35 seasonal food security strategies

Working Paper 35

Seasonal food security strategies of the ‘extreme poor’ of Haor in Bangladesh

Arafat Alam

July 2016

EEP/Shiree House 5, Road 10, Baridhara, Dhaka-1212, Bangladesh July 2016

Seasonal food security strategies of the ‘extreme poor’ of Haor in Bangladesh Arafat Alam

Abstract This working paper presents findings from research on seasonal fluctuations of food security and different food strategies of the extremely poor people in the North-East Haor region of Bangladesh. The study uses a mixed-method approach analysing both a quantitative data set and a collection of qualitative data including case studies, focus group discussions and participant observation during the monsoon. The study finds that the poorest define food security as taking protein food stuff in their meals, having regular income and job opportunities round the year. Fish intake is significantly related with seasonal fluctuations of weekly expenses in fish, savings, loan taking, number of Income sources, and with duration of migration of both males and females. In addition, the research also suggests that a capital based sustainable livelihood framework is limited in explaining access challenges, power relationships, cultural value patterns and historical aspects and understandings of the food strategies of the poorest. Distress food strategies include changes to the frequency of food consumption, quantity and quality of meals, alternating food choices, starving and borrowing, buying food on credit and giving more food to income earners.

List of Acronyms ESEP: Economic and Social Empowerment of the extremely poor CWW: Concern Worldwide EPP: The extremely poor HHH: Household head SPSS: Statistical Package for the Social Science FAO: Food and Agricultural Organization GoB: Government of Bangladesh WB: World Bank

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Chapter One 1.1 Introduction Seasonality is closely correlated with transitory fluctuation of food security and situational poverty in low-income societies since it impacts on four major broad indicators of food security: food access, availability, distribution and utilization (Ajani, 2010, Ulijaszek and Strickland, 1993 and Abdullah and Wheeler, 1985). This correlation is increasing strong in agriculture based societies, though decreasing in middle income earner countries (Sahn, 1989). Seasonal food scarcity has been termed as ‘temporary or transitory’, more or less predictable, and having the potential to become ‘long term and chronic’ if repeated over long periods of time (World Bank, 1986).

The precondition of a food secure life is the ability to afford multiple essential nutrition ingredients (Ruel, 2002). Combinations of a variety of food in the diet might fulfil the minimum daily requirement (Labadarios et al., 2011) and protein intake can be used as an indicator measuring the status of food security (WHO/FAO, 1996). Popularly, food security is defined as the “ability to acquire acceptable foods in socially acceptable ways” (Brandt, 1986) and the poorest are less able in different ways to meet the dietary requirements (Juma, 2007). Logically, dietary diversity, as an indicator of food security, should be considered only after the minimum frequency of meals is achieved (Swindale and Bilinsky, 2005). The composition of dietary diversity however is very contextual (Hoddinott, 2002). Considering all the limitations of how to define food security, the poorest undertake different food strategies in different seasons (Hillbruner and Egan, 2008, Styen et al., 2006 and Bernal et al., 2003). For this reason, in this study we want to know how the poorest of Haor 1 define food security and strive to achieve this.

In addition to this, a household is a complex adaptive system (Bickel and Cook, 2000) as it uses different assets of its members and may need multiple capitals, including social capital, to ensure food security (Maxwell, 1999). International and national policies; market actors; household demographics; socio-economic, cultural and ecological factors all have an impact on food security (Eicher, 1986).

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Haors are situated in seven districts of the North-East Bangladesh., these are: Sunamganj, Kishoreganj, Netrokona, Sylhet, Habiganj, Maulavibazar and B. Baria ( Alam et al., 2011).

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1.2 Objectives of the study The aim of this research project is to investigate the interrelation of seasonal food security of the extremely poor people of the Haor region with inter and intra-household dynamics, such as food distribution, consumption and food security strategies, in the given cultural and historical context of Haor. Specifically it seeks: 1. To identify how “extremely poor” people define and perceive food security.

2. To explore how food security changes at community and household levels over time.

3. To discover how household members (children, men, women, elderly people and

others) are differently affected during lean seasons.

