy tales enced not only by the Dutch but also Not long after the accounts of Herbert fuller report of Makassar was given territory in March 1632 as part of guese prisoners. He noted the enmity because the former had curtailed their nonetheless in a visit to the royal palace, Alauddin. He describes the impressive detail, the meal they were served, exchange between himself and one 'reformed religion' and provided him

Like Herbert, van Rechteren remarks on the dress of local women which was sufficiently capacious to allow men to get inside it at night 'to observe the work of Venus'; sodomy, meanwhile, was very common and did not carry any punishment. He was impressed by the beautifully crafted ships in the king's navy and claimed that the sovereign could raise an army of 100,000 men in six hours. The soldiers' weaponry consisted mainly of their poisoned spears ('piecken'), which they were adept in handling. If someone committed an offence, such as theft - even for a sum as small as a 'styver' - the king would order a servant to shoot him with a poisoned arrow, using a blowpipe, wherever he might be at the time, even if he was lying with his wife ('op sijn Vrouw leggende').33

Jacobus Bontius, De Arte Medica, trans, [books 5 and 6] A. Querido (Amsterdam, 1931), 287. Seyger van Rechteren's account, originally published in 1635, was reprinted (with interpolations) in the Dutch compendium edited by Isaac Commelin, Begin ende Voortgangh van de Vereenighde Nederlantsche Oost Indische Compagnie [1645] (4 vols, Amsterdam, 1969), iv, sig. Eee4v. For a brief summary of his work see Donald F. Lach and Edwin J. Van Kley, Asia in the Making of Europe. Volume 3. A Century of Advance. Book 3. Southeast Asia (Chicago, 1993), 1444-5.

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Makassar and the early Royal Society 527

The use of Makassar poison in a judicial context as mentioned by van Rechteren recurs in a number of seventeenth-century European accounts. John Jourdain, who established the English factory at Makassar in 1613, remarked on the same phenomenon in an unpublished report for the East India Company. He suggested that the king was able to judge the dosage of poison according to whether he wanted the prisoner to die on the spot or to allow him sufficient time to return home, where it would then take effect.34

On the basis of other reports, it appears that the Makassar kings deliberately staged judicial events of this kind in order to emphasize their power, often for the benefit of foreign visitors.35 By doing so they dramatically alerted their audience to the kind of military and judicial potency of the commodity they possessed. The earliest printed story to this effect appears in the Itinerario de Las Missiones (1646) by the Portuguese Augustinian Sebastiäo Manrique. Manrique, who had visited Makassar himself in 1640, told the story of a Portuguese nobleman who took refuge at Makassar during a trip from China to Goa. The good relations between the two countries meant that this gentleman was received with hospitality, and a gift exchange took place in which he received a 'very special' present, a certain root called Lucerrage, which provided an antidote to the force of Makassar poison. Clearly this was a valuable gift indeed. To demonstrate its usefulness, the king con ducted an experiment on two convicts. Both were pricked with a poisoned dart, 'dipped in a most virulent' ('muy resinado') poison:

The moment the sumpita touched him and a few drops of blood had fallen, the patient commenced to foam at the mouth and within half an hour fell prostrate on the floor, foaming at the mouth and writhing in the agonies of death. He was given a drink made of this pounded root in water and at once ceased to foam at the mouth, and in less than half an hour he was once more on his feet. The sentence was then carried out by another dose from the sumpita and within an hour he was removed for burial.36

Manrique concluded with a laconic remark: 'Such was the experiment usu ally carried out on such occasions by the King of Macassar'. His comment suggests that this kind of event was a regular occurrence staged for the benefit of visiting dignitaries. Support for this view can be found in later travel journals. Jean Baptiste Tavernier stated that his brother Daniel was 'much beloved by the King, who invited him to take part in all his amuse ments, and especially when drinking was in question'. On one occasion Tavernier was invited to witness the execution of an Englishman who had

35 See, for example, Nicolas Gervaise, An Historical Description of the Kingdom of Macassar in the East-Indies

36 C. Eckford Luard (ed.), Travels of Fray Sebastien Manrique 1629-1643 (2 vols, Oxford, 1927), n,

William Foster (ed.), The Journal ofJohn Jourdain, 1608-1617 (Cambridge, 1905), 295, See, for example, Nice [1688] (London, 1701), 99. 36 167,

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528 Daniel Carey

committed murder. The king demonstrated ing Tavernier's brother to name the He suggested the right big toe. Two ready to make an immediate amputation, plish it so skilfully but that the poison, and the Englishman died at the same Among seventeenth-century authors, sion to the story surrounding Makassar Johann Jacob Saar, namely the consumption able antidote.38 Saar was a German of nineteen and served with the company and 1659. His Ost-Indianische fünfzehen-jährige Nuremberg, his native city, in 1662, in numerous conflicts in Banda, Ceylon,

A tree grows on Makassar, a coastal highly poisonous so that, if someone and if this limb is not cut off immediately, heart and kills, unless - and this is excrement, as fresh as it goes from Saar went on to describe an unfortunate were shot with poisoned arrows during one of them a carpenter and the other the ship, where the sailor saved his medicine' ('Seine abscheuliche Medicin'), produce any excrement and died in cure would never have been efficacious,

37 Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Travels in India [1676], Rumphius also reported that the Makassar kings 'experimented' Kruid-Boek (7 vols, Amsterdam, The Hague, and Utrecht, tion to satirical effect. In his character of a schoolmaster, Dominion in his Territories and (like the King of de Quehen (ed.), Prose Observations (Oxford, 1979), Odoric of Pordenone's account of this 'cure' appeared volume of Hakluyt's Principal Navigations (1598-1600).

Trafiques & Discoveries of the English Nation (12 vols, Johann Jacob Saar, Reise nach Java, Banda, Ceylon (The Hague, 1930), 56. On Saar see Allgemeine Deutche L'Honoré Naber. Saar noted that Bandanese women They sat in trees and smeared their 'Fischgeräht' (57; darts from small wooden pipes. 40 Saar, Reise nach Java, Banda, Ceylon und Persien, 57. story about Java in his travel account, dating from c. 1669). Reprinted as S. P. L'Honoré Naber (ed.), Reise (The Hague, 1930), 29. See also Johan Nieuhof, another who discussed the poison and its alleged cure in 1682 in translated as Voyages and Travels to the East Indies 1653-1670

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Makassar and the early Royal Society 529 blood stream, with effects dependent on dosage, concentration, and the length of time the weapon remains in the wound.

The escalation of military conflict with the Makassarese in the 1660s meant that the Dutch faced an increasing threat from poisoned weapons of vari ous kinds. Describing the campaign to subdue the country in 1660, Wouter Schouten narrated the capture of an important fort, Pa'nakkukang, which was immediately surrounded by hostile forces who attacked with 'uncommon fury', firing thousands of arrows and poisoned assagays.41 The Dutch later allied with the Bugis, under the command of Arung Palakka, waging the 'Makassar war', which ended in 1669. Accounts of the numerous battles in the war indicate that the Dutch and Bugis concentrated on firing at their enemies from ships along the coast, as well as conducting night-time raids, burning villages, and using various explosive devices. Despite their precau tions, during an attack on a small village in October 1667, three men were killed by 'spatten' and Palakka himself was injured, but his life was saved by taking an unnamed counterpoison (tegen-gift) .42 A contemporary Dutch engraving, celebrating the eventual victory over Makassar, pictures an extended landscape with an array of ongoing skirmishes. In the foreground Makassarese warriors with spears and blowpipes attack Dutch forces mounted on horse.43

The Dutch were led in this war by Admiral Cornells Speelman. He had much at stake in obtaining accurate information about Makassar poison, although his opportunity to do so seems to have come only after the war was over. In an account published in 1685 in a German learned journal, Speel man noted that several obstacles existed to securing a full report. The Makas sar princes were bound by oath not to divulge anything about their weapons or poisons. Furthermore, the 'choicest' poison on the island was obtained from the 'Loradia' (the Toraja), who inhabited a remote and mountainous inland territory.44 Despite these difficulties, Speelman was able to construct an extensive account. Various princes supplied him with testimony, abandon ing their oath, and indicated that around the poison tree itself nothing else would grow for a considerable expanse. The poisonous liquid was obtained by making a lesion in the bark of the tree with a long bamboo reed fixed with a sharp iron tip. The 'violent wounding' allowed the sap to emerge and gather in the reed, hardening to a black or dark-red colour. Speelman indic ated that excessive heat and cold proved harmful to the poison and it had to be preserved with care, bound in numerous layers of cloth, which had to

'By duysende van Spatten / Pijlen / en vergifte Assagayen / vloogen door de lucht / en vielen in Panakoke neder.' Wouter Schouten, Oost-Indische Voyagie (Amsterdam, 1676), 90. 42

Vermeerdert Journael of Kort Verhael van't Begin Voortgangh en Eynde des Oorloghs tusschen den Koningh en verdere Regeeringe van Macassar (Amsterdam, 1670?), 7. The same report mentions the capture of numerous sump itans, daggers (kris), and 'piecken' in various raids.

Reproduced in Stapel, Het Bongaais Verdrag.

On the Toraja, see Hetty Nooy-Palm, The Sa'Dan-Toraja: A Study of Their Social Life and Religion (2 vols, The Hague, 1979-86). On their use of the poison see I, 227-8; H. van der Veen, 'Aanteekeningen'; and H. van der Veen, The Merok Feast of the Sa'Dan Toraadja ('s-Gravenhage, 1965), 89, 91.

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530 Daniel Carey be changed regularly. In this fashion or globules' and delivered to the Makassar

The power of individual samples could but was tested by placing some part bubbling, the stronger was the poison. poison to the tips of their weapons fish - they would place it in water herb, called Lampojang or Lampaya.45 retained their potency for two years, for a month or two. He noted that Makassarese and Bugis, and that a 'popular Yet none of them could overcome the instant death. What was more, anyone to survive would find that one, two, succumb, especially 'those who mingle and those who eat fungi and tubers sese miscent ac conversantur, fungosque

By far the fullest description of the building on the information of Speelman Rumphius, the German-born naturalist and 1702 while in the service of the volume work, H el Amboinsche Kruid-Boek, 55, but the research and writing had contains a mixture of fact with the ing of the poison was still structured marvels, whether European or local Makassar had come under the control successful campaigns. This provided poison tree but did not dispel the range concerning the poison's operation. According noxious that neither grass nor any below was 'russet, and as if scorched'.48 would fall to the ground dead, and through it would perish. In a splendid

45 Identified as Zingiber zerumbet (L.) Sm. See E. D. Merrill, ense (Manila, 1917), 151-3. 46 Miscellanea Curiosa, sive Ephemendum Medico-Physicarum Germanicarum Academiae Naturae Curiosorum, Dec.

II. Annus Tertius (Nuremberg, 1685), 130. The text was reprinted in a section entitled 'India Literata' as part of Michaelis Bernhardi Valentini, Historia Simplicium (Frankfurt, 1716), 434-5.

Rumphius went blind in 1670 and began composing the text anew in Dutch. The first six books were complete by 1690, two more by 1696, and three final books by 1697 (with an augmentation in 1701). On Rumphius see E. M. Beekman, 'Introduction' to Georgius Everhardus Rumphius, The Ambonese Curiosity Cabinet (New Haven, 1999), xxxv-lxxxiii; E. M. Beekman, Troubled Pleasures: Dutch Colonial Literature from the East Indies, 1600-1950 (Oxford, 1996), ch. 5; H. C. D. de Wit (ed.), Rumphius Memorial Volume (Baarn, 1959).

48 Poison Tree, 129.

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Makassar and the early Royal Society 531 with the tree, Rumphius reported that only one creature could abide to live beneath it: a 'horned snake that cackles like a hen, or as others are wont to say, crows like a cock, and by night has fiery eyes'.49 Stories of this basilisk seem to have come from local sources, but whatever their provenance, they would have given pause to anyone contemplating a mission to secure their own sample. These and other accounts ensured that control of the substance was likely to remain in native hands.

The manner of harvesting it was perilous indeed, merely confirming the dangers associated with any near approach. It was necessary to cover the body with a series of cloths to avoid any direct contact. If any drops of sap touched the skin, the body would swell up. Even a branch sent to Rumphius in Ambon was still powerful enough, he commented, to create a tingling sensation if one stuck a hand into the container.

What made this inquiry more than purely academic, of course, was the use the Makassarese made of the poison in military conflict. Rumphius's chapter was framed by this concern. He began by noting the fear the poison had inspired in Dutch soldiers, but he was now confident that greater informa tion on its 'nature and antidotes' meant that they had less to worry about. He closed the chapter with a discussion of military expeditions in which the poison had figured. During what he called the 'Madjerasensian War', when the Makassarese joined forces with Ambonese rebels, the Dutch took a vari ety of steps to combat their poisoned arrows, resorting to anti-poisons of several kinds and a number of other measures. Officers, who could afford to do so, dressed themselves in loose-fitting leather garments over their regular attire, ensuring that if they were struck with an arrow it would not pene trate. The sailors and 'grenadeers', of more modest means, used sailcloth to achieve the same effect. He continued:

We also had to heed the Blow-pipes themselves, because those warriors in the front ranks of the enemy had fastened them with iron blades, like spears, and smeared these with poison. And with these they invaded our ranks, wherefore these spears were especially good.50

The Dutch responded by improvising their own form of bayonet, attach ing spears onto their flintlocks. For those who had been hit, the danger did not subside even if they survived the immediate onslaught of the poison. Rumphius noted the case of a soldier, identified as a kinsman of Rumphius's who fought with VOC forces in Seram, who was shot in the chest with a dart in 1654. Three years later 'he felt a burning in the same spot, followed by raging fever that killed him'.51

Ibid. 50 Ibid. 134.

31 Rumphius, Amboinsche Kruid-Boek, n, 270 [book 3, ch. 46]. I am indebted to Professor E. M. Beekman for providing me with a copy of his translation of this chapter, part of his planned complete edition of the work.

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'rryi/li&t Snut/fSfV'Makassarese poison blow-pipes'. From Johan Nieuhof, Zee en lant-Reize, door verscheide gewesten van Oostindieri (Amsterdam, 1682). Reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford (shelfmark Mason T 123).

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Makassar and the early Royal Society 533

Rumphius devoted an entire chapter to the subject of antidotes. The most famous was the ordure cure, the only one that was known during the Ambonese wars. If a victim could not 'produce' himself, he would ask colleague, the point being to cause severe vomiting. In fact, Rumphius noted the case of a valiant captain who saved himself by this means despite being hit by four or five darts. Rumphius's trust in this method is curious because he recognized correcdy that the 'Ipo cannot exercise its power if it is not in contact with living blood'.52 However, he concluded that this means of counteraction 'seems to break the power of the venom and expel it from the body'.53 But things were looking up as far as antidotes were concerned, and he listed a host of herbal methods which had been discovered from the local people 'by coaxing or by force',54 all of them predicated on inducing severe vomiting. III

Makassar poison was the subject of ongoing discussion among an array of travellers, factors, soldiers, and naturalists resident in eastern Indonesia over the course of the seventeenth century. Their reports, based on a mixture of rumour, observation, myth, and local tradition, enhanced the reputation of the poison of Antiaris toxicaria as a highly lethal substance and a valuable possession of the Makassar kings. But what kind of impact did these stories have in Europe, and what importance was ascribed to this toxic entity? Evid ence from the activities of the Royal Society of London in the 1660s indic ates that the impact was substantial. Minutes of the Society's meetings reveal an extended engagement with Makassar poison, in an attempt to ascertain its effects and possible antidotes. These efforts complemented the project of natural history, but the evidence also provides the basis for a different per spective on European rivalries, and the political economy of seventeenth century trade and colonial expansion.

Drawing on individual and collective initiatives, the Royal Society sent inquiries to English factors resident in Southeast Asia regarding Makassar poison, contacted returned travellers and agents of the East India Company for reports, and eventually obtained samples enabling them to conduct a series of experiments to establish its efficacy. Yet their research was much more than an attempt to document a curiosity of nature: it formed part of a larger commitment to support English enterprises of trade and colonial

52 Rumphius, Amboinsche Kruid-Boek, n, 269.

53 Ibid.

Ibid. In Engelbert Kaempfer's report on Makassar poison, compiled during a ten-year Eastern journey from 1683 to 1693, he makes it clear that torture was employed to extract this information. See his Amceni tatum exoticarum politicofihysico-medicarum fasciculi V, quibus continentur varia relationes, observationes, & descrip tiones rerum Persicarum & ulterioris Asia (Lemgo, 1712). For a translation of the relevant chapter, see Engelbert Kaempfer, Exotic Pleasures Fascicle III Curious Scientific and Medical Observations, trans. Robert W. Carrubba (Carbondale and Edwardsville, 1996), 96-107.

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534 Daniel Carey settlement around the globe.55 In this on the workings of Makassar poison reasons: as long as the Dutch remained knowledge of a poison they could English factors understood all too as a place of open trade, and the in local opposition to Dutch insurgence, Of course, depending on changes themselves might become subject arsenal.

At the same time, the struggle for lucrative spices and access to markets took place in a much larger context than Makassar or Southeast Asia alone. The three Anglo-Dutch wars between 1652 and 1674 occurred as much because of conflict over trade and colonial territory - whether on the African coast, the Americas, or the East Indies - as they did because of shifting polit ical alliances in Europe. The Royal Society's investigations are significant in this respect because they took place just prior to and during the second Anglo-Dutch war (1664-7).

Yet the Royal Society's effort to understand Makassar poison also intersects with their wider concern with poisonous entities encountered around the globe by travellers and traders. Such phenomena had the potential to yield significant medical insights, but securing further knowledge of toxicity and counter-poisons related in the first instance to the needs of explorers who pursued English and European interests in very dangerous conditions. Finally, the possession of a potent poison, quick in operation and difficult to defend against, might have proved beneficial nearer to home in European political and courtly intrigue. Charles II, who gave the Society its royal status, may also have been the person who stood to gain, in this case, from its investigations.

The group that became the Royal Society was established on a formal basis at the Restoration, meeting on a weekly basis at Gresham College in London. As early as May 1661, the minutes of the Society indicate that the subject of poison had arisen. During the discussion, various poisons were mentioned, including nux vomica (strychnine) and viper poison, important in the making of theriac. Two Fellows, Dr Finch and Dr Baines, were requested to 'inquire after poisons' when they travelled next to Italy,56 while Thomas Povey was asked to write to Bantam (Banten), in western Java, where the English had their largest Indonesian base, for information on that poison 'which is

On the formulation by the Royal Society of inquiries for travellers to various countries, and the relation ship between travel, colonialism and natural history generally, see Daniel Carey, 'Compiling nature's history: travellers and travel narratives in the early Royal Society', Annals of Science, 54 (1997), 269-92.

°6 Thomas Birch, The History of the Royal Society [1756-7] (4 vols, Hildesheim, 1968), i, 24. See Archibald Malloch, Finch and Baines: A Seventeenth Century Friendship (Cambridge, 1917), ch. 6.

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Makassar and the early Royal Society 535 related to be so quick, as to turn a man's blood suddenly into jelly'. Evidendy the Society had taken note of the disturbing narrative of Makassar poison delivered in Bontius's account of the marvels of the region, published three years earlier in 1658. In the meantime, Cornelius Vermuyden, recently elected to the Society, produced a poisonous arrow for testing in June of that year, but as John Evelyn reported, the trial conducted on a dog did not succeed.58

Two years later the matter came to their attention again when Sir Robert Moray, an active member of the Society and a courtier with close connections to Charles II, produced a 'poisoned dagger presented to his majesty from an Indian king by the captain of the ship Truro, lately returned from the East Indies'.59 We cannot be sure whether the poison in question came from Makassar, nor whether Charles II's intention was for the Society to test it on his behalf. This supposition is not unreasonable, however, since the minutes for a subsequent meeting are more explicit in stating that the king requested tests on another deleterious poison, oil of tobacco, known as the 'Duke of Florence's poison'.60 In any case, an experiment was performed on the day by warming the dagger and pricking a kitten to ascertain the poison's effects. The test was inconclusive, as the cat did not expire during the time of the meeting. The minutes of the subsequent gathering, on 1 April, state the 'The kitten wounded at the last meeting with the poisoned dagger, sent from the East Indies, was produced alive'.61

In October 1663, further information at last arrived from contacts in the East Indies. Daniel Colwall reported that he had received answers to inquiries he had sent there, dated 12 November 1662, from Bantam. He had asked for information on betel, camphor, edible birds' nests, rhinoceros horn, which was deemed 'antidotal', and ambergris, among other topics. The response on the subject of Makassar poison was intriguing. The correspondent stated that the 'famous' poison came from the island of Celebes and was made by the mountain people known as the 'Traia' (the Toraja), to whom Speelman and Rumphius later referred. He could not ascertain the precise ingredients of the poison and stated nothing about its origin in tree sap. However, he observed that 'such is the effect, that a small arrow being imbued with it, giveth a fatal wound, if it draw blood in any place, and is incurable'. The best available antidote was 'human ordure, which being crammed down the throat, enforceth so strong a vomit, that it often cureth'.62 He went on to explain that Dutch army officers commanded their troops to carry their own excrement with them when they engaged in battle with the enemy. Otherwise he could report only that the

57

Birch, The History of the Royal Society, I, 24.

58 Ibid. 31; E. S. de Beer (ed.), The Diary offohn Evelyn (6 vols, Oxford, 1955), ill, 290.

Birch, The History of the Royal Society, I, 214.

At a meeting of 19 April 1665. See Birch, The History of the Royal Society, ii, 31.

Birch, The History of the Royal Society, i, 215.

62 Ibid. 318.

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536 Daniel Carey

natives preserved the poison by wrapping cloths to protect it from the air. Despite remained. He had seen a Malayan 'pretending it antidotal', a point that Torajan man had consumed a bird, further precaution than cutting out latter information was correct: since intestinal tract, consumption of prey valuable for hunting purposes. Clearly investigated about this peculiar poison. sufficiently significant to be entered

In July 1664, as the second Anglo-Dutch Society made contact with an important seat of Dutch operations in the East known of Vernatti, who was apparently university of Leiden. At some point becoming an agent of the company Vernatti met Sir Robert Moray, who eventually East India inquiries. Vernatti responded important correspondent, sending Society's repository. On 27 July, the the 'East-India present', was opened. inquiries were received with great interest they were to be communicated to other request that they 'press for more particular When Thomas Sprat published his History included Vernatti's responses as evidence On the matter of Makassar, the question What Poyson is it the King of Macassar to himself, which not only kills a man slightest Wound by a Dart dipt therein, make [sic] the flesh, touched with from the Bones, and whose poysonous made with an unpoysoned Dart, manner touch'd with a Dart infected there is of this Relation?67

Rumphius, Amboinsche Kruid-Boek, 2: 269.

Birch, The History of the Royal Society, I, 319. W. Ph. Coolhaas refers to him as 'advocaat-fiscaal' in Batavia. See W. Ph. Coolhaas (ed.), Generale Missiven van Gouvemeurs-Generaal en Raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie ('s-Gravenhage, 1968), m, 663.

Birch, The History of the Royal Society, I, 454.

Thomas Sprat, History of the Royal Society [1670], ed. Jackson I. Cope and Harold Whitmore Jones (St Louis, 1959), 164.

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Makassar and the early Royal Society 537

The Society seems to have been thinking especially of Bontius's rather gothic tale of flesh that turned to slime on the bones as a result of the poison's action, a narrative twist that Herbert had also supplied. The concluding thought suggested a degree of doubt hovering over the extraordinary accounts of the poison.

Vernatti confirmed the existence of the poison, but admitted, 'what it is, no Christian hitherto ever knew right'. In a somewhat cryptic comment, he added, 'By the Government of Arnold de Flamminge Van Outshorn divers have been tortured; yea, killed'.68 He refers here to the VOC governor, De Vlamingh van Oudshoorn, renowned for his ruthless suppression of local opposition. What Vernatti seems to acknowledge is the fact that Van Oud shoorn tortured and killed various Makassarese in order to obtain informa tion on the poison they possessed.69 The Dutch had learned that the roots of the Antiaris tree supposedly provided an antidote, but 'our People', as he called the Dutch, 'found no Antidote like to their own or others Excrements' when they encountered the poison in their war with Makassar. On being hit, they 'instantly took a dose of this same', which led them to vomit, freeing 'the Noble parts from further Infection'.70 The provenance of the poison remained uncertain, some affirming that it derived from the 'Gall of a Ven emous Fish', while others traced it to a poisonous tree. Convicts condemned to die were commanded to fetch the poison, but its force was so great that 'not one of an hundred scape death' in doing so.

On the question of how a wound made by an wwpoisoned weapon could become fatally infected with Ipo, Vernatti was emphatic. The question he was asked again derived from Bontius's report. Bontius had claimed that blood trickling from a wound which subsequently came in contact with the poison would immediately become infected, causing the victim's death by ascending into the body with great speed. Vernatti found this account wholly per suasive. Those who studied the phenomenon of 'sympathy' understood the process all too well, and 'set belief in that much renowned Sympathetical Powder of Sir Kenelme Digby'. Vernatti referred here to the medical theories of a colourful Fellow of the Society and medical virtuoso, Sir Kenelm Digby. In 1658, he had published a Discours . . . touchant la guerison des playes, par la poudre de sympathie, originally delivered before a distinguished gathering at Montpellier. The work was translated into English in the same year, and described a cure achieved without direct contact with the wound itself.

Instead, Digby's powder, basically copper sulphate, was combined with thing that had made contact with the wound - a bandage, for example. Digby explained the process, atoms of blood from the bandage sought their place of origin, the wound itself, 'and so reenter into their naturall

Ibid.

69

70

For corroboration of this reading, see note 54 above.

Sprat, History of the Royal Society, 165.

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538 Daniel Carey beds, and primitive receptacles'. Having der, these atoms returned invisibly together within all the corners, fibres, open about the wound of the party fine imperceptibly cured'."

Several factors made Vernatti's invocation First, the invisible operation of sympathy making contact with blood outside impact internally. The victim's blood origin, carrying poisoned atoms along stituted a variation on the weapon also take place by applying the compound wound in the first place.'2 Hence a could operate in the same way. Finally, powder had come from a Carmelite travelled in Persia, China, and the court at Florence. When pressed had answered 'That it was a secret which he had learnt in the oriental parts'.73 Even if the cure had become widely known, this fact suggested Eastern medicine possessed its own array of mysteries. As far as Makassar poison was concerned, Vernatti came to a worrying conclusion: Effects of the Macassars Arts are unknown to us'.74 Three months after Vernatti's responses were received, William Croone provided a further update to the Society in October 1664. He had met with a long-time resident at the court of Makassar who confirmed most of the stories that had circulated about 'their strange poisons'.75 This witness had personally seen hundreds of people killed by them. No European physicians could discover any way of preventing the effects of the poison by surgery, even if they immediately cut out the wound inflicted by the poisoned weapon. Field hospitals were thus of no use. In a short time anyone hit by an arrow would 'fall down stone dead'. As for their flesh turning to

71

Sir Kenelm Digby, A Late Discourse Made in a Solemne Assembly of Nobles and Learned Men at Montpellier in France. . . Touching the Cure of Wounds by the Powder of Sympathy, trans. R. White (London, 1658), 135-6.

See Allen G. Debus, 'Robert Fludd and the use of Gilbert's De Magnete in the weapon-salve controversy', Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 19/4 (1965), 389-417, especially 416.

Digby, A Late Discourse, 12. On Digby's powder and other exponents of it, see Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science (8 vols, New York, 1923-58), vu, 503-9. Robert Boyle remarked: 'Wherefore that the sympathetick powder and the weapon-salve are never of any efficacy at all, I dare not affirm; but that they constantly perform what is promised of them, I must leave others to believe'. The Works, ed. Thomas Birch (6 vols, Hildesheim, 1965-6), I, 346. See also Some Considerations Touching the Usefulnesse of Experimental Naturall Philosophy (1663), in The Works of Robert Boyle, ed. Michael Hunter and Edward B. Davis (14 vols, London, 1999-2000), m, 367, 430-1.

74

Sprat, History of the Royal Society, 165.

Birch, The History of the Royal Society, I, 478. Croone was professor of rhetoric at Gresham College and an active Fellow of the Society with interests in physiology. See Dictionary of Scientific Biography.

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Makassar and the early Royal Society 539 jelly, he could not affirm this account, as he had never seen the effect himself.76

It was not until 1665 that the Society secured further samples of the poison with which the Fellows could conduct experiments. John Graunt, the Lon don draper and observer of 'bills of mortality', had received an account of Makassar poison and its effects which, as a meeting of March was informed, rectified the 'common stories made thereof.77 More importantly, he had also obtained some of the poison, which he intended to demonstrate. On 8 March, he produced his 'Makassar powder', but the test was reserved for the following meeting. On that occasion, a dog was injected with some of the poison, 'so famous for its suddaine operation', as Evelyn observed in his diary, but, in Samuel Pepys's words, 'it had no effect all the time we sat there'.78 At this gathering something of a commotion was caused when it was discovered that the physician Walter Charleton had taken the poison home with him after the previous meeting, contrary to the Society's rules. Charle ton, an eager experimenter with poisons, was apparently unable to control his excitement and was called to account for his actions. The incident made its way into a contemporary satire by Samuel Butler.79

Two months later, the Society received its fullest and most accurate narrat ive account of the poison, delivered to them by the nobleman Charles Howard. He had received it from someone who had lived in Makassar for four years but had now returned to England. According to his report, the poison was called 'Ippo' in the Makassar and Malay languages, and it was described as 'the gum of a certain tree, shining, brittle, black, and every way like stone-pitch'.80 It was found in the upland area of the island, gathered by the 'savage' mountain people, the 'Teragias', with whom the Makassarese had some cor respondence. No foreigner had ever seen it collected. The Torajas harvested it cautiously, remaining on the windward side of the tree and collecting the

76 Robert Hooke summarized this report in a letter to Robert Boyle of late October 1664. See The Corres pondence of Robert Boyle, ed. Michael Hunter, Antonio Clericuzio, and Lawrence M. Principe (6 vols, London, 2001), ii, 370.

77

Birch, The History of the Royal Society, ii, 20. Ibid. 23; Evelyn, Diary, hi, 403; The Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. Robert Latham and William Matthews (10 vols, London, 1970-83), vi, 57.

79 'An occasional reflection on Dr. Charlton's feeling a dog's pulse at Gresham College. By R. B. Esq.', in René Lamar (ed.), Satires and Miscellaneous Poetry and Prose (Cambridge, 1928), 341-3, a parody of Robert Boyle; the original appeared in R. Thyer (ed.), The Genuine Remains in Verse and Prose of Mr. Samuel Butler (2 vols, London, 1759), i, 405-10. The relevant passage reads: 'Nor is the diligent and solert Dr. less proper for this Administration, as having so natural a Propensity to this Kind of venenous Operations, that it is not long since (as you well remember) when the King of Macassar s Poison was sent hither, the Dr. was so impati ent to try the Experiment solitary, that, rather than attend the Pleasure of the Royal-Society, he adventured (though at the Price of their Displeasure) to invade it by Surreption and Involation, and secretly deprived the Hint-Keeper of it; for which he received, I will not say whether condign Punishment, or severe Castiga tion, from the learned and honourable President, in a grave and weighty Oration pronounced by his Lordship before this celebrious and renowned Assembly' (341-2). For some discussion, see Maijorie Hope Nicolson, Pepys'Diary and the New Science (Charlottesville, 1965), 67-8, 153-7.

Birch, The History of the Royal Society, ii, 43.

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540 Daniel Carey gum in hollow bamboo canes for transportation. Makassarese hunters and warriors, who 'Sampitans' of six or seven feet in length, they inserted a small arrow. At the bottom a piece of soft wood, similar to cork, sumpitan, allowing the air pressure to At the far end, they affixed a small fish of the point of a lancet', which they erful instances of the poison were owned quality'. Their samples, if carefully preserved, three years. He added a local belief, sequently reported, that no live crab roof' where the poison was being kept of the poison.81 The correspondent had this experimentally. 'Divers great persons' many efforts to find an antidote, nothing vented its effects.

He described the manner of preparing the arrows in some detail. The local people scraped some poison into a turtle shell and added the juice of a grated 'galangal-root'. Using a stick, they would 'anoint' the fish tooth or blade and then lay it in the sun for two hours in order to bake it on. After wards, the treated arrows were placed inside hollow bamboos, where they would retain their 'virtue' for a month's time. On this basis, the witness explained why the samples sent to England had proved so disappointing. The time required to ship them to England would nullify their effect. The reaction to this testimony was notable. His authority was such that he was invited to attend a subsequent meeting in person and to offer an opinion on the sample supplied by Graunt. When he did so, the traveller made the disappointing announcement that the poison they had tested was not in fact from Makassar, 'nor at all like it'.82

This episode indicates some of the vagaries of early scientific experi mentation. In this case, the Society could not be confident that it was testing the proper substance. They waited another three years before an opportun ity arose to try once again. After a long interruption of its meetings caused by the plague in London, the Society convened in October 1668 and took delivery of another shipment of curiosities from Sir Philiberto Vernatti. His friend Sir Robert Moray presented 'Three small cans filled with Macassar poison, together with a description of its use upon arrows. For the trial of which poison a dog or cat was again ordered to be provided against the next meeting.'83 When they returned to the subject on 5 November, a dog was

Ibid. 44. See Rumphius, Poison Tree, 133.

Birch, The History of the Royal Society, n, 47. Ibid. 314.

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Makassar and the early Royal Society 541 readied for the occasion. The poison was 'mingled' with lemon juice and applied to point of a knife, which was then 'struck into the fleshy part of one of the dog's hind legs'. By the time the meeting broke up, however, the animal appeared quite unaffected.84

The Society faced undoubted difficulties in pursuing the matter, as we have seen. Even accepting that they had located authentic samples, they encountered the problem of transporting them with sufficient speed and skill to ensure that they had not deteriorated in the process. The testimony of contacts in Makassar continually emphasized the care necessary to preserve the poison, the varying durability of it, and its susceptibility to extreme heat and cold.85 They then had an insuperable challenge of standardizing dosages. The potential for making progress in experiment and under standing was therefore limited. This explains their heavy dependence on narrative accounts, which had the advantage of being closer to the source, although in practice they often included a mixture of rumour, legend, and fable as much as eyewitness experience.

The famed Italian naturalist and physician Francesco Redi was undeterred. Redi, who experimented extensively with poisons, especially from vipers, delivered his thoughts on the subject of Makassar poison in 1670, and they were subsequently translated into English and published by the Royal Society's printer in 1673. Redi questioned the veracity of existing reports which claimed that the substance had the power to kill 'in that very moment he receiveth the slightest wound thereby' and that the victim's flesh would putrefy in half an hour, falling 'from the bones in many pieces, whence do exhale such virulent streams, that if they light upon any ordinary and not envenomed wound, they mortally infect it, and without fail kill the Patient'.86 Once again, Bontius's report proved durable in its impact. But Redi regarded it as a fable on the basis of his own experiments. In Tuscany the material had no such 'fierce and malignant a nature'. He wounded various dogs and some of them died in six hours, others seven, and others still in twenty-four hours. Certainly their flesh did not fall off and putrefy, nor did the wound infect other animals. He made the accurate suggestion that the effectiveness of the poisoned arrows depended on how long they stuck in the wound, and he conjectured that the native 'savages' deliberately designed the weapon tips to break off and remain in the incision. He even went so far as to suggest that the arrows in Makassar might have been treated with the poison of vipers or other serpents in the region, 'of a more maligne nature because of the diversity of the Climate'.87 He had nothing to say, perhaps wisely, on the subject of cures.

For example, Rumphius, Poison Tree, 132.

A Letter of Francesco Redi Concerning Some Objections made upon his Observations about Vipers (London, 1673), 20.

Ibid. 16. The question arises of how Redi 'sourced' the poison. He was head physician in the Medici court and superintendent of the ducal pharmacy. He may have been supplied by Cosimo III.

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542 Daniel Carey

Redi may have undermined the belief Makassar poison's ability to act at a about the true origin and nature leading plant taxonomist and Fellow tree in his Historia Plantarum from who attempted to sort out the confusion. placed the inquiry right back where statement that the Ipo tree killed everything bones of dead men and animals were often found in the ambit of its shadow.

Birds who landed on its branches also succumbed unless they consumed nux vomica, and even then they still suffered a loss of feathers ('sed defluvium patiuntur plumarum'). Various groups, hostile to the Spaniards, made use of the poison, for which no remedy was known, overcoming all other antidotes except human excrement ('irremediabile venenum, omnibus aliis alexiphar macis superius, praeterquam stercore human propinato').88 In his effort to identify the tree, Camello speculated on various connections with prior reports, including the cryptic statement of Argensola, who reported, as already mentioned, on the mysterious tree with heavy foliage whose western shade proved fatal, while its eastern shade was antidotal.

The phenomenon of Makassar poison engaged the attention of a wide array of travellers, soldiers, and naturalists in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, intent on discovering the nature of a substance surrounded in mystery. However gothic the tales of its effects and antidotes, recounted in narratives that thrived on the exotic and curious, the poison also indicates some of the dangers encountered in European expansion in Southeast Asia. At the same time, the keen efforts to learn more about its operation draw attention to the rivalry between the Dutch and their competitors, especially the English, who harnessed the new science to the project of trade and colonial development. For them, little could deter Dutch hegemony, it seemed, but some hope may have rested on Makassar poison, with its power to inflict instant death and inspire fear.

The place of this substance in contemporary political economy was predic ated, in the first instance, on its deployment as a weapon in wars settling the trading status of a nation that refused to submit to Dutch control. But the poison also played the part of a commodity in a number of intriguing circumstances,89 in which it was harvested, 'produced', and exchanged for

who made two trips to Holland between 1667 and 1669. The other leading possibility is the Royal Society's Fellows Dr Finch and Dr Baines, who were asked in 1661 to inquire into the subject of poisons by the Society during their upcoming trip to Italy (see note 56 above). They remained for two-and-a-half years in Florence, where Finch was 'in high favour with the Grand Duke of Tuscany' (Malloch, Finch and Baines, 40). In 1665, Finch returned to Florence as Charles II's Resident at the ducal court and stayed there until 1670.

John Ray, Historia Plantarum (London, 1704), iii, L4r (Appendix, p. 87). The report was originally sent to Ray's collaborator, James Pettiver, in 1701.

See Jay H. Bernstein, 'Poisons and antidotes among the Taman of West Kalimantan, Indonesia', Bijdragen Tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 149/1 (1993), 17-19.

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Makassar and the early Royal Society 545 local usage. As a form of tribute, gift, weaponry, and display, the poison assumed different roles in South Sulawesi, but it entered a new phase its 'career'90 when it was obtained by English traders (whether by barter, exchange, as a gift, or in payment of debts is unclear) and made its way London. There it became a gift once again, donated to the Society for experi mental purposes, and joined the company of other 'curiosities'. Investigation of it potentially extended the domain of natural knowledge, but also plemented English rivalry with the Dutch, who faced it on the ground had little recourse against its mysterious force. If the long-sought-after reversal of fortune had occurred, with the English supplanting the Dutch and gaining an upper hand in the spice trade through Makassar, then themselves would have faced the same difficult predicament.

National University of Ireland, Galway

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90

Aijun Appadurai, 'Introduction: commodities and the politics of value', in Aijun Appadurai (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (Cambridge, 1986), 15.

Local and International Trade and Traders in the Straits of Melaka Region: 600-1500

Author(s): Kenneth R. Hall

Source: JournaloftheEconomicandSocialHistoryoftheOrient, 2004, Vol. 47, No. 2 (2004), pp. 213-260

Published by: Brill

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/25165035

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LOCAL AND INTERNATIONAL TRADE AND TRADERS IN THE STRAITS OF MELAKA REGION: 600-1500

BY KENNETH R. HALL*

Abstract

This article notes that the recent mainstream scholarship on the pre-1500 Indian Ocean trade by non-Southeast Asia specialists has limited itself to Middle Eastern, South Asian, and Chinese evidence?and that these scholars' exclusion of Southeast Asian documentation has led to erroneous statements and conclusions. Based on selected examples of the omitted Southeast Asia evidence, this study highlights the changes taking place in the maritime trade network from the eleventh through the fifteenth centuries, and the increasing complexity of the Asian trade system. It demonstrates that scholars need to reconsider their characteriza tions of Asian trade "centers" ("emporia"), and that by the fifteenth century an Asia trade "center" is a convenient and commonly agreed upon marketplace that is networked with and shared by merchant sojourners who are based in other significant regional "centers." It also contends that assertions that there was a late fourteenth- through fifteenth-century Asian trade decline are incorrect, and that Asian commerce was robust when the Portuguese appeared on the scene at the beginning of the sixteenth century?and seized Melaka in their failed attempt to dominate the Asia maritime trade network.

Cet article releve que le courant principal recent de la recherche sur le commerce dans l'Ocean indien avant le XVe siecle par des non-specialistes du Sud-Est asiatique a concentre ses etudes sur l'Asie moyenne orientale, meridionale et la Chine; en ignorant la documenta tion provenant de l'Asie du Sud-Est, ces chercheurs ont ete conduits a avancer des conclu sions erronees. Fondee sur des exemples choisis dans cette derniere region, cette etude met en evidence les changements intervenus dans le reseau du commerce maritime entre le XF et XVe siecles et la complexite accrue du systeme commercial asiatique. Elle souligne egale ment que les chercheurs doivent reconsiderer les caracteristiques qu'ils accordent aux "cen tres" ("emporia") de commerce asiatique et qu'au XVe siecle un "centre" est une place commerciale pratique integree dans un reseau partage par des negociants installes dans d'autres "centres" notoires de la region. Elle s'eleve enfin contre les affirmations avancant que le commerce etait en declin a la fin du XIVe et au XVe siecle; au contraire, il etait encore florissant quand les Portugais apparaissent dans la region au debut du XVIe siecle et s'em parent de Malacca dans leur tentative avortee de dominer le commerce maritime asiatique.