4. To explore household food strategies in different lean seasons.

1.3 Literature Review The household is a good entry-point to understand food security related vulnerabilities and coping mechanisms (USAID, 2007). Most of the available literature on food security issues discusses food security in the least food secure and vulnerable regions. Prioritizing the best method of understanding food security is the subject of much debate due to its complex and multidimensional nature (Haddad, 1994).

1.3.1. Understanding food security Food security is defined as a state in which ‘all people at all times have both physical and economic ready access (socially accepted) to sufficient food to meet their dietary needs for a productive and healthy life’ (USAID, 1992. Numerous ‘indicators’, ‘scales’ or ‘grades’ of measuring food security have been developed over time.

Anbumozhi and Portugal (2011) argue that FAO should consider four major dimensions in looking at food security, namely: availability, accessibility, stability (consistency of seasonal production) and food utilization as later endorsed by FAO (FAO, 2008). Moreover, Ziervogel et.al (2006) replace the idea of ‘stability’ with ‘livelihoods’ to capture the significance of seasonal fluctuations.

The US census bureau used both quantitative and qualitative indicators in their nationwide population census for the first time in 1995 (Derrickson, 2000). Some of the popular methods of analysing food security focus on micronutrients, which are related with improved health status (Coates, 2006), energy requirements and intake measurement of a specific household

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(FAO, 2010 and Anriquez et.al, 2012). However, these methods are data-intensive, technically difficult, longitudinal and expensive to collect. Moreover, most of the measuring techniques cannot distinguish between the effects of an inadequate diet and poor health, since the two are synergistic.

To analyse food security, Hoddinott and Yohannes (2002) used dietary diversity, per capita expenditures and calorie availability indicators in many developing counties including Bangladesh. Applying a dietary diversity score on the extremely poor who are ‘unable to afford three meals a day’ (CWW, 2013) seems inappropriate since it infers the minimum amount of meals has been achieved (Frongillo, 1999 and Swindale and Bilinsky, 2005). The supply and demand of adequate amount of food (Valde, 1999) as well as income and purchasing capacity (World Bank, 1986, Riely, et al., 1999 and Mane and Sacco, 2007) are also seen as popular indicators. It is still a matter of debate how accurately a ‘sufficient supply of food’ translates or captures the notion of ‘access to the food by all’. Similarly, although ‘income’ is a very influential indicator, there are strong arguments to work with a more multidimensional sense of food insecurity (FAO/FIVIMS 2003).

Kennedy (2003) has argued that we need a changing epistemology, which demands context specific subjective understandings of food insecurity. Fajardo (2003) supports this statement and notes that quantitative measures of food security reflect people’s needs directly, but that they should also include qualitative explanations. Similarly, Mason (2003) agreed that food security issues should be measured by going beyond energy intake alone. Moore et. al. (1999) recently noted that poor people often explain their reality with reference to material but also non-material issues. Food insecurity is popularly explained as a consequence of being poor while poor people explain their poverty with reference to their anxiety about the future need for food, and their lack of sufficient food (Brock, 1999). In the most severe stages of food insecurity children might suffer reduced food intake and hunger (Radimer, 1990).

In this sense it is essential to identify the contextual meanings of food security and how the poorest cope with seasonal stress, issues that are often not captured in anthropometric surveys and household food expenditures (Bickel et al, 2000).

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1.3.2. Coping with seasonal fluctuations The poorest people undertake different livelihood strategies in different seasons and different occupational groups have different degrees of access to resources (Adam, 2013). Dosti et al., (2002) and McKay (2003) relate food security with poverty situations and seasonal stresses which may force the poor into chronic poverty. For example, during a peak season a particular household may seem food secure but it may become vulnerable during difficult periods (Sanchez, 2000).

Sarris and Karfakis (2010) have developed a means to measure covariate shocks and estimate the vulnerability of people in rural areas of Tanzania. The findings of the study suggest that major shocks and coping strategies are related with weather patterns, and the impacting factors are the price of the necessary agricultural products in local markets and the ability to diversify income sources and cropping patterns. These findings are extremely relevant and important for this current study which focuses on the seasonal variations of an agricultural society.