Keywords: emporia, sojourner, Srivijaya, Majapahit, Melaka

* Kenneth R. Hall, Department of History, Ball State University, Muncie, IN 47306, khallbsu @ yahoo.com.sg

? Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2004 JESHO 47,2

Also available online - www.brill.nl

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Recent revisionist publications that address the early South Asia to China maritime passage commonly diminish Southeast Asia's role in the international trade (Sen 2003; Karashima 2001; Frank 1998; Bentley 1993; Chaudhuri 1990; Abu Lughod, 1989). These studies ignore local sources, depending exclusively on non-Southeast Asia documentation, and thus incorrectly conclude that the great age of Indian Ocean trade expansion from 1000-1500, which transited through Southeast Asia, was substantially the result of external interventions and dictated by marketplaces outside the Southeast Asian region. This leads to the erroneous conclusion that Middle Eastern, Indian, and Chinese merchant communities, who in each case were acting in some degree of agency with their Middle Eastern, Indian, and Chinese home marketplaces, dominated Southeast Asia's early ports of-trade. In this accounting, Southeast Asian societies are portrayed as by standers, contented agriculturalists who were members of communal agricultural and tribal societies, who were hosts and/or marginal participants in the interna tional trade. This contrasts with the alien merchant communities who estab lished temporary residential enclaves on their periphery, and were committed to the marketplace economics of self-interest (to the benefit of individuals or allied ethnic groups) rather than the traditional and more socially accountable local rec iprocity and redistribution networks of exchange. These foreign sojourners were the "motors" for Southeast Asian societal transitions, which would eventually set the stage for European intrusions as their heirs in the sixteenth century.

In contrast, Southeast Asia specialists prefer to highlight the role of South east Asians as the agents of cultural and economic change within the Southeast Asian region, minimally as the participants in engagements between Southeast Asians and various "foreign" merchant communities, which included South east Asian ethnicities as well the other Indian Ocean populations. In this view, commercial as well as cultural communication between ports and their hinter lands resulted in local economic and cultural developments, relative to the emergence of indigenous and hierarchical trading networks, traders, and a con sequential generalized prosperity that improved the lives and psychological well-being of Southeast Asian courtiers as well as commoners. The point is that Indian Ocean networks were based in economic and cultural dialogue rather than in dominance, and it is the subtlety of this point that has been overlooked in the most recent research by non-Southeast Asia specialists, who see Southeast Asia's populations as intermediary and/or peripheral to the major markets and cultural centers in the Middle East, South Asia, and China (Lieberman 1990; 1993; Subrahmanyam 1994; Christie 1992; 1995; Sutherland 2003).1

1 See also Hall (1984), for an earlier survey of the foreign sources from a Southeast Asian perspective.

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Mindful of this critique, this study highlights the nature of and changing rela tionships within the international maritime trade community between 600-1500. It initially offers commentary on recent revisionist scholarship by noting where the new scholarship falls short, and then follows with examples of how the omitted Southeast Asian documentation provides the opportunity for a more complete view of the early maritime trade.

Buddhist and Commercial Communities of Exchange, 600-1500

Tansen Sen's Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade, The Realignment of Sino Indian Relations, 600-1400 is representative of recent publications on the inter national trade of Asia. Sen's exhaustive study of the Chinese records on early Sino-Indian relationships addresses the complexity of China's early contacts with the Southern Seas. Drawing on the recent publications of Xinru Liu (1996; 1995; 1988), Sen concludes that China's earliest interactions with India were in part driven by military, economic, as well as cultural motivations: to solicit India's assistance in securing China's border; to seek a trade route to the West as an alternative to the Central Asian Silk Road; and to gain direct access to the homeland of Buddhism, as the source of religious texts, religious artifacts, and ritual objects, and as a pilgrimage center where Chinese monks could study Buddhism at its source in the foremost centers of Buddhist scholarship of that era.2

Sen (2003: 15-54) follows Xinru Liu's lead in arguing that this early Bud dhist networking, not commercial exchange, was the most important motivation to the Chinese court, because the India contacts allowed the Chinese to claim the authenticity of their Buddhist practices. During this earliest phase of Buddhist diplomatic networking in the Tang and Song eras, China localized the South Asian Buddhist tradition, so that by the Ming era China no longer claimed the Indian heritage of its Buddhism, but focused on its own Buddhist practices, schools, teachings, and developed its own Buddhist scholarship rather than feeling the need to disseminate the latest Buddhist texts of India. By the late Song era China began to minimize the role of its Buddhist communication with India and Southeast Asia, and no longer stressed the old sense of a spir itual bond with these other Buddhist realms. While the development of indige nous Chinese Buddhist schools and practices diminished the need for Indian

2 Buddhists had a special appeal to the Chinese military because Buddhist military advisors and spiritualists were known for bringing success to the Chinese forces, and were thus similarly con sidered essential to the Chinese state (Sen 2003: 36).

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input in the Tang and Song eras, there were still Chinese pilgrims traveling the China to India international Buddhist pilgrimage network that included stop overs in Southeast Asia.

In place of this Buddhist networking, the Tang and Song governments took greater interest in commercial rather than religious exchanges with the regions to China's south, in part due to the insecurities of the old Silk Road caravan route across Central Asia as well as the Chinese aristocracy's continuing demand for the Western products that the overland caravan route had supplied. From the seventh century, during the Tang era, the Chinese government implemented its new tributary system that realigned China's external diplomacy from Buddhist dominated to trade-centered exchanges. This is reflected in the detailed records of the tributary missions the Chinese court received from Southern Seas polities who competed to receive official recognition as China's "preferred" trade part ner. This competition peaked with an unusually high level of tributary missions in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, coincidental to an eleventh-century surge in the maritime trade (Sen 2003: 240ff; Chang 1991).

The eleventh century also marked the coincidental increase in Middle Eastern interest in the trade route, and the entry of numbers of Middle Eastern mer chants who flooded the Indian Ocean seeking Asian goods in exchange for their own. In response, south India became a new international commercial hub, as the strategic intermediary in the trade between the Middle East and Southeast Asia. This explains the Cola dynasty's 1024/25 nautical raids into the Southeast Asian region, to challenge the Srivijaya port-polity's dominance over the flow of commercial goods through the Straits of Melaka, and the subsequent height ened presence and records of Tamil merchant guilds in the region during the eleventh- through thirteenth-century Cola era (Sen 2003: 156ff; Kulke 1999). In recognition of the new importance of the Coromandel as well as the Kerala coasts as intermediaries in the international trade, there were new levels of diplomatic activity between China and south India (Ptak 1989; 1993; 1995; 1996; 2001).

Because of the new volume of trade, the international maritime route became more segmented, since international traders now rarely traveled the entire dis tance of the East-West trade route.3 It was not economically profitable for them

3 Sen (2003: 181, 199, 201) highlights the development of three international maritime trade segments, drawing on Chaudhuri (1985) and Abu-Lughod (1989). Conspicuously, each of the dia gramed segments of the Indian Ocean trade network?consistent with their author's views?incor porates Southeast Asia as it is dominated by either India or China (fig. 1). See, as an alternative, Hall (1985: 222-31), which characterizes the Southeast Asia passage of the fourteenth-century Indian Ocean trade route on the basis of five Southeast Asia-centered zones (fig. 2). On the "new" emporia trade, see Rothermund (1991) and Steensgaard (1991).

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INDIAN

Figure 1: Eastern Indian Ocean Emporia Trade around 1200, adapted from Chaudhuri (1985) and Abu-Lughod (1989).

to do so and no longer necessary due to the changes outlined above. Traders became specialists in one segment of the route, making monsoon season tran sits and depending on networks of intermediaries to supply them with precious trade items.

Coincidentally, from the tenth century, three new centers of international Buddhism emerged. India's Bihar-Bengal region, with Tibet and Central Asian connections, was the initial center in the evolution of Tantric Buddhism, under the patronage of the Pala rulers of northeast India. That there were also com mercial implications to this Buddhist pilgrimage networking is demonstrated in the Cola raids against the wealthy commercial centers of the Bengal coast line prior to their naval expeditions against the Srivijaya commercial realm in 1024/5 (Sen 2001: 239; Spencer 1982). In that same era, Sri Lanka became the center of a revitalized Theravada Buddhism, which especially flourished after a period of Cola interregnum that ended in the late eleventh century (Gunawar dana 2001).4 Meanwhile, China emerged as the new center of Buddhism's Mahayana

4 On the economic foundations of Sri Lanka's participation in the sea trade in metals, see Juleff (1998).

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sects. Significantly, each of these new Buddhist schools was centered in a strategically important region of the international trade. This coincidental Buddhist and commercial networking raises issues relative to Southeast Asia's role in these engagements?which Sen largely ignores?and whether Southeast Asia from the eleventh century should be better understood in relation to the mainstream India-to-China maritime passageway, or in regional terms, relative to the several trade communities that developed in that era. Also, it may be more appropriate to expand Sen's focus on the Buddhist religious and commercial interrelationships to include discussion of other religious associations, including new Islamic networking, as for instance in rela tion to a Bay of Bengal community of communication that emerged in the eleventh century, which included south India, Sri Lanka, India's east and lower west coasts, Bihar-Bengal, Myanmar (with its Yunnan overland connections to the north), Thailand, Cambodia, and the Melaka Straits region (Kulke 1999).5 Here, in addition to the importance of developing networks of commercial exchange, there was an equally important community of cultural exchange among the emerging Theravada Buddhist societies in Myanmar, Cambodia, and Thailand, as also among new residential Islamic communities in south India and the Straits of Melaka region. This Bay of Bengal community overlapped in the Straits of Melaka with an evolving Java Sea regional community, centered in east Java (fig. 2), which, as the cultural center of a localized Tantric Bud dhism would influence the development of new civilizations in the eastern Indonesian archipelago that were Java's partners in the spice trade (Hall 1995; Ellen 2003). Similarly, while Sen correctly notes China's role as the new pivotal center of Mahay ana Buddhism as this related to the localizations of China's Mahay ana Buddhism in neighboring Korea and Japan, there was as well a maturing Vietnamese Buddhism in the eleventh century, which was also derived in part from China's Mahayana sects (Anh 2002). The China-connected Mahayana community in neighboring Champa was also an inspiration for the localization of Mahayana Buddhism in Vietnam, as also pivotal to Jayavarman VII's (1181-1218) imple mentation of a Mahayana Buddhist monarchy and the construction of Angkor

5 Kulke (2003: 33) argues, in agreement with Chaudhuri (1985), that at the heart of the eleventh-century Indian Ocean trade "boom" was the "bifurcation of the trade into two distinct sec tions, the Arabian Sea with the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf in the west, and the Bay of Bengal with South-East Asia and the South China Sea in the East_" (fig. 1). Hall (1985: 194-231) makes a similar case, with less emphasis on south India's critical role in this transition (and its rise as an alternative center) and more on the regional response to the opportunities afforded when the Colas severed Srivijaya's dominance over the Melaka Straits passageway. For a Sri Lanka-cen tered view of the resulting regional networking, see Bandaranayake (1990).

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\ f Bay KV / hjN^hlna \X

^A Nstwolk JT/ T 7 fk \ K / A*- A. i ^^^^^1^^

Figure 2: Southeast Asian Trade networks between 1000 and 1600.

Thorn's Bayon in late twelfth-century Cambodia (Mabbett 1986; Anh Thus, while the Chinese government was promoting its trade relationships the Indian Ocean, its commercial exchanges were coincidental to Buddhist cultural engagements not only with India, as in previous centuries, also with their Vietnamese and Cham neighbors to their south and their and Japanese neighbors to their north. This Buddhist networking with Asia would take on another dimension in the Yuan era, because Yuan age of Tibetan Tantric Buddhism over the prior Chinese Mahayana schools placed the Yuan court in a position to conduct diplomatic with Java's thirteenth-century court, as fellow practitioners of Tantric dhism. Rather than mounting a naval attack on Java, which they against Japan and Vietnam, the Yuan instead sent a diplomatic mission the east-Java based monarch Kertanagara around 1290, with the intention peacefully negotiating China's trade interests?and as one Tantric

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monarchy to another. But Kertanagara apparently did not like what he heard and responded by cutting off the heads of China's ambassadors, sending these back to the Yuan emperor as his "tribute." The Yuan in turn sent a punitive fleet, which arrived too late to put Kertanagara to death, since he had already been overthrown by a rival alliance. With Yuan assistance Kertanagara's heir defeated the rebels and established the successor Majapahit court in the mid 12908, which would continue to have a favorable relationship with the Yuan court as well as its Ming successor. In overview, the Yuan expeditions to Java have always been viewed in association with Yuan interests in securing and promoting China's maritime trade connections. The alternative posed here is that there were also Buddhist networking implications (Hall 1991: 215-19).6 This discussion of Sen's book has thus far critiqued his assertion of new multi-centered Buddhist and maritime trade networks from the Song era, by not ing the need to include consideration of Southeast Asia's role in this Buddhist networking, and also to address the regional rise of Islam. In this reconsidera tion, the rise of south Indian Hinduism during the Cola era also needs to be evaluated, especially as it was foundational to the creation of new ritualized polities during the Cola and subsequent Vijayanagara eras (Hall, ed. 2001). South India was ideationally influential in, if not the inspiration for, the devel opment of new Southeast Asian monarchies, most notably in Java, but also in Bagan Myanmar and perhaps in Angkor Cambodia as well.7 In the case of Java, during the fifteenth century a new Bhakti Saivite cult that had its origins in the contemporary south Indian Vijayanagara court became popular.8 Equally impor

6 The fourteenth-century Old Javanese Nagarakertagama and fifteenth-century Pararaton chron icles provide the local view of these events. For a discussion of the literary, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence of coincidental Mongol and Javanese worship of the bodhisattva Manjusri, see Moens (1924). Kubilai Khan, Kertanagara's contemporary, who sent the envoys as well as the subsequent retributive armada was initiated as Manjusri in a Hevajrabhiseka Tantric ritual, as was Kertanagara in a jinabhiseka cremation grounds ceremony. On the Chinese evidence, see Weidner (1994: 105, 113, 238).

7 This is reflected in the diplomatic communication among these polities as documented in eleventh-century records of the gift exchanges between these Southeast Asian courts and south India (Hall 1985: 177; 197-202; Kulke 1999: 24-29).

8 Creese (1997: 13) cites Balinese evidence that fifteenth-century Java was linked in a regular religious dialogue with Vijayanagara south India. In the sixteenth century, following Majapahit's demise, Bali initiated its own direct discourse with south India, in contrast to the previous century when Balinese ritual specialists interfaced with south Indian religious scholars at Majapahit's reli gious centers. The Nagarkertagama (93.1) court kakawin cites south India religious networking with the fourteenth-century Majapahit court. See Robson's commentary (1995, 148, lc, Id) for these reference connections to south Indian Saivism. See also Santiko (1995: 64-65), which addresses the renewed popularity of linga worship in the fifteenth century. He interprets the fifteenth-century Siwaratrikalpa kakawin to be a narrative intertwined with instruction for the wor

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tant is the role that south India would assume in the regional assimilation of Islam, and how it would become an intermediary in the development of the Islamic synthesis among its maritime Southeast Asian trade partners (Sen 2003: 165-68).9

In sum, this evaluation of Sen's revisionist study on the India to China pas sageway highlights the need to reconsider Southeast Asia's place in the height ened commercial exchanges between 1000-1500, as, minimally, a balance to the China, India, and Middle Eastern sources.10 What follows is an affirmation of what Sen and others omit in their recent studies of the early Asian maritime trade, namely a sampling of the primary source evidence that substantiates Southeast Asia's role in the development of the multi-faceted Indian Ocean networks of the pre-1500 age, the continuous role of Southeast Asia relative to China's vari ety of interests in the regions to its south, and as the provider of the most significant international ports-of-trade in what some have supposed to be a four teenth- and fifteenth-century "era of decline" (Abu-Lughod 1993: 75-102; Christie 1998b: 346). This study makes its case by highlighting the interactions between alien and indigenous communities of exchange that were active in the pre-1500 international maritime trade.

Trade Communities in Southeast Asia's Earliest Ports-of-Trade

In 502, the ruler of Kan-to-li, a port-polity located somewhere on the shores of the Malay Peninsula or south Sumatra, had a dream: if he would send trib ute (or trading) missions to China, his land "would become rich and happy and

ship of the linga on the Night of Siwa. The linga has the power to wash away sin, and in the south Indian bhakti tradition allows the worshiper to unite with Siva. In the Siwasiddhanta teach ings of that era the linga was the emblem of Siva as well as of Emptiness that is associated with the Highest Reality.

9 Ronit Ricci of the University of Michigan is completing a doctoral dissertation that studies the role of the south India-Java connection in the development of Indonesian Islam. For a pre liminary report on her work, see Ricci (2003) in the forthcoming conference volume published by the Yangon Historical Research Centre.

10 Sen's book on the trade route is representative of a trend among Western historians to mar ginalize, if not ignore Southeast Asia's role in the trade. Abu-Lughod (1989: 78-134) aggressively applied Immanuel Wallerstein's World Systems analysis to assert that Southeast Asia was, with the exception of a periodic Straits of Melaka central entrepot that acted as a commercial agent for the international traders, no better than a region peripheral to the economic mainstream. Abu Lughod highlighted the rise of the Indian Ocean maritime network from the eleventh century and saw the thirteenth-century Song and Yuan eras as the pinnacles, followed by a late fourteenth through fifteenth-century decline under the Ming, which opened the door for European entry. Her study inspired Frank (1998), who argued the continuous role of China as dictating the circum stances of Asian trade well into the eighteenth century, despite a European presence.

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merchants and travelers would multiply a hundredfold."11 This early Chinese reference is foundational to the Chinese view that the regions to China's south were stable only when their rulers formalized their tributary dependency on China. This allowed them access to China's marketplace, which in turn pro vided them with the opportunity to sustain their sovereignty by extracting rev enues from the "merchants and travelers" who would then frequent their port polities. This was all reasonable from a Chinese perspective, because the Chinese knew from their own experience that the trade to the south was both financially lucrative, as well as an important source of the luxury goods that sustained the Chinese nobility.

One of the earliest Southeast Asian references to international trade appears in the late seventh-century Telaga Batu inscription from the legendary Melaka Straits-centered Srivijaya realm. The inscription, which lists the members of Srivijayan society who might threaten the monarch, includes the puhawang, a local term (Malay rather than Sanskrit) that denoted a non-noble official of rank, likely a shipmaster. This association is also conveyed in twelfth-century Old Javanese literature: the Smaradahana and Hariwangsa court kakawins (epic poems) associated the puhawang with shipping and trading at a high level (i.e., he was not a petty trader), and convey the sense that a puhawang owned a ship with rich cargo (Manguin 1986: 197-99). In the Telaga Batu inscription, the puhawang is paired with vaniyaga "merchants" and tuha an vatakvurah, "super visors of trade and crafts" (Hall 1985: 98). Vaniyaga distinguishes long-distance trade, or seafaring merchants in the early records. "Migratory men" is the sense conveyed in another contemporary Srivijaya epigraphic reference to merchants in general, which compares them with birds that traveled over long distances (Casparis 1956: 2). When paired with Middle Eastern references, which note that the Srivijayan monarch daily deposited a gold-bar in his river estuary as a symbol of his indebtedness to the maritime trade (Wicks 1992: 228-30), one may assume, as did the Chinese government and Middle Eastern seafarers, that

11 Wolters (1967: 165), from the Liang shu, 54, 16b-17a; see also Wolters (1967: 159ff) on Kan to-li. An even earlier, 430 ce, report on the embassy of the Javanese kingdom of Holatan provides another Liang shu characterization and accounting of the interests of China's Southeast Asian neighbors. In this case, the diplomats reported to the Chinese sovereign that: "My country once had a large population and was prosperous [and] never bullied the other countries. But now the situation is different and we have become weak. My neighbours vie with each other in attacking me. I beg Your Majesty to extend Your protection from far. I also hope that there will be no trad ing restrictions which will affect the coming and going [of our merchants]. If you pity me I hope that you will send missions ordering these countries not to maltreat us so that Your Majesty's rep utation as the protector of the weak will be known everywhere. I hope that you will instruct the Canton officials to send back my ship and not permit them to rob and hurt [my traders]. I wish thereafter to send missions every year" Liu Sung Shu, 5, 33b, quoted by Wolters (1967: 151).

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Figure 3: Southeast Asia between 1000 and 1500 with places mentioned in the text.

if foreign merchants left the Srivijaya port, the ruler's treasure would surely fade away.

The seventh-century Kedukan Bukit Srivjaya inscription associates the puhawang with a royal quest for magical powers. The puhawang, here an expert in ship building, provided the ships on which the sovereign made two voyages to acquire the magical prowess necessary to legitimize his authority. By these voy ages the monarch gained spiritual power (siddhayatra), a Sanskrit term also found in a fifth-century Malay Peninsula inscription in which the local ruler acquired siddhayatra, accompanied by a local "great sea-captain." As well, a ninth century inscription from the southern Vietnam-based Champa realm links this term with a court dignitary who twice traveled to Java (Coedes 1930: 34-35; Chabbra 1935: 19; Huber 1911: 309).

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The Kalirungan Sanskrit inscription dated 883, from Kedu in central Java, is the earliest Southeast Asian source that lists the foreign traders (vanigramal banigrama). Among this inclusive recognition of foreigners are merchants from Campa, Remman [Ramanyadesa in the Mon region of lower Maynamar], Kmira [Cambodia], Kiing [Kalinga on India's east coast], Aryya [Aryapura/Ayyavole, west coast India], Pandikara [Karnatika], and Singhala [Sri Lanka] (Boechari, cited in Christie 1998a: 244).12 A 1021 inscription from Cane in the Brantas River delta lists Kiing, Aryya, Singhala, Pandikira [Pandyas], Drawida [Colas], Campa, Remman, and Knur; inscriptions from the 1040s and 1050s change Drawida to Colika, replace Pandikira with Karnataka, and add Malyala [the Malabar Coast] to this list (Brandes 1913: lviii).13

Java is perhaps unique, in that it incorporated members of these communities into its political system. By at least the time of the 1305 Balawi inscription members of these trade communities served as tax farmers (wargga kilalan), who as individuals were recruited to act as the Java rulers' revenue agents. Among these were Kiing, Aryya, Singhala, Karnataka, Cina, Campa, Mandisa (?), Caremin (Ramanyadesa), and Kmir (Poerbatjaraka 1936: 378).14 Notably, the various south Indian merchants were by then collectively categorized as Karnataka if they came from the Tamil speaking regions, or Kiing (Kalinga), if they came from the east coast regions farther north. Perhaps the greatest change is the inclusion of Chinese (Cina) merchants. By the twelfth century, the finan cially hard-pressed Song court no longer restricted the overseas activities of China's merchant community. Instead, the Song court encouraged Chinese merchants to pursue foreign trade rather than wait for goods to arrive at China's ports on for

12 See also the Palebuhan Charter of 927, referencing a trade community resident on the banks of the Solo River near Mediun ( Sarkar 1971: no. xciii), inclusive of Singhala, Pandikira, and Ramman in an inscription fragment.

13 This list is confirmed in the contemporary Patakan inscription from the same area (Brandes 1913: Iix); see also the Kaladi inscription originally dated 909, but later reissued, that has the same list (Jones 1984: 178-94). Christie (1998a: 245-46) cites two other eleventh-century inscriptions from Turun Hyang and Garaman, the first from the 1040s and the second dated 1053, which have two changes. Drawida is now Colika (Colas) and Pandikira is now Karnataka; the Graman inscrip tion adds Malyala (Malayalam-speaking seafarers from the Malabar Coast). Wisseman Christie's assumption is that this heightened presence of south Indian merchants relates to the legendary Cola raid of 1024/25 and continuing Cola interest in the Straits region through the remainder of the century.

14 The fourteenth-century Nagarakertagama court chronicle of Majapahit (83.4) confirms this list, adding Goda (Gaur in Bengal) (Robson 1995: 85). Christie (1998a: 246ff) argues these were not members of trade guilds or other merchant associations, but were purposely singled out as indi viduals?in part to weaken the potential for alliance among the foreign merchants, due to their capacity as foreigners to exclusively represent the interests of the Javanese king. In this era the Java monarchs restricted the number of foreigners who might be resident in a rural agrarian com munity. See also Christie (1992: 195).

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Figure 4: Ancient Indian Ocean Shipping, Ninth Century Borobudur Relief, Central Java. eign ships at the initiative of non-Chinese. In the minds of the Song rulers the resulting increased volume in trade would be a major source of much needed tax revenues (Schottenhammer, ed. 2001; Chang 1991; Schottenhammer 1999). The Chinese soon displaced South Asian and Middle Eastern merchants as the most numerous group of foreign traders in Southeast Asia (Salmon 2002; Manguin 1994; Reid 1999: 56-84).

The only substantive records left by the merchant/seafarers themselves are the tenth- through fourteenth-century Tamil inscriptions, most of which come from western Sumatra, and have been discussed in detail by Jan Wisseman Christie (1998a). What is striking about these early Tamil inscriptions is their sense of inclusion rather than the individuality of merchants that is implied in the Javanese inscriptions. For example, the following 1088 inscription from the Barus region of northern Sumatra references the members of a South India based merchants guild.

In the Saka year 1010 [1088]... the Nanadesa-Tisaiyayirattu Ainnurruvar having met at the velapuram in Varosu (Barus) also called the pattinam (commercial town) for the welfare of the merchant body blessed by Siva, decided to grant as follows to 'our sons' the nagara-senapati Nattu-cettiyar to Patinenbumidesippar (?), and to the mavettugal (elephant trainers?): [On each of the] ships [cargoes?], the ship's captain and crew will pay the fee anjutundayam in gold, pegged to the price of kasturi (musk), and [then only]

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may step on the cloth spread (i.e., enter the settlement to trade). Thus we, the Five Hundred of the Thousand Directions, known in every direction in all Eighteen Lands, had the stone inscribed and planted. Do not forget charity; charity alone will help you (Karashima 1996: 6-7).15

In this and other Tamil inscriptions that are found in northern Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, Myanmar, and even in China, south India-based merchants act collectively in a manner consistent with their actions in south India. Speci fically, because of their religious piety (dharma), or to grant them redemption from their sinful pursuit of material wealth that was ritually polluting (e.g., artha or kama), they endow Hindu temples. This suggests some degree of local residential commitment among these Tamil merchants. A thirteenth-century inscrip tion from Myinpagan, just south of the Bagan capital's walls in Myanmar, a bilingual Sanskrit and Tamil inscription relates the donor to the Malaimandalam region of India's east coast as well as to the Nanadesi south India-based inter national trade association (Abraham 1988: 232-33).16 The Tamil portion of the inscription reads:

Hail, Prosperity. Let the wealth of [this] temple increase. [In] the temple of Nanadesi Vinnagar-Alvar at Pukkam [Pagan], alias Arivattanapujram (Arimaddanapura), I. Irayiran Siryan alias Sri Kulasekhara Nambi of Magadayarpattinam in Mulaindalam made a sacred mandapa, gave a sacred door, and gave one fixed lamp to burn con stantly in this mandapa. [Let] this prosper! This meritorious gift [was made by] a native of Malaimandalam (Hutzsch 1902-03: 197-98).

This inscription may correspond to the establishment of a Visnu temple inside the Bagan ritual center, and is therein an affirmation of the south Indian merchant community's legitimate presence.17

15 See also Hultzsch (1892), who summarized this inscription's contents, which were the basis of studies by Sastri (1932), Balasubrahmanian (1934), Indrapala (1970), and Abraham (1988, 186-98). Velapuram, "the settlement on the seashore," uses a reference common in ainnurruvar inscriptions in south India, wherein the group is usually said to have traded in eighteen pattinam, thirty-two velapuram, and sixty-four kadigaiitavalam (Karashima, 8). Thus Bams, the main port, was classed as a pattinam, a commercial center of the first rank?Barus was at that time a major camphor exporting port (Goitein 1973: 227-229), while the Velapuram meeting-site was a secondary com mercial center. Nagara senapati references the armed guards who accompanied the merchants. See Hall (1980). It would appear that, since this grant pertains only to the community called Velapuram, this was the exclusive residence of south Indian merchants, while a multiethnic mer chant community populated Barus. Since there are also inscriptional fragments in the kawi script of Java recovered at Barus that date to the same era, Java-based merchants must also have been locally resident. See Bronson, Suhadi, and Wisseman (1973: 18-19) and Christie (1998a: 258, n. 79). The region used gold and silver coinage, consistent with both Javanese and south Indian practice in that era (Hall 1999: 431-459). See also Guillot (1998); and Drakard (1989).

16 This inscription is similar to a 1279 Telagu-Coda inscription from the textile center of Nellore in Karnatika.

17 On Myanmar seaports during this early of trade expansion, see Gommans and Leider (2002). On neighboring Phuket, see Chutintaranond (2002).

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Yuan dynastic records make it clear that the Mongols/Yuan were interested in sustaining the sea trade, but under their own terms. Between 1278 and the late 1280s, the Yuan established a new maritime trade bureau in their principle port of Quanzhou that solicited foreign trade and traders, but also placed cer tain restrictions on the foreign traders resident in the port (Guy 2001; Chang 1991). There were at least two south Indian-style Hindu temples in the foreign merchant's sector of the Quanzhou international port (Guy 1993-94). In a 1281 Tamil and Chinese inscription, which corresponds to a Yuan envoy's dispatch to India soliciting Indian trade, one local Siva temple was rededicated, with ample reference to the welfare of the Yuan monarch that would result from this event:

Obeisance to Hara (Siva). Let there be prosperity. On the day Citra in the month of Chittira in the Saka Year 1203 (1281) the Tavachchakkarvarttigal Sambandhapperumal (a Saiva religious leader) caused, in accordance with the firman (written permission) of Chekachai Khan (the Mongol ruler), to be graciously installed the God Udaiyar Tirukkadalisvaram Udaiyanayiar (Siva), for the welfare of the illustrious body of the illustrious Chekachai Khan (Filliozat 1966: 115; Subramanian 1978: 8).

There is no reference to the collective community of south Indian merchants in this inscription, as was the case in their noted western Southeast Asia inscrip tions, but instead the Tamil merchants were clearly soliciting the favor of the powerful Chinese ruler by dedicating the investment of the icon to the welfare of the Mongol monarch. Such inclusive reference might have been viewed as a threat by the Mongols, and is similar to Java, where there are also only refer ences to individual traders in Javanese records rather than reports of collective merchant communities, and where no Tamil inscriptions have been recovered. All the epigraphic references to collective Tamil merchant communities, which end in the fourteenth century, are in the Bay of Bengal region at the western edge of the Melaka Straits, beyond Java's and China's direct spheres of interest.

Wisseman Christies' (1998a) study of the Tamil inscriptions postulates that the end of the references to south Indian merchant communities in the four teenth century corresponds to the end of the Cola-era and the rise of the warrior dominated Vijayanagara polity, which she considers to have placed restrictions on the activities of south Indian traders, specifically their armed trade associa tions, which were rightfully viewed as a threat to Vijayanagara sovereignty. Her use of this south India evidence coincides with her agreement with others, as noted above, who see the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries as eras of mar itime trade decline.18 However, recent revisionist studies have challenged the

18 While Wisseman Christie asserts that there was a decline of the sea trade in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, she provides no documentation to support her position relative to why she

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generalized assumption that the new Vijayanagara "feudal order" was detri mental to local trade, and instead highlight the continued importance of inter national trade in the south Indian economy, and increased demand for south India's textiles in Southeast Asia's ports during the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries (Hall, ed. 2001: 198-275).19 While there was definitely a restructuring of the south Indian marketplace during the Vijayanagara era, there was a con tinuous prominence of south Indian traders in Southeast Asia, as demonstrated, for example, in the universal references to the importance of Kalinga merchants (collectively south India-based merchants) in the fifteenth and sixteenth century Malay chronicle sources.20 Perhaps the most notable evidence that there was continuous contact between south India and Southeast Asia is the noted emer gence of the new Siva cult in the fifteenth-century Majapahit realm in Java, which was parallel to and inspired by similar developments within the south Indian Saivite Bhakti community (Hall, ed. 2001: 85-116). Sanjay Subrahmanyam's (1999) study of Bay of Bengal commerce in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries is perhaps closer to the truth, as he traces the development of a regional net work of maritime trade between the Golconda-Masulipatnam region of India's Coromandel coast and the Straits of Melaka, with western connections to the Middle East, which was capable of sustaining itself even when other market places in the international maritime network were periodically depressed. Muslim gravestones and inscribed stones from Tralaya near the site of the Majapahit court indicate that Muslims resided at the Javanese court in 1368, and that there were already several high ranking members of the court who can make this conclusion or to demonstrate its impact on Java. She speculates that the trade boom decline actually benefited the agrarian hinterland, as Java's rulers were able to better manage the flow of commodities and contain the activities of the wealthy coastal enclaves. "Periods during which the balance of power favoured the populous agrarian interior of Java were those during which the largest Javanese states?first Mataram, and later Singhasari/Majapahit?were formed" (1998b: 346). Against Wisseman Christie's summation, see the evidence cited in Hall (1985: 232 260; 2000; 2001: 276-312), which argues the continuing prominence of the Majapahit polity in a robust international marketplace through the fourteenth century; local as well as foreign evidence of the Majapahit realm's fifteenth-century relationship with the sea trade is inconclusive. Kulke (1999) summarizes the South Asian evidence, and also asserts that there was continuing prosper ity in the Bay of Bengal network among the Cola's successors. See also Chakravarti (1995).

19 Conversions to Islam among the south Indian trade community should also be considered, and how this impacted upon the old Hindu-Buddhist-based Tamil merchant guilds and their networks. See also Ricci (2003) and Kulke (1999).

20 See, for example, the prominent references to the Kalinga community of merchants (who were a major source of south Indian textiles) in the Sejarah Melayu, Melaka's fifteenth-century chronicle, as well as references to the Kalinga merchant community in Tome Pires' early sixteenth century account (see below). Ronit Ricci's doctoral dissertation, noted above, will shed light on these Kalinga merchants.

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Figure

were practicing Muslims at that time.21 But it is unclear whether these were Muslims of foreign origin who were members of the court or Javanese converts. These tombstones, along with Javanese literature and external sources that date to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries?notably the records of Ma Huan, who visited Java as a member of a Chinese expedition in 1416, and the report of the Portuguese scribe Tome Pires, who visited Java's north coast in 1513?confirm that the fifteenth century was an era of significant transition in the region, as most of the merchant residents of the ports-of-trade were by then Muslims. The sixteenth-century Kidung Sunda offers the earliest literary reference to Islam in Java. It relates the tale of the daughter of the king of the Sunda Straits who traveled to Majapahit to be the king's bride in the mid-fourteenth century

21 The tombstones date 1376, 1380, 1407, 1418, 1427, 1458, 1467 (2), 1469, 1475; 1458 has an inscriptional reference to Putri Cempa; 1407, 1427, 1467, and 1475 belong to one family (Damais 1957: 411-413). The earliest of the tombstones bear the Majapahit court's sun symbol as appropriate to the entitlement of a court aristocrat. See also the book cover of Miksic and Soekatno, eds. (1995), for a photograph of the Majapahit sunburst with the guardian gods appro priate to the nine directions. The abrupt disappearance of these tombstones after 1475 adds valid ity to the 1486 Petak Inscription that records an unsuccessful 1478 coup (Noorduyn 1978). On Chinese residential presence in fifteenth-century Java, see Chang (1991: 17-18).

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5: Early Muslim Gravestone, Fourteenth Century Majapahit Java Court Complex.

(Wessing 1997). On their way to the court the dignitaries first visited the Misigit Agung, a Grand Mosque. Although there is no other written or archaeological evidence of a Grand Mosque in the vicinity of Majapahit's court, this would be consistent with the numerous court tombstones that correspond to the date of the legendary Sunda expedition, and together these provide evidence of Java's first collective Islamic community.22

Java's foundation myth does not focus on a specific secular authority who is the source of Islamic conversion, but on nine saints (wali sanga) who, inde pendent of one another, came to Java from various regions of the world, bring ing with them the new faith, and initiating Islamic scholarship and worship (Ricklefs 1972; 1979). Gradually, under the guidance of these saints, the rulers of well established Hindu-Buddhist courts accepted Islam. There is no citation of Divine intervention, nor of any distinctive signs of the conversion; rather, the wali sanga performed miracles that so impressed the court and local elite that they convinced the rulers to enter religious partnerships with the wali sanga. Instead of basing their claims to power on political or religious descent from Mecca, Java's Islamic courts' perception was that they were the successors to the legacy of centralized authority, based in a partnership between kings and priests established by the Majapahit polity. Like Mecca in Arabia, Demak, one of sev eral coastal trading centers, would emerge from among its competitors to become the ritual center of Javanese Islam. Demak's origin myth focuses on the personal history of Raden Patah, "the visitor," who was born in the late fourteenth century at Palembang, the former center of the Srivijaya polity in Sumatra, to a Chinese woman with bloodlines to the Majapahit royal lineage. Raden Patah was thus not only descended from the Majapahit court, but also from the Chinese Muslim merchant communities that resided in Java's north coast ports (Chang 1991: 14, 16-18). Raden Patah emigrated to the north Java coast port of Gresik, which was largely populated by Chinese merchants, and then to Demak in the first quarter of the fifteenth century.23 He became immea

22 This sense of a collective community contrasts with the conclusion that there were assorted individual Muslims who were contracting their services to the court. See Robson (1981: 278) and Wisseman Christie (1998b: 370-78), who makes the case, as noted above, based on a series of inscriptions, that Javanese courts traditionally treated foreigners as individuals rather than as mem bers of collective communities, in part to control their interactions within the Javanese community and to keep them dependent on the court, which dictated the terms of their interactions with the Javanese countryside. See also Wisseman Christie (1992: 190-195).

23 See Reid (1999: 56-84) and Supomo (1997: 232-34), on the magical roots of Demak, which is portrayed in an alternative tale of its founding that is based in a conversion myth, and which attributes its origin to the desire of the wali sanga to establish a new kraton at Demak.

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surably wealthy, and as an acknowledgement of his commercial and personal prowess, as well as because he had royal blood and had married a Majapahit princess, he was appointed Demak's governor by the Majapahit monarch.

Sojourning and Residential Trade Communities

Clearly the Southeast Asian region was a major landfall on the pre-sixteenth century international East-West maritime route connecting the Middle East and China, by way of India. To study the resident maritime trade communities in early Southeast Asia it is necessary to re-conceptualize the maritime network itself, and to break free from the scholarly focus on the Indian, Chinese, and the Middle Eastern marketplaces that has constrained prior studies.

Since World War II, Western scholars have tended to think in terms of mod ern political entities rather than regional communication networks. The point here is that we must rethink our sense of boundaries to reach a new under standing of the international maritime trade. That is, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Malaysia, among others, are modern polities that are legacies of colonial era divisions that encompassed heterogeneous populations. Southeast Asia is by nature an area of few physical or human boundaries; population clusters are normally separated by considerable space. There are rarely contiguous bor ders in a region that was historically under-populated and political power was marked not by control of geographical space, but by the number of people a ruler could depend upon to remain loyal and who would share their resources for the common good. Thus, cultural crossovers were common, and newcomers were welcomed as a new human resource rather than a liability. This fluidity differs from Chinese traditional history that is concerned with the political con sequences of overpopulation, and the administration of populations who reside within the inclusive boundaries of the Chinese state. By necessity, a new dynasty had to re-conquer the "rightful" Chinese territory, to fulfill Confucian expectations of those who claimed imperial authority. In contrast, Southeast Asia's polities were relatively open, people-centered realms in which non-con tiguous population clusters were afforded some degree of autonomy, including, if they wished, the opportunity to participate in external commercial and cul tural networks. Appropriately, local clusters welcomed the periodic influx of new resident "foreigners," who became community resources but also brought their own cultural practices (Bronson 1992).

These new cultural practices might stimulate local cultural change, not due to the imposition by a stranger, but by a localization in which the resident com munity decided that the new cultural practices, whether as they were presented or with some local modifications as appropriate to indigenous needs, had value.

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Internally, such localizations might involve highland-lowland and upstream downstream migrations. Externally, this cultural networking resulted from Southeast Asia's prominent position in the maritime trade routes, which provided the dou ble potential for cultural interactions between locals and the East-West inter national trade route sojourners, as well as with Southeast Asia's own assorted seagoing populations (Hall 1991: 185-92; Manguin 1994). There were also opportunities for overland communication, as for example the longstanding net working and mobility of populations and commodities between mainland South east Asia and the Yunnan region of southern China. This overland trade was based on the commercial exchange of horses, cowrie shells, and silver bullion and coinage. This region's Hindu and Buddhist temples also supported the flow of pilgrims between South Asia and China (Bin Yang 2003).

Jan Wisseman Christies' (1998a) and Hermann Kulke's (1999) studies are commendable in their consideration of the networking between south India and the Melaka Straits polities, perhaps seeing the region of the Tamil inscriptions as a single cultural unit, although their studies tend to treat the Tamil merchants as regional aliens rather than considering their potential to assume membership in a local society. In contrast, Subrahmanyam's (1999) study of the Bay of Bengal-based merchants resident in the Golconda-Masulipatnam region of the Coromandel coast highlights the continuing presence of these merchants as vital members of Southeast Asian societies, and the subsequent consequences of these to the Bay of Bengal commercial network.

Historians' disregard for Southeast Asia in discussions of the Indian Ocean trade is in part a product of the view initially argued and then retracted by the Southeast Asia specialist O. W. Wolters (1967; 1970), that the entry and resi dency of foreign merchants in the early Southeast Asian region was cyclical and tied to the opening and closing of China's ports, or responded to political fac tors on the western and eastern ends of the international maritime route.24 Such

24 See also Abu-Lughod (1989: 78-134), Frank (1998), and Modelski and Thompson (1996: 149). Wolters (1979) later retracted this view. In his early view, local Southeast Asian port-polities competed among themselves to attract Chinese recognition of their sovereignty and thereby assume the right to promote themselves as China's trade intermediary or gateway. The problem with this vision, as Wolters later recognized, was that this reconstruction may not have been based on his torical reality, but existed only in the minds of the Chinese. His early thesis was incorrect extra polation from the Chinese evidence, which was, after all, an interpretation of history from the Chinese worldview, and which was intended for an aristocratic Chinese audience. That is, the Chinese may have needed to bestow their own sense of legitimacy upon a Southeast Asian port polity to confirm their own perception of their relationship with the South. See also Hall (1984). Equally one needs to be careful using the later Ming-era sources, in which there was regular embellishment of accounts that had their origin in earlier Chinese dynastic texts. The Chinese

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a view assumes that the maritime route depended on the marketplaces on the route's ends?in China, South Asia, and the Middle East. That is, civilizations at either end of the route offered sufficient commercial potential to encourage trade. In the reverse, if the marketplaces at either end closed, then international traders had no reason to make the maritime passage, regions that lay between suffered accordingly, and the resulting economic recession caused the fall of existing polities that heavily depended on the trade-engendered revenues. New polities rose when the route's ends again offered stable markets for the assorted trade goods (Wolters 1967).