Individuals of a household have some sort of economic, social, human physical and political assets which are correlated and might have impact on each other. This can ultimately generate income to ensure food security (Dercon, 2001). In fact, how a particular cultural group in a specific region experiences food crisis in different seasons and how much the poorer class can utilize their very limited capital is the focus of this current study. In other words, transforming assets into income and food security are always subject to risks such as seasonality (Maxwell 1999, Rahman, 2002 and FAO, 2013).

This idea is the key to understanding household food security dynamics but this idea does not address how and why. Additionally, it is essential to explore to what extent the sustainable livelihood framework, which is asset oriented, explains food strategies in the poorest populations. Relevantly, the Anthropometric and nutritional approach have been used in a study which explores household members change in quantity, frequency, quality and the type of food stuff in different difficult seasons as a part of distress coping (D. Maxwell, 1996). But the study lacked determining factors of household level food distribution and seasonal fluctuations of food availability.

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1.4 Conceptual framework The study adopts a livelihoods framework (see figure 1) to examine food security dynamics.

The advanatge of the framework is that it allows the researcher to bridge wider political economy considerations, intra household food distribution and consumption, and access to the different natural resources and their seasonal availability. The framework is also agile enough to deal with the crucial variable of seasonality.

Figure 1: Conceptual Framework for seasonal food strategies

1.5 Methodology This study uses a mixed-method approach comprising of both quantitative and qualitative data which help capture macro and micro considerations; objective as well as subjective understandings of food security dynamics (Neuman, 1991 and Cresswell, 1994).

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1.5.1. Selection of the Study Area We used a quantitative baseline data set involving 8,661 extremely poor households from six sub-districts of three districts of the Haor area namely; Habiganj, Kishoreganj, Sunamganj.

Furthermore for qualitative data collection we purposively selected one village in the Haor area, namely: Sonapur of Austogram sub-district of Kishoreganj district of Bangladesh.

1.5.2. Quantitative data analysis Our research used the baseline data set of the ESEP project of Concern Worldwide (CWW) which is being implemented among extremely poor households in three districts of the Haor region of Bangladesh. The data of a total 22,000 households were collected by a common set of survey questionnaires in different months by the CWW staff members from 2012 to 2014.

The questionnaire includes different variables about demographic status, income, expenditure, loan, savings, access to the water bodies and land, food intake and coping strategies of the poorest. After rigorous cleaning, the study analysed data of a total 8,661 households whose per day per capita income was less than 1.25 dollars: defined as an ‘extreme poverty threshold’ by the Millennium Development Goal programme. Later these data were categorized into different seasons based on the months of collection.

SPSS software was used to analyse descriptive statistics to summarize information on socioeconomic and demographic status and then mean and regression analyses were used to understand correlations of different factors with food items intake and food strategies.

1.5.3. Qualitative data analysis Qualitative data were used for in-depth enquiry of the research problem. The field work was carried out over 22 days of participant observation in the selected village where the researcher was a ‘passive observer’ of the daily life and livelihood strategies during the monsoon season. Participant observation is a unique approach to get in the natives’ skin and grasp cultural logic of social phenomena (Pelto and Pelto, 1996).

At the initial stage, it was proposed that the participants for qualitative data collection would be selected from the occupational groups which might be more food insecure. At the quantitative data analysis stage, we found that the mean differences of food insecurity regarding protein intake were homogenous. In other words, the mean differences of food security status among the different occupational groups were not significant (P=.131). Given

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this, participants for qualitative data collection were selected considering the highest frequency of occupational groups, i.e. 1. Non-agricultural daily labour (Fishing labour, earth cutter, unskilled daily labour) which constitutes 33.4% of the population; 2. Agricultural daily labours which constitutes 17.6% of the total population. A total of 8 cases (4 male and 4 female headed households) and 16 participants divided into 2 groups of males and females for focus group discussions were randomly chosen from the above mentioned occupational categories.

1.5.3.1. Case studies Case studies have been collected through semi-structured interview questionnaires because it is a more effective tool to know a household’s particular experiences of seasonal stresses on food security, their coping mechanisms (Strauss and Corbin, 1998), the causes and effects of facts, cultural perceptions and gender relations (Gomm and Hammersley, 2000).