One objection to this overview is that it reinforces an emphasis on the exter nal as the motor for change in Southeast Asia, and fails to recognize localiza tions in the development of marketplaces and civilizations within the region that lay not at the ends of the route but along the route, and local capacity to become culturally creative as well as major consumers on their own. One may alternatively argue, as for example in the cases of the Bay of Bengal, South China Sea, Java Sea, and eastern Indonesian archipelago regional networks, that once set in motion the various Southeast Asian centers of trade and their adja cent civilizations became so trade-centered that they could sustain an interna tional route even without the major consumer markets on its eastern or western ends (Subrahmanyam 1999; Kulke 1999; Ptak 1998; 1993a; 1992; Christie 1999).

Scholars have assumed that merchants flocked to the route in good times, because a market upswing increased their likelihood of profit (Abu-Lughod 1989). That is, traders would risk the uncertain voyages because they seemed assured of a significant material return for their initiatives and efforts. However, is there equal possibility that traders' willingness to venture overseas was induced by a depressed market in their homeland, and that their entrepreneurial initiatives were the consequence of the unglamorous necessity of seeking a living else where? Southeast Asia's developing civilizations and their marketplaces cer tainly offered them an attractive alternative.25 Even the old view that there was an ebb and flow in the volume of trade at China's ports that resulted from

sources regularly add elaborations or ^interpretations of prior dynastic accounts relative to their own era's prevailing historical "truth." See Vickery (1998: 35-36, 68-69) on the problems in recon structing early Southeast Asian history using Chinese sources, and his stress that one needs to care fully scrutinize the Chinese sources as they overlap Southeast Asian sources.

25 In similar fashion, South Asian weavers "returned to the soil" in bad times, forgoing their weaving and devoting their time to crop production rather than to producing cloth for a market place that could not offer them sufficient return for their labor. See Parthasarathi (2001) and Hall (2001: 107ff).

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dynastic transitions and changing government attitudes toward trade and traders has been challenged by historians who specialize in Chinese history, who ques tion whether there were really significant periodic declines in trade volume, and that actual practice was quite different from the rhetoric in the official state doc uments (Vogel 1993).

The increasing presence of foreign merchants and others in Southeast Asia, while in part the consequence of an expansive international marketplace, must also be considered as consequential to economic or political failures in their homeland. For example, in the era of the Mongol conquests numerous popula tions responded by moving to more secure regions. Thus, numerous profession als from the Persian realms of modern Iran became residents of South Asia and the regions beyond during the thirteenth century, as Persia-based merchants had relocated or converted to Islam when the Persian empire fell to Islamic armies in the seventh century (Sen 2003: 160-68).26 Similarly, following the collapse of the Gupta realm in the late sixth century, as also after the fall of northern India to Muslim warriors in the eleventh century, numerous Hindu and Buddhist cler ics found alternative employment in the service of south India's kings as well as in the courts of Southeast Asia's rulers (Prentice 1996). Islam's spread in Southeast Asia, the entry of the earliest Muslim clerics, including Java's wall sanga, and the increasing residency of sojourners with Middle Eastern roots was coincidental to the fall of the Abbasids in the Middle East and the periodic upheaval during the Delhi Sultanate-era in twelfth- through sixteenth-century north ern India (Hall 2001).

Migrations of Chinese merchants into Southeast Asia were initially encour aged when Chinese officials in the Song era, to secure more product volume from the regions to the south for domestic consumption as well as to enhance their tax revenues, relaxed their previous travel restrictions on the Chinese mer chant community. As discussed above, the existing network of overseas-based traders was not supplying sufficient commodity volume at the Chinese ports, and sending Chinese merchants out, negating prior restrictions on their sojourn ing, was a means to acquire additional tariff revenues, as well as to supply the Chinese aristocracy with the foreign commodities that were necessary for their

26 Sen's view is based on Sims-Williams (1994). When the Parthian empire fell to the Sassanids in 225, Persia-based Sassanian and Sogdian merchants emerged as the new leaders among Western traders active in the Indian Ocean and the Central Asian caravan trade. The Sogdians became the most prominent Western traders in Asia from the fourth through the eighth centuries. With the fall of the Persian Empire, Gulf-based traders converted to Islam, and thereafter became one among the numerous Middle Eastern Muslim merchant communities who competed on the Indian Ocean maritime network, and whose travels were described in new Arabic language literature.

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ritual performances and conspicuous public displays of wealth (Sen 2003: 151 55; Yoshinobu 1983). But it is equally reasonable that, as in later eras, sojourn ing was a means by which southern Chinese sought income that could sustain themselves and their families in desperate times whether economically, politi cally, or culturally challenging, and migration to the South was a logical option (Chang 1991: 20-26). Thus the greatest eras of Chinese migration into Southeast Asia and the establishment of Chinese communities corresponded to the bad times and public disorders associated with declining or failed dynasties, as for example the fall of the Song and the rise of the Yuan, or the fall of the Yuan and the rise of the Ming (So 2000; Clark 1991; Sen 2003: 231-35; Ptak 1998; Kee-long 1998).

Southeast Asia's role as a trade intermediary on the international route implies the periodic residence of traders and seagoing groups, who had to make stopovers along the international route to wait for a transition in the wind pat terns that would allow them to return to their home ports. That is, as noted above, by at least the eleventh-century sailors and traders rarely made the entire East-West passage, but only specialized in one portion of the route, and trans ferred their goods to and interacted with merchants and sojourners from other sectors of the route in a Southeast Asian port-polity. Southeast Asia's port polity populations were thus in a constant state of flux, based on the wind pat terns as well as the local market's potential as a source of international goods and/or local products. One population might replace another when the ships arrived from another segment of the international passage, normally after the prior group of transitory residents had embarked. Thus, historians have been reluctant to judge Southeast Asian port-polities as legitimate cities, on the grounds that they might only temporarily have a large resident population, but were more frequently the homes to only a small number of year-round occu pants (Wheatley 1983; Christie 1992: 188-92).27 And even these "permanent" residents might make frequent passage between the port-polity and its domestic hinterland, as wholesalers or as petty traders who exchanged the products of the port for domestic production and manufactures in well-developed and hierarchi cal indigenous marketing systems (Christie 1999; Bronson 1992).

27 While denying such Southeast Asian ports "urban" status, Western historians willingly cate gorize the sixteenth-century Spanish centers in the Caribbean region as "urban," although most of these similarly had significant residency only when the gold and silver from Mexico and Peru was periodically concentrated in these networked administrative/market centers prior to its shipment to Spain under the guard of Spanish war vessels.

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236 kenneth r. hall

Southeast Asia-based Merchant Communities and their Trade

The early Srivijaya polity (c. 600-1300) is cited in both Middle Eastern and Chinese sources as the classic Southeast Asian entrepot, a place to secure a safe port, stopover, food, shelter, and a market in which seafarers could acquire both local and international products (Soon 2001; Kee-long 1998). The cAja'ib al Hind (ca. 1000) describes the Srivijaya resident community:

Some houses are built on the land, but most float on the water, kept up by pieces of wood tied together in the form of a raft and last forever.... Whenever they do not like a particular quarter they can always move. The houses in the bay are arranged in streets, and the water between the houses is very deep (Tibbetts 1979: 47).

An early Chinese source provides the following reflection on the Srivijaya port-polity and its resident merchants:

The land [of San-fo-ch'i] has a great deal of sandalwood and frankincense that are to be traded to China.... In recent years San-fo-ch'i has established [its own] monopoly in sandalwood. The ruler orders merchants to sell it to him. The market value of the product [therefore] increases several times. The subjects of that country do not dare to sell it privately. This is an effective way of governance.. .. Chinese [wishing to trade with] the Ta-shih [Arab] countries reach San-fo-ch'i, repair their ships, and exchange goods. Merchants from distant places congregate there. This country is therefore con sidered to be the most prosperous one.28

The early thirteenth-century Chinese harbormaster Zhao Rugua (Chu Ju-kua) elaborates on the conduct of trade in Srivijaya's ports:

They calculate first the value of their articles [gharuwood, lakawood, cloves, sandal wood, pearls, frankincense, rosewater, elephants' tusk, cotton stuffs, sword blades, porcelain-ware, silk brocades, skeins of silk, silk gauzes, sugar, iron, samshu, rice, dried galangal, rhubarb, and camphor] according to their equivalents in gold or silver, and then engage in (the) barter of these articles at fixed rates. As for example, one tong of samshu is equal to one tael of silver, ten tong being equal to one tael of gold (Hirth and Rockhill 1911: 60-68).

The assumption among historians is that Srivijaya's early core resident pop ulation was an assortment of Malays who were members of Srivijaya's hierar chical polity, and that foreigners were not major participants in the local system. But, it is equally possible that there were foreigners (in addition to the Buddhist monks who made prolonged stays studying in Srivijaya's internationally famous

28 From Zhu Yu, Pingzhou ketan "Canton Stories," compiled c. 1100, SKQS ed., 2: 51b, as translated by Wolters (1983: 55), from Hirth and Rockhill (1911, 64, n. 7); revised translation by So Kee-long (1998: 299). High-quality frankincense was a product of the "West" (the Middle East or India) although Indonesian substitutes were also categorized as frankincense by the Chinese.

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Buddhist center) who called Srivijaya their home. Indeed, Chinese dynastic records report that foreign merchants regularly claimed to represent Srivijaya when they traded in the Chinese marketplace, rather than acknowledging their cultural origin, which makes it difficult to distinguish the resident populations of Srivijaya based on the early sources (Christie 1998a: 255; Sen 2003: 165-168, 194-196; Kee-long 1998: 303). A twelfth-century Chinese source does, however, report a resident community of overseas Chinese living in the Srivijaya realm:

Among the scores of countries which have trade connections with Quanzhou is Srivijaya. There are scores of rich merchants from Srivijaya who are living or were born in Quanzhou.. . ,29

As noted above, Southeast Asia was widely regarded to be an important source of commodities, those of China and the West, as well as its own spices, exotic jungle products (e.g., rhinoceros horn?a desired aphrodisiac, sandal wood, and tropical birds), and metals?variously tin, silver, and gold. But to focus exclusively on the international trade ignores the developing hinterland market networks that supplied these products to the ports, as well as the indige nous demand for imported commodities?notably iron (most of this region had an inadequate iron supply; see Bronson 1992), textiles (especially Indian cottons produced in the Gujarat region of west India and in the weaving centers of India's southeast coast), Chinese ceramics, and, in the time of the early Islamic conversions, tombstones that were imported from Gujarat (Lambourn 2002; Hall 2000). The Southeast Asian marketplace was important enough that Indian tex tiles were manufactured to Southeast Asian specifications, as for example the long pieces of ritual cloth that Gujarat weavers produced to the specifications (size and design) of the Toraja society of the eastern Indonesian archipelago (Barnes 2002; Christie 1993; Hall 1996). Java's marketplace was sustained by a realm-wide monetary system that was in place by the thirteenth century, and value was figured in monetary terms rather than in reference to the bulk of a commodity (Christie 1996; Aelst 1995).

What, then, were the characteristics of the trade and traders who participated in the Southeast Asian portion of the early international maritime route? We may conceive of sojourning traders as members of fluid communities. Because of their varying transitory regional stopovers the maritime traders were members

29 From the account of Lin Zhiqi, the superintendent of maritime affairs in Quanzhou, c. 1160. This report is notable because it records the establishment of a cemetery for the burial of foreigners in Quanzhou by a Srijijaya-based merchant named Shi Nowei, not an Arab from Siraf as fre quently argued, see Kee-long (1998: 305). For another view, see Clark (1995). By the fourteenth century, there was significant Chinese residential presence in Palembang, see Chang (1991: 14-15).

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of communities in motion, who individually or in groups were forced to con tinually re-conceptualize themselves relative to what and who they represented and ever-changing circumstances. Those who became local residents, if only for a short time, had to make the best of the circumstances in a setting in which there was an ongoing process of creativity and negotiation of identity (Ellen 2003).

Membership in Southeast Asia's coastal communities was open to those who would risk the voyages and hardships of living in a foreign environment with limited cultural amenities. International seafarers had to accept their place in or among communities that consisted of their fellow transients and resident com mercial specialists, or combinations of commercial specialists and other local residents. Community membership could be assigned by the itinerant merchants themselves, resident merchants, or by an indigenous elite (Manguin 1994).

One can speak of multiple "fields of representation" associated with merchant communities, wherein early Southeast Asian merchants moved through cores and zones from which they derived their identities (Smail 1970; Hall 1985: 222 31). In the early Southeast Asian epigraphic sources discussed above, merchants were not usually identified by their specific port of origin as is more typical of the post-1500 chronicle literature, but by their association with a regional core. A core might be the principle source of a major commodity, for example an entrepot or region where certain products were available: tea (China), frankin cense (Srivijaya), camphor (Barus), cloth (Kalinga), and spices (Java) imparted an associated identity. However, the Kalinga, Cham, and Khmer categorical generalizations in the Javanese inscriptions also imply an associated ethnicity. But there are numerous examples in the Chinese dynastic records of non-Malays who traded in the name of Srivijaya and south India-based Kiing merchants who had a Middle East origin (Sen 2003: 67, 192-96). Zonal identification derived from a merchant's travels within a specific sector of the trade route: e.g., the Bay of Bengal and the Java Sea networks (Hall 1985: 225-28; Frasch 1998; Subramanyam 1999). Merchants acquired local products within these net works that they would take elsewhere; in exchange they left their own trade commodities (e.g., textiles and ceramics) that were adopted into local commu nities, as potentially were the merchants themselves.

According to the Chinese dynastic records, Southeast Asia-based merchants traded as the agents of specific ports and served as members of these ports' trade delegations, and therein the Chinese records proclaimed and confirmed their community membership. For example, Muslim traders, who may or may not have had a Middle East origin, are regularly recorded as participants in the Southeast Asia tributary missions to the Chinese court beginning in the eleventh

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century (Sen 2003: 165-66, based on Hartwell 1983). The presence of Muslim traders among the embassy delegations was noteworthy enough to warrant Chinese recognition, with the implication that they in some way assured the quality of trade and the types of goods a port would provide to China's market place.

Foreign traders could become locally prominent. The earliest indigenous example is the Kaundinya myth that is commonly shared among mainland Southeast Asian societies, in which a sojourner married a local princess and therein initi ated local kingship (Hall 1985: 49-50; Vickery 1998). Later examples include the previously discussed legend of the Demak ruler who, after making strategic stops in major ports-of-trade in the Sumatra and Java region married a Maja pahit princess. There is also the Thai record of a member of a Chinese mer chant household who eventually became the ruler of the Ayuddhy a realm. According to the Thai chronicles:

The [previous] king passed away and no member of the royal family could be found to succeed him. So all the people praised Prince U Thong, who was the son of [the leader of the Chinese merchant community; he was also well-connected to two powerful Thai clan networks in Suphanburi and Lopburi], to be anointed as king and govern the king dom [in due course he settled his people in the new capital city of Ayuddhy a in 1351] (Paul 1967: 37).

Transient merchants initially would have accepted a position in some way dictated to them by local authorities, whether resident commercial specialists or a non-commercial elite. This is the case in inscriptions from eleventh-century Champa. Here two Arabic script (Kufic) inscriptions, dating between 1029 and 1035, from Panduranga (Phan-rang) evince the existence of a sizable commer cial group (possibly some three hundred strong) resident in Panduranga, and indicate that Panduranga was a major port on the Cham coast by the mid-tenth century (Ravaisse 1922; Manguin 1979). One inscription records the selection by this community of one of its members, a Muslim, as "agent of the bazaar," whose duty it was to represent local merchants and to protect their interests when dealing with Cham authorities. That earlier commercial groups had a reg ular interaction with the Cham monarchy is evident from a Chinese reference to Champa's 958 diplomatic mission from King Indravarman III to the Chinese ruler of Chou. On this visit the ambassador of the Cham king presented the Chinese monarch rose water, flasks of "Greek fire," and precious stones. Sig nificantly, the official envoy was a Muslim named Abu Hasan (P'u Ho-san). In 961, Abu Hasan returned to China bearing a letter on palmyra leaves in an envelope of scented wood, from the Cham king Jaya Indravarman I to the new Song emperor, and gifts of ivory, camphor, peacocks, and twenty "Arab (Tajik)

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vases," all supposedly commercial products available in Cham ports, to the new Chinese monarch.30 Chinese references from the Song era to Champa's harbors note that the king's agent inspected a ship's cargo when it arrived in port. After registering all commodities carried by the ship and noting how many goods were unloaded, the king's agents collected one-fifth of each kind of commodity in the name of their monarch before authorizing the sale of the rest. Concealed freight was seized (Maspero 1928: 29; Chang 1991: 19).31

The account of a Chinese merchant who sojourned to Champa in the late twelfth century provides this window on the relationship between Southeast Asian rulers and foreign merchants:

Wang Yuanmao was a Quanzhou man. In his youth he worked as a mere handyman in a Buddhist monestary. His masters taught him how to read the books of the southern barbarian lands, with all of which he was able to become closely acquainted; and he accompanied sea-going junks to Champa. The king of that country admired his ability to read both barbarian and Chinese books, invited him to become a member of his staff, and gave him one of his daughters in marriage. Wang lingered for ten years before returning (to China), with a bridal trousseau worth a million strings of cash. His lust for gain became fiercer, and he next went trading as the master of a sea-going junk. His wealth became limitless and both Prime Minister Lie Cheng and Vice-Minister Juge Tingrui formed marriage connections with him (through their children). In 1178 he dis patched his borrower [xingqian] Wu Da to act as head merchant [gangshou] in a ship setting out to sea with a total crew of thirty-eight men under a chief mate. They were away for ten years, returning in the seventh moon of 1188, anchoring south of Luofu Mountain in Huizhou. They had obtained profits of several thousand percent.32

30 Note that this second mission was coincidental to the inception of the new Song dynasty, as well as transiton in the Cham monarchy. See Schafer (1967: 75), quoting the Song shi (History of the Song dynasty, 489, 5714a) and Wudai shi (Notes on military preparations?12, 4405a; 74, 4480d), a series of charts and sailing directions prepared between 1621 and 1628, which report Southeast Asia as it was known to Chinese mariners in the early fifteenth century. The History of the Song also includes a report that when Cham "shamans" are about to sacrifice a "mountain ox," they utter the phrase "A-la-ghwa-gyep-bat," which the Chinese historians translated "May it soon live in another body" (Song Shi, 489, 5714b), which Schafer corrects (1967: 75): "Despite the pious Buddhist hope for the reincarnation of even a lowly sacrificial victim, claimed as the mean ing of this ritual formula, it can hardly be other than butchered Arabic: 'Allah hu akbar!"?"God is great!" The 961 tributary mission to the Song court, as well as others in 962 and 1086, are recorded in the Lingwaidaida of 1178, which is cited in the early thirteenth-century account of Zhao Rugua (Hirth and Rockhill 1911: 52, n. 3).

31 In contrast, there are examples of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century merchant-led enclaves on the north Java coast largely populated by sojourners, who were initially subordinate to the Majapahit monarchs but eventually asserted their autonomy and were using their own naval fleets to further their interests by the late fifteenth century. See Lombard (1990), Manguin (1991; 1993), Reid (1999: 56-81).

32 From Hong Mai, Yi Jian Zhi, quoted in Yoshinobu (1970: 192-193).

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Local Rulers, Indigenous Marketing Networks, and International Trade

Generally, a port-based international merchant had to depend on the agency of a local merchant network, whose members mediated between the interests of their port-based partners and the indigenous elite who controlled the countryside (Christie 1999; Hall 1985: 232-256; Bronson 1992). In the case of Java, the local markets as well as international trade were variously connected to rice exchanges (Christie 1992: 184-85). Sojourning merchants' dependency on a hin terland relationship developed from their need for rice, which they in turn traded for spices in eastern archipelago markets (Christie 1992: 185; Villiers 1990; Ptak 1998). Java's itinerant peddlers, identified in the inscriptions by the titles adwal and apikul, linked village clusters horizontally into marketing net works composed of multiple wanua ("village") communities of exchange (Christie 1992: 182-85). Peddlers circulated among pken periodic markets and made their travels conform to the indigenous five-day marketing cycle?or the local marketing cycle conformed to the travels of the peddlers. The peddlers and their local pken market networks, in turn, were integrated by intermediate mar ket centers. Unlike the pken markets, the intermediate centers of exchange had permanent shops or at the minimum a market that met every day. Such centers

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Figure 6: Rural Life in Early Java, as depicted in traditional cloth art.

were inhabited by adagang, "large-scale traders," who transacted both retail and wholesale trade, as well as groups of artisans (Christie 1998b: 350). Abakul were "market-based middlemen," who were the key to the natural flow of com modities between village clusters and the intermediate market center. Both ada gang and abakul serviced the needs of the pken-focused itinerant peddlers, supplying goods of various sorts in exchange for local products acquired by the peddlers on their circuit. Abakul were wholesale specialists who traded in bulk for local production, especially for the rice, as well as salt, beans, and dyes that figure so prominently in lists of Java's major exports (Wheatley 1959; Christie 1998b: 361, 364-65).

Goods acquired by abakul intermediate traders were transmitted to adagang, the large-scale traders, who in turn transferred goods to "higher order" mer chants, identified by the title banyaga bantal, who connected the intermediate marketing centers to higher order markets that were inhabited by banyaga, "large-scale and seafaring traders"?"those who encircle the sea, those who travel throughout the sea" (Christie 1998b: 365; 1992). These higher markets were major commercial centers integrating the various networks of exchange below them and were normally located during this age at coastal ports rather than at a royal court or a major ritual center?the negotiation of major com mercial transactions would have been inappropriate to such sanctified centers of elite residence (Christie 1998b: 373-78).33 It is noteworthy that banyaga do not appear in lists of those participating in pken market exchange, implying that there was a hierarchy of merchant and marketing activity within the early Javanese economy. Banyaga were clearly functioning only at the topmost lev els of the marketing system, integrating the intermediate and local levels of commercial exchange to the "foreign" realm of trade. In the Javanese plains, free of physical constraints on the movement of goods from the hinterland, a number of small, periodic market centers connected to intermediate and higher order centers of exchange by a hierarchy of specialized and large-scale traders thus expedited the logical flow of goods destined to be sold to sojourning seafarers.

Javanese kings, especially in the post-tenth-century era of the east Java courts, played a key role in facilitating this trade. They encouraged and legit imized the incursions of port-based traders (banyaga) into the Javanese hinter land to collect specified amounts of produce. The royal stance in relation to the trade is reflected in an inscription that elaborates five royal instructions on the

33 See Hall (1985: 236-242; 2000), for discussion of the Majapahit-era documentation of mar ketplace transactions.

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local and international trade and traders 243

conduct of trade, quality control, and the use of standards and approved weights and measures at warehouses and rice granaries.34 The fourteenth-century Majapahit monarch was one in a series of Javanese rulers who monopolized the flow of local rice to them, as well as controlled the distribution of their imported commodities, notably textiles, ceramics, and metals into Java's hinter land marketplaces (Jones 1985: 23-45; Christie 1998b; Hall 2000). Port-based orang kaya, "rich men," appear in sixteenth-century archipelago references, and they eventually competed against the hinterland rulers for local power. But the orang kaya power was ultimately contained, as in seventeenth-century Aceh (Kathirathamby-Wells 1986; 1993). Their defeat was inevitable, since the would-be merchant princes had inadequate control over the flow of commodi ties into and out of their ports, and regional coast-hinterland exchange depended on traditional reciprocity-based relationships that went beyond mere economic exchange (Hall 2001; Reid 1999: 126-54; Bronson 1992: 86-108).

The terms of trade in the ports, as well as in the countryside, were commonly negotiated outside rather than inside the marketplace?between local rulers and traders, or among the traders themselves as members of merchant communities (Hall 1995).35 The point was to protect all involved in the exchange from undo exploitation, to insure that trade was transacted according to a commonly estab lished and accepted standard of conduct and even a common code of law, demonstrated in the fourteenth-century Melaka Maritime Code (Winstedt and Jong 1956). Key to local prosperity and trader presence was giving the trade community some latitude rather than severely restricting their activities, except for confining them to their port enclaves and limiting their access to the up stream hinterlands.

There were "circles of rivalry" in the trade network: between merchants and locals as well as competition among the sojourners themselves (Gordon 2001). Rulers and other locally powerful persons?landholding elders, empowering priests, or governmental elites?frequently viewed the actions of merchants as threaten ing to their reciprocity-based networks (Hall 1985: 232-60). This is demonstrated in the restrictions placed on merchants and other local and foreign profession als by early Java monarchs, who limited the number of merchant/professionals who might become local residents (Christie 1998b: 364-78), as also in Cham inscriptions, which report the purposeful isolation of sojourning traders coastal enclaves on the society's periphery (Hall 1991: 252-60). As noted

34 Mananjung inscription (A.D. 928). For the text and translation, see Sarkar (1971, II: 227-247) and Christie (1998b: 373-374).

35 See also the Chinese reports of trade in the Cham and Srivijaya realms cited above.

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above, though merchants and other foreigners were recruited into the Javanese political system as the monarch's tax collectors, they were still identified as out siders rather than as fully-integrated members of Javanese society (Hall 1985: 236-42).

Competition among the merchant communities themselves is demonstrated in the recurrent references to the raiding of rival ports-of-trade, as for example Srivijaya's aggression against rival north Java coast ports and subsequent Cola raids on Srivijaya's ports in the early eleventh century, Thai and Java raids on the Straits of Melaka region in the fourteenth century, and numerous raids by the Chams against their Khmer and Vietnamese neighbors from the eleventh through the fifteenth centuries (Kulke 1998; Hall 1985: 181-93; B. Andaya 2003; Reid 1999: 39-55; Charney 1997; 1998). These raids have too frequently been categorized relative to the political ambitions of a polity, but local politi cal ambitions were interrelated with an elite's desire to derive revenues and/or commodities from the trade (Hall 1985: 197-214). Raids on a competing port or region not only secured plunder and manpower, but also desecrated one's rival, and in various ways discouraged trade at the rival's port(s) or eliminated a rival polity's monopoly over regional trade (Kulke 1998: 24-29).36

These competitions must have included the merchant communities or drawn upon their resources, minimally as the source of ships and provisions, as well as seafaring warriors. In the early Srivijaya reference discussed above, the shipowner provided his ships for the Srivijaya monarch's expeditions against his rivals. Fifteenth-century Java port-polities were planning a raid on Melaka even before the Portuguese conquest in 1511, and they subsequently attacked Portuguese Melaka in an attempt to displace Portuguese control over this strategic port, and to divert its trade to other regional port-polities (Manguin 1991). The eleventh century Cola maritime raid against Srivijaya's ports, which followed their ear lier maritime initiatives against the Bengal region and Sri Lanka, were likely related to Cola interests in the trade route, or were initiatives by the Cola rulers, in some degree of partnership with the south India-based merchant guilds, to either dominate the Bay of Bengal maritime network or to disrupt existing trade networks to the advantage of merchants who were based in the Cola ports-of trade (Spencer 1983; Sen 2003: 220-27; Kulke 1998; Christie 1998a).

36 The manpower secured in such raids might be resettled locally, as for example when the Vietnamese periodically resettled Cham prisoners from their "military expeditions" to their south in their Red River delta agricultural frontier (Hall 1991: 269). Alternatively, this manpower became "slaves"?Southeast Asian ports-of-trade were well-known slave markets. See the volume edited by Reid (1983).

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It is unrealistic to assume that there was a generalized brotherhood among the merchants, although merchants periodically shared a common place of res idence, and also religion. One needs to be careful not to envision clear-cut dichotomies at work when discussing these early merchant communities, as for example the still too frequent mistaken generalization that all Muslim traders were Middle East-based ("Arabs"),37 as similarly that all Chinese merchants were ethnically the same.38 Another notable misrepresentation is the idea of dis tinction between sedentary merchants (i.e., those assumed to be residential) and others who were mobile (i.e., migratory). Clearly, due to the shifting winds of the monsoon seasons, Indian Ocean sojourning merchants were sometimes mobile and sometimes sedentary. But often those who were based in a specific port and did not make the seasonal voyages were also mobile, as for example when they traveled inland to market or to gather products, or as they occasion ally sailed from one coastal enclave within their immediate region to another to transact their trade, but always retained their principle place-of-residence base (Kathirithamby-Wells and Villiers 1990).

In maritime Southeast Asia, there has always been an itinerant community of upstream and downstream and coastal-networking seafarers, who, based out of a home port, act as the vital intermediaries between major ports-of-trade and communities on the adjacent river mouths and in their upstream hinterlands. Vessels of assorted sizes gather and dispense products, as these residents of a port-of trade network in a variety of ways act as intermediaries in the international and indigenous marketplaces (Gosling 1977). Where do these intermediary sojourn ers fit in the overall configuration of Southeast Asian trade communities, and what was the nature of and the consequence of these merchants' local network ing relative to the international trade and traders? Recent studies of the Bugis maritime network within Southeast Asia's eastern archipelago provide some clues, and lead to the conclusion that eastern archipelago itinerant networking became the basis of its own "cultural state" (L. Andaya 1993; Ellen 2003).

In addressing the character of the port-community populated by a mix of international sojourners who were forced to layover until the next monsoon

37 See Valerie Hansen of Yale University, quoted on the rear book jacket of Sen 2003; Sen (2003: 165-168, 234) is himself inconsistent in his references. See also Ray (1994: 174). Clearly the Middle Eastern source material written in Arabic distinguishes among the Middle Eastern mer chant communities. As all Muslims are not Arabs, so, too, all those who write or speak Arabic are not Arabs.

38 For example, Ptak (1998), Soon (2001), Salmon (2002), and Chang (1991). A study group at the University of Singapore's Southeast Asia Research Center is currently addressing this topic rel ative to the Ming-era sources.

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season and "continuous" residents, we know that itinerant Chinese merchants frequently married and had a network of wives and families resident among the ports in which they did business (Chang 1991; Reid 1999: 56-81; Manguin 1991). These wives and families looked after their extended family's interests when the Chinese merchant sojourner traveled to another port. That non-Chinese merchants were also likely to intermarry and establish some form of continu ing community membership is demonstrated in the records of the sojourning Yemeni and "Persian" merchant communities. Yemeni merchants were resident in most of the major ports-of-trade between Yemen and Melaka by 1500, where their local presence was balanced by their responsibilities and continued inter actions with their international network in which ports in Gujarat assumed par ticular importance (Ho 2002). So-called "Persian" merchants, who were based in Masalipatnam and other Bay of Bengal regional ports by the fifteenth cen tury, had ongoing connections to the Iranian region. This "Persian" merchant community dates to the earliest centuries of the first millennium, when Chinese diplomats who traveled between China and India repeatedly referenced resident and itinerant Sogdian merchants active in Southeast Asia's ports-of-trade (Sen 2003: 162ff; Subrahmanyam 1999). Networking with a common point of origin was also characteristic of other merchant communities, as the Cairo Geniza records document relative to the Fustat-connected Indian Ocean Jewish mer chants from the eleventh century (Goitein 1973; Gil 2003), and was also the case among the Tamil merchant guild members discussed above, whose inscrip tions reflect their continuing loyalty to their south Indian homeland. Tamil merchant sponsorship of temples in Southeast Asia indicates some degree of local commitment. Perhaps they were not fully integrated members of the local society, but they were committed enough during their varying resi dential presence that they funded temples to service their religious needs. That religion, and specifically donations to local temples was a window of opportu nity for inter-community dialogue is demonstrated by notable gifts to temples in South Asia by Southeast Asian monarchs, as for instance the Srivijaya rulers' beneficence to Buddhist temples in northern India (Nalanda) recorded in an 860 inscription and in a 1090 inscription from southern India, and the Khmer monarch Suryavarman I's similar eleventh-century endowments to Cola-era temples in south India (Hall 1985: 109, 169-78, 201). These have usually been interpreted as acts of diplomacy or the consequence of religious networking that had political implications (Kulke 1999: 25-26). But these gifts to local temples serviced the needs of the increasing numbers of locally resident merchants who were associated with the gift-givers homeland, as when a Chinese pagoda was built in the port of Nagapattinam in the thirteenth-century Cola realm for the

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use of increasing numbers of Chinese sojourners who were periodic residents of south India (Sen 2003: 231; Guy 1993-1994).

Hindu and Buddhist temples and shrines associated with foreign trade com munities in Southeast Asia evidence regular commitments to a Southeast Asian region. It is unclear, however, whether locals also used these religious shrines, demonstrating a social bridge that might incorporate merchants into the local ritual community; this was certainly the case when maritime Southeast Asia converted to Islam. A shared spiritual bond would have lessened the communal separation and local suspicion of merchants. On the other hand, in Thailand and elsewhere regionally there was frequently a continuing sense of separation between traders and local societies, wherein merchants, who pursue personal profit and whose cultural patterns differ from local residents, have always been outsiders relative to non-commercial community members (O'Conner 1995; Evers and Schrader 2000). In part, this social separation freed merchants from local societal reciprocity obligations, and thus allowed them to make and retain their profits; it also eliminated wealthy merchants from direct participation in local competitions for power.

Historians argue that Southeast Asia's Islamic conversions were not primar ily spiritually motivated but trade-related, to induce specific foreign traders to do business in a polity's ports, with resulting increases in local revenue collec tions by the local monarchs who were co-religionists (Hall 2001). In this view Southeast Asian rulers sought to attract Muslim traders, who were by the thir teenth century preeminent in the international route between the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and to induce these seafarers to make their monsoon lay over in their port rather than another. Local conversion implied a favorable reli gious environment and the assurance of local acceptance of the Islamic moral code, at least as this applied to commercial if not personal transactions.

Notably, coastal port-polity elites were the first converts to Islam, and only later did their upstream hinterland populations join them. The hinterland popu lation seemingly had little incentive to accept Islam, since their community membership was already satisfied by traditional non-Islamic standards of inter action. Eventually, upstream conversions to Islam took place through the agency of downstream rulers, who encouraged local acceptance of Islam as a means of legitimizing their own authority locally, and also as a means of increasing the flow of local produce to downstream ports (Hall 1995). Thus, this local patron age of Islamic merchants and local conversion to Islam may have initially only been a token gesture meant to derive economic benefits; the conversion equally could have drawn upon Islam's political potential to link diverse upstream and downstream population clusters into a common societal polity; or, in a more

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positive light, it may have been due to genuine spiritual commitment instead of more practical and mundane goals (Hall 2001).

Generally historians have been reluctant to see merchant sojourners as sources of cultural transmission, but credit priests, monks, and scholars who took passage alongside them (Taylor 2003: 13-34, 105-14, 126-31). But mer chant groups who associated with the Muslim, Buddhist, Indie, and Chinese cul tural realms had connections that undoubtedly offered opportunities for cultural brokering. Merchants and sailors were not devoid of culture; in fact they were culturally sensitive to the issue of inclusion rather than exclusion, to the point that they built temples and mosques to facilitate, promote, and substantiate their role as members in a ritual community?with focus on their pursuit of societal well-being as rightful and contributing members of a society rather than being obsessed with their personal gain at the expense of others. It was important that merchants focused on Indie, Muslim, or Chinese contributions to world order as the source of their own legitimacy and a sense of place, to neutralize local char acterizations that were not complementary, and to mobilize against potentials of hatred and personal threats to their well-being.

Maritime Trade in the Straits of Melaka Region Circa 1500

The evidence cited above indicates the need to reevaluate prior characterizations of China, India, and the Middle East as the periodically stable marketplaces that were pivotal to Indian Ocean prosperity, since this view is substantially based on those regions' historical records to the exclusion of Southeast Asian docu mentation. In light of this Southeast Asian documentation, it is more reasonable, as proposed above, to conceptualize the maritime route as being dependent on various centers and disparate merchant communities at differing times. Instead of looking for a stable marketplace on either of the route's ends, historians should consider the role of stable intermediaries that were vital to the trade, especially from 1000-1500, when the volume of maritime trade substantially increased. For example, an eleventh-century south Indian commercial hub assumed a vital role in the transmission of goods and services between East and West in the eleventh century, when there was a new segmentation of the maritime marketplace. In that age, the south Indian Cola realm was pivotal to the diffusion of Srivijaya's previous control as the vital intermediary in the eleventh-century international trade. This is commonly reflected in the Tamil, Burmese, and Sri Lankan inscriptions and archaeological evidence that is dis tributed among Srivijaya's Bay of Bengal and western Indonesian archipelago successors, as also in the contemporary Chinese and Middle Eastern historical records. By the twelfth century, there were still multiple centers along the mar

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itime route, as the increasing volume of trade and the corresponding influx of traders into the route dictated that sojourners travel more directly to regional sources of supply rather than depending on a single intermediary entrepot (Kee long 1998; Salmon 2002; Rothermund 1991; Hall 2001).

This new multi-centered trade certainly influenced the late Song-era decision to modify the previous Chinese tributary system, and their decision to encour age Chinese merchants to sojourn to these multiple trade sources rather than depending on the agency of non-Chinese merchants to facilitate the flow of commodities into and out of China's ports from a single favored port-polity. In this same period, Java's north coast ports rose to positions of prominence in the Java Sea regional spice trade, in part due to the initiatives of newly resident Chinese merchants. By the fourteenth century, foreign records unanimously declare Java to be "so wealthy ... as to be past telling" (Marco Polo 1963: 247 48), as by then Java and its spices had become pivotal to the success of the entire Indian Ocean maritime network. The Chinese court recognized Java's prominence, as both the Yuan and Ming courts conducted regular diplomatic exchanges with those of Java, as the previous Song dynasty had with south India, and delegates from the Chinese court represented China's monarchs' interests (which one would assume to have been trade related) in repeated vis its to Java (Chang 1991; Christie 1999; Hal 1991: 202-26; Reid 1999: 56-84).

Based on the cited Southeast Asia evidence, one may speculate that the late thirteenth- through early fifteenth-century Chinese diplomatic presence in the region was not intended to solicit trade or stabilize the Southern Seas maritime pas sageway because of a generalized decline in the maritime trade route and the consequent decrease in volume of international commerce in China's ports, as others have proposed. Instead, the cited Southeast Asia evidence that docu ments the rise of multiple regional marketplaces, the importance in that era of Southeast Asia's products?notably its spices, and the significant increase in domes tic consumption of international products, all leads to the conclusion that China's ports had become less important as destination marketplaces for the maritime sojourners. Thus, the Yuan and Ming court initiatives may be seen as reactive not to a generalized decline of the Asian maritime trade, but due to China's concern that it was becoming a peripheral player in the maritime mar ketplace network. Therein the Chinese court attempted to recover some of the lost trade volume, to promote China's own exports, to guarantee China's access to the best international products, and as well to reassert China's political inter ests in the region.

In the fifteenth century, Melaka rose and again provided a singular entrepot at the intersection of the Bay of Bengal, South China Sea, and Java Sea regional networks. The Ming supported the founding of Melaka, and the voyages of the

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Ming eunuch Zheng He (Cheng Ho) reflect their attempt to assert and revital ize the Tang-era China-centered tributary trade system (Levathes 1994; Chang 1991: 22-26). However, Ming initiatives ultimately failed, not just because of debate within China itself,39 but because the old tributary system was no longer valid. Despite what many historians have proposed, China could no longer "rule the seas," even though they could send out fleets that included one thousand ton junks. The Ming maritime initiatives were an attempt to reassert an idealized sense of the Chinese past in much the same way that Chinese dynasties repeat edly tried to conquer what they assumed to be the natural region of Chinese authority, as notably reflected in the repeated and failed attempts of new Chinese dynasties to reassert China's authority over Vietnam from the eleventh century on (Taylor 1983; Anh 2002; Whitmore 1996). Instead, Melaka's rise to prominence by the fifteenth century depended on the complexity of the multi centered trade in the Indian Ocean, and the practicality at that time of estab lishing a single Southeast Asian entrepot as the clearinghouse for Indian Ocean trade. In essence, it was appropriate that this central entrepot was in Southeast Asia, because Southeast Asia was then the pivotal center of Asian trade, as the source of the most demanded commodities; the most important consumer mar ketplace for imported textiles and ceramics; and the common center for the exchange of the variety of commodities that derived from China and the Middle East, as well as other secondary sources of supply.

While the remaining records tell us little about the men who traded from Melaka, we know a good deal about its leaders. They took great care to make their new port attractive to international traders. As among its predecessors, Melaka's residency patterns ebbed and flowed with the monsoons. Traders and other groups maintained permanent warehouse and residency compounds, the forerunners to the European "factories" that were later established there. But except for a few year-round representatives of the major trading establishments, Melaka's population in these compounds was seasonal. A special governing body and judicial system gave visiting merchants and their goods protection

39 Among the reasons scholars pose for the Ming withdrawal are: Confucian bureaucratic oppo sition to the enhancement of the role of merchants in Chinese society; the need to divert resources from the Chinese navy to its land-based forces, to defend China's northwest border against new barbarian threats; and China's self-sufficiency, which gave China less reason to seek new global marketplaces. Many argue that the Ming decision to withdraw dynastic support and curtail the fur ther development of China's commercial fleet in the 1430s checked a potential merchant challenge to the traditional Chinese Confucian gentry. In contrast, sixteenth-century royal partnerships with Western merchants and subsequent maritime-based mercantilist venture capitalism were founda tional to the eventual empowerment of a European urban middle class.

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while in the port. The main court officials, the Bendahara ("prime minister"), Laksamana ("admiral of the monarch's fleet"), Syahbandar ("harbor master"), and Temenggung ("minister of justice, defense, and palace affairs") all facili tated trade in various ways. Melaka's port regulations aided the local exchange of goods so merchants did not find themselves overly burdened. This way they did not prolong their stays so much that they would be threatened by the pos sible loss of the appropriate monsoon wind for their return voyage. There were also regular customs duties as well as fixed weights and measures and units of coinage that helped provide local stability (Thomaz 1988; 1993).

Malay nobles did not take part in the affairs of the marketplace. They left this to the merchants themselves, but they did command the fleet of ships that policed the Straits to keep it free from piracy. In addition, vessels powered by oar rather than sail patrolled the Straits, so that they could tow becalmed ships into port. Melaka's success wooed local chiefs, who entered the traditional Straits' alliance network between ruler and ruled (Milner 1982). Under this agreement, the Melaka monarch made periodic redistributions of wealth to those who remained subordinate to his port-polity (rather than those who conducted acts of piracy or allied with Melaka's competitors).