1.5.3.2. Focus group discussions (FGDs) FGDs were conducted to explore how extremely poor households define food security and how food security situations change in their community over time. FGDs were a useful tool to explore common and different livelihood trends of the community over different seasons (Khan, 1991). This method also was effective to triangulate information (Boateng 2012) of different perspectives.

1.5.4. Secondary sources Secondary sources such as articles, books, magazines, conference papers and organizational reports were used to conceptualize and analyse the data and findings.

1.5.5. Ethical considerations To protect the poorest vulnerable participants the study uses anonymous names for all cases and villages. No compensation was provided for participation in this project as it was culturally unexpected and might bias the research. All the participants of the entire study were adult. No child was interviewed in this study. Data about the children were collected from parents. The purpose of the study was clearly explained to the participants prior to the fieldwork.

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Chapter Two: Understanding food security This chapter focuses on exploring the contextual meaning of food security to the EP people in the Haor region of Bangladesh. Both the qualitative data on perceptions and quantitative analysis have been used to understand food security in different seasons.

2.1. Meaning of food security According to many of the participants of the case studies and FGDs, ‘food security is the ability to afford at least three meals a day round the year’. The participants noted they were very happy to have only ‘rice’ and ‘fish’. Some believed that having only ‘rice with salt’ means more than food security to them in the lean seasons.

Other participants stated, food security is regularly affording ‘good food’, ‘expensive food’ ‘quality food’ and ‘better food for the children’ such as milk, meat, chicken and eggs. These food items also belong to the ‘protein’ group of foods (FAO, 2013). Moreover, two of the participants believed food security means ensuring a ‘better income’ and a good ‘regular job’ round the year which will enable them to afford meals and basic needs. Here, better income refers to a consistent income flow even during the lean seasons.

2.2. Staple food (Carbohydrate) intake The quantitative survey used a recall method of counting if any individual of the household had taken specific food items such as such as rice, potatoes, flour in the carbohydrate food group; and meat, chicken, fresh fishes, dried fishes, pulses, eggs, milk in the protein group at least once in the week prior to the interview.

The majority (94.3%) of 8661 households responded that at least one individual of a household had been able to eat staple food (rice) every day during the week prior to the survey. A small number (1.2%) of households reported that they could not afford rice even once during the same period. In fact, rice is the staple food of Bangladesh and the Haor region is characterized by rice production, producing about 20% of the country’s total staple food. In addition, the area is the largest breeding zone of fresh water fish (Rabby et al., 2011).

The above results show more or less satisfactory staple food intake (carbohydrate) by at least one individual of the household in the week prior to the survey in different seasons.

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2.3. Food security measurement (protein intake) The quantitative data indicate that at least one individual in about half (50.4%) of the total households (N=8661) ate fish or dried fish twice in the week prior to the interview, 24.4% on 3 days, 22.9% once and a negligible number of households on 5 and 4 days. This data suggests that respondents take limited amount of protein intake including fishes.

If fish and dry fish are taken out of the ‘protein’ group, the analysis offers an opposite result, i.e. almost all (97.4%) of the households did not eat any protein item such as meat, chicken, egg, pulse and milk in week prior to survey (Figure: 2.1).

These results indicate that ‘protein’ intake Source: Author, 2014

means basically ‘fish’ intake in the Haor areas. FGDs and case studies suggest that

participants think these ‘protein food items’ are expensive which only rich people can afford in their meals. Interestingly, though ‘dry fish’ are considered a ‘protein food group’, the poorest in the Haor do not take ‘dry fish’ into account while defining food security as it is seen as lower quality food. Moreover, dry fishes are among the cheapest of foods in the local market and poorest people think it is a food only for those who are not able to buy ‘good food’.