The initiatives of Melaka's early rulers resulted in Melaka's international economic prominence. Heavy naval traffic came from western Asia. India-based ships arrived regularly from the Gujarat, Malabar, and Coromandel coasts, as well as from Bengal, and Myanmar. Goods included luxury items from the Middle East, such as rosewater, incense, opium, and carpets, as well as seeds and grains. But the bulk of the fifteenth-century cargoes were made up of cot ton cloth from the Gujarat and Coromandel coasts (Barnes 2002). Vessels from Bengal brought foodstuffs, rice, cane sugar, dried and salted meat and fish, pre served vegetables and candied fruits, as well as the local white cloth fabrics. Malabar merchants from India's southwest coast brought pepper and Middle Eastern goods. The Bago (Pegu) polity in lower Myanmar also supplied foodstuffs, rice and sugar, and ships. In return, spices, gold, camphor, tin, sandalwood, alum, and pearls were sent from Melaka. Re-exports from China included porcelain, musk, silk, quicksilver, copper, and vermillion. Malabar and Sumatran pepper was carried back to Bengal, with some opium from Middle Eastern countries (Meilink-Roelofsz 1955: 61ff; Wake 1967).

While China may have discouraged official tributary trade with the South after the 1430s, there was still an ample, unofficial and privately financed trade conducted by junks.40 It carried large quantities of raw and woven silks,

40 The third Melaka ruler, who personally traveled to China with a Chinese fleet in 1433, was

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damask, satin and brocade, porcelain and pottery, musk, camphor, and pearls, as well as the less valuable alum, saltpetre, sulphur, copper, iron, and copper and iron utensils. Regular shipping also came from Thailand, Vietnam, Japan, and the Philippines, which contributed foodstuffs, jungle goods, and a variety of other trade items (Vogel 1993).

Trade within the archipelago had become highly profitable; the spices of the Moluccas?nutmeg, mace, and cloves?had assumed global importance. Intra archipelago trade was at that time dominated by merchant-seafarers based in the Muslim-ruled ports of Java's north coast, but eastern archipelago sojourners known collectively as the Bugis were becoming a factor. From the Straits itself?notably from Kedah on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula, and Samudra Pasai on the northeast coast of Sumatra?came tin, gold, jungle products, and pepper, in return for cloth, opium and foodstuffs. By the end of the fifteenth century, when the first Portuguese missions reached Asia, Melaka was the com mercial hub of Asian trade. Early arriving Portuguese, whose home ports in the Atlantic must have seemed poor and provincial by Melaka's cosmopolitan stan dards, were awed by what they saw. They left impressive accounts of the bustling Melaka urban center.

In the words of the early fifteenth-century Portuguese scribe Tome Pires, South east Asia was "at the end of the monsoon, where you find what you want, and sometimes more than you are looking for" (Cortesao 1944, vol. 2: 228). When Europeans came to Southeast Asia in the early sixteenth century, they saw Melaka as more than a marketplace. It was a symbol of the wealth and luxury of Asia. They were eager to circumvent the monopoly of Venice on the price less spice trade, and the great wealth and luxury available in this trading had enticed them halfway around the world in their tiny, uncomfortable ships.

Thus, when the Portuguese entered the Indian Ocean in the early 1500s their objective was to seize Melaka, which they rightfully considered to be the dom inant center of contemporary Asian trade.41

made painfully aware that he could no longer depend upon his Chinese trade partner, and had to turn elsewhere to insure his port's survival. He was equal to this task, and enhanced his network ing with the regional Javanese, Malay, Cham, Chinese, and Indian cosmopolitan communities of merchants who were based in the Bay of Bengal and Melaka Straits region. Most of these sea farers were Muslims. Many had formerly been based in the pepper ports of north Sumatra, whose rulers had conspicuously patronized the Islamic religious tradition as a means of soliciting these creative Western traders. To attract this trade the Melaka rulers also adopted Islam as the official religion of state, which displaced the earlier patronage of the Buddhist and Hindu religious tradi tions (Andaya and Andaya 1985: 42-55).

41 Appropriately, at that same time a fleet of ships based in north Java ports-of-trade was preparing a similar attack on Melaka, to challenge its prominence as a single regional trade center, only to have the Portuguese do it first. See Manguin (1994) and note 31 above.

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What the Portuguese did not understand was that Melaka was no more than an agreed upon marketplace for the commodities of other centers, and when they seized Melaka the sedentary and migratory merchant communities responded by shifting their trade to other equally acceptable and mutually inter-changeable regional ports: Aceh, Johor, Java, Ayuddhya, Bago, etc. Sixteenth-century inter national trade still focused on Southeast Asia, but again became multi-centered. The international merchants entered partnerships with the leaders of newly emerging polities that capitalized on the benefits of an alliance between rulers and merchants (Reid, ed. 1993)?in much the same way that contemporary Western European monarchs (e.g., in Tudor England and the Netherlands) did.

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HALL

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Maritime Asia

When the World Came to Southeast Asia

Malacca and the Global Economy

By Michael G. Vann

Situated in the west coast of the Malay Peninsula on the strait that bears its name, the port of Malacca is adjacent to one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes. Today’s Malacca (Melaka in Malay) is a small port city with few obvious signs of its former glory. Despite a growing tourist trade, most visitors are ignorant of the city’s spectacular maritime past as one of the most important trade centers in the early modern global economy, a past that put Malacca in the same league with Venice, Cairo, and Canton. The average tourist is more likely to mention the city’s food than its history. With centuries of trade with China, India, and the Arab world; being ruled by the Portuguese, Dutch, and English; and its close proximity to many of the world’s spice producers, Malaccan culinary culture brings together East Asian, Indian Ocean, Halal, and European traditions into a Southeast Asian celebration of global food. But tasty as they are, these dishes are artifacts of the city’s lost prominence. Fortunately, city leaders have funded several museums, restoration projects, and archeological sites to celebrate this Malaysian port’s role in the world system, its dynamic multiculturalism, and significance in maritime Asian history.

Despite the port’s tremendous importance and wealth in the fifteenth century, Malacca’s greatness was fleeting. After 1403, a Malay ruler rapidly transformed it from a sleepy fishing village to a center of world trade in less than a decade, but in 1511, the dynamic trade emporium fell to Portuguese invaders who gradually ran Malacca into the ground until they were conquered in turn by the Dutch in 1641. If it became a backwater under colonial rule, a larger historical perspective on Southeast Asia shows that there has always been a hegemonic port city similar to Malacca in its glory days. Geography, meteorological patterns, and the logistics of maritime commerce dictated that somewhere along the Straits of Malacca, one city would serve as the regional center in the global economic order. Land, Water, and Wind French historian Fernand Braudel argued that geography and climate structured the decisions humans could make, placing human agency inside of certain environmental constraints. Although he studied the Mediterranean, his perspective is essential for understanding the history of maritime Asia. A check of the map reveals Malacca’s importance. The land literally creates a funnel, as the Malay Peninsula and the island

of Sumatra get steadily closer as one travels into the strait. Tomé Pires, a Portuguese apothecary, referred to the strait as a “gullet,” and contemporary analysts use the term “choke point.”1

The Straits of Malacca connect the Indian Ocean basin to the South China Sea. China-bound maritime trade from India, Persia, and the Arabian Peninsula must either pass by Malacca or travel much farther to the south to the Sunda Strait between Sumatra and Java. While the Sunda passage is appropriate for ships coming from the Cape of Good Hope, it is a major detour for Indian, Persian, and Arab merchants. Furthermore, the winds along the west coast of Sumatra can be unreliable, and the open ocean swells spawned by massive storms in the Southern Ocean provide for excellent surfing in the Mentawai Islands but dangerous sailing for small craft. The placid waters between the northeast coast of Sumatra and the west coast of the Malay Peninsula are well-protected from ocean swells and can seem like a lake when compared to the towering waves of the Indian Ocean.

The monsoon wind cycle adds a final and historically decisive factor to the history of global trade patterns. In the Northern Hemisphere’s summer months, a high-pressure system over

Viewed from the sea, Malacca seemed a modest affair and not what one would expect from one of the world’s richest trade emporiums. Antique engraving published by F. Valentijn, titled De Stad Malacka, Amsterdam, 1726. Source: Wikimedia Commons at http://tinyurl.com/lhgmroj.

Siberia pulls wet and warm air off the Indian Ocean, bringing heavy rain and dominant winds that blow toward the northeast. In winter, the pattern is reversed, with Siberian low pressure pushing relatively cooler and dry air to the southwest. In the age of sail, it was next to impossible for boats to travel against these winds. Mariners sailed downwind from India or China toward the southern edge of the Straits of Malacca from November to April. From May to October, they used the monsoon winds to push boats northward to India or China. This wind pattern combined with Malacca’s geographic location to make it an ideal place to await the change of the wind cycle. As merchants going from South Asia to China realized that it was easier and quicker to simply exchange goods with each other at a halfway point in the straits, ports in the region developed into trade emporia where goods from afar could be imported, stored, and exchanged amongst foreign merchants. Such a system allowed Indians and Chinese to bring goods from home, exchange them for foreign goods, and return home in close to six months, rather than the almost two years it would take to travel the full distance.

The Braudelian factors of geography, ocean patterns, and wind cycles made the Straits of Malacca a natural pivot point of commerce in maritime Asia.

Pre-Malaccan Thalassocracies

Before Malacca, there were two great thalassocracies, or sea-going empires: Srivijaya (eighth through twelfth centuries) and Majapahit

(1293–1527). Initially, the kingdom of Funan (first through seventh centuries), in what is now Southern Việt Nam, Cambodia, and Thailand, established maritime trade connections between India and China, with the city of Oc-Eo serving as the main port. However, with the Straits of Malacca home to various pirate bands, merchants in the age of Funan used the overland route at the narrow Isthmus of Kra near the present-day Thai-Malaysian border.

In the seventh century, Srivijaya opened up the Straits of Malacca. Using naval power to crush pirates and rivals, the kingdom grew from the region around present-day Palembang in South Sumatra Province in Indonesia to claim control over most of Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, much of Java, and thousands of smaller islands. For centuries, Srivijaya expanded the volume of trade through the straits as it led military expeditions against potential rivals while ensuring foreign merchants safe passage and necessary port facilities. After half a millennium of power, the maritime empire fell to the rising Javanese Majapahit kingdom. Another sea-going empire, Majapahit controlled an even larger amount of territory at its imperial zenith in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The Javanese combined access to the spice islands of the Moluccas with domination of the Straits of Malacca.

These thalassocracies set the example of incredible wealth that would come from servicing the maritime Silk Roads between China and the Indian Ocean basin. Sea-going trade proved itself to be a much more cost-effective and faster

option than Central Asia’s thousands of miles of unreliable roads, slowly crossed by camel caravans at a walking pace.

The Rise of Malacca

Following these precedents, the rise of Malacca was simply the newest phase of a centuries-old pattern. While specific details on the founding of the city remain murky and often the stuff of legend, we do know that prior to 1400, Malacca was a small fishing village. Malay, Portuguese, and Chinese sources hold that the displaced Malay nobleman Parameswara (1344–1414) was in search of a kingdom. Finding a small river that met a beach in the protected waters of strait— all at the foot of a nearby hill that allowed one to observe the coming and going of ships— Parameswara must have realized that the site would make an ideal port that could both service trade and project military power. Accordingly, he forged an alliance with the nomadic orang laut (known as “sea people,” they were literally a floating population of pirates and merchants) to crush his rivals, scare off other pirates, and encourage merchants into his harbor. If he strongarmed some ships into his port, once there they found reliable trading practices and security in a dangerous area.

Malacca’s just and uniform trade practices quickly gained notoriety throughout maritime Asia. Under the watchful but protective eyes of the fierce orang laut, merchants who came into Malacca found that the city offered safe and secure warehouse facilities. Ensuring smooth transactions, Parameswara established a system with clear rules on the percentage of incoming cargo that would be taxed. Avoiding opportunities for graft and petty corruption, the local government had a hierarchy of officials with four harbormasters, each for an ethnically defined group of merchants such as Gujarati, Bengali, Malay, or East Asian. An executive officer stood above them all to arbitrate interethnic disputes and ensure harmonious multicultural commerce. Serving as a marketplace for imports to be traded amongst foreigners, the city produced and consumed relatively little.

Within a few years, the successful system made Malacca the most important trading center in Southeast Asia. With this prosperity, the young city grew. Merchants, laborers, and slaves from throughout Southeast Asia, East Asia, and South Asia soon filled Malacca. Cultural diversity became the norm, and one could hear dozens of languages spoken in the cosmopolitan city’s bustling streets.

Tribute State and Sultanate Parameswara solidified Malacca’s position with institutional and personal connections to the great economic engines of his world, China and India. The city’s rise coincided with one of the most dynamic phases in Chinese history as

now a sleepy tourist attraction, the banks of the Malacca River once saw the flow of the world’s trade. Source: Bjørn Christian Tørrissen via Wikimedia Commons at http://tinyurl.com/nzswbp9

the early Ming dynasty (1364–1644) deployed a massive fleet and established direct relations with the Asia maritime world. The Yongle Emperor (1402–1424) tasked Zheng He (1371–1433) with building and commanding hundreds of ships, some estimated to be over 400 feet in length. Not a mission of conquest or exploration, the fleet followed the well-known monsoon trade routes to promote trade and diplomacy by impressing the world with China’s might. Maritime powers were encouraged to enter into the Confucian-based tribute-state relationship with the Middle Kingdom. Parameswara himself traveled to the Chinese capital to kowtow before the emperor in 1411. In return for his tribute and respect, the Malaccan ruler received honorary robes from the Chinese court, a symbol of prestige, and, more practically, assurances of Chinese military assistance should it be needed. Furthermore, the Chinese court granted the city what we might call most-favored-nation status.

If the sinitic tribute state system ensured the city’s standing to the east, religion solidified Malacca’s economic relationship toward the west. While it is unclear if Parameswara converted to Islam, he adopted titles associated with the faith (the Persian Iskandar Shah and the Arabic Sultan) and intermarried with Muslim royal families. This is not surprising, as increasing numbers of Indian, Persian, and Arab merchants began to arrive in Aceh on the northern tip of Sumatra and the Straits of Malacca. By midcentury, the city’s leadership converted, and a sultan made the Hajj pilgrimage, placing Malacca in the wider Islamic trade network that dominated the greater Indian Ocean basin. Muslims from South Asia, Arabia, or North Africa knew that they would be able to find places of worship, individuals familiar with Arabic, and communities governed by familiar trade practices and influenced by Islamic law codes.

These relationships strengthened Malacca’s foreign relations and its domestic dynamism. As a tribute state, the city became familiar to Chinese who soon began to reside in the port. Muslim merchants from thousands of miles away settled in the city, adding to its ethnic diversity. By the close of the fifteenth century, Malacca was one of the world’s most important cities for trade and home to a cosmopolitan community of over 100,000. Arabs prayed with Chinese. Armenians traded with Javanese. Indians and Japanese saw each other in the street.

The Portuguese Crusade Historians often mark Columbus’s 1492 voyage across the Atlantic as the dawn of the modern era. This perspective, with its emphasis on the Iberian construction of global connections, can obscure the fact that the original goal of Spanish expansion was not the unknown New World but rather the markets of East and Southeast

Asia. The Portuguese were more immediately successful in this quest. After the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, in which Portugal and Spain agreed to divide the world into two spheres of expansion, the smaller kingdom sent Vasco da Gama to India to build a trade empire on the far side of the world. Unfortunately, the Portuguese had little to sell in Asia and quickly turned to more violent means of acquiring the spices, silks, and other riches of Indian Ocean ports. Alfonso de Albuquerque (1453-1515), a brilliantly ruthless strategist was the main architect of Portuguese Asian policy. Recognizing the relative weakness of his small armed forces on land, he exploited his fleet’s naval superiority by attacking strategic waterways such as the Strait of Hormuz (1507) and ports such as Goa (1510). His ships, bristling with guns and sailors trained in the ways of armed trade in the less-than-peaceful Mediterranean, highjacked Asia’s maritime economy. Realizing that control of Malacca would give him a near-monopoly of Chinese goods and spices from the Moluccas, Albuquerque attacked the city in 1511. After several fierce battles with the sultan’s skilled archers and powerful war elephants, the Portuguese conquered the port.

While Albuquerque’s aim was to monopolize Asian trade by taking this crucial choke point, his motivations must be understood in the context of early modern Europe. Coming out of the Crusades and feudalism, Islamophobia and the warrior culture were central to the Portuguese worldview. But this conquistador also understood global patterns of trade and realized

that if he seized Malacca, Portugal would gain an upper hand on a European commercial rival: the city of Venice. Since the Venetians made tremendous profits selling eastern goods to the Iberians and as the merchant republic got along a little too well with their Muslim colleagues, a move in Southeast Asia would solve a Mediterranean political crisis. Albuquerque justified his assault on the port in a speech to his men:

And I hold it as very certain that if we take this trade of Malacca away of their hands, Cairo and Méca are entirely ruined, and to Venice will no spiceries be conveyed except that which her merchants go and buy in Portugal.2

Clearly, the commander saw the world as a sophisticated trading system but also as a bitter clash of civilizations between Islam and Christianity. The merchants of Venice immediately understood the threat to their centuries-old trade with the East, which indeed went into an immediate and irreversible decline. The Catholic invaders viewed Southeast Asian Muslims with the same hostility and contempt displayed in Iberia, killing or expelling them from the city. Mosques were torn down and churches raised in their place. The subsequent century saw almost constant warfare between Portuguese Malacca and the neighboring Sultanates of Johore and Aceh. When compared with the Spanish Americas and Philippines, Portuguese missionary activity was spectacularly unsuccessful in Asia, and ironically, anti-Muslim policies may have sped up conversions to Islam as a means

This reconstructed Portuguese armed trading ship now houses a museum on the Malacca riverfront. Source: Wikimedia Commons at http://tinyurl.com/oqrtprk.

of resisting the Iberian invaders. Visiting priests, such as the Jesuit missionary St. Francis Xavier, disparaged the city’s lack of piety and reputation for sin.

After a century of growth, Malacca went into a period of demographic instability. As many ethnic Malay Muslims and orang laut fled with the sultan and only a handful of ethnic Portuguese arrived in the city, the new rulers encouraged the migration of mixed-race Catholic converts from India. Others made it to Malacca from Portuguese colonies in Brazil, Africa, East Timor, and Macau. While Catholics remained a minority, the city’s Hindu and Buddhist com-

munities grew as Indian and Chinese merchants took up residence. As before, the new arrivals brought new food and increased the city’s ethnic diversity.

Under the 130 years of Portuguese rule, trade declined. Muslim merchants found rival ports, and Protestant Europeans soon posed a serious threat. Increasingly, Portuguese Malacca survived only as a military outpost in a sea of enemies.

Stagnation and Displacement under the Dutch and British

When the Dutch arrived in Southeast Asia, they brought a new form of economic organization:

the modern corporation. After its creation in 1602, the Dutch East India Company (VOC), with its system of buying and selling shares in the company, diversified risk for its many investors after its creation in 1602. The Iberian feudal elites and their merchant allies could not compete with the forces of early modern capitalism. The VOC’s Batavia, modern-day Jakarta, quickly took over the spice trade, redirecting commerce away from the Straits of Malacca and toward the Sunda Strait between Java and Sumatra. When the Dutch replaced the Portuguese as masters of the city in 1641, the new Protestant rulers held the port only to keep it out of the hands of their rivals. The few Dutch who immigrated to Malacca did build distinctive buildings for VOC officials and merchants.

In the early nineteenth century, the British East India Company took an interest in the Straits of Malacca. English ships loaded with opium from India passed through Southeast Asia on their way to Canton. In order to secure this crucial waterway, the British negotiated control of Malacca by the 1824 Anglo-Dutch Treaty. However, Thomas Stamford Raffles (1781–1826) established Singapore as the center of English operations in the region and Malacca remained a backwater. When the naturalist Russel Alfred Wallace (1823–1913) visited in the 1850s, he wrote the following:

The population of Malacca consists of several races. The ubiquitous Chinese are perhaps the most numerous, keeping up their manners, customs, and language; the in-

This eighteenth-century dutch map shows the Sungai Malacca that was home to the Sultanate’s trade, the Portuguese walled fort to the east of the river, and the dutch expansion to the west.

Source: Felix Andrews via Wikimedia Commons at http://tinyurl.com/pz8rmmo

Tourism boosters have reconstructed the sultan’s fifteenth-century wooden istana, or palace. Source: Soham Banerjee via Wikimedia Commons at http://tinyurl.com/oo7mu25.

digenous Malays are next in point of numbers, and their language is the lingua-franca of the place. Next come the descendants of the Portuguese—a mixed, degraded, and degenerate race, but who still keep up the use of their mother tongue, though ruefully mutilated in grammar; and then there are the English rulers, and the descendants of the Dutch, who all speak English.3 While neglected by the authorities, the port’s vibrant multiculturalism continued to flourish. Under British rule, the Chinese population grew as part of the larger Peranakan Chinese community. As with the Portuguese and Dutch, many Chinese men took Malay, Javanese, and Balinese brides and concubines, producing a hybrid culture. Malacca’s Baba-Nyonya cuisine combines southern Chinese dishes with spices and cooking techniques of Southeast Asia.

Contemporary Malacca

A number of factors combined to marginalize the once-great port city. In the twentieth century, Malacca’s harbor served regional ships picking up tin and rubber from nearby mines and plantations. Yet this commerce was fairly small-scale, and the city became a backwater, eclipsed by Singapore to the south and Georgetown to the north. The British chose landlocked Kuala Lumpur as the political center of the colonial Federated Malay States. While the nationalist leader Tunku Abdul Rahman (1903–1990) did famously utter “Merdeka” (“freedom”) in Malacca in 1956 and drew upon the city’s historical legacy in his speeches, the following year he declared independence in Kuala Lumpur. With rising Malay nationalism, Malacca’s diversity raised some eyebrows in regards to the city’s authenticity.

However, a new wind is blowing into Malacca. In recognition of its important role in maritime history and diverse culture, the city became a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2008. Tourists can see the colonial past in ruins of the Portuguese A Famosa Fort (1511) or the Dutch Stadthuys (1650). The hungry can sample local specialties in Baba Nyonya restaurants on Jonker Street. A number of museums represent the port’s past as a center of Malay culture but also the meeting place of the Chinese and Islamic worlds, best seen in the exhibits and statues that celebrate Zheng He. For today’s visitor, history in Malacca is alive and well. n

NoTES

1. US Energy Information Administration, “World Oil Transit Chokepoints,” accessed February 13, 2014, http://tinyurl.com/cx2zlj7.

2. Walter de Gray Birch, The Commentaries of the Great Afonso D’Alboqueqgue (London: Hakluyt Society, 1880), 118.

3. Alfred Russel Wallace, The Malay Archipelago: The Land of the Orang-Utan and the Bird of Paradise. A Narrative of Travel, with Studies of Man and Nature (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1885), 38.

SuGGESTED READING

Andaya, Barbara Watson. The Flaming Womb: Repositioning Women in Early Modern Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2008.

Andaya, Barbara Watson, and Leonard S. Andaya. A History of Malaysia. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2001.

Birch, Walter de Gray. The Commentaries of the Great Afonso D’Alboqueqgue. London: Hakluyt Society, 1880.

Boxer, C.R. The Church Militant and Iberian Expansion, 1440–1770. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001.

___.The Dutch Seaborne Empire, 1600–1800. New York: Knopf, 1965.

___.The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–1825. New York: Knopf, 1969.

Hayes Hoyt, Sarina. Old Malacca (Images of Asia). Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1996.

Khoo, Joo E. The Straits Chinese: A Cultural History. New York: Knickerbockers Press, 2005.

Lee, Peter. The Straits Chinese: Domestic Life and Traditions. Singapore: Didier Millet, 2006.

Lee, Ai Lin. Tourist Satisfaction with Cultural Heritage Site: A Case Study of Malacca. Saarbrücken: Lampert Academic Publishing, 2013.

Pires, Tomé. The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires: An Account of the East, from the Red Sea to Japan, Written in Malacca and India in 1512–1515. London: Hakluyt Society, 2011.

Reid, Anthony. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450–1680: The Lands below the Winds, vol. 1 New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988.

___.Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450–1680: Expansion and Crisis, vol. 2. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995.

Trocki, Calr A., Prince of Pirates: The Temenggongs and the Development of Johor and Singapore, (1784-1885), 2nd Edition (Singapore: National University Singapore, 2008).

Wood, A.J.R. The Portuguese Empire, 1415–1808: A World on the Move. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998.

Wood, Alfred Russel. The Malay Archipelago: The Land of the Orang-Utan and the Bird of Paradise. A Narrative of Travel, with Studies of Man and Nature. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1885.

Mi CHAEL G. VA nn is Associate Professor of History and Asian Studies at Sacramento State University and specializes in colonial Southeast Asia. In 2013–2014, he was a Fulbright Senior Scholar at the Universitas Gadjah Mada in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, and a Senior Fellow at the Center for Khmer Studies in Siem Reap, Cambodia. He is a Past President of the French Colonial Historical Society and his publications include studies of cartoons in Saigon, rat hunting in Hanoi, and a Javanese haunted house. Vann’s film Cambodia’s Other Lost City: French Colonial Phnom Penh may be viewed on YouTube.

Malacca’s streets are lined with homes built by prosperous Chinese merchants who created a distinct Sino-Malay culture. Source: Michael G. Vann, 2012.

Chinese manufacturers produced porcelain with Arabic calligraphy to export to the islamic world. Source: Michael G. Vann, 2012.

Trade and Society in the Banda Islands in the Sixteenth Century

Author(s): John Villiers

Source: Modern Asian Studies, 1981, Vol. 15, No. 4 (1981), pp. 723-750

Published by: Cambridge University Press

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/312170

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CambridgeUniversityPress is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Modern Asian Studies

Modern Asian Studies, 15, 4 (I98I), pp. 723-750. Printed in Great Britain.

Trade and Society in the Banda Islands in the

Sixteenth Century

JOHN VILLIERS

British Institute in Southeast Asia, Singapore

Olha de Banda as ilhas, que se esmaltam Da varia cor que pinta o roxo fruto; As aves variadas, que ali saltam Da verde noz tomando seu tributo.

Luis de Camoes. Os Lusiadas. Canto X. CXXXIII

BOTH Moluccan cloves and Bandanese nutmeg and mace played important, even crucial, part in the elaborate network of exchanges commodities which for many centuries before the intervention Europeans had been the characteristic feature of inter-island the Indonesian archipelago. From the early sixteenth century the guese, and to a lesser extent the Spanish, added a new strand network, but even in the spice islands, the commercial domination which was their chief goal, they did not seriously disrupt its traditional pattern. This was particularly so in the Banda Islands, which they discovered were markedly different from the Moluccas, not virtue of the different spices which they produced and in which traded, but in the economic and political organization of their societies, in the manner in which they reacted to the European intervention in the effect which that intervention had upon their commercial ties. Both acted as magnets to the Portuguese and Spanish, and later the Dutch and English, drawn by the lure of great profits, as they Asian traders for many centuries before the arrival of the Europeans. both presented rather different problems to those traders, Asian European alike, once commercial relations had been established.

This study does not attempt to analyse Portuguese trade policies practices in the spice islands in the sixteenth century and thereby throw any new light on the nature of the problems that the Europeans encountered in the area. This has already been ably done by numerous oo26-749X/81 /o409-0801$02.oo ? 1981 Cambridge University Press. 723

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scholars, most recently by Luis Filipe Thomaz.1 It seeks only to demonstrate the independent and sometimes aggressive role that the Bandanese played in the organization of the trade in spices and in a wide variety of other goods within the Indonesian archipelago, both before the arrival of the Portuguese and during the comparatively brief period when the Portuguese strove to interweave their commercial activities, centred on Malacca and directed from Goa, into the long-established indigenous pattern of inter-island trading.

II

The Banda Islands were in the sixteenth century the only known source of nutmeg, the fruit of the tree Myristicafragrans. Like the cloves of the Moluccas and the sandalwood of Timor, Bandanese nutmeg and mace were very highly prized because of their rarity. It was a common saying among the Malaccan merchants who traded in these precious goods that God created Timor for sandalwood, the Moluccas for cloves and the Banda Islands for nutmeg.2

The modern Indonesian province of Maluku covers all the islands to the east of Sulawesi (Celebes) and Timor as far as Irian (New Guinea), including the Banda Islands, and has its capital at Ambon. But in the sixteenth century the term ilhas de Maluco or ilhas Molucas was used to designate only the five small islands of Ternate, Tidore, Makian, Motir and Bacan, which straddle the equator off the west coast of Halmahera (known to the Portuguese as Gilolo, Jeilolo or Batochina) and which at that time were the only islands where the clove was cultivated, though it almost certainly grew wild on several other islands.3 Of the Banda

1 See L. F. F. R. Thomaz, 'Les Portugais dans les mers de l'Archipel au XVIe siecle', Archipel, I8 (i979), pp. 105-25; and L. F. F. R. Thomaz, 'Maluco e Malaca', inA viagem de Fernao de Magalhaes e a questao das Molucas, Actas do II Coloquio Luso-Espanhol de Historia Ultramarina (Lisbon, i975), pp. 29-48. See also J. C. van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society (The Hague, 1955), passim; and M. A. P. Meilink-Roelofsz, Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago between i5oo and about 1630 (The Hague, 1962), passim.

2 Tome Pires, Suma Oriental, trans. and ed. Armando Cortesao, 2 vols, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, LXXXIX (i944), I, p. 204.

3 Most sixteenth-century sources say that Halmahera also produced cloves but these probably grew wild and were of little commercial importance. By the beginning of the seventeenth century clove production had extended to Ambon and its surrounding islands and to western Seram. See Richard Z. Leirissa, 'Local Potentates and the Competition for Cloves in Early Seventeenth-century Ternate (North Moluccos)', in Proceedings of the VIIth IAHA Conference, 2 vols (Bangkok, I975), I, pp. 310-12. The Histbria das Ilhas de Maluco ( 156 ) says: 'It is also not true that only in these five islands are

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Islands, a group of very small islands to the south 4.5?S, only five, according toJoao de Barros, produced itself, Neira, Ai, Run and Rozengain, while on the Gunung Api grew other trees used by the Bandanese firewood.4 Antonio Pigafetta, the Italian chronicler voyage across the Pacific, says there were twelve islands of which six produced nutmeg. Of these six, however, identifiable-Pulae (Ai or Wai), Puluran (Run) (Rozengain). The other six, according to Pigafetta, rice, coconuts, figs and other fruit. Pigafetta's account because, as he admits, the Banda Islands were 'somewhat out of the way so we did not go there'.5 The Suma Oriental mentions another small island in the group-Lanacaque which produced sago.6

Fernao Lopes de Castanheda, who is amongst the most the sixteenth-century chroniclers of the Portuguese tions in the spice islands, says that Banda had 'many nutmeg and mace and grow in the forest like other They are highly prized everywhere for their medicinal their excellent aroma and the oil that is made from remedy for chills.'7 Frei Sebastien Manrique describes the early seventeenth century drug addicts would nutmeg, mace, cloves, Borneo camphor, ambergris increase the narcotic effect of the drug.8 Nutmeg used, like pepper and other spices, to season the insipid Europeans had to subsist during the winter months was to be had. In spite, therefore, of their expense, were not merely exotic luxuries but important ingredients cooking and medicine. there cloves because on Gomoconora and Jeilolo and on the islet of Yres and on Mitara and in Pulau Cavalle they are to be found; though not enough to be of any account; also on another island of Amboyno called Lacide, where the Javanese go to collect them in exchange for artillery and munitions' (A. B. de Sa, Documentafao para a historia das missoes do Padroado Portugues do Oriente. Ser. 2, Insulindia, 5 vols (Lisbon, I954-58, III, p. 362).

4 Joao de Barros, Da Asia, dosfeitos que os Portuguezesfizeram no descubrimento das terras e mares do Oriente, ed. N. Pagliarini, 5 vols (Lisbon, 1777-1778), III, 5, p. 6.

5 Antonio Pigafetta, Magellan's Voyage: A Narrative Account of the First Navigation, trans. and ed. R. A. Skelton (London, 1975), p. I45.

6 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 206.

7 Fernao Lopes de Castanheda, Historia do descobrimento e conquista da India pelos Portuguezes, 3rd edn (Pedro de Azevedo: Coimbra, I929), 6, v, pp. I55-6.

8 Frei Sebastien Manrique, Itinerario de las Missiones Orientales, trans. and ed. C. E. Luard and Fr. H. Hosten, 2 vols, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, LIX (1926), I, VI, pp. 59-60.

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JOHN VILLIERS

The learned Doctor Garcia da Orta, whose Coloquios dos simples e drogas da India was published in Goa in 1563, says that, though the nutmeg tree also grew in the Moluccas and in Ceylon, only in the Banda Islands did it bear fruit.9 It also apparently grew on Ambon but only in small numbers as the 'inhabitants make no attempt to cultivate it'.10 Orta describes the fruit as being the shape and colour of a pear or small peach with a hard shell and a nut within, the seed of which is the nutmeg, covered with a skin or rind (mace) which turns crimson when ripe. He praises its pleasant smell and even more pleasant taste and its qualities as a sweetener of the breath, a remedy for disorders of the brain and a cure of hysterics and nervous ailments. 'It is shipped from Banda preserved in jars of vinegar and some people eat it thus made into a salad, but it is more usually mixed with sugar and eaten as a conserve'. An anonymous sixteenth-century report on the Estado da India and its products confirms that some nutmeg was exported 'preserved in vinegar and converted in India into a conserve with sugar.'ll 'When the nut is ripe,' Orta goes on, 'it swells and splits the outer shell revealing the crimson mace beneath. Sometimes the mace also splits and this explains why the nutmeg is often harvested without its covering of mace and is therefore not red but only slightly orange in colour.' He says that the Bandanese called the nutmegpala and mace bumapala (i.e. bungapala). Harvesting of the nutmeg went on throughout the year, as ripe fruit was always to be found-according to Pires the fruit was gathered every month-and was carried out by the women.12

The Suma Oriental estimates the population of the Banda Islands in the first years of the sixteenth century as being between 2,500 and 3,000 souls.13 This is almost certainly an under-estimate as Dutch sources reckon there were some 15,000 inhabitants on the islands at the end of the century.14 Tome Pires and other European writers of the same period describe the inhabitants as having fair skins and straight black

9 Garcia da Orta, Col6quios dos simples e drogas e cousas medicinais da India, ed. Conde de Ficalho, 2 vols (Lisbon, I89i), II, pp. 81 and 365. See also Conde de Ficalho, Garcia da Orta e o seu tempo (Lisbon, 1886). Orta was private doctor to Martim Affonso de Sousa, Governor of India from 1542 to I545, and accompanied him to India in 534.

10 Relafao dos feitos eroicos em armas que Sancho de Vasconcelos fez nas partes de Amboyno e Maluco, in Sa, Documentafao, IV, p. 193.

11 0 Estado da India e aonde tem o seu principio, Add. MSS. Brit. Mus. Papeis tocantes a Portugal, Documentafao Ultramarina Portuguesa (Lisbon, 1960), I, p. 234.

12 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 206. Van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, p. 122, citing Dutch sources, says there were three crops a year.

13 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 206; Meilink-Roelofsz, Asian Trade and European Influence, p. 96.

14 Van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, p. 128.

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hair (cabelo negro corredio) like the Moluccans but darker, frizzy-haired neighbours immediately to islands of Seram and Ambon.15 This suggests that long been frequented by Malaccan, Javanese and traders, some of whom had settled there and married of the Javanese, and probably some of the Chinese, the ports on the north coast of Java-Tuban, Jaratan, Surabaya. It was their habit to spend several months waiting for favourable winds to take them back and take a temporary wife from among the local women.16 says that there were as many as I,500 Javanese I609.17

Castanheda evidently did not think highly of the Bandanese, describing them as pagans, poor, uncivilized and of vile appearance, dwelling in low houses with earthen floors and roofs thatched with palm,18 but other commentators compared them favourably in looks and manners with the inhabitants of the Moluccas and of Ambon and Seram, whom Pires dismisses as de cabello revolto bestiall and dangerous people.19 Andres de Urdaneta, who visited Banda in 1535, was impressed by the signs of prosperity, commercial enterprise and an advanced civilization that he found there.20 It is clear that the increasing demand for their spices, which by 1535 the Portuguese presence had done much to promote, had made the Bandanese a flourishing community.

Pires comments on the cunning of the Bandanese, who had villages in the mountainous interiors of their islands where they would retreat with their possessions whenever their villages on the coast were in any danger. Even Lontor, however, was so small and weak that the captain of any junk that called there, be he Malaccan orJavanese, could take control of it and buy whatever he wished. Pires says that these captains were worshipped (adorados) by the people.21 In Ambon, the people possessed similar hideouts in the mountains 'which in time of war serve as for-

15 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 206. It may be noted here that the Bandanese language (all sixteenth-century sources agree that the Bandanese spoke a single language) belongs to a different group (Ambon-Timor) to those spoken in the Moluccas (North and South Halmahera and Sula-Bacan). Of these groups of languages all are Malayo-Polynesian, save North Halmahera, which is Papuan.

16 Ibid., I, p. 207.

17 B. Schrieke, Indonesian Sociological Studies (The Hague, 1955), pt I, p. 24.

18 Castenheda, Historia do descobrimento .. ., 6, V, pp. x55-6.

19 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 212.

20 M. F. de Navarrete, Coleccibn de los viages y descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los Espaholes, V, Docs. de Loaisa, Num. XXII (Madrid, I837), pp. 40I-39.

21 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, pp. 211 and 220.

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JOHN VILLIERS

tresses and are so difficult of ascent that to reach them one needs in many places to use one's hands to clamber up as much as one's feet.'22

III

All sixteenth-century sources agree that the Bandanese had no king but were ruled by an oligarchy of elders or orang kaya. Castanheda says each village had a governor (regedor) whom the inhabitants called Shahbandar (Xabandar) but whom, however, they only obeyed out of friendship or respect. This system of government by oligarchies of petty chiefs seems to have been very much like that prevailing in the Philippines at the time the Spanish first arrived there. The Filipino units of settlement or barangays were ruled over by a council of elders headed by a datu or raha.23 A similar political system obtained on Ambon and also in the Moluccas before the creation of the four sultanates of Ternate, Tidore, Bacan and Gilolo (Halmahera) as a result of Moslem influence and the introduction of Moslem ideas of monarchy. In the Histbria das Molucas, written about 1544, we are told that formerly 'each place had its own lordship, territory and boundaries (senhdrio, camarqua e demarquafao) in which the people lived in common, each of his own free will and governed themselves by the votes of the elders.24 The Suma Oriental says that in Motir, which at the time Pires wrote had not yet been subjected to any Islamic influences, 'each part supports its own lord'.25 In I534, Tristao de Ataide wrote that neither Motir, which was, at least in theory, under the joint control of the sultans of Ternate and Tidore, nor Makian had a king but both were ruled by governadores. Makian possessed seven or eight chiefs and 400 warriors and Motir ten or twelve chiefs and 200 warriors.26

There was evidently a correlation between the adoption of Islam by

22 Apostolado de Francisco Xavier nas Molucas, 1614, Bk III, ch. 2, in Sa, Documentacao, II, P. 477.

23J. L. Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines: Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses (University of Wisconsin Press, 1959), pp. 9, I5-I8 and 22. See also N. P. Cushner, Landed Estates in the Colonial Philippines, Yale University Monograph Series no. 20 (1976), pp. 7-9; and Anthony Reid, 'Trade and state power in I6th and 17th century Southeast Asia', in Proceedings of the VIIth IAHA Conference (Bangkok, 1979), I, p. 400.

24 H. Th. Th. M. Jacobs SJ. (ed. and trans.), A Treatise on the Moluccas (c. 1544) probably the Preliminary Version of Antonio Galvao's Lost Historia das Molucas (Rome, 197 ), ch. XIII.

25 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 217.

26 Tristao de Ataide to the King, Moluccas, 20 February 1534, in Sa, Documentafao, pp. 321-2.

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the ruling class in the spice islands and the establishment cal system of government, which lends further strength tion that Islam, as we shall see later, did not penetrate republican Bandanese.

The power of the orang kaya in the Banda Islands monopoly of the export of spices, a large share import trade, possession of retinues of slaves and ship of land. It is not clear from the Portuguese of the slaves of the orang kaya were debt slaves purchased but it seems that, as in Timor at the of slavery were known. The Bandanese not only they purchased in other islands but also acquired We are told, for example, that in 1562 a certain Ternate converted a number of Christians in various tortures, including cutting off their hands mishaps two friars rescued some of them and 'sold Banda'.27

Portuguese sources are also vague and contradictory of exactly who owned the land and the crops in the probable that in the Banda Islands ownership was of the Philippines before the Spanish conquest, was vested in the barangay as a whole. As in the the Banda Islands seems to have derived from wealth orang kaya-rich man), which in turn was partly number of people whom an orang kaya had at his the communal land on his behalf. As commercial the Banda Islands and the price of nutmeg and markets, so the orang kaya developed into a kind collectively controlling a group of very small communities.28

The frequent references in Portuguese sources bandars and notables suggests that the control of commercial activities of the various communities was shared with the shahbandars, most of whom were Moslem merchants from other parts of Asia who had settled in the Banda Islands and who, without ever being accorded the status of orang kaya, evidently exercised considerable power and authority.29

27 Padre Pedro Mascarenhas to the Padre Provincial, Moluccas, 1562, in ibid., II, p. 437.

28 Schrieke, Indonesian Sociological Studies, p. 228.

29 See below notes 93 and 94.

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JOHN VILLIERS

The rulers of Ternate claimed suzerainty over the Banda Islands but this seems to have been both sporadic and largely nominal. When exercised, it appears not to have had a political character but to have been confined to the exaction of small tributes30 and the levying of tolls by Ternatan agents, who collected and dealt in some of the spices and had some control over the ports. Duarte Barbosa suggests that the Bandanese recognition of Ternatan suzerainty was entirely voluntary. 'They are subject to none', he says, 'but sometimes they submit to the King of Maluquo' (i.e. Ternate).31

There is no doubt that the reason why the Portuguese found it impossible to establish any kind of military or commercial settlement in the Banda Islands, still less to gain a monopoly of the spice trade, and why later the Dutch had to resort to force, was that they were confronted by a cohesive and united group of orang kaya, whose authority derived from popular consent, whereas in Ternate and Tidore they could persuade or compel the ruler to accept their monopoly and allow them to build fortresses, often by means of allying themselves with one ruler against the other. Many islands in the eastern part of the archipelago had a ruling caste of nobles, and authority in even the smallest and poorest islands was often divided among numerous petty chiefs, sometimes glorified with the title of Raja, but it seems that only in the Banda Islands did these chiefs act in concert either to impose political control or for their joint economic advantage. Elsewhere, the chiefs were in a constant state of conflict, if not of open warfare, with each other.

A good illustration of the ability of the orang kaya to combine together in the face of threats to their common interests is provided by their policy towards the Dutch and English when these two powers were vying for control of the spice trade in the years immediately preceding the Dutch subjugation of the Banda Islands. In November i615, Thomas Elkington reported to the East India Company from Banten that in the previous month Sophonee Cossock (Sophonias the Cossack) a Russian merchant, had come in a small pinnace from Puloway (Ai) with an orang kaya to confer 'in the name of all the rest' with the English merchants at Banten. This orang kaya brought letters saying that, provoked by the cruelty of the Dutch, the Bandanese now desired for trade for their spices with the English, from whom in return they asked for victuals, munitions

30 The islanders of Waigeo paid an annual tribute of birds of paradise, tortoiseshell or sago to the Sultan of Tidore as late as the mid-nineteenth century. A. R. Wallace, The Malay Archipelago, 7th edn (London, I880), pp. 529-30.

31 Duarte Barbosa, An Account of the Countries Bordering on the Indian Ocean and Their Inhabitants, trans and ed. M. L. Dames, 2 vols, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, XLIV (I918), II, I 8, pp. I96-8.

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and ordnance and help to recover the fortress at Neira. that 'some might be sent to Banda to confer hereof cayas'.32 The following year, when four English ships Banda Islands, closely followed by a Dutch fleet of Jourdain wrote to the East India Company to say Bandanese perceived this they 'delivered the castle and Run] by a general consent of all the chiefs of the island to Potnoll, Your Worships' factor there resident, for the nation, with articles by them drawn for their liberties'.33

IV

The Suma Oriental and other Portuguese sources tell us that Islam, 'the mortal plague of the Law of Mohammed', had begun to spread among the Bandanese during the third quarter of the fifteenth century and that, as in other parts of Indonesia, it was brought by Moslem merchants (mouros mercadores) who settled on the coasts.34 In the Banda Islands, as in Hitu on Ambon, where there was a large community of Tubanese, religious teachers were recruited from among theJavanese traders. The conversion of the Bandanese to Islam seems to have occurred rather later than in the Moluccas and, as we have seen, it did not bring with it any change from an oligarchic to a monarchic system of government. In the early sixteenth century there were still some unconverted pagans in the interior of the Banda Islands, but by the time the Portuguese arrived, Islam was evidently well established in the coastal villages and there is little doubt that it was their direct commercial relations with Malacca and the Javanese ports that had been chiefly responsible for the rapid spread of the Moslem religion. It is perhaps significant in this connection that those islands in the east of the archipelago that had few or no products of interest to the traders of Malacca and Java were never converted to Islam or only later when their commercial importance had increased (Makassar, for example, not until I603). Everywhere in the eastern islands conversion to Islam seems to have been fairly superficial

32 Nicholas Downton, The Voyage of Nicholas Downton to the East Indies 16i4-1615, ed. Sir William Foster, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, LXXXII (I939), pp. 43-4 and 21 I.

33John Jourdain, The Journal of John Jourdain 1608-i617, ed. Sir William Foster, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, XVI (I905), pp. 328-9. Richard Hunt had accompanied David Middleton's expedition and presumably gone with him to Banda, where he remained as factor. My italics.

34 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 206; Padre Frei Paulo da Trindade, Conquista espiritual do Oriente .. ., ed. Fr. Felix Lopes OFM, 3 vols (Lisbon, 1962-67), I, p. 45.

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JOHN VILLIERS

and largely confined to the ruling class. Duarte Barbosa describes the 'greatest king' in the Moluccas (presumably the ruler of Ternate) as 'almost a heathen'.35 He goes on to say that this king had one Moorish wife and over 300 heathen women at his court. The sons and daughters of the wife were brought up as Moslems but the offspring of the heathen women were not.36 Pires reports that the ruler of Tidore had about 2,000 men in his country, about 200 of whom were Mohammedans and the others heathen. 'The kings of the islands are Mohammedans,' he goes on, 'but not very deeply involved in the sect. Many are Mohammedans without being circumcised, and there are not many Mohammedans.'37

V

In the Moluccas there was only a limited navigation between the islands. Castenheda writes that the Moluccas had no ships of their own except their oar-driven kora-kora andjoangas, which were used exclusively for warfare. The hegemony of Ternate over other islands in the Moluccas was achieved largely because Ternate had the largest fleet (hongi) 38 of kora-kora.39 They were well-built and often very large vessels, over fifty feet in length and capable of carrying up to I80 oars a side. According to Gabriel Rebello, thejoangas were the largest of these craft, normally carrying 80 to Ioo rowers, while the kora-kora were rather smaller with 50 to 60 rowers. He mentions also boats called calaluzes, which he says only differed from the kora-kora in the construction of the stern and prow. He gives a very detailed description of the way in which all these different types of vessel were built.40 Barbosa notes that the Ambonese possessed similar rowing boats in which they would 'make sudden raids from one island to another, making war, and taking captives or slaying one another'.41 But the Moluccans possessed no junks or other craft with high sides suitable for carrying cargo and were

35 Perhaps the Javanese whom Barros says was the wife of the first Moslem ruler of Ternate (Barros, Da Asia, III, I, p. 580).

36 Barbosa, An Account of the Countries ..., II, 120, p. 203.

37 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 213.

38 Hence the Dutch hongitochten, the naval patrols sent round the islands to destroy and burn unlicensed trees after the Treaty of Batavia in I652.

39 Up to 00, according to Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 214. See also Castanheda, Historia do descobrimento ..., 6, XI, p. i68.

40 Gabriel Rebello, Informafao das cousas de Maluco, i559, in Sa, Documentafao, III, pp. 38 I-6. See also G. Adrian Horridge, The Design of Planked Boats of the Moluccas, Maritime Monographs and Reports, National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, 38 (1978).

41 Barbosa, An Account of the Countries .. ., II, I 9, p. 199.

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therefore dependent on foreign traders to bring imported and take away those they produced for Bandanese, did they have any trade goods other The Bandanese, on the other hand, constructed carried out extensive navigation throughout lago. A Portuguese source of 1529 says the Bandanese which they took their merchandise to Java and the Moluccas the population harvested the cloves exporting them to visiting merchants from Bandanese themselves shipped nutmeg and mace they sold it to foreign traders. They also bought in the Moluccas and in Ambon in exchange for gold and ivory they obtained from other islands. in the Banda Islands to the Javanese and Malaccans Portuguese. Pires tells us that the voyage from the way of Ambon took I2 to 15 days in the monsoon.44 indeed, would buy cloves, as well as nutmeg and than in the Moluccas because the voyage from Malacca and back took almost twice as long as the return would leave Malacca in January or February of completed their business and loaded their ships ning of July, would set sail for Malacca, which August. To go on to the Moluccas they needed to end of May and, because of the northeast monsoon, Moluccas until the following January, when favourable enable them to return to Malacca. The round voyage almost a year, as against only six months for the Pires mentions Bandanese ships calling at Malacca of the four shahbandars there looked after Bandanese with those of theJavanese and traders from the Borneo and Luzon.46 Antonio de Brito wrote from 1523 that at Gresik in Java, from where many guese, sailed to Timor, Banda and the Moluccas, danesejunks.47 Successful voyages to such distant

42 Castenheda, Historia do descobrimento .. , 6, XI, p. 26.

43 Descrifao sumaria das Molucas e de Banda, December, I529, p. I7.

44 Pires, Suma Oriental, II, p. 207.

45 Castenheda, Historia de descobrimento ..., 6, XI, pp. 26 and I69.

46 Pires, Suma Oriental, II, p. 265.

47 Ant6nio de Brito to the King, Ternate, I I February I523, in Sa, Documentafao, I, p. I55.

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JOHN VILLIERS

Gresik were doubtless rather infrequent since Bandanese vessels were not notably seaworthy. They were furnished with wooden anchors and were manned chiefly by slaves, who had a regrettable tendency to abandon ship at the first sign of danger. Bandanese voyages to Malacca and back often took two or three years and manyjunks were lost.48 They were also deterred from going to Malacca after 151 I by the presence of the Portuguese.49

There is some evidence to suggest that, when regular commercial relations began to develop between Malacca and Makassar in the late sixteenth century, the Bandanese with other Indonesian traders participated in this growing commerce by bringing spices to Makassar. By the early seventeenth century the Makassarese themselves were actively engaged in this trade. The account of Van der Hagen's voyage in I607 says that the Prince of Tello, co-regent for the ruler of Gowa in Sulawesi kept an agent in Banda, who was furnished with supplies of'rice, cloth and everything wanted there' to exchange for mace and 'to attract some traders'.50 In I61 3,JohnJourdain reported that, though Makassar itself yielded nothing but rice, there was much trade in goods from the Moluccas, Banda and Johore 'from whence there is yearly brought store of cloves, mace, nutmegs and sanders wood [sandalwood] which they barter for rice and gold; which commodities they have in former times sold to the Portuguese [i.e. from Malacca] in truck of their clothing of Coromandel and Gujerat.'51

The Sulawesi islanders had long been as active as the Bandanese in shipping and trade all over the Indonesian archipelago. They were notorious for their piracy, in particular the Buginese, but Barbosa, writing in 1518, records their legitimate trading activities in the spice islands, which were evidently already well established. 'Their boats are badly built', he wrote, 'and therein they come to take loads of cloves in these islands, also copper, Cambay clothes and tin and they take thither for sale very long and broad one-edged swords and other ironwork and a good quantity of gold.' Other writers mention Indian cloth, sandalwood, ivory and seed-pearls, rice, gold and benzoin among the goods traded with 'Macaiar', which in the sixteenth century was used to designate the whole of the island of Sulawesi, at that time believed to be a group of islands. In the course of their voyaging, the Makasserese

48 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 212.

49 Descrifao sumaria ..., in Sa, Documentafao, IV, p. 17.

50 Begin ende voortgangh van de Vereenigde JNederlandsche Geoctroyeerde Oost-Indische Compagnie .. ., ed. Isaac Commelin, 2 vols (Amsterdam, 1646), II, p. 82.

51 Jourdain, Journal, pp. 294-5.

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would capture many slaves, whom they either sold their boats. Ant6nio de Paiva described them with strong limbs, trained for the oar from birth gruesome commodity, according to Barbosa, they the spice islands. 'These folk are eaters of human the King of Maluco wishes to put to death any law they beg for him to be delivered to them to eat for a pig.'53

TheJavanese and Malaccan traders, according to Pires, would sail to the Moluccas and the Banda Islands each year taking with them cotton and silk cloths from Cambay, Coromandel and Bengal. The best of this cloth they would sell in the north Javanese ports for Chinese copper coins known in Portuguese as caxas, caixas, sapecas or bazarucos54 and other goods of inferior quality (de baixa sorte) and then sail to Sumbawa and Bima, in the east of that island, where they would take on water and food supplies and buy rice and coarse cotton cloth for the caxas. This rice and cloth they in turn exchanged for nutmeg, mace and cloves when they reached the spice islands.55 They also purchased horses in Sumbawa and Timor, sappan-wood in Sumbawa, sulphur and rottan in Solor and slaves in all the Lesser Sunda Islands for sale in the east.

According to Pires there was some trading in these goods in the other direction; slaves, horses, timber and other Sumbawan products were taken to Java by the islanders, who possessed 'many prahus'.56 They also seemed to have sailed to the east. The rulers of Sumbawa and Bima were said to have harbour facilities and stores of provisions in Timor and in Banda,57 and Duarte Barbosa lists among the trade goods brought by their merchants to the spice islands copper, quicksilver, vermilion, tin, lead and 'certain hairy caps from the Levant'.58

Few of the merchants established in Malacca at the time of the

52 Ant6nio de Paiva toJoao de Albuquerque OFM, Bishop of Goa, Goa, November 1545. In H. Jacobs SJ, 'The First Locally Demonstrable Christianity in Celebes I544', Studia, 7 April, 1966.

53 Barbosa, An Account of the Countries .. ., II, 121, pp. 204-5.

54 In English these coins were known as cass or cash. The word derives from Tamil Kasu (Sanskrit: karsha) and was used especially to denote the Chinese coins le and zien, made of an alloy of copper and lead with a square hole in the centre. I ooo of these coins made 120 reis or I tael and I40 weighed I arratel of I6oz. See John Saris, The voyage Captain John Saris to Japan i6z3, ed. Sir Ernest M. Satow, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, (I900), p. 213.

55 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 202.

56 Ibid., p. 203.

57 Afonso Lopes da Costa to the King, Malacca, 20 August 1518, in Sa, Documentafao, I, pp. 103-4.

58 Barbosa, An Account of the Countries .. ., II, 1 I8, pp. I96-8.

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JOHN VILLIERS

Portuguese conquest were in fact Malays. The majority were Keling (from the Coromandel coast)59 and Gujeratis, with a few Chinese, Javanese and traders from Luzon. When Portuguese sources speak of Malay merchants they generally mean Malaccans, though junks from Patani, Johore and other ports in the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra made occasional voyages to the spice islands during the sixteenth century. At the beginning of the sixteenth century trade between Malacca and the spice islands was, according to the Suma Oriental, largely in the hands of a Keling merchant named Nina Suria Dewa, who sent a fleet of eight junks to the Moluccas and Banda every year. Most of the cloves and nutmegs he acquired from these trading voyages were re-exported to Cambay. Another important Malaccan merchant was Pate Yusuf, Javanese from Gresik, who sent three or four junks annually to the spice islands.60 Both continued to trade with the spice islands after the Portuguese conquest of Malacca, though on a reduced scale. Nina Suria Dewa sent a junk to Banda in 1517 and another in 1523 to Ternate.61

The Portuguese merchants generally followed the indigenous pattern of trading and, though they occasionally made payments for spices in money, most of their transactions were in the traditional goods-cloth, rice, caxas and Chinese porcelain. The Portuguese usually brought for the Bandanese only Indian cloth of better quality, leaving the coarser textiles from the Lesser Sunda Islands to be brought by the Malaccans and Javanese. These finer cloths the Bandanese purchased not only for clothing but also to keep as treasures, along with Javanese gongs, ivory and Chinese porcelain, while the inferior textiles were exchanged for the sago and jungle products that they acquired from the Kai and Aru Islands and for slaves, massoia and other scented and medicinal barks brought from New Guinea.62

Javanese gongs were much in demand and were kept as heirlooms throughout the Indonesian archipelago. They are found in islands as far apart as Nias and Alor. Barbosa describes them as metal bells from Jaoa as large as great basins [alguidares; Barros calls them bacias], which they hang up by the rim; in the middle they have a handle and they are struck with some object to make them sound. The kings and great men [i.e. orang kaya] set great value on these and keep them both great and small, as treasure and estate. With these and with basins of metal and tin they make themselves music.

59 From 'Kalinga'. The Malay Keling was used to designate Indian merchants from the Coromandel coast settled in Malacca (Portuguese: Quelim).

60 Pires, Suma Oriental, II, p. 447.

61 Thomaz, 'Maluco e Malaca', p. 40.

62 Meilink-Roelofsz, Asian Trade and European Influence, pp. 95-6.

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This appears indeed to be a description of a rudimentary gamelan orchestra, though it is doubtful whether these instruments in the spice islands bore much Javanese gamelan music.63 For one gong, Barbosa records, would give 20 bahars of cloves or the same quantity same way for most things, and thus great profit is place and Malacca.'64

The Chinese, though they carried on a sporadic direct Moluccas at least until the end of the fourteenth century, them Javanese cloth, silver, iron, ivory, beads and appear ever to have visited Banda. Though reference sources to small quantities of nutmeg as well as cloves brought by tribute missions from Champa, the and Java in the tenth and eleventh centuries and twelfth65 there was apparently no demand in China mace, and not much for cloves. The Chinese confined activities in the eastern part of the Indonesian archipelago Borneo, where they purchased camphor and other in China for pharmacological purposes,66 and to continued to visit for sandalwood well into the Ming bought spices from the Javanese in exchange for porcelain, coins and gold, and these goods were, as we have seen, in the spice islands in the sixteenth century, though were carried there byJavanese traders or Chinese ports, particularly Gresik, and not by merchants from VI

According to the Suma Oriental, the island of Banda itself produced most mace and had four harbours, which he called Calamon, Olutatam, Bomtar (Lontor) and Comber. Neira was also important as it was much frequented byJavanese traders. The other islands had no harbours and

63 F. A. Wagner, Indonesia: The Art of an Island Group (London, 1959), pp. 175-82.

64 Barbosa, An Account of the Countries... , II, I I8, pp. i96-8 and I20, 202-3.

65 0. W. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce (Cornell University Press, 1967), p. 26. See also Meilink-Roelofsz, Asian Trade and European Influence, p. 99; and Barros, Da Asia, III, 5, p. 135. In 1545 Pero de Faria reckoned the annual consumption of cloves in China was only 20 bahars (Thomaz, 'Maluco e Malaca', p. 46).

66 Grace Wong, A Comment on the Tributary Trade between China and Southeast Asia ..., Southeast Asian Ceramic Society, Transaction no. 7.

67 Meilink-Roelofsz, Asian Trade and European Influence, p. I58.

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JOHN VILLIERS

so transported their products to Lontor, which provided the best and safest anchorage.68 The villages were scattered along the sickle-shaped bay of Banda and there also were to be found the nutmeg trees.69

Pires estimates that the annual crop was about 6 or 7 thousand bahars of nutmeg and between 5 and 6 hundred bahars of mace. This estimate is confirmed by most other contemporary Spanish and Portuguese sources.70 However, the crop was probably as a rule rather less than this. Ant6nio de Brito wrote in February 1525 that in Banda and the Moluccas over 4000 bahars of cloves, nutmeg and mace were harvested annually and that in I524, evidently an exceptional year, in the Moluccas alone 5000 bahars of cloves had been harvested.71 The Descricao Sumaria das Molucas e de Banda of i 529 tells us that the total crop in the Banda Islands was only 156o bahars a year, of which Leitatam (Olutatam, Ortata), where the Portuguese had established their title to trade by the erection of a commemorative pillar or padrao, only produced 60 bahars, as against 400 from Lontor, 200 from Ai, I50 from Neira, 0oo from Run and smaller quantities from elsewhere.72

Mace was always a costlier spice than cloves and much more so than nutmeg. In England in the I35os two old arratels (28 ounces) of mace were considered equal in value to one cow. By the early sixteenth century a bahar of mace had reached a value between seven and ten times that of a bahar of nutmeg and the Bandanese attempted to counteract this fall in the relative value of nutmeg by insisting that mace could only be sold if seven times the quantity of nutmeg was sold at the same time. Barbosa reports that they even went so far as to burn nutmeg in order to preserve this balance and that nutmeg 'may be had almost for the asking'.73 The value of cloves in relation to that of mace also fell at this period and by 1603 seven bahars of mace fetched the same price as ten bahars of cloves. Pires gives the price of one bahar of mace and of seven bahars of nutmeg as between three and four cruzados according to the quality of the goods for which it was exchanged. Peter Mundy gives a list of the comparative prices of various spices and precious goods at

68 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 205.

69 Barros, Da Asia, III, 5, p. 6.

70 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 206. The weight of the bahar in Banda was 550 lbs, in the Moluccas 600 lbs and in Malacca 530-540 lbs. The Portuguese generally reckoned 32 new arratels or pounds of 6 ounces to the arroba, 4 arrobas to the quintal and 4 quintals to the bahar.

71 Ant6nio de Brito to the King, Ternate, 28 February, I525, in Sa, Documentafao, I, pp- 194-5.

72 Descrifao sumaria .. ., in ibid., IV, p. i6. The same figures are given in Informafao a El-Rei sobre o comercio da pimenta e do cravo, s.d., in ibid., I, pp. 338-9.

73 Barbosa, An Account of the Countries . . , II, I 18, pp. I96-8.

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Patna in 1632. Nutmegs fetched four rupees per sere, and mace i6 rupees.74 Urdaneta, in the report he wrote in I537 at Emperor Charles V, gives figures for the harvest Moluccas and the Banda Islands. He recounts how years he was in the islands (I527-35) the value increased from two to ten ducats, (the ducat, generally used by European writers to designate zado). This rise he attributes to the number of Portuguese trading there. He points out that, though only 500 of mace and 200 of nutmeg were shipped annually Ormuz between 6 and Io thousand quintals of cloves, nutmeg and 800 of mace were sold each year to Moorish traded in these spices 'over Persia, Arabia and all Asia He says that in most years the Bandanese gathered nutmeg and oo000 of mace and he reckoned that of mace and up to 6000 quintals of nutmeg could Spanish in the Banda Islands, even in competition Asian traders. He suggested that Spain might make King of Demak, who was hostile to the Portuguese, pepper and that such a treaty might include the Ambon, 'who have many junks and would bring Maluco'.75

From sixteenth-century Portuguese sources we can gain some idea of the relative values of the goods exchanged for spices in this intricate pattern of trade by barter. In 1532, for example, one bahar of cloves was considered equal in value to one Chaul cloak, three sinabafos (a cotton cloth from Bengal) or 25 large pieces of red porcelain,76 while, as we have already noted, a Javanese gong was worth as much as twenty bahars of mace. In the previous year, Ant6nio de Brito concluded an agreement with the Bandanese orang kaya by which one bahar of mace was to be reckoned equal in value to 28 'bertangis communs' (a cotton

74 Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, I608-i667, ed. Sir Richard Temple Bt, vol. II, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, XXXV (I914), p. I53.

75 Andres de Urdaneta, Narrative of the Voyage to Malucos or Spice Islands by the Fleet under the Orders of the Comendador Garcia Jofre de Loaysa, in Early Spanish voyages to the Straits of Magellan, trans and ed. Sir Clements Markham, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, XXVIII (I9I I), pp. 85 and 88-9.

76 Thomaz, 'Maluco e Malaca', p. 44. See also Pigafetta, Magellan's Voyage, p. 121. Pigafetta describes how he and his companions traded with the King of Ternate and obtained a bahar of cloves each for two cubits of fairly good red cloth, 35 glasses, 15 axes, 25 pieces of linen, 150 knives, 50 pairs of scissors, 40 caps, ten ells of Gujerat cloth etc.

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cloth from Cambay) and a bahar of nutmeg to four bertangis, which in turn were considered to be worth one cruzado.77

VII

Like the Moluccas, the Banda Islands were almost wholly dependent on imports for all the necessities of life because, apart from spices, coconut palms and fruit, they had virtually no agricultural crops and had import sago from the Aru and Kai Islands and from Seram, Sula and Banggai in exchange for the cloth which they purchased for spices from Javanese and Malaccan merchants, and rice, which was brought them direct by the Javanese and Malaccans from Java and Bima and exchanged likewise for spices. The Suma Oriental records that sago played so important a part in the economy of the Banda Islands that it was frequently used as currency for making payments. It was extracted from the pith of the sago palm and shipped in the form of small loaves, the shape of a brick and baked very hard. In this form it was reputed to last for twenty years.78 Forrest, writing in the I770s, says it was known locally as roti Papua (Papuan bread).79 Both in the Moluccas and the Banda Islands, as the demand for spices increased and the prices they fetched rose, the amount of land devoted to the growing of spice-bearing trees was extended, with a consequent diminution in the cultivation rice, sago and other crops and greater dependence on the import essential foodstuffs.

From the Aru and Kai Islands there also came gold to Banda, 'though not much'.80 Rebello describes an island 30 leagues or less to the east of Banda (Onin, on the mainland of New Guinea near Fak-fak?) inhabited by pagans only four spans in height where there was much gold of which the Bandanese had a 'good treasure'.81 In addition to gold, the islands to the east of Banda yielded dried lories and parrots (known to the Portuguese as noires, nures or mires and in Malay as nuri) and birds of paradise, which, like sago, were bartered for cloth and sold eventually, through the intermediary of Bengali traders, to Turks and Persians, who used them as plumes for their headdresses.

77 Descrifao sumaria . . , In Sa, Documentafao, IV, p. I6.

78 Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 268.

79 See C. R. Boxer and P. Y. Manguin, 'Miguel Roxo de Brito's Narrative of his Voyage to the Raja Empat, May 158I-November 1582', Archipel, 18 (i979), p. i78 n. 3. For a detailed description of the making of sago in Seram, see Wallace, The Malay Archipelago, pp. 377-81.

80 Urdaneta, Narrative of the Voyage to Malucos, p. 85.

81 Rebello, Informafao .. ., in Sa, Documentafao, III, p. 395.

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There are numerous sixteenth- and seventeenth-century of birds of paradise, the aureas aves of Cam6es. The Conquista Frei Paulo da Trinidade contains perhaps the most islands,' he writes, 'there are also some very beautiful natives call birds of paradise [passaros de Deus] and with as well as being extremely pretty and with golden plumage alight on the ground except after death. They have no kind of nerve coming out from their beaks, two spans which with a few turns they fix to the branches of trees to rest or sleep. They feed on dew and are only one span are highly coloured and of a fantastic beauty. The used for plumes.'82 The Historia das Ilhas de Maluco says birds of paradise were blown by the wind to Banda, neither the earth nor birth (nao sabem a terra nem o nascimento) their plumes were much esteemed in Portugal itself as The Portuguese, believing that they died in the Banda called them passaros de Banda.

Bird of paradise plumes were, of course, also used for ment by the islanders themselves. Rebello gives an account the Moluccas at which, as the guests were eating, dressed as for war, with swords and bucklers and caps furry caps of Levant?) adorned with plumes of passaros leap and dance, moving their feet, their head, mouth brandishing their swords to betoken warlike valour, drums and Javanese gongs (sinos de Jaoa).84 Maximilianus vanus, writing in 1522, recounts the story of how the came to the spice islands to trade declared that these very beautiful small bird that never settles on the Paradise and that when the rulers of the islands adopted was their veneration of the birds, which they called mamuco they believed themselves safe under their protection according to custom, to fight in the front line of battle.86

The belief that birds of paradise never touched the ground feet arose from the methods adopted by the islanders preserving them. They were caught by being shot with

82 Trindade, Conquista espiritual do Oriente, I, p. 45.

83 Sa, Documentafao, III, p. 326.

84 Rebello, Informafao, in ibid., III, p. 356.

85 I.e. manuko dewata (divine bird). The modern Indonesian cenderawasih.

86 Maximilianus Transylvanus, De Moluccis insulis, ed. Carlos I969), pp. 126-7.

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742

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avoid damage or staining of their plumage with blood, or by snaring. The wings and feet were cut off, then the body skinned up to the beak and the skull removed. The whole was then wrapped in palm spathe and dried in a smoke-filled hut. No perfect specimens had been seen in Europe and virtually nothing was known about them until the end of the eighteenth century. Even Linnaeus, who classified several species in 1760, called the largest of them Paradisea apoda-the footless paradise bird. The local traders probably never saw the birds alive and, had they done so, would seldom have seen any at rest, since most species of the bird are characterized by their almost ceaseless motion. The belief that they were magically born in the air was strengthened by total ignorance of their nesting habits and their eggs, which had never been seen.87

It is probable that already in the early sixteenth century the people of the Gorong and Seram-Laut islands to the southeast of Seram played a part in this trade, as they continued to do until the present century. As well as going to Ternate, Tidore and the Banda Islands, they would visit the Tanimbar, Kai and Aru groups, Waigeo, Misool and the northwest coasts of New Guinea and there purchase trepang, massoia bark, wild nutmegs and tortoiseshell to sell to the roving Buginese traders. Their prahus were made by the Kai islanders, whose boats were noted throughout the eastern part of the archipelago for the excellence and beauty of their workmanship.88

VIII

The first Portuguese survey of the spice islands was carried out immediately after the conquest of Malacca in 1511. In the same year, expedition was sent under the command of Ant6nio de Abreu to put 'true Indies firmly-if as yet somewhat erratically-on the map world.'89 Abreu was given instructions to refrain from using force engaging in any piratical act against the islanders. His fleet coasted along the northern shores ofJava, through the Lesser Sunda Islands far as Flores and then struck north to Ambon and Banda. Ant6nio Galvao, who sailed with the expedition, describes the volcano on the tiny uninhabited island of Gunuape (Gunung Api)-Pires' ilha de fogo-in the Banda group sending a continuous flow of flakes and

87 Wallace, The Malay Archipelago, pp. 549-53.

88 Ibid., pp. 371-2. See also Boxer and Manguin, 'Miguel Roxo de Brito's Narrative', p. i8o n. 14.

89 0. H. K. Spate, The Spanish Lake (London, 1979), p. 34.

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streams of fire into the sea.90 On the return journey by Francisco Serrao was wrecked in the Banda Sea, acquired a native ship in the Banda Islands, made companions to Ternate, where he remained till became the close friend and chief adviser of the ruler.

Rui Brito de Patalim wrote inJanuary 1514 that all the inhabitants of the Moluccas, Banda,Java and Timor had been overawed (atemorizados) by the arrival of Abreu's fleet and the sight of such large ships. 'For the Moluccas, Banda, Timor and Java,' he wrote, 'we need large ships, even though the inhabitants are frightened of them. I have written to the Governor of the Indies that he should send one or two naos of 500 tuns, because apart from asserting our authority, they can take a great abundance of spices which could not be done with small ships. Moreover, the route is already known and easily navigable...,.91

The Portuguese seem at first to have been well received by the Bandanese. Diogo Brandao in his deposition to the Junta of BadajozElvas in 1523 declared that when he was in Banda he found that Abreu and his companions had been treated with great honour and 'the Moors of that place had sent through him their obedience to the Captain of Malacca and to the Governor of India.'92 These good relations did not endure, however, and accounts of quarrels with the Bandanese, who seized the ships of the Portuguese and adopted various stratagems to hinder their trade, thenceforward occur regularly in letters and reports from Ternate and Malacca.

On I I February 1523 Ant6nio de Brito wrote proudly to D.Joao from Ternate

I did not write to Your Highness about the padrao that I have erected in Banda [presumably at Leitatam], the most beautiful and the largest that can be found, with the arms of Your Highness, nor of the prices that I have agreed in the other letter which I thought I should send you by the quicker Borneo route. These prices are for the cloves which are brought here and for the mace and nutmeg that Banda produces. I made this agreement for always with all the notables [omens omrados] and shahbandars of the islands, because there is no king, and they all appointed me to execute it and agreed that whoever opposed it should die for it.93

Three days later Rui Gago wrote to the King to say that he had brought

90 Antonio Galvao, The Discoveries of the Worldfrom their First Original unto theyear of Our Lord i555, ed. V. Adm. Bethune, Hakluyt Society, Old series, XXX (1872), p. I I 7.

9' Rui de Brito to the King, Malacca, 6January 1514, in Sa, Documentafao, I, pp. 73-4.

92 Depoimento de Diogo Brandao em o processo das Molucas, Tomar, 25 August 1533, ibid., I, p. I76.

93 Antonio de Brito to the King, Ternate, i February 1523, ibid., I, p. 153.

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from Banda a document (estromento) of the same kind as that in which the King of Ternate declared his vassalage to Portugal, signed by all the shahbandars and notables of the islands.94 Both the agreement on prices and the declaration of vassalage evidently remained a dead letter. Equally unsuccessful was the Portuguese bid to take possession of the islands in I532, together with Gresik and Panarukan, by a deed of acquisition, conquest and territorial possession (instrumento de aquisifao, filhamento e posse de terra).95

Portuguese commerce with the Banda Islands nevertheless seems to have flourished at first and the prices commanded by nutmeg and mace rose accordingly. As Orta informs us, though Banda was considered to be a very unhealthy spot and though only a few of the many who went there ever returned, yet they were happy to run this risk because of the great profits to be made.96

The Portuguese fleets at first followed the same route as the Malaccan and Javanese junks, calling in at Gresik and other ports on the north coast of Java, and then sailing through the Lesser Sunda Islands to Banda, Ambon and the Moluccas. But about 1520 they began to use the 'Borneo route', which took them to the Moluccas by way of Brunei in only forty days and henceforth, whenever speed was necessary, as for example when military reinforcements were being sent to the islands, this shorter route was used.97 The traditional southern route, however, remained commercially more lucrative as not only did it take the Portuguese to the Banda Islands but also enabled them to trade on the way at the Javanese ports and collect merchandise in the Lesser Sunda Islands, in particular Timorese sandalwood. Borneo, on the other hand, yielded little in the way of saleable goods except camphor and gold, which the Portuguese never seem to have been able to acquire in sufficiently large quantities to make this trade worthwhile.

Ant6nio de Brito wrote optimistically in February 1523 that from Borneo (i.e. Brunei) to the Moluccas is oo leagues and here pilots can be found to take us there, for many junks navigate from Borneo to Malacca. Since this route has been discovered, I believe it is of the greatest service to us...

94 Rui Gago to the King, Moluccas, 15 February 1523, ibid., I, p. i62.

95 See Thomaz, 'Maluco e Malaca', p. 43.

96 Orta, Colbquios dos Simples .. ., p. 82.

97 The Borneo route was believed to be more ancient than the Banda route. Jorge de Albuquerque writes of discovering 'the ancient navigation ... to go and return in the same time as it takes to go to Banda and back'. He adds that there were pilots who knew the route and 'from the information I have from the Maquaceres, which is an island near the port of Ambon, it seems to me an easy matter to find the route'. Jorge de Albuquerque to the King, Malacca, 8 January 1515, in Documentafao, Sa, I, pp. 76-80.

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owing to its shortness and because it avoids waiting for Banda route, which for carrying out any commission needs one can leave Malacca and reach the Moluccas in one month ... and Borneo is one of the richest islands in these parts, having much gold and camphor and considerable trade with other regions from which Your Highness could derive great profit.98

But eleven years later Tristao de Ataide was complaining that he could not find shipmasters to supply his ship or pilots to take him by the Borneo route because they themselves wanted to go by Java and Banda 'where they can make themselves rich, whereas going by Borneo they cannot.' He adds ruefully that the Borneo route is a pons asinorum (estrada coymbraa).99

In contrast to the rulers in the Moluccas, the orang kaya were unwilling from the outset to allow the Portuguese to establish any factory or fortress on the Banda Islands and the Portuguese never succeeded in overcoming their steadfast resistance. A Jesuit writing from the Moluccas to his brethren at the Colegio de Santo Antao in Lisbon in February 1563 tells us of a group of Moslems from Hitu going to Banda 'where the Portuguese also do business' and waiting for the monsoon on which the Portuguese ships regularly depart for 'then they will find the country empty of Portuguese.'100

At this time, the ruler of Ternate exercised a tenuous authority over Ambon, western Seram, Buru, the northern part of Halmahera, the

98 Antonio de Brito to the King, Ternate, I February 1523, ibid., I, p. 153.

99 Tristao de Ataide to the King, Moluccas, 20 February 1534, ibid., IV, pp. 435-6.

100 Irmao Fernao do Souro to his brethren of the Colegio de Santo Antao, Lisbon, Moluccas, 15 February 1563, ibid., III, pp. 24-5.

Some scholars have asserted that the Portuguese set upfeitorias in the Banda Islands comparable to those established on Ambon (see, for example, B. W. Diffie and G. D. Winius, Foundations of the Portuguese Empire 14i5-i580 (University of Minnesota Press and Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 370). Winius describes the Portuguese settlements on Lontor and Neira asfeitorias. But there is insufficient evidence from Portuguese sources to sustain this view. The establishment of a right to trade by agreement with local rulers and the erection of a padrao did not invariably lead to the setting up of afeitoria or the appointment of afeitor. This of course is not to deny that some Portuguese settled in the islands and traded there. Paramita R. Abdurachman in her excellent essay 'Moluccan Responses to the First Intrusions of the West' (in Haryati Soebadio and Carine A. du Marchie Sarvaas (eds.), Dynamics of Indonesian history (Amsterdam, 1978), p. 173) cites the donation (doacao) of D. Joao III in 1531 to Kaichili Daroes, a Ternatan agent or Rimelaha, of tenure of all the land in Banda as an indication that the Portuguese Crown exercised some kind of suzerainty over the Banda Islands which made it possible to bestow them in this way on a faithful ally as a reward for his services. But there is no evidence that the orang kaya ever recognized any authority of the Portuguese Crown over them or their land and it seems unlikely therefore that the doacao was ever more than a symbolic offering by the King of Portugal of something which was not in any real sense his to donate.

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Uliassa Islands (a group of small islands to the east of Ambon), the Banda Islands and parts of Sulawesi. Tidore, less powerful than Ternate, had control only over southern Halmahera, eastern Seram and the coasts of West Irian. The intense rivalry between the two sultanates enabled the Europeans to play one off against the other in their contest for domination of the spice trade, but the almost incessant conflict which resulted from this policy proved fatal to the Portuguese position in the spice islands and by the end of the century such political domination and economic control of the islands as they had ever enjoyed had disappeared, although they retained possession of a fortress on Tidore until I605.

Throughout all these unedifying quarrels between the Portuguese, the Spanish and the local rulers in the Moluccas, the Bandanese, nominally subject to Ternate though they were, managed to avoid joining any alliance at Ternates' behest. They were, however, not above lending their support to schemes to oust the Portuguese from the spice islands. When in the last years of the sixteenth century Talele, the most important personage of Hitu, 'very large in body and very black in nature', was devising ways of driving the Portuguese out of Ambon the Bandanese provided him with 14 joangas, 'very well armed and equipped with warriors and cannon, of which they possess many and good' for his attack against Sancho de Vasconcellos.l01

Bandanese resistance also deterred Portuguese missionaries from making any sustained attempt to convert the islanders to Christianity either for the salvation of their souls or for political motives. St Francis Xavier never visited Banda, though he worked in Ambon, Ternate and the Morotai Islands for over a year in 1546 and 1547. One reason for the failure of the Jesuits to send missions to the Banda Islands was undoubtedly the lack of a fortress there which would have provided the missionaries with military support and a base for their operations. Yet, as late as I556, it was still believed in Malacca that the Bandanese were only waiting for someone to go and give them the joyful news of their redemption. Some were said to be so desirous of conversion that they had sent messages requesting priests to come and baptize them.102

According to Urdaneta, when he reached the Banda Islands in 1535,

101 Relafao dosfeitos eroicos ..., ch. 91, in Sa, Documentafao, IV, pp. 435-6 and 45I.

102 Padre Baltasar Dias to his brethren in Portugal, Malacca, 19 November 1556, ibid., II, p. 270. A decree of the First Provincial Council of Goa in 1567 ordains that no priest should be received in Bengal, Peru, China, Moluccas, Banda, Sunda or other places where there is no Portuguese fortress, even if he has dismissory letters from the bishop of that place, unless they expressly mention how he is to govern it. (Da reformafao das cousas da Igreja (Goa, 1567), ibid., III, p. 190.)

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the Spaniards found the natives very ready to trade both towards them and the ruler of Tidore, no them as possible allies against Ternate and the states that 'in the days of our prosperity in Maluco with them and at the time when the Portuguese Tidore) there were six or seven junks of Banda which with us and also to molest and rob the Portuguese.'"03 the support of the Spaniards against the detested dently not confined to the Bandanese. The King he wrote to the Emperor Charles V in March 1532 vassal of Spain said he awaited the Emperor's support so much, myself no less than all the kings of Maluco Banda and Ambon'.104

While private individuals, both Portuguese and Asian, were evidently able to make substantial profits from trading in nutmeg and mace directly with the Bandanese, the Portuguese Crown derived little gain from this trade. The cost of equipping expeditions was exceptionally high because, nutmeg being a comparatively bulky commodity, the Portuguese had to use the largest ships available. Nevertheless, vessels capable of carrying up to 1200 bahars of nutmeg and mace were sent once a year from Malacca to the Banda Islands during most of the sixteenth century. Whereas the Moluccas voyages continued to be made in ships owned by the Crown, even when these were fitted out by the captain to whom the voyage had been granted, the Banda voyages were always made in privately-owned vessels. In the first half of the sixteenth century these voyages were generally organized in Malacca; later a regular carreira was sent from India, its captains nominated by a royal decree.105 Like their Asian competitors, these Portuguese fleets often went no further than Banda. As early as i519, for example, Diogo Brandao was sent to the Moluccas with 'certain junks' but on arrival in Banda found enough spices there to load his ships and so did not proceed to the Moluccas.106

On arrival in Malacca, much of the cargo of spices from the Banda Islands, instead of being transhipped to Goa, was dissipated in gifts made by the viceroy and other officials, nearly all of whom engaged in corruption on a prodigious scale. In I56i the Portuguese government

103 Urdaneta, Narrative of the Voyage to Malucos, pp. 78-9.

104 King of Geilolo to the Emperor, Geilolo, I March I532, in Sa, Documentafao, I, P. 257.

105 Thomaz, 'Maluco e Malaca', p. 43.

106 L. de Albuquerque and R. Graca Feijo, 'Os pontos de vista de D. Joao III na Junta de Badajoz-Elvas', in A viagem de Fernao Magalhaes, p. 538.

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tried to rectify this state of affairs by requiring that, of the entire cargo of I 200 bahars, 300 bahars of nutmeg and 30 of mace be bought at a fixed price for the Crown from the captains who had been granted a Banda voyage. The captains would in return be permitted to take the government's cargo to Malacca without paying any duties. There is no evidence that this regulation had any effect or even that it was observed, and by the end of the sixteenth century the Portuguese government had abandoned the unequal struggle, leaving the Bandanese to sell their nutmeg and mace to whom they pleased and for whatever price they could command. Portuguese traders would then purchase them elsewhere in the archipelago, increasingly from the end of the century in Makassar.

This trading by independent merchants made it even more difficult for the royal carreira to achieve a profit. Francisco Palha wrote from Goa in December 1553 urging the need to forbid voyages to Banda in any vessel other than one of the royal ships, because of the 'numerous inconveniences' caused by the Portuguese captains leaving their merchandise while they scattered over the islands in search of goods with which to load their own ships. Often the Bandanese were unable to pay for the merchandise brought by the Portuguese, who would then try to extort payment. The Bandanese would revolt and 'kill whom they could, knowing that another year a captain would come who would want to deal with them peaceably.' Frequently, too, the traders would load their own ships and send to Malacca, leaving the royal ship behind in Banda.107

Further trouble was caused by the Portuguese habit of taking korakora from the Moluccas to Ambon and Banda ostensibly in order to trade but in reality for piracy. Gaspar Nilio reported from Malacca in August 1545 that the Moluccan notables

wishing to show friendship and favour to certain persons, give them kora-kora and they, on the pretence that they are going to do business or even without this pretence, go and rob the people of Ambon, who are wretched and poor and live without either harming the Portuguese or having the means to do so, but receive them very well and give them all they need. The naos of Your Highness coming from the Moluccas spend the winter in certain islands. In many of these places there are Christians and nevertheless some of those who go there behave tyranically, which is a great disservice to Our Lord and Your Highness, whose obligation it is to defend these people from robbery, capture and death at the hands of the Portuguese. Moreover, by letting the Portuguese use their kora-kora to go to Ambon and Banda, without receiving orders or agreement from Your

107 Francisco Palha to the King, Goa, 26 December 1553, in Sa, Documentafao, II, pp. I 04-5.

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Highness's captains, the people of the Moluccas are given kings and governors much trouble.'08

Thus, by the beginning of the seventeenth century been almost entirely ousted from direct trading who for their part had not yet submitted to the imposition monopoly. Meanwhile Asian merchants continued Bandanese as before. Peter Floris describes the arrival belonging to Raja Indra Muda, a local merchant, Makassar in October 612 and thence to Banda, where he came to a good market and made good profits, [the Dutch fort on Neira] having no money, so that those means to buy his rice and other things so that he was Ortatan and other places and the Bandanese, whereby mace and cloves, which those of the castle could not forbid their want of money, as also that the junk belonged about 200 sockles [the packages in which mace was transported, weight between I20 and 140 lbs] mace, and a great parcel had sold to the Portuguese in Makassar.109

IX

In 1599, Jacob van Heemskerck, one of the commanders of an expedition sent out the previous year from Amsterdam underJacob van Neck, sailed to Ambon and the Banda Islands. The Bandanese at first welcomed the Dutch, whom they saw as their saviours from the detested Portuguese, and allowed van Heemskerck to establish a small factory Lontor. But they were soon to be cruelly disabused. In 1609, the Dutch, having already in I605 seized the Portuguese fortresses on Ambon and in the Moluccas, occupied the island of Banda and imposed a treaty on the orang kaya confirming their monopoly of the nutmeg trade. Bandanese evasion of this monopoly and their frequent attacks on the Dutch settlements, combined with attempts by the English to trade with the Banda Islands, beginning with Henry Middleton's voyage in I604-05, led the Dutch to resort to direct conquest as the only means of ensuring their monopoly. In January I62I Jan Pieterzoon Coen, GovernorGeneral of the Dutch East Indies, himself sailed from Batavia with a fleet of twelve ships and some Javanese craft to achieve this aim. With the

108 Gaspar Nilio to the King, Malacca, io August 1545, in ibid., I, p. 458.

109 Peter Floris, Voyage to the East Indies in the Globe. 1611-1615, ed. W. H. Moreland, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, LXXIV (1934), p. 88.

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greatest ruthlessness and savagery, the Banda Islands were subdued, a new fort, named Hollandia Castle, was built at Lontor and thousands of the inhabitants, including most of the orang kaya, were slaughtered, sent into slavery in Java or starved to death in the mountains. From then on the Dutch monopoly of the nutmeg trade and their control over the land in the Banda Islands, which was allotted to the servants of the VOC to exploit with slave labour, was complete."10 Some Bandanese escaped to Makassar but henceforth they ceased to play any independent part in the indigenous commerce of the Indonesian archipelago, and the history of a people who, even if Matelieff was correct in describing them as 'roguish, haughty, brave, poor beggars', were certainly not lacking in enterprise, ability or spirit, came to an inglorious end.111

1 10 An excellent account of the subjugation of the Banda Islands is in D. G. E. Hall, A History of South East Asia, 3rd edn (London, 1968), pp. 307-9. See also Reid, 'Trade and State Power', pp. 400o-; B. H. M. Vlekke, Nusantara. A history of Indonesia (Brussels, 1943), pp. 124-41; van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, pp. 182-4; and S. Arasaratnam, 'Monopoly and Free Trade in Dutch-Asian Commercial Policy: Debate and Controversy within the VOC', Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, IV, No. I (March, I973), pp. I-5.

111 Schrieke, Indonesian Sociological Studies, p. 35.

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Due to ISSUU page constraints, only portions of the following source is shared. However, the Bibliography will lead you to an online copy.

Malacca Beyond European Colonialism (15

th-17th Centuries)

A Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in History, under the supervision of Professor Doctor Amélia Polónia

Daya Negri Wijaya

Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto

Daya Negri Wijaya

Malacca Beyond European Colonialism (15th-17th Centuries)

A Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in History, under the supervision of Professor Doctor Amélia Polónia

Members of Juries

President:

Prof. Dr. Luís Miguel Ribeiro de Oliveira Duarte Juries

Prof. Dr. Maria Cristina Trindade Guerreiro Osswald

Prof. Dr. João Paulo Oliveira e Costa

Prof. Dr. Rui Manuel Taveira de Sousa Loureiro

Prof. Dr. Amãndio Jorge Morais Barros

Prof. Dr. Amélia Maria Polónia da Silva

I dedicate my doctoral thesis to my wife (Prisca Kiki Wulandari) and my parents (Hari Santoso and Sudarmi)

Table

3.3. Portuguese-Malacca's Trade Networks 1580-1641 ................................................... １８３

4. The Dutch Takeover: Dutch Malacca in the 17th Century １９５

4.1. The Dutch Conquest of Malacca in 1641 ................................................................... １９５

4.2. Political Administration of Dutch Malacca ２０２

4.3. The Port-City of Malacca during the Dutch Rule ２１２

4.4. Dutch-Malacca and Its Local Trade Network ............................................................. ２１４

4.5. The Portuguese-Eurasians' Survival Strategies ２１７

4.6. Portuguese Shipping through the Straits of Malacca ................................................ ２３８

5. Claiming Malaccan Successor, Resisting to European Malacca: The Political Economy of the Malay States during the 16th-17th Centuries ２５０

5.1. Samudra-Pasai Sultanate ２５０

5.2. Johor Sultanate .......................................................................................................... ２５９

5.3. Aceh Sultanate ２７３

Conclusion........................................................................................................................... ３００ References ３０８ Chronology .......................................................................................................................... ３４０ Sultans of Malacca .............................................................................................................. ３４４

Portuguese Captains and Governors in Malacca ３４５ Dutch Governor in Malacca................................................................................................. ３４７

Document Appendix ３４８

Declaration of Honour

I declare that my doctoral thesis is under my authority and is not utilised previously in other course or curriculum unit in this or in the other institution. Referring to other authors (affirmations, ideas, and thoughts), they scrupulously respect the rules of attribution, and are duly indicated in the text and in the bibliographic references, in accordance with the referencing rules. I am aware that the practice of plagiarism and auto-plagiarism constitutes an academic offence.

Porto, 23 June 2022

Daya Negri Wijaya

Acknowledgement

This thesis would not have been possible without the generous help and support from a number of people to whom I am forever indebted.

I would first like to express my deep sense of gratitude to my supervisor, Prof. Amélia Polónia, who provides invaluable and endless support to achieve the maturity of the learning process during my study. This thesis can be completed because of her insightful feedback and constructive comments.

I must also give credit to Prof. Luis Miguel Duarte, Prof. Luis Carlos Amaral, Prof. Manuel Loff, Prof. Inés Amorim, and Prof. Helena Oswald, who helped me in understanding the Portuguese overseas expansion in my early study in Porto.

My scientific adventure in Porto is also coloured by several small group discussions. I really enjoyed discussing with Renu Abraham, Diogo Andrade, Fernando Mouta, Stephani Hollmann, Helena Teixeira, Liliana Oliveira, Francisco Mangas, Mariana Oliveira, Lucia Alexa, Milene Anjos, Deniz Ilbi, and other Portuguese friends. They frequently opened my eyes and provided some sources and data concerning my study. They were never tired in answering all my questions and curiousities.

I am also grateful to have met some remarkable scholars while attending several conferences and other scientific activities. Dr. Hugo Ribeiro (Universidade do Porto), Dr. Vítor Teixeira (Universidade Fernando Pessoa), Dr. Yahaya Abu Bakar (Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia), Prof. Dr. Winfried Heinemann (Brandenburg University of Technology), Dr. Kenji Igawa (Waseda University), Prof. Dr. Susanto Zuhdi (Universitas Indonesia), Dr. Giancarlo Casale (European University Institute), Dr. Sarah Hackett (Bath Spa University), Dr. Marlou Schrover (Leiden University), Dr. Hanafi Hussin (Universiti Malaya), Prof. Dr. Farish Noor (Universiti Malaya), Dr. Fernando Santiago (De La Salle University), Prof. Dr. Hans Hagerdal (Linnaeus University), Dr. Chiara Zazzaro (Università di Napoli L’Orientale), Dr. Mulaika Hijjas (SOAS, London), Prof. Peter Carey (Trinity College, Oxford), Dr. Francis Navarro (Ateneo de Manila University), Dr. Puspita Ayu (Universitas Trisakti), Prof. Dr. Gusti Asnan (Universitas Andalas), Prof. Dr. Ratno Lukito (UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta), Dr. Sri Margana

(Universitas Gadjah Mada), Dr. Ninie Susanti (Perkumpulan Ahli Epigrafi Indonesia), Dr. Alamsyah (Universitas Diponegoro), Dr. Chusnul Hayati (Universitas Diponegoro), and Dr. Deny Yudo Wahyudi (Universitas Negeri Malang). They have suggested me to keep studying Early Modern Malay Archipelago. My four-year study is financially supported by Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) and Universitas Negeri Malang (UM). I personally thank Prof. Dr. Rofiudin, Rector of Universitas Negeri Malang, who proposed me as one of the awardees in 2017. As an IsDB-UM scholar, I am much obliged for Dr. Syamsul Bachri, Dr. Apif Miptahul Hajji, Dr. Sintha Tresnawati, Muhammad Hafiz Riandi, Agus Timan, and Dr. Puput Risdanareni. They were never tired in facilitating and motivating me during my study.

My gratitude also goes personally to Prof. Dr. Hariyono, former Vice Rector of Universitas Negeri Malang, who encouraged me to undertake further studies while I was working under his guidance to explore British colonialism in Indonesia. I am thankful to the Dean of Faculty of Social Science Universitas Negeri Malang, Prof. Dr. Sumarmi, who gave me the permission to study in Portugal. I am indebted to the Head of History Department, Universitas Negeri Malang, Dr. Ari Sapto; the Secretary of History Department, Universitas Negeri Malang, Dr. Ulfatun Nafi’ah; Former Head of History Department, Universitas Negeri Malang, Dr. Joko Sayono; Former Secretary of History Department, Universitas Negeri Malang, Dr. Slamet Sujud Purnawan Jati; the Head of Social Studies Department, Universitas Negeri Malang, Dr. Neny Wahyuningtyas; and all lecturers and staffs who have supported me and taken over my duties during my four-year absence.

During my archival and library studies in the outbreak of Covid-19, I am indebted to all librarians and archivists in Biblioteca de Faculdade de Letras Universidade do Porto; Biblioteca Nacional Portuguesa, Lisboa; Arquivo Nacional de Torre do Tombo, Lisboa; Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, Arkib Negara Malaysia, Perpustakaan Nasional Republik Indonesia, Biblioteca da Ajuda Lisboa, and Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia, who allowed me to access several sources. I am also indebted to Dr. Evania Yafie, Faishal Hilmy Maulida, Adrian Perkasa, Diaz Al Ichsan, Rendy Aditya, and Leonard Manuputty who helped me to gather some data in various places.

Words are powerless to express my gratitude to my colleagues during my research: Doddy Tiwery, Leonard Manuputty, and Dr. La Raman. I express my heartfelt thanks to them for their patience and tolerance during my fieldwork in Ambon. I thank Yulianti Yudo and Prof. Dr. Winfried Heinemann for re-reading and suggesting constructive comments while revising my thesis. Moreover, my thanks go to Moch Nizam Alfahmi and Damar Panoto, who helped me in mapping the Malacca’s trade networks during early modern period. I really appreciate their help, support, and kindness of all sorts, which made it possible for me to write this thesis.

I also thank to all my Portuguese teachers during my first two years in Porto: Ana Martins, Ângela Carvalho, Joana Pereira, Rafaela, Iria, Beatriz, Mia Esmeriz, and Alvaro. They were not merely teaching language but also sharing Portuguese culture and custom. Without them, I would be blind to read and access all Portuguese literature. My life in Portugal for the past four years was based in Porto. Manuela and Carlos took care of me during my stay in their comfortable house. Indonesian students and friends in Portugal and Europe have made me feel like living at home. Dr. Ibnu Wahyutomo, Indonesian Ambassador in Lisbon (2018-2020), Dr. Luciano Coelho,Indonesian Consulate in Porto, and their staffs in Lisbon, especially Ajeng Widianty, Nova Ilmawan, Rudi Winandoko, Wawan, Doni, and Andre Nurvily, took care of all Indonesian students. They also helped me in handling various administrative concern during my stay in Portugal. My very special gratitude goes to my wife, Prisca Kiki Wulandari, and my parents, Hari Santoso and Sudarmi, for their understanding, prayers, love, support, and encouragement to sustain this long work. Their continuous support is immeasurable. I also thank my brother, Cipta Perdana Wijaya, and my sister, Niken Rodliyatul Wijaya, who always take care of our parents. My apology goes to all my family for my long absence which prevented me from performing my duty as a son, husband, and brother. Finally and above all, I dedicate this work to all my family.

Resumo

Esta tese, sobre a ascensão e o declínio de Malaca antes e durante a presença de colonizadores europeus, combina história portuária e história colonial, uma vez que a presença europeia em Malaca deriva em grande parte do seu estatuto de porto marítimo e centro comercial.

Devido à sua localização estratégica, Malaca foi disputada entre potências asiáticas e europeias. A sua posição estratégica e as suas infraestruturas marítimas atraíram múltiplas e diversificadas comunidades de mercadores.

Malaca também foi o ponto a partir do qual a islamização se começou a difundir no arquipélago malaio.

As sucessivas tomadas europeias de Malaca tiveram impacto nos vestígios e nas dinâmicas deixados pelas comunidades multiculturais que aí se tinham estabelecido. Durante o período português, os portugueses e os seus descendentes, euro-asiáticos, eram apenas uma de muitas outras comunidades mercantis ali existentes.

Os portugueses reativaram e impulsionaram as atividades mercantis, recrutando comerciantes asiáticos como seus funcionários. Essas bases, por sua vez, encorajaram a expansão missionária para o Extremo Oriente.

A união ibérica afetou a geopolítica local no Estreito de Malaca, ao atrair rivais espanhóis, afetando o domínio português, em particular no Sudeste asiático. Os holandeses tentaram substituir o império português na Ásia. No entanto, até 1621 o comércio português com a Ásia permaneceu estável. Em seguida, os holandeses encurralaram cada vez mais os portugueses no sudeste da Ásia. Os holandeses usaram Malaca para servir, num primeiro momento, os seus interesses específicos no comércio de estanho. No entanto, os comerciantes asiáticos continuaram resistindo ao monopólio holandês. Malaca continuou, durante o período holandês, a ser habitado por várias comunidades, incluindo a portuguesa.

Esta tese é escrita a partir, não tanto de um ponto de vista colonial europeu, mas de uma perspetiva predominantemente local, usando fontes portuguesas a par de muitas outras. Resulta de uma combinação de narrativas portuguesas, inglesas, holandesas e asiáticas (malaias, buginesas, makasaresas, ambonesas, chinesas e japonesas). Propõe uma perspetiva euroasiática para compreender, tanto a presença e o domínio formal português, quanto o complexo conjunto de redes comerciais que operaram em Malaca, antes e depois do domínio português.

Longe de uma história escrita apenas do ponto de vista europeu, esta tese questiona a forma como os interesses e as incursões coloniais europeias foram percebidos por governantes e agentes comerciais locais e como estes responderam. Para além das estruturas formais impostas pelos portugueses e depois pelos holandeses, esta investigação centra-se também nos agentes privados asiáticos e europeus que cooperaram, competiram ou resistiram no contexto da presença colonial europeia em Malaca, nos séculos XVI e XVII.

Palavras-chave: Malaca, Pasai, Johor, Aceh, portos, Sudeste Asiático, redes comerciais

Abstract

This thesis, about the rise and the decline of Malacca before and during the presence of European colonisers, combines seaports and colonial history, as the European presence in Malacca largely derives from its status as a seaport and trade centre.

Due to its strategic location, Malacca was disputed between Asian and European powers. Its strategic position and the maritime infrastructures attracted diversified communities of merchants. Malacca was also the place where Islamization began to spread in the Malay Archipelago.

The successive European takeovers impacted on the traces of previous periods left by its multicultural inhabitants. During the Portuguese period, they and their descendants were just one of many other merchant communities there.

The Portuguese also re-awoke mercantile activities, recruiting Asian merchants as their officials. These bases in turn encouraged missionary expansion to the Far East.

The Iberian union affected the local geopolitics in the Straits of Malacca by attracting Spanish rivals, affecting the Portuguese domination mostly in Southeast Asia.

The Dutch attempted to replace the Portuguese empire. Yet, until 1621 Portuguese trade with Asia remained stable. Then the Dutch increasingly cornered the Portuguese in Southeast Asia. The Dutch used Malacca to serve their specific interests in the tin trade. However, the Asian merchants kept resisting the Dutch monopoly. DutchMalacca kept being inhabited by several communities including the Portuguese. This thesis is written not so much from a colonial European viewpoint, but predominantly from a local perspective, using both Portuguese sources and many other. This permits a combination of Portuguese, English, Dutch, and Asian (Malay, Buginese, Makasarese, Ambonese, Chinese and Japanese) narratives. It proposes a Eurasian perspective to understand the Portuguese institutional presence and dominance, as much as the complex set of trade networks operating in Malacca, before and after the Portuguese dominium.

Away from a history written only from a European point of view, this thesis enquires how European colonial interests and incursions were perceived by local rulers and trade agents and how these responded. Apart from formal structures imposed by the Portuguese and then the Dutch, this research also focuses on Asian and European private agents cooperating, competing or resisting within the context of European colonial presence in Malacca (16th -17th centuries).

Key-words: Malacca, Pasai, Johor, Aceh , Southeast Asia, seaports, trade networks

List of Figures

FIGURE 1 CHIEF MINISTERS DURING THE REIGN OF KING PARAMESWARA ISKANDAR SHAH (1394-1414).. ４２

FIGURE 2 CHIEF MINISTERS DURING THE REIGN OF KING MEGAT ISKANDAR SHAH (1414-1424) ４３

FIGURE 3 CHIEF MINISTERS DURING THE REIGN OF SULTAN MUHAMMAD SHAH (1424-1444)................ ４５

FIGURE 4 CHIEF MINISTERS DURING THE REIGN OF SULTAN MUZAFFAR SHAH (1446-1456)................... ４８

FIGURE 5 CHIEF MINISTERS DURING THE REIGN OF SULTAN MANSUR SHAH (1456-1477) ４９

FIGURE 6 CHIEF MINISTERS DURING THE REIGN OF SULTAN MAHMUD SHAH (1488-1511) .................... ５１

FIGURE 7 THE MALACCA SULTANATE DURING THE 15TH CENTURY ５３

FIGURE 8 HIERARCHY ON BOARD................................................................................................... ６１

FIGURE 9 THE PORT CITY OF MALACCA DURING THE REIGN OF PARAMESWARA ７１

FIGURE 10 MALACCA SULTANATE’S TRADE NETWORKS DURING THE 15TH CENTURY ７３

FIGURE 11 THE 17TH-CENTURY COPY OF THE CHINESE MAP SHOWING ZHENG HE’S FLEET ROUTE .......... ７６

FIGURE 12 PORTUGUESE ADMINISTRATION IN MALACCA １１９

FIGURE 13 GROUND PLAN OF PORTUGUESE FORTRESS IN MALACCA ............................................... １２４

FIGURE 14 THE PORT CITY OF MALACCA SEEN FROM THE SEA １２６

FIGURE 15 THE PORT CITY AND THE SETTLEMENT OF MALACCA １２８

FIGURE 16 PORTUGUESE-MALACCA’S TRADE NETWORKS 1511-1580 １３２

FIGURE 17 POLITICAL BUREAUCRACY OF PORTUGUESE MALACCA UNDER THE IBERIAN UNION １７７

FIGURE 18 THE PORTUGUESE FORTRESS DURING THE 1629 ACEHNESE SIEGE................................... １８０

FIGURE 19 THE TOWN OF MALACCA IN 1604 １８２

FIGURE 20 THE GROUND PLAN OF THE MALACCA TOWN .............................................................. １８３

FIGURE 21 PORTUGUESE-MALACCA’S TRADE NETWORKS 1580-1641 １８４

FIGURE 22 THE DUTCH STATECRAFT DURING GOVERNOR BORT...................................................... ２０７

FIGURE 23 THE GROUND PLAN OF THE DUTCH FORTRESS IN MALACCA ........................................... ２１１

FIGURE 24 THE GROUND PLAN OF THE PORT CITY OF MALACCA DURING THE DUTCH RULE ２１３

FIGURE 25 DUTCH-MALACCA AND ITS LOCAL TRADE NETWORKS DURING THE 17TH CENTURY ........... ２１６

FIGURE 31 STRANDED PORTUGUESE VESSELS BURNING OFF MALACCA AFTER AN ATTACK BY MATELIEFF ２６６

FIGURE 32 BIRD’S VIEW OF MALACCA AROUND THE TIME OF MATELIEFF’S ATTACK IN 1606 ２６７

FIGURE 33 JOHOR SULTANATE AND ITS TRADE NETWORKS DURING THE 17TH CENTURY..................... ２７２

FIGURE 34 THE BATTLESHIP BETWEEN THE SHIP OF LUIS MONTEIRO AND THE ACEHNESE SHIPS ２８０

FIGURE 35 THE BATTLE BETWEEN LUIS MONTEIRO AND THE ACEHNESE COMMANDER ２８１

FIGURE 36 ACEH SULTANATE AND ITS TRADE NETWORKS IN EARLY MODERN PERIOD ........................ ２８２

List of Tables

TABLE 1 MALAY AND CHINESE DIPLOMACY DURING THE 15TH CENTURY ............................................. ７９

TABLE 2 PORTUGUESE-EURASIAN POPULATION IN MALACCA DURING THE 17TH CENTURY ２１９

TABLE 3 PORTUGUESE RELIGIOUS CONVERSION IN THE BAPTISMAL REGISTERS IN MALACCA (1642-1654)２３２

TABLE 4 PORTUGUESE RELIGIOUS CONVERSION IN THE BAPTISMAL REGISTERS IN MALACCA (1689-1700)２３４

TABLE 5 DUTCH-EURASIAN MISCEGENATION ACCORDING TO THE BAPTISMAL REGISTERS (1642-1654)２３５

TABLE 6 DUTCH-EURASIAN MISCEGENATION ACCORDING TO THE BAPTISMAL REGISTERS (1689-1700)２３７

Glossary

adipati : A Javanese title designating a type of princely governor or viceroy (Borschberg, 2015).

adipati raja : The local chief (Shellabear, 2016).

alcaide : General name for a responsible of a fortress or castle; specifically in Malacca. It refers to a particular office, in charge of the port affairs (alcaide do mar) or the security of the city (alcaide da terra) (Pinto, 2012; Boxer, 1968).

alvará : Decree, charter, or letters-patent, issued by the king or by ministers or viceroy in his name (Boxer, 1968).

Andelas : The ancient name of Sumatra (Shellabear, 2016).

antelas Gujarati : The Gujarati silk (Shellabear, 2016).

arratel : Portuguese measure of weight, of 459.5 grams (Pinto, 2012).

asiento (assento) : A contract between the Spanish or the Portuguese monarch and a private merchant-financier whereby the latter advanced the former an agreed sum in coin or credit in specific locations (usually in the Low Countries, Northern Italy, Central Europe, or on the Iberian Peninsula) and the monarch promised to repay the merchant-financier’s advances plus interest and other perquisites (Boyajian, 1993).

balões (balang) : A small Asian vessel that was propelled by breast oars and could also be sailed (Borschberg, 2015).

bantin : A Malay craft used during the 16th and 17th centuries in naval warfare (Borschberg, 2015).

bar : Measure of weight, with different values depending on the region of Asia; in Malacca, the small bahar (bar pequeno) dachem (183.6 kg) was used to weight tin, silk, ivory, opium, and other products and the bar grande (big bahar) dachem (210 kg) was used mostly for spices (Pinto, 2012).

bendara or bendahara

: A high ranking, hereditary position in a Malay polity who in more recent times has become synonymous to the cheif-minister (Borschberg, 2015; Borschberg, 2016); Portuguese form of the high Malay office and title bendahara, sort of a prime minister during the times of the sultanate of Malacca and incorporated

into the Portuguese administrative system (Pinto, 2012).

benzoin : A resin of the Styrax benzoin known among Arab traders as luban Jawi (Javanese frankincense) (Borschberg, 2015).

biaperi : Merchant (Shellabear, 2016).

biduanda : The Malacca king’s servant (Shellabear, 2016).

bingkisan : Present, tribute (Shellabear, 2016).

captain : General name for military commander of Portuguese forces or settlements; in Estado da India, the captain of a fortress or a city was a three-year commanding officer, with military and supervising functions, also the highest authority under the orders of the viceroy of Goa (Pinto, 2012; Borschberg, 2015; Boxer, 1968).

captain-major : A commander of a fleet comprising several large vessels (Borschberg, 2015).

camphor or kapur : In the early modern period, there were fundamentally two types of camphor traded: natural tropical camphor and synthetically produced Japanese laurel camphor (Borschberg, 2015; Borschberg, 2016).

caravel : A sailing ship based on Arabic and Mediterranean precursors commonly used in the 15th and 16th centuries, featuring a shallow draft, two or three masts and lateen (triangular-shaped) sails (Borschberg, 2015).

carrack : A large and generally lightly-armed Portuguese trading ship of the 16th and early 17th centuries (Borschberg, 2015; Boxer, 1968).

cartaz : Safe-conduct pass issued by the Portuguese crown (Pinto, 2012; Borschberg, 2015).

cate : Measure of weight, with different values; in Malacca a cate of 803 gram, of 20 taeis each, was commonly used to weigh gold and other commodities (Pinto, 2012).

Cempa : Vietnam (Shellabear, 2016).

ceteria : The second caste of ksatria in the Hinduism social stratification (Shellabear, 2016).

clove : The aromatic flower buds of the Eugenia aromatica

(Borschberg, 2015; Borschberg, 2016).

cruzado : Golden or silver currency of general use in Portugal and in Portuguese Asia, with a general value of 400 reis, equivalent to a ducado; however, in Malacca, silver cruzados were the most commonly used, their standard value being 360 reis (Pinto, 2012; Boxer, 1968).

daulat : An Arabic word designating a mystical right to rule; a right to rule by birth (Borschberg, 2015).

derhaka

: This Malay term is used to designate treason, specifically also disloyalty to a ruler or raja; the disorder which such disloyalty engenders; and the wrath of God it will evoke (Borschberg, 2015).

datu : Title of the head of a tribe or senior elder (Boxer, 1968).

Estado da India : Official structure of Portuguese Asia, composed of a network of cities, ports, factories, or other official settlements, ranging from the Cape of Good Hope to the Moluccas (Pinto, 2012; Borschberg, 2015; Boxer, 1968).

factor, factory : Resident head of a so-called factory or trading post. It also refers to a commercial agent or the head of a collection and billing station (Borschberg, 2015; Borschberg, 2016; Boxer, 1968).

fazenda : Large farm or country property (Boxer, 1968).

fidalgo : Gentleman or petty noble (Boxer, 1968).

fiscaal : Dutch judicial officer (Borschberg, 2015).

foist : A type of vessel that normally featured a single row of oars and a single mast (Borschberg, 2015).

frigate : An open Portuguese naval craft that was also rowed (Borschberg, 2015).

fustalha : A smaller type of foist or fusta (Borschberg, 2015).

galleon : An ocean-going ship developed after the late 16th century and improved in size and design over almost two centuries (Borschberg, 2015).

galley : A type of rowed vessel that traces its origin to Ancient Greece and Rome (Borschberg, 2015).

galliot : A type of vessel featuring one or two masts and a shallow draft (Borschberg, 2015; Boxer, 1968).

gantang

: A unit to measure mass, weight, and volume commonly used across the Malay Archipelago (Borschberg, 2015).

Gentlemen Directors : The central board of 17 directors of the the Dutch East India Company (Borschberg, 2016).

hikayat : A word of Arabic origin referring to chronicles, stories, or heroic sagas and adopted into the Malay language (Borschberg, 2015).

hulubalang : A malay title implying military functions, but often extended to territorial and other chiefs (Borschberg, 2015).

kati : A unit widely used in Asia for measuring mass or weight. As a rule, a kati weights about 600-625 grams and represents the equivalent of 16 taels or 1/100 of a pikul (about 60-62.5 kilograms) (Borschberg, 2015).

kampong : Malay word for village (Boxer, 1968).

Kelings : Caste of Hindu merchants from the Coromandel coast in Southern India, very important in Malacca, both before and after the Portuguese conquest (Pinto, 2012).

keris : A highly esteemed weapon widely used across maritime Southeast Asia both in traditional ceremonies and in combat (Borschberg, 2015).

Kora-kora : An oared war ship commonly used in the Moluccas, especially in Ambon (Borschberg, 2015).

laksamana : A Malay title or office holder corresponding approximately to the commander of the fleet or admiral (Borschberg, 2015).

lançado : A term applied to Portuguese who settled outside the Estado da India in Asia. The lançados ranged from freelance soldiers employed by native princelings and assorted renegades to ordinary merchants (Boyajian, 1993).

lanchara : Portuguese name for a small commercial sailing craft used in the Malay Archipelago during the early modern period (Borschberg, 2015).

lascar : A soldier from subcontinental India (Borschberg, 2015).

Larantuqueiro : Topasses, Eurasians or Black Portuguese from

legoa (league)

Larantuka (Boxer, 1968).

: Portuguese sea mile, comprising 3 miles or 6,174 metres (Borschberg, 2015).

logie (lodge) : Dutch trading post (Borschberg, 2015).

malakat : The place where all merchants came and traded (Shellabear, 2016).

mace : A layer skin separating the flesh of the fruit of Myristica fragrans (nutmeg tree) from its kernel (Borschberg, 2015; Borschberg, 2016).

mandala : A Sanskrit term designating political subdivision (districts) (Borschberg, 2015).

mandarin : A European corruption of the Sanskrit-derived term mantrin (minister or advisor) (Borschberg, 2015; Borschberg, 2016).

mestiço : Indo-Portuguese term for half caste or Eurasian (Boxer, 1968; Boyajian, 1993).

misericordia : Charitable foundation for support of orphans and widows in Portugal and colonies (Boxer, 1968; Boyajian, 1993).

monsoon

: Seasonally conditioned winds which were used by traders in the age of sail. In Asia, there are two monsoon seasons, the northeast monsoon (OctoberFebruary) and the southwest monsoon (AprilAugust) (Borschberg, 2015).

morador : Citizen or inhabitant of Portuguese colonial city (Boxer, 1968).

musket : A muzzle-loaded and long gun developed in the 16th and 17th centuries (Borschberg, 2015).

musim Jawa : The Javanese time to sail to Malacca between June and September (Shellabear, 2016).

nao : Great ship (Boxer, 1968).

naveta : Swift sailing ship of galliot type averaging about 300 tons (Boxer, 1968).

Nusa Tamara : Flores Island (Shellabear, 2016).

nutmeg : Nutmeg and mace are separate spices gained from the fruit of the Myristica fragrans (nutmeg tree). nutmeg is the fruit kernel’s inner core (Borschberg, 2015; Borschberg, 2016).

orangkaya

: Wealthy person (Borschberg, 2015; Borschberg, 2016).

oranglaut : Sea nomad or sea gypsy (Borschberg, 2015; Borschberg, 2016).

ouvidor : Judge or magistrate (Boxer, 1968).

padroado : Right of crown patronage claimed over Ecclesiastical establishments in Asia by Portuguese monarchs in conformity with various papal bulls (Boxer, 1968).

Paduka Raja : A Malay titular prefix for the bendahara deriving from the Sanskrit paduka (Borschberg, 2016).

pagger : Wall made of loose stones; defensive work like a stockade or fenced entrenchment (Boxer, 1968).

palisade : Wooden poles used in the construction of fortifications (Borschberg, 2015).

pardao : Two kinds of gold and silver coins of fluctuating value the former originally worth 6 tangas or 360 reis; the latter five tangas or 300 reis, later equivalent to half a rupee (Boxer, 1968).

pataca : Name given by the Portuguese to the Spanish peso or Mexican dollar (Boxer, 1968).

pataxo

: Vessel of about 200-400 tons (Boxer, 1968).

pepper : The fruit of a creeping vine that is thought to have originated in India and was transplanted to Southeast Asia before the arrival of the Europeans in the early modern period (Borschberg, 2015; Borschberg, 2016).

perahu : A type of small craft that can be either sailed or rowed (Borschberg, 2015).

pilot : In a maritime context, this refers to an experience mariner with knowledge of local geography and maritime conditions. He is paid to come aboard and steer a ship through treacherous or dangerous waters (Borschberg, 2015).

pinnace : A light boat with shallow draft propelled by sail and sometimes also by oars (Borschberg, 2015).

privateer : A captain or commander of a private vessel who has royal authorization to plunder ships (Borschberg, 2015).

procurador : Procurator, attorney, solicitor (Boxer, 1968).

provedor : Official responsible for supervision of various semipublic departments or institutions (Boxer, 1968).

raja : King (Borschberg, 2015).

Raja Bongsu : A Malay title meaning the young or junior (Borschberg, 2015; Borschberg, 2016).

real : Portuguese unit of currency; from 1433 onwards it became the unit of account in Portugal (Pinto, 2012; Boxer, 1968).

regimento : List or organized corpus of orders and instructions, sometimes detailed, issued by the king or a high authority to a viceroy or a governor, concerning a specific mission or office (Pinto, 2012).

rendezvous : The Dutch main base for trading operation in Asia (Borschberg, 2015).

respondencia : Money borrowed on the goods and merchandise of a vessel, as distinct from bottomry which signified money borrowed on the vessel itself (Boxer, 1968).

roteiro : Written sailing and navigational directions (Boxer, 1968).

Rum : Byzantium Empire or Ottoman Empire (Shellabear, 2016).

sago : The food prepared from the pith of the rumbia palm (Borschberg, 2015).

sandalwood : A wood containing an odoriferous resin widely traded and used across Asia and into Europe during the early modern period (Borschberg, 2015).

sangley : Chinese merchants in Manila (Boyajian, 1993).

sappanwood : A tree native to Southeast Asia used for extracting a red-coloured dye as a medicinal substance and also for colouring food (Borschberg, 2015).

tael : Measure of weight, with different values according to each region of Asia, used to weight precious metals and other products; in Malacca it was 1/20 of a cate of 803 gram, but in other places it was 1/16 or 1/12 of a cate (Pinto, 2012; Borschberg, 2015; Boxer, 1968).

tanga : Indo-Portuguese silver coin of fluctuating weight, but fixed value of 60 reis (Boxer, 1968).

xviii

terços

: Tax imposed on private traders on the spice cargoes sailing from the Moluccas and Banda to Malacca, created by Viceroy Dom Garcia de Noronha in 1539. it was an obligation to sell one-third of the load at cost price to the royal treasury in Malacca (Pinto, 2012).

Temasik : The ancient name of Singapore (Shellabear, 2016).

Temenggong : the Malay minister who was responsible for the security, the prison, and the customs house during the time of the Malacca sultanate and incorporated into the Portuguese administrative system (Pinto, 2012; Borschberg, 2015).

Trading concessions : From the 1550s, the Portuguese monarchs either awarded to their servants or sold outright to individuals the exclusive right to organise trade over lucrative routes formerly under direct royal monopoly (Boyajian, 1993).

trato : Trade, traffic, or commerce (Boxer, 1968).

viagem (voyage) : It referred in the 16th and 17th centuries to specific lines of commerce linking two ports; in the Southeast Asian context, they generally had Malacca as the final destination or port of departure (Pinto, 2012; Borschberg, 2015).

VOC : Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) or the United Netherlands Chartered East India Company was founded in 1602 (Borschberg, 2015; Borschberg, 2016).

voorcompagnie : A precursor company or early trading partnership that had been active in the East Indies trade between 1595 and 1601 (Borschberg, 2016).

viceroy : The highest civil and military authority in Estado da India, whose power was exerted over all Portuguese possessions and resources east of the Cape of Good Hope; a governor had similar functions but was a less prestigious rank (Pinto, 2012).

wako : Sinico-Japanese term for the Japanese pirates who ravaged the Chinese Coast in the period of the Ming Dynasty (Boxer, 1968).

xabandar (shahbandar) : Captain of the port; in Malacca, each mercantile community had its own, appointed by the local authorities (Pinto, 2012; Borschberg, 2015).

xerafim

: The Arabic coin ashrafi and adopted by the Portuguese for a silver coin of 300 reis in value (Boxer, 1968).

yacht : Dutch sailing vessel similar to a sloop favoured by the Dutch company in the early 17th century (Borschberg, 2015).

List of Abbreviations

ACE : Assentos do Conselho do Estado, edited by P.S.S. Pissurlencar (Goa: Tipografia Rangel, 1954).

AGTT : As Gavetas da Torre do Tombo, 12 Vols, edited by A.S. Rego (Lisboa: Centro de Estudos Ultramarinos, 1960-1967).

AMSJ : Admiral Matelieff’s Singapore and Johor, edited by Peter Borschberg (Singapore: NUS Press, 2016).

ANM : Arkib Negara Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur.

ANRI : Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia, Jakarta.

ANTT : Arquivo Nacional de Torre do Tombo, Lisbon.

BAL : Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisboa.

BNL : Biblioteca Nacional Portuguesa, Lisboa.

BPE : Biblioteca Pύblica de Évora.

CAA : Cartas de Afonso de Albuquerque seguidas de documentos que as elucidam, 8 Vols, edited by R.A.D.B. Pato & H.L.D. Mendonça (Lisboa: Academia Real das Sciencias, 1884-1935).

CC : Corpo Cronologico, Colecção Documental do ANTT.

DAPHP : Documentos Arabicos para a Historia Portuguesa, edited by João dos Santos (Lisbon: Academia Real das Sciencias, 1790).

DI : Documenta Indica, 14 Vols, edited by J.Wicki (Roma: Monumenta Historica Societaties Iesu, 1948).

DPHMPPOI : Documentação Para a Historia das Missðes do Padroado Português do Oriente Insulindia, 6 Vols, edited Artur Basilio De Sa (Lisboa: Agencia Geral do Ultramar, 1550-1562 ).

JCSJ : Jacques de Coutre’s Singapore and Johor, edited by Peter Borschberg (Singapore: NUS Press, 2015).

JEHRAA : John of Empoli and His Relations with Afonso de Albuquerque, edited by Laurence A. Noonan (Lisboa: Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical, 1989).

JMLCMJ : Journal, Memorials, and Letters of Cornelis Matelieff de Jonge, edited by Peter Borschberg (Singapore: NUS Press, 2015).

MHEMSM : Malacca Historical Events and the Moves of Sultan Mahmud (4 Vols), edited by M.J. Pintado (Kuala Lumpur: Arkib Negara Malaysia, 2012).

NMAM : Notes on the Malay Archipelago and Malacca compiled from Chinese Sources, edited by W.P. Groeneveldt (Batavia & the

Hague: W. Bruining & M.Nijhoff, 1876).

OSAR : Ottoman-Southeast Asian Relations (2 Vols), edited by Ismail Hakki Kadi & A.C.S. Peacock (Leiden, Brill, 2020).

PDOM : Portuguese Documents on Malacca, edited by Manuel Pintado (Kuala Lumpur: Arkib Negara Malaysia, 2012).

RGBBM : Report of Governor Balthasar Bort on Malacca 1678, edited by M.J. Bremner and C.O. Blagden, published in JMBRAS Vol.5, No.1, 1927, pp.1-232.

SEAMSL : Southeast Asia Ming Shi-lu: An Open Access Resource, edited by Geoff Wade (Singapore: NUS Press, 2005).

SCMP : The Siege and Capture of Malacca from the Portuguese in 16401641, edited by P.A. Leupe and M. Hacobian, published in JMBRAS, Vol.14, No.1, 1936, pp.69-144.

YYSL : Ying-yai Sheng-lan (the Overall Survey of the Ocean’s Shores), edited by J.V.G Mills (London: Cambridge University Press, 1970).

worrying about the Siamese invasion. When the Chinese accepted its tributary role, Parameswara did not hesitate to join the Chinese tributary system263

For the Southeast Asian kingdoms, the Ming Dynasty of China became the dominant trading and political partner. All realms, including Siam, submitted themselves to the Chinese Emperor. Parameswara wanted to release Malacca from Siam. Thus, he also subjected and asked for the Chinese protection264. Malacca also enjoyed the lucrative Chinese trade for decades. The Chinese sphere of influence in Southeast Asia had declined since 1430265. Without Chinese protection, Siam prepared another invasion of Malacca. In 1456, the Siamese troops in Ligor, led by Okya Chakra, was instructed to invade Malacca. They attacked from the south and targeted the Malaccan palace. From Ligor, they passed Patani, Kelantan, Trengganu, and Pahang before sailing to the estuary of Muar River. Besides the Malaccan military power, the swampy area in the south of Malacca succeeded to resist the Siamese troops. They faced difficulty penetrating and invading the Malacca kingdom, so they decided to go back to Ligor via Muar River and Pahang266 .

In the same year, Siamese fleets were sent to invade Malacca. The king launched the second siege and sent some vessels under Okya Tejo. The Siamese vessels sailed and surrounded the Malay Peninsula. The ship planned to anchor around Batu Pahat, Johor. Before invading Malacca, the Siamese commander surveyed the Malaccan military power and defence infrastructure. The Siamese commander did not know that Tun Perak, the Malaccan commander, also asked Tun Umar and his men to spy on the Siamese power. Knowing their weaknesses, the Malaccan troops succeeded to sink some Siamese ships. The Malaccan attack had surprised the Siamese commander. He and his troops were cautious of any Malaccan movement. The Malaccan commander,

263 Ming shi-lu, Vo.10, p.0711/12, 3 October 1405 in SEAMSL; Hashim. 1989 Kesultanan Melayu Melaka, p.188; YYSL, pp.108-9; Hai-yu (1537) in NMAM, p.126

264 Ming shi-lu, Vo.14, p.2269, 20 May 1421, in SEAMSL; Halimi. 1999. Perdagangan dan Perkapalan Melayu di Selat Melaka, p.45; Hashim. 1989. Kesultanan Melayu Melaka, p.189.

265 McRoberts. 1991. “A Study in Growth: An Economic History of Melaka” , p.65; Wolters. 1970. The Fall of Srivijaya in the Malay History, pp.159-163

266 Brown (Ed). 1954. “The Malay Annals” , pp.65-6; Shellabear (Ed). 2016. Sejarah Melayu, p.89; Adil. 1974. The History of Malacca, pp.26-8; Shuhaimi. 2018. Tasjil Anis Salatin, pp.116-7; Marrison. 1949.

“The Siamese Wars with Malacca” , pp.61-3

Tun Perak, took advantage of the Siamese worry. He instructed his men to install some jamung (a long stick with burning material at one end that produces light) in every tree on the southern coast of Malacca. This tricky strategy created an illusion on the Siamese troops, beneficial to the Malaccan forces. The Siamese assumed that the Malaccan armies were considerable and hiding, during the day. This illusion succeeded to thwart the Siamese commander, who decided to go back to Siam267

Even though, Malacca defended itself from the Siamese invasions, Sultan Mansur Shah attempted to re-build and reinforce the defensive policy of Malacca. He sent 200 vessels, led by Tun Perak, to invade Pahang. Further than receiving commercial products from Pahang, Malacca would also extend its defensive line to Pahang. From there, the Malaccan troops could defend Malacca from Siamese frets It would secure the port city of Malacca from its enemy. After occupying Pahang from the Siamese Ligor, Sultan Mansur Shah aggressively extended the Malaccan defensive line. He tried to capture both sides of the Malacca Straits. Nevertheless, not even during the wartime period the merchant communities in Malacca seemed to have been severely affected268 .

The Malaccan Sultan sent some armadas to invade Kampar. Seri Nara Diraja became a military commander in the invasion. He was assisted by Sang Setia, Sang Naya, and Khoja Baba. Tun Demang and the Kampar troops destroyed the Malaccan armies under Khoja Baba. Luckily, Khoja Baba was able to murder Tun Demang with his arrow. Seri Nara Diraja and his troops also murdered the King of Kampar, Maharaja Jaya, with a spear. The Kampar troops gave up after losing their commander and king. Besides being able to extend its frontier area, Malacca also gained a huge profit from the fiscal revenue, since they could force Kampar to export their products through Malaccan sea-ports. Kampar ended up being a beneficial dependency for Malacca.

267 Brown (Ed). 1954. “The Malay Annals” , pp.68-70; Shellabear (Ed). 2016. Sejarah Melayu, pp.92-3; Adil. 1974. The History of Malacca, pp.26-8; Shuhaimi. 2018. Tasjil Anis Salatin, pp.117-9; Marrison. 1949. “The Siamese Wars with Malacca” , pp.63-4

268 Brown (Ed). 1954. “The Malay Annals” , p.92; Shellabear (Ed). 2016. Sejarah Melayu, p.95; Adil. 1974. The History of Malacca, p.29; Shuhaimi. 2018. Tasjil Anis Salatin, pp.119-120

Figure 10 Malacca Sultanate’s Trade Networks during the 15th Century

Sources: Author’s map based on Halimi (2017); Meilink-Roelofsz (1962); Shellabear (Ed) (2008); Pires (1944); Salleh & Rosemary (Eds) (2011).

1.4.1 Malacca's Trade Network to China during the Ming Dynasty

The founding father of Malacca, Parameswara, ruled Tumasik (Singapore) for several years, after murdering the chief of Tumasik, Sang Aji in 1389, before he established Malacca. He transformed it into a pivotal port in the Straits of Malacca. He facilitated Chinese merchants to conduct trade in Tumasik. The Chinese merchandise could attract other merchants to barter their products. The growth of Tumasik had invited the Siamese kingdom to invade it in 1396. The joint attack of Siam-Pattani had driven Parameswara and his followers out from Tumasik. His followers, mostly the seamen, instructed him to settle a new port in the small fishing village called Malacca between 1396 and 1400287

287 Halimi. 2017. “Perdagangan dan Perkapalan pada Zaman Kesultanan Melayu Melaka” , p.58

Bendahara. Moreover, the Portuguese also allowed each foreign community to have its captain439

As for the military affairs, Malacca was under the protection of Goa. The Viceroy of Goa appointed the Captain-General of Malacca and gave him control over all troops by land and sea in wartime. The Factor assisted the Captain-General to organise food, ammunition, and ships of war. Both the Captain-General and the Factor had a duty to erect the defence structures, being in wood or stone and lime440 .

Figure 12 Portuguese Administration in Malacca

Sources:

2.3.2. Financial Revenue of Portuguese Malacca

439 Pires. 1944. Suma Oriental II (edited by Cortessão), pp.281-2; Moorhead. 1956. A History of Malaya, p.184; Desai. 1969. “The Portuguese Administration in Malacca”, pp.503-5 & pp.508-9 440 Pires. 1944. Suma Oriental II (edited by Cortessão), pp.280-1; Moorhead. 1956. A History of Malaya, p.186

Author’s diagram based on Moorhead (1956, p.185); Pissurlencar (Ed) (1951, pp.245-250); Desai (1969, pp.510-1).

The Portuguese established the Estado da India to organise their network of colonial seaports from the East of Africa to Eastern Indonesia and East Asia. The Portuguese used taxation as a source of income to self-finance their intervention in Asia. Portuguese tax revenues varied from land tax to the cartaz system. The Portuguese imposed the land taxes when they had the territories integrated into the Empire, for instance, Goa, Salsette, Bardez, Bassein, Daman, and Ceylon. The Portuguese also established the cartaz or safe-conduct sailing system441 for Asian shipping on the segmented trading zones of the Arabian Sea, the Bay of Bengal, and the South China Sea. This system had directed all vessels to call at one of the Portuguese trading ports. If the merchants unloaded their cargoes after landing at the Portuguese ports, they were required to pay the duties442 .

The Portuguese in Malacca extended their trade networks to gain significant profits. In terms of state-sponsored monopolies, those were commonly run by the Crown or frequently transferred by the Crown to individual persons443. After gaining friendly and peaceful trade with the Asian kingdoms444 , the Portuguese in Malacca gradually resembled the Javanese role to control the spice trade in the Malacca-Moluccas axis in the 16th century445. However, Imperial diplomacy failed to seek a mutual business from China's Ming Dynasty. Still, the private agents were more effective, after helping the Chinese to minimise the presence of Japanese pirates or Wako in the South China Sea 446 . They understood that Chinese permission was crucial for controlling commercial affairs in the South China Sea. The Portuguese had the privilege to

441 To seek other sources of revenue, the Portuguese adopted the Indian system of tolls on the merchants passing their lands. The pass and toll system were introduced by selling passports (cartazes) to Indian vessels plying up and down the west coast of continent. The cartazes then required their bearers to call in Portuguese controlled ports and pay customs duties. To make sure the merchants did so and to prevent piratical attacks, the Portuguese fleet headed them into convoys them to the royal alfândegas or customs houses. The revenues were used to defer the costs of Portuguese Indian administration (Winius. 1996. “The Maritime Empire of Portugal”, p.116).

442 Miranda. 2009. “The Center and the Periphery”, p.3; Meilink-Roelofzs. 1962. Asian Trade and European Influence, p.137.

443 Antunes & Polónia. 2016. Beyond Empires: Global, Self-organizing, Cross-Imperial Networks, p.7; Antunes. 2012. “Free Agents and Formal Institutions”, p.7.

444 Smith. 1968. The First Age of Portuguese Embassies.

445 Meilink-Roelofsz. 1962. Asian Trade and European Influence, pp.153-162.

446 Souza. 1986. The Survival of Empire.

establish a settlement in Macao. They became the intermediaries of the China-Japan trade due to the Chinese ban for their traders to deal with the Japanese through the Macau-Nagasaki connection447

The opening of the Macau-Nagasaki route in the second half of the 16th century, linked to Goa and Malacca, had been reviving the long-distance trade from the Indian Ocean to the South China Sea, as previously conducted by the Persians, Arab, and Chinese merchants. The Portuguese gained regular and significant profits from the long trip between Goa, Malacca, Macao, and Nagasaki. By 1580, the Estado da India had 30 concession routes, participated by official and private merchants. Malacca was present on half of these concession routes as a destination or point of departure. Within the intra-Asian trade, the Casados (the Portuguese married men) and the private Portuguese merchants enjoyed the country trade in the Malay world where the Crown did not decide to participate448 The Portuguese Crown tried to establish a joint-stock company with private merchants’ capital. However, limited capital and high custom duties imposed by the Crown in the Carreira da India, ceased its evolution449 .

Besides earning a considerable profit from maritime commerce, the Portuguese also depended on fiscal revenue. In early Malacca, the Portuguese maintained the Muslim Malacca’s rate of taxation. Realizing that many merchants escaped and preferred residing in Aceh and Johor, the Portuguese sent some embassies to the neighbouring countries. They requested all the neighbouring partners to send their merchants to settle communities in Malacca. For the colonial government, it would be highly profitable in terms of the colonial revenue from the customs duties, if many transnational merchants made their transactions in Malacca450

Between 1511 and 1543, the Portuguese revised the customs duties and their collection. In 1544, the Portuguese ran the new toll system to prevent the loss of trade. All merchants should pay 6% tax for all imported goods. They officially imposed

447 Boxer. 1986. The Portuguese Merchants and Missionaries; Boxer. 1991. Estudos Para a História de Macau; Boxer. 1993. Macau Na Época da Restauração; Boxer. 1963. “The Great Ship from Amacon”.

448 Prakash. 1990 “Long Distance Maritime Trade in Asia”, pp.29-33.

449 Furber. 1976. Rival Empires of Trade, pp.31-3.

450 Meilink-Roelofzs. 1962. Asian Trade and European Influence, p.137.

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a discriminatory tax of 8% on goods coming from Pegu, Sumatra, Singapore and Sabah. The Portuguese also imposed a duty on Indian goods, except Bengal, which amounted to 12%. The private Portuguese goods were charged 8% duties. If the private Portuguese merchants brought Chinese goods, they should pay 10% duties. The Malays merely paid 6% of duties if they got the Chinese goods to Malacca. The burden of the merchants was added since they should present a gift of 200 to 1000 cruzados to the Portuguese captain if they wished to make a voyage in an official Portuguese ship or sailing vessel. In practice, the Portuguese and the native merchants used the royal ships to transport their merchandises and sometimes to sell or buy for their own451 .

2.3.3. Military and Defence Infrastructure

Afonso de Albuquerque had established the military and defence infrastructure in Malacca before returning to India in 1512. Albuquerque left ten ships under the command of Fernão Pires de Andrade and a garrison of three hundred men of arms. Considering Malacca was not fortified during the sultanate, Albuquerque established the fortifications on the periphery of the town (Upeh) for defence. The fortifications were made of wood at first. However, the Acehnese attack forced the Portuguese to reinforce and reconstruct the palisades with mud and pugging-stuff during Dom Estevão da Gama (1534-9). The palisade reinforcement was paid by the Keling and helped by a subsidy from the Portuguese royal exchequer. The wall of the fortifications was reinforced in one of its corners with a bastion named the bulwark of Bendahara452

Afonso de Albuquerque instructed the Portuguese Captain-Major to erect a fortress which he named A Famosa at the river's estuary, using stone from the ruins of the mosque and some old tombs 453 . The Portuguese fortress's construction was

451 Meilink-Roelofzs. 1962. Asian Trade and European Influence, pp.166-8; Desai. 1969. “The Portuguese Administration in Malacca”, p.504 & p.508.

452 Earle & Villiers (Eds). 1990. Albuquerque Caesar of the East, pp.93-149; Macgregor. 1955. “Notes on the Portuguese in Malaya” , p.38; Pinto. 2012. The Portuguese and the Straits of Malacca, pp. 213-4; Matos. 1995. On the Seaway to Spices, p.46; Thomaz. 2000. Early Portuguese Malacca, p.47 & p.161.

453 Instrução a Diogo Lopes Sequeira, 13 de Fevereiro de 1508, Published in CAA, II, p.403; Pires. 1944. Suma Oriental (edited by Cortessão), p.281; Mills (Ed). 1930. “Eredia’s Description of Malacca”, pp.17-8; Correia. 1860. Lendas da India, II, p.252; Matos. 1995. On the Seaway to Spices, p.46; Moorhead. 1956.

１２２

accomplished in July 1514 when Jorge de Albuquerque took over the captaincy of the town. The Portuguese erected a tower and five high storeys with large and small artilleries on all sides to avoid any attack from the hill454. The Portuguese built a wall to surround the mountain, which the locals called Bukit China. The hill had a well to supply the inhabitants of Malacca with fresh water. During the 1551 Javanese siege of Malacca, the Javanese poisoned the well and murdered a lot of Malaccans. During the rule of Pedro da Silva (1548-1552), he ordered his men to clean the well455. The invaders always concentrated on occupying the hill, since they could observe everything from this hill, including the Portuguese defensive activities456 .

Jorge de Albuquerque planned to enlarge the town fortification to surround the main public buildings and protect the inhabitants of Malacca. The fortification commenced during Pedro de Mascarenhas (1525-6). In September 1527, the São Pedro bulwark457 had been already accomplished. Dom Estevão da Gama (1534-9) ordered the town to be encircled with lath and mud walls after he experienced the Acehnese invasion in 1537. Pedro de Faria (1539-1542) completed this work before the 1545 Acehnese attack. The Portuguese Viceroy in Goa, Dom Francisco Coutinho (1561-4), instructed to wall Malacca with stone and lime. The stone defence of Malacca was established between 1564 and 1568. The Portuguese seemed to realise that the Acehnese would use heavy artillery458 .

During the 1568 Acehnese siege, the Portuguese had accomplished all bulwarks and encircled the town with walls. The Santiago bulwark, situated close to the sea on the

A History of Malaya, pp.177-8; Pinto. 2012. The Portuguese and the Straits of Malacca, p.173 & pp. 2134; Thomaz. 2000. Early Portuguese Malacca, pp.36-9

454 Correia. 1860. Lendas da India, II, p.252; Thomaz. 2000. Early Portuguese Malacca, pp 37-8; Mills (Ed). 1930. “Eredia’s Description of Malacca”, p.4; Pires. 1944. Suma Oriental (edited by Cortessão), p.281

455 Couto. 1626-75. Decada Sexta da Asia, fl.9; Thomaz. 2000. Early Portuguese Malacca, p.50

456 Moorhead. 1956. A History of Malaya, p.178

457 The vast area along the coast to be defended made the Malacca’s defence difficult. The artillery on the bulwark of São Pedro (St.Peter) could not cover all the coastal areas of Malacca. Sometimes, the enemies were bold enough to set fire to ships anchored in the port, and the Portuguese could not reach them with their artilerry. For this reason, it was necessary for a ship, with artillery, to be anchored at Ilha das Naus, or to get ready to defend the harbour (Thomaz 2000 Early Portuguese Malacca, p.53).

458 Couto. 1586. Decada Oitava da Asia, pp.21-22; p.155; Thomaz. 2000. Early Portuguese Malacca, pp.36-9; Manguin. 1988. “Of fortresses and galleys” , p.614

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Hilir side, was next to São Pedro bulwark, located in front of the fortress. The primary bastion, a wall made of stone and lime forming a right angle, was built along the beach halfway between Santiago and São Pedro. Another piece of the wall, also made of stone and lime, started at the São Pedro bulwark and followed the river up to the Bulwark of São Domingos. From here to the Santiago, two curtains were made not of stone and lime but of wood and mud and a small bulwark called As Virgens459

Figure 13 Ground Plan of Portuguese Fortress in Malacca

Sources: Maps reproduced from Mills (Ed) (1930, between p.20 & p.21); Thomaz (2000, p.27 & p.33).

Portuguese in Malacca could not depend on the Goan military support, considering that the Indo-Malayan states successively invaded Malacca throughout the 16th century. The Portuguese Malacca expected to receive five hundred soldiers from India.

459 Couto. 1586. Decada Oitava da Asia, pp.21-22; Carta da Fr. Lourenco Peres a Fr. Leao Henriques, S.J, Malaca, 3 de Dezembro de 1568, Published in DI, VII, Doc.110, p.516; Carta da Cristovão da Costa a Fr. Francisco Borgia, Malaca, 6 de Dezembro de 1568, Published in DI, VII, Doc.111, p.527; Moorhead. 1956. A History of Malaya, p.178; Thomaz. 2000. Early Portuguese Malacca, p.40

However, they merely had a hundred and fifty men. There were not enough human resources to face thousands of rival troops, even if they had five hundred soldiers in Malacca. The Portuguese Captain in Malacca frequently asked the merchants and their slaves to defend the town of Malacca. The captain also asked the Bendahara and the Tumenggung to organise and arm their subjects in a state of war. The native officials also structured the respective groups into several military units and the Portuguese utilised the descendants of the Portuguese-Eurasians and their slaves. In wartime, they were held as second-line defence troops. They were responsible for defending the Portuguese fortress460 .

2.4. The Port City of Malacca during the Portuguese Rule

After the conquest of Malacca in 1511, the Portuguese did not inherit the sultanate’s possession. Therefore, the Portuguese merely owned the town of Malacca, consisting of three main areas of the fortress, Upeh and Hilir. The Portuguese also controlled Naning461. Sovereignty was embedded in the king in the Malay World instead of the land. The sultanate’s vassals remained in the sultan’s jurisdiction as long as he was alive. The sultan remained controlling the Malacca’s vassals when establishing the Johor Sultanate, except they decided to separate from the Malacca Sultanate462

In practical terms, the Portuguese only used the coastal areas of Upeh or the Keling’s settlement, the estuary of the Malacca River, and Pulo Melaka (Ilha das Naus), situated in front of Banda Hilir to receive the ships. The Portuguese used Pulo Melaka or Ilha das Naus as a main harbour in Malacca. They directed all vessels, from or to the east of Malacca, to anchor at this island. This island was never fortified and far from the reach of the guns of the fortress. From this island, the visitors would disembark in small

460 Thomaz. 2000. Early Portuguese Malacca, pp.160-2.

461 In early Portuguese Malacca, the Portuguese had several tributary vassals of Pahang, Kampar, and Indragiri. They were also in partnership with Minangkabau, Aru, Pasai, Pegu, Siam, the Moluccas, Gresik, Tuban, Sidayu, Surabaya, Sunda, and Brunei (Pires. 1944. Suma Oriental, II, pp.282-3).

462 Hashim. 1989. Kesultanan Melayu Melaka, p.141; Pinto. 2012. the Portuguese and the Straits of Melaka, p.173

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boats which would take them to the town of Malacca. They could enter the fortress through the customs house gate or St. Anthony’s gate463

Upeh was the commercial quarters, situated in the north of the Malacca River and the Portuguese fortress. Most important merchants and the Bendahara464 resided in the wooden and tile-roofed houses. The Keling inhabited the place along the beach known as the parish of São Tomé or Kampung Keling (Keling Village). Many of them embraced Catholicism and worked under the Portuguese Crown. Along the river, the parish of Santo Estevão or Kampung Cina (Chinese Village) was inhabited by people from Fukien, a few Malay fishers, and foreign traders, staying on a seasonal basis. At the end of the bridge, there was a bazaar of the Javanese, where grain and rice were sold every day. Nearby the bazaar, there was the pillory where criminals were punished. Upeh extended along the sea for around one and a half kilometres from the bridge and was defended on the landward side by a palisade extending from the river around eight hundred and eighty metres upstream from the mouth to the beach at the end of the settlement465 .

Figure 14 the Port City of Malacca seen from the Sea

463 Mills (Ed). 1930. “Eredia’s Description of Malacca”, pp.17-8; Thomaz. 2000. Early Portuguese Malacca, p.53; Moorhead. 1957. A History of Malaya, p.177.

464 During the Portuguese rule, the Crown functioned the Bendahara as a native chief to control the nonChristian inhabitants

465 Mills (Ed). 1930. “Eredia’s Description of Malacca”, p.20; Thomaz. 2000. Early Portuguese Malacca, pp.47-9; Matos. 1995. On the Seaway to Spices, p.49 & pp.51-4; Pinto. 2012. the Portuguese and the Straits of Melaka, pp.172-3

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The Portuguese erected their fortress, A Famosa, in the south of the Malacca River, after burning the Malacca’s palace and several surrounding buildings. They used the scattered stones from the Malay tombstone to establish their fortress. The Portuguese fort was built at the river's mouth and not on the hill. To avoid any attack from the mountain, a tower and five storeys high was built to dominate the fortress area with its artillery. A Famosa had four bulwarks, involving Santiago (St. James), São Pedro (St. Peter), São Domingo (St. Dominic), and As Virgens (the Virgins). Besides establishing the military buildings during the 16th century, they also built several religious buildings inside the fortress. Those were the parish church of Nossa Senhora da Anunciada (Our Lady of the Annunciation), the Church of Nossa Senhora do Outeiro (Our Lady of the Hill), Santa Casa da Misericordia (Holy House of Mercy), and the Church of São Tomé (St. Thomas). They also built civic structures, namely the customs office, the hospital dos pobres (hospital of the poor), the college of the Jesuits (today St. Paul Church), the Câmara da Cidade (municipality building), the chapel of Santo António (St. Anthony)

Sources: Correia (1860-6, II, pp.250-1); Thomaz (2000, p.9); Loureiro, (2008, pp.80-1); Loureiro (2016).

Figure

16 Portuguese-Malacca’s Trade Networks 1511-1580

Sources: Author’s map based on Meilink-Roelofsz (1962); Pires (1944); Villiers (1985); Matos (1995); Boxer (1968); Heuken (2002); Thomaz (2000).

The Portuguese gradually resembled the Javanese in controlling the spice trade along the Malacca-Moluccas axis during the 16th century486. However, imperial diplomacy failed to seek mutual exchanges with the Ming Dynasty of China. Still, the private agents could convince the Chinese after they helped them to protect the Chinese coast from the Japanese pirates or Wako487. They understood that Chinese permission was crucial for controlling commercial affairs in the South China Sea. The Portuguese had the privilege to establish a settlement in Macau. They became the intermediaries of the China-Japan trade due to the imperial ban preventing Chinese traders from dealing with the Japanese through the Macau-Nagasaki connection488 . The Portuguese Crown also linked East to India. The Crown encouraged the Portuguese Casados to invest their

486 Meilink-Roelofsz. 1962. Asian Trade and European Influence, pp.153-162.

487 Souza. 1986. The Survival of Empire.

488 Boxer. 1986. The Portuguese Merchants and Missionaries; Boxer. 1991. Estudos Para A Historia de Macau; Boxer. 1993. Macau Na Época da Restauração; Boxer. 1963. “The Great Ship from Amacon”.

capital in this long distance trade. The Casados also exploited intra Asian trade after the Crown did not conduct the country trade in the Malay world489

2.5.1. Portuguese Malacca’s Trade with the Malay Peninsula

The exiled Malaccan Sultan established a new sultanate, known as Johor Sultanate, and still exercised authority over his territory, seriously threatening the Portuguese control over Malacca. The Johorese Sultan allied himself with Pahang and Perak and instructed his seamen to disturb the Portuguese shipping. The Johorese attempted to control export. Various merchants, including the Chinese traders, soon preferred trading with Johor over dealing with Malacca. The Johorese growth forced the Portuguese to attack. In return, the Malays also took revenge and tried to capture Malacca, while the Johorese failure to do so had weakened its power. When the Acehnese invaded, Johor could not defend its town and soon asked the Portuguese for protection against Acehnese expansion. The Luso-Johorese peace treaty was concluded in 1536490. Johor led the Malay states to supply the retail market in Malacca. However, the Acehnese saw their friendship as a threat. When the Acehnese invaded Aru in 1540, the Luso-Malay forces helped Aru defend its town. The LusoMalay axis broke down when the sultan forced Asian ships to call at his ports and pay duty there. The Johorese also led their Islamic league to invade Malacca in 1551491 .

Besides handling Johor, the Portuguese also contacted the tin producers. The Portuguese captains in Malacca repeatedly ensured that Malacca would be reliably supplied with Malay tin. The Portuguese also established a trading post there. The King of Perak merely paid tribute, in the form of tin, to the Portuguese if the Portuguese assisted Perak against the Acehnese. Therefore, the Portuguese exported the Indian textiles in exchange for the tin in Perak and other tin-producing states. The Portuguese

489 Prakash. 1990. “Long Distance Maritime Trade in Asia”, pp.29-33.

490 Meilink-Roelofsz. 1962. Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago, pp.139141.

491 A Carta do Francisco Peres a o Rey, 24 November 1551, BAL 49-IV-49, fl.131v-134, Published in DHMPPOI, II, No.9, p.57; Adil. 1980. Sejarah Johor, pp.24-5; Meilink-Roelofsz. 1962. Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago, p.141.

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Yatim, O.M & A.H. Nasir. (1990). Epigrafi Islam Terawal di Nusantara. Kuala Lumpur: DBP.

Yeo, M. (1931). Francis Xavier Apostle of the East.London: Sheed & Ward. Yule, H. (1914). The Travels of Fr. Odoric in Cathay and the Way Thither Vol.II. London: Hakluyt Society

Yun-Tsiao, H. (1968). Notes on the Relations between Ryukyu Islands and Malacca Sultanate during 1464-1511. Kuala Lumpur: UM.

Yusof, H. (2017). Teknologi Kesultanan Melaka: Memongkar Keagungannya Berdasarkan Catatan Portugis Negeri Sembilan Darul Khusus: Cintai Publication. Yusof, H. (2019). Menjejak Hubungan Daulah Uthmaniyah & Kesultanan Melaka. Negeri Sembilan: Penerbit Alami.

Yusuf, Q. (2021). 21 Wanita Perkasa yang Ditempa oleh Budaya Aceh. Tangerang Selatan: Alvabet.

Zakaria, A.A.B. (1963). Portugis dalam Sejarah Melaka. Kuala Lumpur: DBP.

2. Book Chapters

Abubakar, Y. (1989). “Sumber Portugis mengenai Melaka 1511-1641”. O.P. Bajunid (Ed). 1989. Esei-Esei Budaya dan Sejarah di Melaka. Kuala Lumpur: Asrama Zaba’, pp.65-105.

Akhir, M.N.M. & L.C. Leong. (2017). “Sejarah Hubungan Ryukyu-Melaka. Kegemilangan Sejarah Kesultanan Melayu Melaka”. M. Samsudin, Z.A. Rahman, & A. Ujang (Eds). Kegemilangan Maritim Kesultanan Melayu Melaka. Bangi: UKM, pp.103119.

Alves, J.S & N. Nasiri-Moghaddam. (2010). “Sepucuk Surat dalam Bahasa Parsi Bertarikh 1519 tentang Keadaan di Melaka”. D. Perret, M.A.M. Yusof, A.K.A. Bakar (Eds). 2010. Selat Melaka di Persimpangan Asia: Artikel Pilihan Daripada Majalah Archipel. Kuala Lumpur: Jabatan Muzium Malaysia, pp.139-164.

Alves, J.S. (2010). “Fernão Mendes Pinto and the Portuguese Commercial Networks in Maritime Asia, 1530-1550”. Alves, J.S. (Ed). 2010. Fernão Mendes Pinto and the Peregrinacao: Studies, Restored Portuguese Text, Notes, and Indexes, Vol.1. Lisbon: Fundacao Oriente and INCM, pp.89-120.

Alves, J.S. (2012). “Malacca: A Centre for Islamic Debate and the New Mecca 14801511”. L.F. Barreto & W. Zhilliang (Eds). 2012. Port Cities and Intercultural Relations 15th-18th Centuries. Lisbon: CCCM, pp.71-82.

Andaya, B. (1983). “Melaka under the Dutch 1641-1795”. K.S. Sandhu & P. Wheatley (Eds). 1983. Melaka: The Transformation of A Malay Capital 1400-1980 Vol.1. Kuala Lumpur: OUP, pp.195-241.

Bakar, Y.A. (1988). “Impian Tidak Terlaksana: Kes Aceh & Orang Portugis di Melaka 1511-1641”. N.H Hassan, et.al. (Eds). Sumbangsih Kumpulan Esei Sejarah untuk Prof. Datuk Zainal Abidin Abdul Wahid. Selangor: Jabatan Sejarah UKM, pp.6075.

Barnard, H.M. (2004). “Mestizos as Middlemen Tomas Dias and His Travels in Eastern Sumatra”. P. Borschberg (Ed). 2004. Iberians in the Singapore-Melaka Area and Adjacent Regions (16th to 18th Century). Wiesbaden & Lisboa: Harrassowitz Verlag and Fundação Oriente, pp.147-160.

Barnard, T.P. (2013) “Thomas Dias Journey to Central Sumatra in 1684”. In Harta Karun: Hidden Treasures on Indonesian and Asian-European History from the VOC Archives in Jakarta. Document 1. Jakarta: Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia, pp.1-33

Barreto, L.P. (2010). “Fernão Mendes Pinto and the Jesuit Connection”. Alves, J.S. (Ed). 2010. Fernão Mendes Pinto and the Peregrinacao: Studies, Restored Portuguese Text, Notes, and Indexes, Vol.1. Lisbon: Fundacao Oriente and INCM, pp.55-88. Belo, D.C.X. (2012). “A Conquista de Malaca e o Inicio da Fundação das Missões Catolicas no Sudeste Asiatico”. J.M.D. Santos & J.M. Azevedo e Silva (Eds). 2012. Malaca Portugal e o Oriente: Historia e Memoria. Coimbra: CHSC, pp.15-54. Biedermann, Z. & A.M.D. Carvalho. (2010). “Home Sweet Home: The Social Networks of Mendes Pinto in Portugal”. Alves, J.S. (Ed). 2010. Fernão Mendes Pinto and the

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Peregrinacao: Studies, Restored Portuguese Text, Notes, and Indexes, Vol.1. Lisbon: Fundacao Oriente and INCM, pp.29-54.

Blusse, L. (2013). “Port Cities of Southeast Asia 1400-1800”. P. Clark (Ed). 2013. The Oxford Handbook of Cities in World History. Oxford: OUP, pp.347-365.

Bowen, J.R. (1983). “Cultural Models from Historical Genealogies: the Case of the Melaka Sultanate”. K. S. Sandhu & P. Wheatley (Eds.). 1983. Melaka: The Transformation of a Malay Capital c.1400–1980 Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, pp.162-179.

Boxer, C.R. (1963). “Portuguese in the East”. H.V. Livermore (Ed). 1963. Portugal and Brazil. Oxford: OUP, pp.185-247.

Boxer, C.R. (1985). “Karl Marx and the Last Days of Portuguese Malacca 1640-1”. Republished in C. Boxer. 1985. Portuguese Conquest and Commerce in Southern Asia 1500-1750. London: Variorum Reprints, pp.123-128.

Boxer, C.R. (1985). “The Achinese Attack on Malacca in 1629, as Described in Contemporary Portuguese Sources”. Republished in C. Boxer. Portuguese Conquest and Commerce in Southern Asia 1500-1750. London: Variorum Reprints, pp.105-121.

Boxer, C.R. (2007). “Some Portuguese Sources for Indonesian Historiography”. Soedjatmoko (Ed). 2007. An Introduction to Indonesian Historiography. Jakarta: Equinox Publishing, pp.217-233.

Chin, J.K. (2009). “The Portuguese on the Zhejiang and Fujian Coast prior 1550 as seen from Contemporary Chinese Private Records”. L.F. Barreto (Ed). 2009. Macau during the Ming Dynasty. Lisboa: CCCMIP & FCT, pp.119-137.

Chin, J.K. (2012). “Trade, Migration, and Sojourning Community: Chinese Merchants in Melaka”. L.F. Barreto & W. Zhilliang (Eds). 2012. Port Cities and Intercultural Relations 15th-18th Centuries Lisbon: CCCM, pp.53-70.

Coedes, G. (1964). “A Possible Interpretation of the Inscription of Kedukan Bukit”. J. Bastin & R. Roolvink (Eds). Malayan and Indonesian Studies. London: Oxford University Press, pp.1-30.

Coedes, G. (2014). “Prasasti Berbahasa Melayu Kerajaan Sriwijaya”. G. Coedes, H. Kulke, L.C. Damais, & P.Y. Manguin. (Eds). (2014). Kedatuan Sriwijaya: Kajian Sumber Prasasti dan Arkeologi. Depok: Komunitas Bambu, pp.45-110.

Das Gupta, A. (1997). “The Maritime Trade of Indonesia 1500-1800”. O. Prakash (Ed). 1997. European Commercial Expansion in Early Modern Asia. Aldershot & Brookfield: Variorum, pp.81-116.

Di Meglio, R.R. (1970). “Arab Trade with the Malay and Indonesian Peninsula from the 8th to the 16th Centuries”. D.S. Richards (Ed). 1970. Islam and the Trade of Asia: A Colloquium. Oxford: Bruno Cassirer Oxford & University of Pennsylvania Press, pp.105-136.

Disney, A. (2011). “Malacca in the Era of Viceroy Linhares, 1629-35”. L. Jarigin (Ed). The Making of the Luso-Asian World: Intricacies of Engagement. Singapore: ISEAS, pp.48-66.

Fang, L.Y. (1983). “The Undang-Undang Melaka”. K.S. Sandhu & P. Wheatley (Eds.). 1983. Melaka: The Transformation of a Malay Capital c.1400–1980 Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, pp.180-194.

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Fernando, R. (2004). “Metamorphosis of Luso-Asian Diaspora in the Malay Archipelago, 1641-1795”. P. Borschberg (Ed). 2004. Iberians in the Singapore-Melaka Area and Adjacent Regions (16th to 18th Century). Wiesbaden & Lisboa: Harrassowitz Verlag and Fundacao Oriente, pp.161-184.

Fernando, R. (2012). “Luso-Asian Community of Malacca 1641-1648”. J.S. Alves (Ed). 2012. Portugal e Indonesia Historia do Relacionamento Politico e Diplomatico. Macau: IIM, pp.273-305.

Fusaro, M. (2010). “After Braudel: a Reassessment of Mediterranean History between the Northern Invasion and the Caravane Maritime”. M. Fusaro, C. Heywood, & M. Omri (Eds). 2010. Trade and Cultural Exchange in the Early Modern Mediterranean: Braudel’s Maritime Legacy. London & New York: I.B. Tauris Publishers, pp.1-22.

Fusaro, M. (2010). “Maritime History as Global History? The Methodological Challenges and a Future Research Agenda”. Fusaro, M & A. Polonia (Eds). 2010. Maritime History as Global History. Research in Maritime History No.43. Newfoundland: IMEHA, pp.267-282.

Gaastra, F.S. (2007). “The Organization of the VOC”. Published in the Archives of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the Local Institutions in Batavia (Jakarta). Brill, pp.13-60.

Godinho, V.M. (1970). “Portugal & Her Empire 1680-1720”. J.S. Bromley (Ed). The New Cambridge Moden History Vol.6: The Rise of Great Britain and Russia, 16881715. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp.509-539.

Graaf, J.D. (1977). “Southeast Asian Islam to the Eighteenth Centuries”. P.M. Holt, A.K.S. Lambton, B. Lewis (Eds). (1977). The Cambridge History of Islam: Volume 2A, The Indian Sub-Continent, South-East Asia, Africa and the Muslim West. Cambridge University Press, pp.123-154.

Grafe, R. (2010). “Turning Maritime History into Global History: Some Conclusions from the Impact of Globalization in Early Modern Spain”. Fusaro, M & A. Polonia (Eds). 2010. Maritime History as Global History. Research in Maritime History No.43. Newfoundland: IMEHA, pp.249-266.

Halimi, A.J. (2017). “Perdagangan dan Perkapalan pada Zaman Kesultanan Melayu Melaka”. M. Samsudin, Z.A. Rahman, & A. Ujang (Eds). Kegemilangan Maritim Kesultanan Melayu Melaka. Bangi: UKM, pp.54-68.

Hall, K.R. (2008). “Coastal Cities in an Age of Transition: Upstream-Downstream Networking and Societal Development in 15th- and 16th- Century Maritime Southeast Asia”. K.R. Hall (Ed). 2008. Secondary Cities and Urban Networking in the Indian Ocean Realm, 1400-1800. London: Lexington Book, pp.1-20.

Harlaftis, G. & C. Vassallo. (2004). “Maritime History Since Braudel”. Harlaftis, G. & C. Vassalo (Eds). 2004. New Directions in Mediterranean Maritime History Research in Maritime History No.28. Newfoundland: IMEHA, pp.1-20.

Hashim, M.Y. (1983). “Masyarakat Melaka Zaman Kesultanan dan Sifat Kosmopolitannya”. K.S. Sandhu & P. Wheatley (Eds.). 1983. Melaka: The Transformation of a Malay Capital c.1400–1980. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, pp.112-127.

Hing, L.K. (1986). “The Shipping Lists of Dutch Melaka: A Source for the Study of Coastal Trade and Shipping in the Malay Peninsula during the 17th and 18th Centuries”. M.Y. Hashim (Ed). 1986. Kapal dan Harta Karam (Ships and Sunken Treasure). Kuala Lumpur: Persatuan Muzium Malaysia, pp.53-76.

Hussin, N. (2004). “Two Colonial Port Towns in the Straits of Malacca: Dutch Malacca and English Penang”. Malaysian History from Dutch Sources. Kuala Lumpur: Arkib Negara Malaysia, pp.147-178.

Jesus, R.L.P. (2012). “A Insulindia e o Comercio Inter-Asiatico”. J.M.D. Santos & J.M. Azevedo e Silva (Eds). 2012. Malaca Portugal e o Oriente: Historia e Memoria. Coimbra: CHSC, pp.100-115.

Kanumoyoso, B. (2020). “Banda Islands and the Treaty of Breda”. O. Bakar, A.M. Merican, & W.A.W. Mamat. 2020. Colonialism in the Malay Archipelago: Civilisational Encounters. Selangor: IISTAC-IIUM Publications, pp.49-64.

Lobato, M. (2012). “Malaca Mito ou Realidade: Reprentacoes de um Entreposto LusoMalaio entre a India e a China”. J.M.D. Santos & J.M. Azevedo e Silva (Eds). 2012. Malaca Portugal e o Oriente: Historia e Memoria. Coimbra: CHSC, pp.55-72.

Lombard, D. (1998). “Kepulauan Melayu dan Kepentingannya dalam Memahami Islam Secara Global”. D. Perret, P.R.M. Ramli, & H. Chambert-Loir (Eds). 1998. Hubungan Budaya dalam Sejarah Dunia Melayu: Artikel Pilihan dalam Majalah Archipel. Kuala Lumpur: DBP, pp.1-22. MacGregor, I. (1961). “Some Aspects of Portuguese Historical Writing of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries on Southeast Asia”. D.G.E. Hall (Ed). 1961. Historians of Southeast Asia. London: OUP, pp.172-199.

Mansor, S. & A.K.A.M. Rus. (2017). “Hubungan Kesultanan Melayu Melaka dan Dinasti Ming”. M. Samsudin, Z.A. Rahman, & A. Ujang (Eds). Kegemilangan Maritim Kesultanan Melayu Melaka. Bangi: UKM, pp.148-164.

Martin,I.W., A.K. Mehrotra, & M. Prasad. (2019). “The Thunder of History: The Origins and Development of the New Fiscal Sociology”. I.W. Martin, A.K. Mehrotra, & M. Prasad (Eds). 2019. The New Fiscal Sociology Taxation in Comparative and Historical Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp.1-28.

Matos, A.T.D. (1985). “The Financial Situation of the State of India during the Philippine Period”. T.R.D. Souza (Ed). 1985. Indo-Portuguese History: Old Issue, New Questions. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, pp.90-101.

Mu’jizah. (2008). “Pertemuan Antar Bangsa dalam Hikayat Tanah Hitu”. Dari Hitu ke Barus. Jakarta: Pusat Bahasa, pp.1-32.

Nakajima, G. (2018). “The Structure and Transformation of the Ming Tribute Trade System” In: M.P. Garcia & L. De Sousa (Eds). 2018. Global History and New Polycentric Approaches. Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History. Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan, pp.137-162.

Pearson, M.N. (2007). “Markets and Merchant Communities in the Indian Ocean: Locating the Portuguese”. Bethencourt, F & D.R. Curto (Eds). 2007. Portuguese Oceanic Expansion, 1400-1800. Cambridge: CUP, pp.88-108.

Pinto, P.J.S. (2004). “Captains, Sultans, Liaisons Dangereuses: Melaka and Johor in the Late Sixteenth Century”. P. Borschberg (Ed.). 2004. Iberians in the Singapore-

Melaka Area and Adjacent Regions. Wiesbaden & Lisboa: Harrassowitz Verlag & Fundação Oriente, pp.131-146.

Pinto, P.S. (1995). “Purse and Swords: Dom Henrique Bendahara & Portuguese Melaka in Late 16th Century”. S. Subrahmanyam (Ed). Sinners and Saints the Successors of Vasco da Gama. Oxford: OUP, pp.75-93.

Pinto, P.S. (2015). “A Oriente de Malaca a China Ming e a Estrategia Global de Afonso de Albuquerque”. L.C. Soares & J.D.S Maia (Eds). 2015. Memorias. Lisboa: Academia da Marinha, pp.243-256.

Pinto, S. (2016). “Seaports as Nodes in A 16th Century Trade Network, The Simon Ruiz Business Company”. A. Polonia & C. Antunes. 2016. Seaports in the First Global Age: Portuguese Agents, Networks, and Interactions 1500-1800. Porto: U.Porto Edicoes, pp.81-94.

Polanyi, K. (1957). “The Economy as Instituted Process”. K. Polanyi, C.M. Arensberg, H.W. Pearson (Eds). 1957. Trade and Market in the Early Empires: Economies in History and Theory. Glencoe, IL.: Free Press, pp.243-269.

Polónia, A & J.M.S. Pacheco. (2017). "Environmental Impacts of Colonial Dynamics, 1400–1800: The First Global Age and the Anthropocene". G. Austin (Ed). 2017. Economic Development and Environmental History in the Anthropocene. London: Bloomsbury Publishing, pp.23-50.

Polónia, A & R. Capelão. (2020). “A Peregrinação de Fernão Mendes Pinto e as suas experiências do Oriente”. M.C. Natário, R. Epifânio, M.L. Malato, & P. Borges (Eds). 2020. Portugal - Goa: os Orientes e os Ocidentes: Seminário Internacional de Filosofia e Literatura. Porto: Bairro dos Livros, pp.19-34.

Polónia, A. & R Capelão (2018). “Introdução in Primeira Obra de Aventura e Contactos Intercivilizacionais: Peregrinação de Fernão Mendes Pinto” . J.E. Franco & C. Fiolhais (Eds). Obras Pioneiras da Cultura Portuguesa em 30 volumes. Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores, pp.21-84.

Polónia, A. (2001). “Evangelização e Comércio: A Figura do Eclesiastico Mercador”. A. Polónia, L. Ramos & J. Marques (Eds). Estudos em Homenagem a João Francisco Marques (Vol 1). Porto: FLUP U.Porto, pp.299-309.

Polónia, A. (2010). “Maritime History: A Gateway to Global History”. Fusaro, M & A. Polonia (Eds). 2010. Maritime History as Global History. Research in Maritime History No.43. Newfoundland: IMEHA, pp.1-20.

Polónia, A. (2011). “Seaports as Centers of Economic Growth: The Portuguese Case 1500-1800”. R.W. Unger (Ed). 2011. Shipping and Economic Growth 1350-1850. Leiden and Boston: Brill, pp.379-409.

Polónia, A. (2012). “A Construção da Memória: Representações do Oriente e do Extremo Oriente Numa Comunidade Maritima Portuguesa No Seculo XVI” (Separata). Goa: Passado e Presente. Lisboa: U.Porto, pp.139-168.

Polónia, A. (2019). “Brokers and Go-betweens within the Portuguese State of India 1500-1700”. R. Mukherjee & R. Seshan (Eds). Indian Ocean Histories: The Many Worlds of Michael Naylor Pearson. London & New York: Routledge, pp.97-123.

Polónia, A., S. Pinto, A. Ribeiro. (2014). “Trade Networks in the First Global Age. The case study of Simón Ruiz Company: Visualization Methods and Spatial Projections”. A. C. Solana (Ed). 2014. Spatio-Temporal Narratives: Historical GIS

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and the Study of Global Trading Networks (1500-1800). Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, pp.140-177.

Prakash, O. (1990). “Long Distance Maritime Trade in Asia: Decline and Revival”. K.S. Mathew (Ed). 1990. Studies in Maritime History. Pondicherry: Pondicherry University, pp.29-37.

Prakash, O. (2004). “Malacca in Asian Maritime Trade in the Early Modern Period”. Malaysian History from Dutch Sources. Kuala Lumpur: Arkib Negara Malaysia, pp.29-40.

Ptak, R. (2004). “Reconsidering Melaka and Central Guangdong: Portugal's and Fujian's impact on Southeast Asian Trade” . P. Borschberg (Ed.). 2004. Iberians in the Singapore-Melaka Area and Adjacent Regions. Wiesbaden & Lisboa: Harrassowitz Verlag & Fundação Oriente, pp.1-22.

Ribeiro, A. S. (2017). “Cooperative Rivalry: Iberian Merchants in Cross-Imperial Transactions in the Period of the Iberian Union 1580-1640”. A. Polónia & C. Antunes. 2017. Mechanisms of Global Empire Building. Porto: CITCEM & Edições Afrontamento, pp.35-58.

Robinson, R. (1972). “Non-European Foundations of European Imperialism: Sketch for a Theory of Collaboration”. R. O. B. Sutcliffe (Ed.), Studies in Theory of Imperialism. London: Longman, pp.117-142.

Samsudin. (2017). “Kegemilangan Hubungan Diplomatik Empayar Melaka”. M. Samsudin, Z.A. Rahman, & A. Ujang (Eds). Kegemilangan Maritim Kesultanan Melayu Melaka. Bangi: UKM, pp.136-147.

Seshan, R. (2016). “Trans-national and Informal Networks in the 17th Century Coromandel Coast”. A. Polonia & C. Antunes (Eds). 2016. Seaports in the First Global Age: Portuguese Agents, Networks, and Interactions 1500-1800. Porto: U.Porto Edicoes, pp.341-350.

Singaravelu, S. (1989). “Hubungan Antara Kaum India dengan Negeri Melaka - Suatu Tinjauan Berdasarkan Sumber-Sumber India dan Sumber Sumber Lain”. Bajunid, O.P. (Ed). 1989. Esei-Esei Budaya dan Sejarah di Melaka. Kuala Lumpur: Asrama Zaba’, pp.23-38 Souza, G.B. (1997). “Portuguese Country Traders in the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea 1600”. O. Prakash (Ed). 1997. European Commercial Expansion in Early Modern Asia. Aldershot: Variorum, pp.69-80

Souza, G.B. (2010). “the Vision of Riches:The Individual and The Political Economy of the Estado da India and of Asia in Fernão Mendes Pinto’s Peregrinação”. Alves, J.S. (Ed). 2010. Fernão Mendes Pinto and the Peregrinação: Studies, Restored Portuguese Text, Notes, and Indexes, Vol.1. Lisbon: Fundacao Oriente and INCM, pp.123-144

Thomaz, L.F.F.R. (1975). "Maluco e Malaca", A.T.D. Mota (Ed). A viagem de Fernão de Magalhães e a questão das Molucas: Actas do II Coloquio Luso-Espanhol de Historia Ultramarina Lisboa : Junta de Investigações do Ultramar, pp.29-48.

Thomaz, L.F.F.R. (1993). “The Malay Sultanate of Melaka”. A. Reid (Ed). 1993. Southeast Asia in Early Modern Era: Trade, Power, & Belief. London & Ithaca: Cornell University Press, pp.69-90.

Thomaz, L.F.F.R. (1997). “The Portuguese in the Seas of the Archipelago During the Sixteenth Century”. O. Prakash (Ed). 1997. European Commercial Expansion in Early Modern Asia. London: Routledge, pp.25-42.

Torraco, R. J. (1997). “Theory-Building Research Methods.” In R.A. Swanson & E. F. Holton (Eds). Human Resource Development Handbook: Linking Research and Practice. San Francisco, CA: Berrett-Koehler, pp.114-137.

Trivers, R. (2006) “Reciprocal Altruism: 30 years later”. In: Kappeler P.M., van Schaik C.P. (Eds). 2006. Cooperation in Primates and Humans. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg, pp.67-83.

Van Walle, W. (2012). “Malacca under Dutch Rule (1641-1795 & 1818-1825)”. L.F. Barreto & W. Zhiliang (Eds). 2012. Port-Cities & Intercultural Relations 15th & 18th Centuries. Lisbon: Fundacao Macau & CCCM, pp.83-178.

Vink, M. (1990). “Mare Liberum and Dominium Maris: Legal Arguments and Implications of the Luso-Dutch Struggle for Control Over Asian Waters Circa 1600-1663”. K.S. Matthew (Ed). 1990. Studies in Maritime History. Pondicherry: Pondicherry University Press, pp.38-68.

Wahid, Z.A. (1983). “Power and Authority in the Melaka Sultanate: The Traditional Views”. K.S. Sandhu & P. Wheatley (Eds). Melaka The Transformation of a Malay Capital 1400-1800 Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, pp.101-112.

Wake, C.H. (1983). “Melaka in the Fifteenth Century: Malay Historical Traditions amd the Politics of Islamization”. K. S. Sandhu & P. Wheatley (Eds.). 1983. Melaka: The Transformation of a Malay Capital c.1400–1980 Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, pp.128-161.

Winius, G. (1996). “The Maritime Empire of Portugal Strikes Root in Asia”. J.B. Hattendorf (Ed). 1996. Maritime History Vol.1: The Age of Discovery. Florid: Krieger Publishing Company, pp.111-120.

Zon, H. (2004). “Disclosures from the Records of the Dutch Reformed Church at the National Archives of Malaysia”. Malaysian History from Dutch Sources. Kuala Lumpur: Arkib Negara Malaysia, pp.91-112.

Zurndorfer, H. (2018). “Encounter and Coexistence: Portugal and Ming China 15111610: Rethinking the Dynamics of a Century of Global-Local Relations”. M.P. Garcia & L.D. Sousa. 2018. Global History and New Polycentric Approaches: Europe, Asia and the Americas in a World Network System. Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan, pp.37-52.

3. Conference Papers

Abubakar, Y. (1991). Foreign Documents and the Description of Melaka between 1505 and 1511. International Seminar on Silk Road, Malacca.

Borschberg, P. (2010). VOC Blockade of the Singapore and Malacca Straits: Diplomacy, Trade, and Survival, 1633-1641. O Estado da India e Os Desafios Europeus: Actas do XII Seminario Internacional de Historia Indo-Portuguesa, 163-86 Lisbon: CHAM & CEPCEP.

Boxer, C.R. (1929). The Affair of the Madre de Deus: A Chapter in the History of the Portuguese in Japan. The Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Soceity of London XXVI. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner.

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Kathirithamby-Wells, J. (1983). Dutch-Malacca and the Malay World. ASMAD (Ed). 1983. Dokumentasi Seminar Sejarah Melaka. 14-18 December 1976. Kuala Lumpur: Kerajaan Negeri Melaka.

Maloni, R. (2012). Portuguese Private Traders on the Coromandel Coast (16th and 17th Centuries). Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. Vol. 73 (2012), pp. 311-317.

Pintado, M.J. (1989). The Lack of Diplomacy, Turned the Goodwill, Peace and Trade Mission between The Sultan of Malacca and The Visitor, Diogo Lopes de Sequeira, into A Failure. Paper was Presented at The Second International Malay History (15-20 August 1989) in Kuala Lumpur.

Polónia, A. (2005). Hisportos – A research Project on Portuguese Seaports in the Early Modern Age, European Seaport Systems in the Early Modern Age - a comparative approach. International workshop. Proceedings. Porto-21/22 October 2005, Porto, IHM-UP, 2007, pp. 28-40.

Polónia, A. (2006). Northwest Portuguese seaport system in the Early Modern Age: Results of A Research Project. XIV International Economic History Congress, Helsinki 2006, Session 58, pp. 1-27.

Sartono, S. (1979). Pusat-Pusat Kerajaan Sriwijaya Berdasarkan Interpretasi Palaeografi. Preliminary Research on Srivijaya, Jakarta, 7-8 December 1978.

Susilo, H. (2004). Hubungan Kesejarahan antara Palembang Melaka dan Asal Usul Parameswara. Paper was presented in National Seminar of Parameswara and the Malay Sultanate, 20 April 2004, in Malacca.

Thomaz, L.F.F.R. (1980). Malacca the Town & the Society during the First Century of Portuguese Rule. Eight Conference International Association of Historians of Asia, Kuala Lumpur 25th-29th August 1980.

4. Journal Articles

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Wilkinson, R.J. (1912). “The Portuguese Capture of Malacca 1511”. Journal of the Strait Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No 61 June 1912, pp.71-76.

Wilkinson, R.J. (1935). “Fall of Malacca”. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, XIII, part 2 (1935), pp. 68-69

Williams, F.W. (1913). “The Manchu Conquest of China”. The Journal of Race Development, Vol. 4, No. 2 (Oct., 1913),pp. 152-167.

Winius, G. (1983). “The Shadow Empire of Goa in the Bay of Bengal”. Itinerario. Volume 7, Issue 02, July 1983, pp 83 - 101.

Winstedt, R.O. (1920). “The Genealogy of Malacca’s Kings from a Copy of the Bustanus Salatin”. Journal of the Strait Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 81 (MARCH 1920), pp. 39-47

Winstedt, R.O. (1928). “Kedah Laws”. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 6, No. 2 (103) (June 1928), pp.1-44

Winstedt, R.O. (1932). “A History of Johore (1365 1895 A.D.”. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 10, No. 3 (115), (DECEMBER, 1932), pp. 1-167.

Winstedt, R.O. (1932). “Muslim Tombstones in Raffles Museum”. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 10, No. 1 (113) (1932), pp. 6-8.

Winstedt, R.O. (1932). “The Bendaharas and The Temenggongs”. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 10, No. 1 (113) (JANUARY 1932), pp. 55-66

Winstedt, R.O. (1935). “A History of Malaya” . Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society XIII: 1-210. Second Edition, Singapore.

Winstedt, R.O. (1948). “The Malay Founder of Medieval Malacca”. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Vol. 12, No. 3/4 (1948), pp. 726-729.

Wyatt, D.K. (1967). “The Thai Kata Mandiarapala and Malacca”. Journal of the SIam Society. Vol. 55, 2, pp.279-286.

Xu, G. (2020). “Junks to Mare Clausum: China-Maluku Connections in the Spice Wars, 1607–1622” Itinerario, 1-30.

5. Unpublished Papers

Ibrahim. M.Y. (1977). Some Observation on Social Classes during the Malacca Sultanate. Unpublished Paper. Preserved in National Archives of Malaysia ANM/2012/0007537.

Pintado, M.J. (1976). Some of the Portuguese Historical Source on Malacca History. Unpublished Paper Preserved in National Archive of Malaysia.

Polónia, A. (2010). Understanding the Role of Foreigners in the Portuguese Overseas Expansion Through the Lenses of the Theories of Cooperation and SelfOrganisation. Unpublished Paper.

Thomaz, L.F.F.R. (1986). Malacca's Society on the Eve of Portuguese Conquest. Unpublished Paper. Preserved in National Archives of Malaysia.

6. Unpublished Thesis

Alexopoulou, K. (2018). An Anatomy of Colonial States and Fiscal Regimes in Portuguese Africa: Long-Term Transformations in Angola and Mozambique, 1850s-1970s. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Wageningen: Wageningen University.

Alves, J.S. (2003). Tres Sultanatos Malaios do Estreito de Malaca Nos Seculos XV e XVI (Samudera Pasai, Aceh e Malaca/Johor): Estudo Comparativo de Historia Social e Politica. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Lisboa: FCSH-UNL.

３３８

Auni, L. (1993). The Decline of the Islamic Empire of Aceh 1641-1699. Unpublished MA Thesis. Montreal: McGill University.

Chuen, K.L.K. (2015). Conquest or Collaboration? in Portuguese Malacca from 1511 to 1521. Unpublished B.A. Thesis. Singapore: NUS. Costa, J.P.O. (1998). O Cristianismo no Japão e o Episcopado de D. Luís Cerqueira. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Lisboa: FCSH-Universidade Nova de Lisboa.

Dasgupta, A.K. (1962). Acheh in Indonesian Trade & Politics 1600-1641. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Ithaca: Cornell University.

Dilnashin, N. (2010). Cultural and Commercial Importance of the Ports and the Towns of Medieval Sindh (16th-17th Centuries). Unpublished M.Phil Dissertation. Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University.

Fikri, R.R. (2011). Dinamika Perdagangan Bandar Melaka dari Masa Pemerintahan Sultan Mansyur Syah hingga masa pemerintahan Portugis (1456-1641). Unpublished BA Thesis. Jakarta: Universitas Indonesia.

Hadi, A. (1992). Aceh and the Portuguese: A Study of the Struggle of Islam in Southeast Asia 1500-1579. Unpublished MA Thesis. Montreal: McGill University.

Halimi, A.J. (1999). Perdagangan dan Perkapalan Melayu di Selat Melaka dari Abad ke15 hingga Abad ke-18. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Kuala Lumpur: Universiti Malaya.

Ismail, S.M. (2006). From Negara to Kota: The Size and Structure of Southeast Asian Maritime Cities. Unpublished MA Thesis. Singapore: NUS.

Kamarudin, S.F.B. (2015). Manuskrip Undang-Undang Kedah: Kajian Unsur-Unsur Etnografi Islam. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. Kuala Lumpur: Universitas Malaya.

Matos, L.J.R.S. (2015). Roteiros e Rotas Portugueses do Oriente nos Seculos XVI e XVII. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Lisbon: University of Lisbon.

Moas, A.C.M. (2016). Afonso de Albuquerque and the Consumption of Material Culture In The Indian Ocean (1506-1515). Unpublished MA Thesis. Lisboa: Universidade de Nova lisboa.

Phisphumvidhi, P. (2008). La sociéte d’ Ayutthaya aux XVIe et XVIIe Siécles: aspects culturels, sociaux, économiques et politiques. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Porto: FLUP U.Porto.

Takeshi, I. (1984). The World of the Adat Aceh: A Historical Study of the Sultanate of Aceh. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. Sydney: Australian National University.

Thomaz, L.F.F.R. (1963). Os Portugueses em Malaca. Unpublished BA Thesis. Lisboa: Universidade de Lisboa.

Chronology1131

1509 The first fleet under the command of Diogo Lopes de Sequeira arrived in Malacca and was expelled by the Sultan. De Sequeira could escape from the Malays, but his crews, including Ruy de Araujo, were imprisoned in Malacca.

1511 The Portuguese, led by Afonso de Albuquerque, invaded the Malaccan Sultanate. The first expedition was sent to the Moluccas, commanded by António de Abreu.

1512 A Javanese living with Hang Nadin in Malacca attacked the Portuguese. The mission led by De Brito was sent. The Portuguese also invaded Bintan, where the last escaping Sultan established his new forces. The Portuguese first fleet arrived in the spice islands of Moluccas.

1513 Pati Unus led Demak to attack Malacca. A fleet under the command of António Miranda de Azevedo sailed from Malacca to Banda and Moluccas. Jorge Alvares sailed from Malacca to China.

1514 The construction of Portuguese Fortaleza could be finished. The Portuguese helped Kampar to attack Lingga. Then, the Portuguese were obliged by Pasai to destroy Sultan Mahmud's invasion in Malacca.

1515 Albuquerque captured Ormuz. The Portuguese began to visit Solor and Timor.

1517 Fernando Peres de Andrade sailed from Malacca to China.

1518 Sultan Mahmud tried to re-take Malacca from the Portuguese, and the Portuguese started to invade Johore. The third fleet to the Moluccas

1520 The Portuguese attacked Johore

1521 The Portuguese crowned the allied prince to be the Sultan of Pasai. The Ottoman helped Aceh expel Portuguese from Pidie, and Francisco Serrão and the king of Ternate were poisoned.

1522 The Portuguese started to send a diplomatic mission to the Sundanese Kingdom. Henrique Leme stayed in Kalapa and agreed with the Sundanese

1523 The Portuguese, supported by Pahang and Patani, invaded Bintan, where the last Sultan escaped. António de Brito arrived and began to construct the fort in Ternate. The new rival of Aceh sent a diplomatic mission to the Ottoman in Constantinople (Istanbul).

1524 The Portuguese with their allied sultanates (Pahang and Patani) invaded Bintan, where the last Sultan hid. The Ottoman helped Aceh to expel the Portuguese from Pasai.

1525 The Portuguese and Lingga forced Sultan Mahmud to move to Johor

1526 The Portuguese attacked Johor.

1527 Kalapa was possessed by Banten and was renamed to Jayakarta. Portuguese and Spanish competed to seize a fort in Tidore

1131 I composed this chronology based on Schrieke (1966); Kartodirdjo (1992); Azra (2002); Vlekke (2008); Pinto (2012); Matos (1995); Boxer (1969); De Witt (2007); and Teixeira (1961)

1529 The Treaty of Zaragoza was executed. This treaty ended the Iberian dispute for the Moluccas. Jorge de Meneses forced the King of Ternate to pay his tribute to the King of Portugal.

1531 The locals attacked and killed the Portuguese General in Ternate

1535 Pati Unus led Demak to attack Malacca. In addition, The Portuguese attacked Johore

1536 The Portuguese attacked Johore. Galvao started to govern a fort in Ternate and handled a rebellion.

1537 The Acehnese attacked Malacca with the help of the Ottoman Turks and Ethiopian.

1539 The Acehnese attacked Malacca.

1546 The married men of Malacca (The Portuguese Casado) asked the king for the freedom to deal in the Moluccan cloves trade. A fleet under the command of Fernão de Sousa was sent to the Moluccas.

1547 The Acehnese attacked Malacca with the help of the Ottoman Turks and Ethiopians. Francisco Xavier visited the islands of Moro in the Moluccas. The first Jesuits arrived in the Moluccas

1551 The Queen of Japara attacked Malacca. While the Portuguese allied with the Johor Sultanate

1556 Friar Antonio Taveira landed in Timor.

1557 The Portuguese received permission to settle in Macao.

1562 The first Dominicans arrived at the island of Solor.

1564 The Acehnese invaded Johore Sultanate. At the same time, The Javanese attacked Solor.

1566 The fortress of Solor was started to construct.

1567 The Acehnese attacked Johor

1568 The Acehnese (with the help of the Ottoman Turks and Ethiopian) attacked Malacca (helped by the Johore Sultanate).

1570

The Acehnese attacked Johor. Sultan Hairun was murdered in a Portuguese fort.

1572 The Portuguese allied with Acehnese Sultanate.

1573 The Acehnese attacked Malacca

1574 The Queen of Japara attacked Malacca. The Portuguese were aware that they were in danger, and they tried to re-fortify the fortress.

1575 The Acehnese attacked Malacca. In Ternate, Prince Baabullah destroyed the Portuguese fort so that the Portuguese lost Ternate, which thus completed the disorganization of the Portuguese presence in the Eastern Archipelago in a definitive manner and put an end to any pretensions of monopolizing the spice trade in this region

1576 The Portuguese was expelled from the Island of Ternate after murdering King Hairun.

1580 King Philip II of Spain united Portugal and Spain under his reign (Habsburg Empire).

1582 The Acehnese attacked Johor, but the Portuguese helped Johor. Aceh sent a diplomatic mission to Istanbul.

1585 Johor tried to capture Malacca.

1587 The Portuguese approached Aceh to destroy Johor

1596 The Portuguese conceded the Spice Island commerce to the Javanese merchants.

1601

The Dutch built factories in Aceh and Patani.

1602 The Dutch built the factory in Gresik and had a contract on pepper monopoly with the Banda authority

1603 The Dutch built factories in Jayakarta and Johor. They attacked the Portuguese fortress of Solor.

1605 The Portuguese were expelled (by the Dutch) from Ambon.

1606 The Portuguese ambassador was sent to Aceh.

1607 The Dutch invaded Banda and established a fort there

1611 The first Dutch fort was built.

1612

The Aceh Sultanate conquered Deli

1613 The Aceh Sultanate attacked Johor. The Fall of a Portuguese fort in Solor by V.O.C.'s attack.

1614 The Aceh Sultanate invaded and conquered Bintan

1615 An alliance of Palembang, Jambi-Indragiri, and Siak was formed under the Johor Sultanate to attack the Aceh Sultanate. Aceh attacked Malacca

1617

The Dutch destroyed the English ships in the Spice Islands.

1618 The Acehnese invaded and conquered Pahang. At the same time, J.P. Coen attacked Jepara.

1619 This year, Melaka's fate was sealed with the conquest of Jayakarta and the foundation of Batavia by Jan Pieterszoon Coen, which would develop into the centre of Dutch Power in the East and the very doorstep of Melaka. The Dutch attacked the English in the Moluccas. The Dutch fort in Jayakarta was named Batavia. The Acehnese invaded and conquered Kedah-Patani.

1620

The Acehnese invaded Perak

1623 The Acehnese attacked Johor.

1624-5 The Acehnese invaded and conquered Nias.

1625 The Acehnese invaded Johor

1629 The Acehnese sultanate attacked Malacca, but Johor-Patani forces helped the Portuguese to destroy the Acehnese troops

1630

Pahang and Johor attacked Aceh.

1633 A war between Banten and VOC.

1634 The Dutch started to blockade the Straits of Malacca during 1634-40

1636

1638

1641

Friar Rafael da Veiga began the evangelization in Timor.

The Portuguese ambassador was sent to Aceh

The Portuguese surrendered Malacca to the Dutch.

1645 The Dutch forbade the practice of Catholicism in public in the town of Malacca.

1646 The Dutch published the legal persecution.

1665 The official persecution was issued to prevent the Romish priest's provocation when they came to Malacca.

1666 Governor Balthasar Bort (1665-1677) issued a fuller proclamation of antiCatholic legislation.

1680-4 Governor Cornelis van Qualberg (1680-4) allowed a Catholic priest, António Rodrigo de Brit, to celebrate the Catholic feast in public 1702 The Portuguese-Eurasians gained their religious freedom in Malacca.

Sultans of Malacca1132

Parameswara (Sultan Iskandar Syah) 1394-1414

Sultan Megat Iskandar Syah 1414-1424

Sultan Muhammad Syah 1424-1444

Sultan Abu Syahid 1445-1446

Sultan Muzzafar Syah 1446-1456

Sultan Mansur Syah 1456-1477

Sultan Alauddin Riayat Syah 1477-1488

Sultan Mahmud Syah 1488-1511

Sultan Ahmad 1511 1132 I composed the list of the Malacca sultans according to Adil (1980) and Hashim (2016)

Portuguese Captains and Governors in Malacca1133

Rui de Brito Patalim 1511-14

Jorge de Albuquerque 1514-15

Jorge de Brito 1515-17 Nuno Vaz Pereira 1517

Afonso Lopes da Costa 1518-19 Garcia de Sá 1519-20

Jorge de Albuquerque 1521-25

Pedro de Mascarenhas 1525-26

Jorge Cabral 1526-28

Pedro de Faria 1528-29 Garcia de Sá 1529-31 Paulo da Gama 1533-34

Estêvão da Gama 1534-38

Pero de Faria 1539-42

Rui Vaz Pereira Marramaque 1542-44

Simão Botelho 1544-45

Garcia de Sá 1545 Simão de Melo 1545-48

Pedro da Silva da Gama 1548-52

Francisco Alvares 1552 Álvaro de Ataíde de Gama 1552-54

António de Noronha 1554-56

João Pereira 1556-57

João de Mendonca 1557-61

Francisco de Eça 1561-64

Diogo de Meneses 1564-67

1133 I composed the list of Portuguese Captains of Malacca according to Pinto (2012); Thomaz (1962); and Teixeira (1983)

Leonis Pereira

1567-70

Francisco da Costa 1570-73

Francisco Henriques de Meneses 1573-74

Tristão Vaz da Veiga 1574-75

Miguel de Castro 1575 Aires de Saldanha 1576-79

João da Gama 1579-82 Roque de Melo 1582-85

João da Silva Pereira May 1585- February 1588

João Ribeiro Gaio (Bishop of Malacca) February - September 1588

Diogo Lobo 1588-90

Pedro Lopes de Sousa 1590-93

Francisco da Silva de Meneses 1594-97

Martim Afonso de Melo 1597-1600

Fernão de Albuquerque 1600-03

André Furtado de Mendonça 1603-06

António de Meneses 1606-07

Sebastião de Tavora 1607-09

Francisco Miranda Henriques 1609-13

Gaspar Afonso de Melo 1613-15

João Caiado de Gamboa 1615-16

António Pinto da Fonseca and João da Silva 1616

João da Silveira 1616-18

Pero Lopes de Sousa 1618Francisco Coutinho 1624

Gaspar de Melo de Sampaio 1629-30

Diogo de Melo e Castro 1630-33 Álvaro de Castro 1633-36

Diogo Coutinho Docem 1636-39

Luis Martins de Sousa Chicorro 1640-41

Dutch Governor in Malacca1134

Johan van Twist 1641-42

Jeremias van Vliet 1642-45

Arnold de Vlaming van Outshoorn 1645-46

Johan Thijssoon Payart 1646-62

Johan van Riebeeck 1662-65

Balthasar Bort 1665-79

Jacob Jorissoon Pits 1679-80

Cornelis van Quaalberg 1680-84

Nicolaas Schaghen 1684-86

Dirk Komans January 1686-November 1686

Thomas Slicher 1686-91

Dirk Komans 1691-92

Gelmer Vosburg 1692-97

Govert van Hoorn 1697-1700

I composed the list of Dutch Governor of Malacca according to Teixeira (1983)

we read the cold commentaries of the· Portuguese ·and the gossiping· tolerant anecdotes of the Malay Annals we can feel that these ·three ministers were men of unusual character : the eldest, the Bendahara, calm, self-contained, temperate and· cautious ; the two younger men, passionate perhaps and hot-headed, but gifted with an energy and a persistence that is rare among men born under the sun ,,f the equator. And Malacca, n·eeded them ; for it was just when these three men were at the height of their authority that the town was sta,rtled by an unexpected and most ominous apparition-the first European fleet that ever sailed into its harbour. That was in August, 1509 ;. the Admiral was the Portuguese, Diego Lopez de Sequeira.

·•The Capture of Malacca, A.D. 1511.

liY

· The Hon'ble R. J. JVilkinson.

In an age accustomed to the comfort of modern sea-travel it is not easy for a writer to convey more than a faint academic idea of the hard lot of the first-comers to the E&atern Seas: the leaky ships, the stifling cabins, the stale unpalatable fo'ld, the putrid water, the dirt, the overcrowding, the scurvy, the danger of storms, the discomfort of the steamy tropical calms, and the ·anxiety of approach to an uncharted and hostile coast. Yet if we are to take the measure of men like d' Almeida and d'Albuquerque we must try at least to realize the task that was set before them. Columbus _ nnd da Gama had been simple navigators who staked their lives upon their skill and upon the truth of their geographical beliefs. The first" Viceroys" were men of another type, men who dreamed dreams and saw visions of empire in the seemingly hope~ess plan of pitting the small frail ships of Portugal against the untamed vastness of the Indian Ocean and against the teeming millions who inhabited its shores. D' Almeida was ·the apostle of Sea-Power. He saw that with all their apparent weakness his ships had at iheir mercy the commerce of whole continents'; and he preaehoo the doctrine of a supreme navy. Alfonso d'Albuquerque disagreed. He was a veteran and distinguished soldier, a man of authority, who believed in Sea-Power but not in its all-sufficiency. He .~mocked at the theory of an. Eastern empire. that owned no port~ or docks and could not caulk a ship except by the favour, of an ally. He was the apostle. of the Na val Baoe, sea-po,wer resting on the shore. Moreover, as a man of ancient lineage, cousiri td Spanish kings, him• self a knight of the Order of Christ, he wqµld not take service under Francis d' Almeida.

·

*Reprin~ from the 'Sin~apore Diocesan Masuine•, November 1911, pp. ·8-18, by kind permission of the. Author, and of the Edi tor, the Rev~ Frank G, Swindell.

ll. A. Soc., No•. 61, 1912.

MkLACCA, A.D. 1511.

King Emmanuel put a.n end to the quarrel by naming both the _ disputants Viceroys and by giving each of them a fleet and a separate sphere of authority. This was in 1508. To another adventurous spirit, Diego Lopez de Sequeira, the King gave· an independent command, a squadron that was to operate outside the waters-of India. and Africa, and to bring new oceans under the.~ea110wer of Portugal. These last were the ships that cast anchor at Malacca on that fateful 1st August, 1509. As soon as the fleet was anchored a boat put off from the shore . to ask in the- name of the Benda.hara who Sequeira was and why he came. Sequeira had brought an Arabic letter from King Emmanuel to the Sultan of Malacca; he asked permission to deliver it along with the gifts.that went with such epistles. He·was forced to wait. His arrival was an event of the first magnitude to ·Malacca; was it wise to begin relations of whieh no man could predict the end? . So thought ;he Benda.hara. The Sultan saw no harm in reading a letter and receiving gifts that committed him to nothing; he overruled his ·minister. A Portuguese named Teixeira was sent ashore and was conducted on an elephant to the palace, where he had the desired audience of the King. It is not difficult to picture the scene: the . crowds outside ·who mobbed Teixeira in their~ inquisitiveness; and the sile·nt staring faces that lined each side of the long palace-gangway up which an envoy was expected to make his way, with many halts and ceremonious bows at every few feet of the passage and every step of the dais. Teixeira was a stranger , to Malay etiquette. He presented his ietter with a sailor's jovial cordiality, and in a burst of further friendliness he ·fastened a, -necklace of beads round the neck of the Benda.hara, just as"thoug}l that minister was an African Chief who would glory in such tinsel. An angry murmur followed the ;Portuguese as he.fumbled w-itb the sacred. person for the first noble in the country. "Let him alone : heed him not ; he is only a mannerless boor", said the Benda.hara. 'Teixeira's bold and blustering assurance was intensifying the ·nervousness, the fear of the Unknown, that chilled every heart in Malacca.-.

The days passed. N:o man dared attack the strangers ; yet BO man ventured to befriend them or.trade with them, for who could foresee the end? The Indian merchants wore anti-Portuguese to a. man; they knew what trade-rivalry meant. The Benda.ham saw that the strangers would be far l,t}SS tolerant of oppression tbe.n the ·i~~Uans whom they wished to supplant ; in the interest of. trade pteaehed a, holy war against. -the-infidel. The warriora of the city. -g.,ere discreet. They were to _.'the hard blows of the -war,. and the Bendabara the pickings of tlie,!f.ade; they elected to arm ani wait. No one in fact wanted to fight. Sequeira had come for customers. He waited, 'hoping that the Malays would appreciate . his pacific policy,· but he could gain nothing by delay : it was the one thing that the Malays desired. Sequeira -grew impatient, then petulant, then menacing ; the monsoon was slipping by ·and be

· Tour. Straits Branch

A,D. 1511.

could· __ wai~ no more. . Even- at this . stage, war• was not w)~at he wanted,. nor did it suit the }lal_ays. A situation-of extreme ;<ieµoacy is-always fraught with dire peril: and in -this case,. the ac~~q~ntal _-(or semi~&ecidental) firing of an ala.rm-gun on s. Protugue&e gJiip led to_ hostilities· over some petty ~istake,. The fighting - was )lalf• hearted but it spread. The Malays on board the Portuguese ship jumped. ·into the sea.; sueh Eurol)EW.n sailors as happened to. be on shore were seized and captured. Teixeira saw-the error when too late He was too weak--to attack the sullen angry city .that had now broken off all relations with him; the monsoon _was dying away; his ships were sadly in need of repair; and in the end .he ha,d to sail home having tarnished the fame of his country' and left his luckless comrades at the mercy of their foes. According to Malay ideas the Benda.hara was the leader of the. resistance to Seq~eira. He had done no fighting ; indeed :he had done nothing at all; but a statesman who achieves stupendous results by the simple process of inaction is a man- who deserves better of his country than the hero of a hundred c·ostly fights. So thought the people ; so, doubtless, thought the Benda.hara. qimseH. The Sultan thought otherwise. He saw that "Unele-lf utahir'' was becomiog far too great a personage ; and he recalled msny old g~ievances against his miru•r. There was the avunotilar :wealth to be garnered ; and there was that -little matter of the Bendahar.a's daughter which had never been- explained to His Highness's _proper satisfaction. .His Highness sent two of his followel"S to summon the Benda.hara" to Go«rs presenoe,, as they politely put it.; The Bendabara bowed his head and died.. The men of ·his household died with him ; his daughter was carried off to the harem of· the : Sultan-; and his riches were dissipated in festivities at the wedding of the Sultan's daughter to the son of the Ruler of ·Pah•ng. Sudqenly in the very mi<lst of all this _wassail the King's joy_ was turned into -bewilderment by the unexpected reappearance of the Portuguese fleet-this time in overpowering strength under the Viceroy d'Albuquerque himself.

As soon as King Emmanuel had heard ·of the disaster to Sequeira he had sent (March, 1510) three ships under Diego Mendez de Vasconcellos to avenge the defeat. These ships sailed first to India to consult with d' ~lbuquerque- - The great Vice;roy was too expert a commander to weaken his forces by .dispersing them into detachments ; - he: detained Vasconcellos depending, the oomplete subjugation af Go·a and the organization of-the naval base in India. Th~n-when all was ready io theearly~Summer-of 1511; d' Albqquerque sailed out to attack- .Malacca. ·with· ~very ship .and soldier "that he could muster. On the 1st July,--1511, he appee.red in the roads with the entire force. of .Portuguese .lndia,-nineteen ships, --800 European soldiers and ··600 native sepoys,-with trumpets sounding bapners waving; guns_ firing, and. every demonstration. that. might be expec~: to .create a panic among the junks in the harQQu? and the -warriors -in the town.

MALACCA, . A.D. 151-1.

The effect was immediate. The ships in the harbour-Chinese junks and Gujarati trading-y~ls-tried to sail away, but were intercepted and brought back to their moorings with every show of friendship. They offered to join the Viceroy in the attack on the town, hut t™:l!'-•f«··~as declined with thanks; the Portugue~ .admiral could- afford tiEJC~ide his time. Meanwhile the Malays and the Sultan were·too .:.dumhfoundered to act; no boat put ouf from the ·shore, no message was sent. By the- following morning, however; the· Sultan-~- -regaining some of his old· assurances sent a_ boat to·greet d'Alduquerque and to _say that the wicked Benda.hara .who-had instigat.ed the attack on ·Sequeira had been punished with death"!for all that he had done.· D'Albuquerque replied, expressing his gratification, bat p:>inting out that the Portuguese prisoners had not 1 heen released, and that pending their release the town must he regaraed as accessory to the attack on Sequeira. The Sultan wai'l now· in a· dilemma. Efe • realized that he could not keep the prisoners withou( removing his mask of friendliness, nor could he release them without .giving up his hostages for the s·ecutity of the town. He tried thA Bendabara.'s policy ; he temporized, But d' Albuquerque- wae no Sequeira. He knew that any general attack would be the sigRal for ·the death of his fellow-countrymen ; stilt, risk- must always be taken. · He entered into secret into secret communication with Ruy d' Aranjo who was the leader among the captives and his own personal friend. Ruy d' Aranjo spoke of dirided counsels in the city, and advised attack. '11 he Viceroy continued,.to.feel his way. He sei2ed some of tbe shipping and sent a few ·shots into the town. Then he waited. The hint was taken ; Ruy d' Aranjo was released. .

The Vicorey was now· in a stronger position. He went on to ask for a heavy indemnity and for permission to. open a. pe:rmanent trading-station at Malacca. The Sultan demurred ; he might have allowed the factory but he was quite unable to spare any money for the purpose· of buying off the P~rtuguese. Meanwhile the warparty in the town was coming slowly to the front. It was beaded by the Sultan•s son· Alaedin, by the. Prince of Pahang, and by the young bloods of .the·pl·ace -whe knew nothing of war and were eager for the fame that it brings. rhe Sultan himself preferred peace and quiet. He thought he could secure what be wanted by letting the Portuguese and the ·war-party oblige each other with the necessary· quantum of fighting; as for himself he was a pe&eeful person •who ·cared for none of these things. He told the Viceroy that hei was poor- and anxious for friendship, but quite unable to meet the demands that were being made upon him. .

. D~ Albuquerque began now to prepare for war. He knew his own mind and had a definite policy :- that of substituting a Portuguese tor a Malay government and leaving the foreign traders undisturbed. ·He gave the Javanese and Indian leaders assurances to that effect and received their promise of neutrality in return. In the matter ~f loc~l ~nowledge he wae well seITed by the fact that Ruy d' Aranjo

]Ollf. Straits Braac~

and the other prisoners had spent two years in the town and had come to. know the locality, the language, and the foreign merchants. Still the ta$k before him was a hard one.. In those day~ ·the cha.nnelof the Malacca. River turned sharply to the right after reaching the sea and allowed ships to lie at anchor off the mudbanks on which the houses are now built. Disembar~ation on those mudbanks was impossible; the key of the position_ was the landing-plane at the mouth of the ri'ver and at the foot of St. Paul's Hill, but unfortunately _for the .Po.rtuguese this pnint lay beyond the reach of the covering-fire of their ships' ~ns wrile it ·was exposed to the fire of every ~Ialay stockade and building in the vicinity. The Viceroy tried to grapple with : the difficulty hY building a sort of arined ra,f~ or floating-battery which could float in shallow water _and be moored at the mouth of the river so as to silence the lfalay gun~fire and cover the landing of_ the jroop~. The battery· was,.& failure. It grounded in the wroag place was exposed to a, vo_ry heavy fire, and was only saved from ·capture by the heroism of its commander, Antonio d' Abreu who stuck to his post though wounded ·grievously.·. At last d'Albuquerque was compelled to attack without·the help of any artillery to cover hlS advance; he sent out a s~rong force, cleared the landing-place of the enemy's troops_ by a sudden rush, and then forced up the floating-battery to a, more commanding position where it made short work of the Malay defences. This advantage was not secured without heavy loss; for after the first surprise of the first Portuguese attack the Malays had rushed together from all quarters and had made a most desperate onslaught upon the landing party -which they endeavoured to throw back into the sea. The prince Alaedin, :mounted on ail elephant; headed this charge in person ; and the Portuguese lost 60 men before it was ·repulsed. This success and the des.truction of the Malay defences encouraged the Portugue~e to follow up their advantage by an attack upon the mosques and palaces on St. Paul's Hill, but .the· Malays were numerous an~ were fighting under cover while the Viceroy's troops were bew_ildered by the confused mass of building and were driven back with _heavy loss, So ended the day:.. The Portuguese had cleared the ~andingplace ; and that was all. The crowning attack. took place on St. James'Day, the 24th July, 1511. The Viceroy landed troops again under C0"8r of the guns of his -·t1.oating-battery but when once they bad come ashore they were· charged by a wild. mob of.700 ?.fa.lays and mercenaries under the Prince Alaedin in person. The fight was long and furious; and though it put the Portuguese to heavy loss it -eould only end in one way: armour, superior weapons, discipline,everything was on their side. The Malays retreated once more to the shelter of the buildings that had served them so well on the previous day. This time d'Albuquerque advanced wit'1 more caution ; he burnt the building~ as he went along. The work was slow and cruel, for the defenders shot down poisoned arrows upon a. A. Soc., ~o. 61. 1912.

MALACCA, A,D. 1511.

the attacking Portuguese, who were burdened with the weight qf their armour, and exhausted by the heat of the sun and by the fire and smoke from -the burning houses. Again and again, with diminishing forces, did the Prince Alaedin lead out his men in sudden rushes and win momentary success, only to be repulsed in the end. So too, now and again from the upper reaches 9£ the river, Qid the Laksamana. Hang Nadim send down his war-canoes or fl.reships to take the enemy in the rear or harass his communications-all to no avail. Night separated the co111batants and tlle Portuguese retreated to their ships, saddened by their heavy losses and by their consciousness that the work of destruction was only half accomplished.

On the following day the Viceroy disembarked his men once . more and· pro,1eeded with every precaution to assail the smoking ruins that had covered the resistance of the last two days. He found no one to oppose him. Prince _ Alaedin and his Laksamana. had retreated ·up the river and were awaiting attack at Pa-goh on a. battlefield of their own choosing. The Prince of Pahang had gone back to his own country as the fighting had lost all attraction for him. · The Sultan h&d seen the burning of the palace and was not. sure that his policy of lazy neutrality would justify him in meeting the Viceroy face to lace ; he removed himself with all possible despatch beyond the reach 'of any Portuguese marauding party. The aged bedridden Benda.hara who had succeeded the murdered Mutahir was borne off in a litter by his· 1oving relatives_ while he inv~ked curses on the cowardice of a generation that was not as the warriors of his youth. The Malay power was broken. The Javanese, Burmese and Indian merchants were for peace at any price and hastened to. make their submission to the Viceroy, and, as an earnest of their goodwill, helped him to dislodge the Prince Alaedin from his chosen lair at·Pagoh. The prince fled far away; a few scattered bands of outlq,ws represented all that was left of the famous l\falay empire of Malacca.

Jour. Straits Branch tt. A. Soc. No. 61, 1912.