Quantitative data show that the mean expenditure on fish and dry fish of the total population is 34.73 taka, and according to the qualitative study participants, this amount does not seem enough to buy fish at least twice per week. This result triggers another question as to how these households managed to eat fishes during this period. Even the satisfactory ‘carbohydrate’ intake leads to intriguing questions about the affordability of rice. Such questions can only be answered once we have a better understanding of the seasonal fluctuations of key issues such as income/job, rice/carbohydrate and fish/protein.

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Chapter Three: Changes in Seasonal food security Seasonality has both implicit and explicit impacts on many aspects of human life related to food security. This chapter discusses seasonal fluctuations of ‘food security’ and its related aspects.

3.1. Seasons and food security During our qualitative investigations, participants identified two different peak and three lean seasons for their livelihoods based on the availability of jobs, income opportunities and agricultural cropping pattern. These are categorised as follows; 1. Peak seasons a. Peak 1: From April to May (Boishakh to Jaisthya) b. Peak 2: Later in November to January (later in Kartik to Magh).

2. Lean seasons a. Lean 1: From Mid of June to September (Ashar to Ashwin) (Monsoon) b. Lean 2: From October to November (Ashwin to Kartik) c. Lean 3: From February to April (Falgun to Chaiytra) According to the most of the FGD participants, the second lean season can be merged with the first one (monsoon) as they believe it is an effect of the longest lean period monsoon.

3.2. Seasonal fluctuations of food security Quantitative data analysis of the mean comparisons of ‘fresh fish’ consumption in different seasons shows that the model itself is significant (p=.004). Undertaking Post-hoc test, we observe significant mean differences between peak 1 and lean 1 and again between peak 1 and lean 2. Lean 1 and lean 2 seasons have no significant difference between them with least intake of fresh fish. The mean difference plot (Figure 3) shows that fresh fish intake is highest during peak 1 season (harvesting season), and decreases steeply in lean 1 (rainy season) with a further decrease in lean 2 period (February to March). The mean difference again rises in peak 2 though it does not show any significant mean difference with any other season.

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Figure 3: Mean differences of fresh fish intake

Source: Author, 2014

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3.3. Relationship between fish intake and other variables Table1 : Relation between fish intake and impacting variables (Coefficients) Model

Unstandardized Coefficients

Standardized

t

Sig.

Coefficients B (Constant)

.000

.041

3.812

.000

.000

.021

1.554

.120

0.000174

.000

.074

6.920

.000

-.001

.001

-.023

-1.295

.195

.055

.050

.012

1.094

.274

1.098E-005

.000

.051

4.791

.000

-5.989E-006

.000

-.007

-.450

.653

.032

.022

.017

1.456

.145

Number of sources of Income

-.044

.018

-.030

-2.405

.016

Household size

-.006

.007

-.012

-.829

.407

Sex of household heads

-.002

.029

-.001

-.055

.956

-.001

.000

-.023

-2.138

.033

.002

.001

.024

2.220

.026

Donation from the community Savings Per day per capita income Own productive land and water body Loan Monthly income Number of earners

Duration of migration of male (Months) Duration of migration of female (Months)

1.348

.067

.001

.000

3.027E-005

Beta 20.172

Expenses in fishes (weekly)

1

Std. Error

Source: Author, 2014

Linear regression (Table 1) between â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;fresh fishâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; intake with other variables such as amount of donation from the community, savings, per day per capita income, loan, monthly income, number of earners, household size, sex of household heads, duration of migration shows that the total model itself is significant (F=9.071, p<0.000, R square .013) and although FS/fish intake is not straight forward and simple, it shows significant positive relationships with:

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1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Expenses in fishes (weekly) Savings Loans Number of sources of Income Duration of migration of both male and female

Table 1 shows that a 1 Taka increase in total expenses in fish consumption (B=0.001, p=.001) contributes to .0001 in food security. In other words 10,000 Taka increase in total expenses in fish, contributes to 10 days fish intake. Similarly 10,000 Taka money increase in total savings (B=0.000174, p=0.001) contributes to 2 days, an increase in loan by 10,000 Taka contributes to 1.2 days fish intake. Moreover, increases in the number of sources of income (B= -0.044, p=0.016) by 100 could reduce 4 days of food security, while an increase of 1,000 months of male migration (B=-0.001, p=.033) could contribute to 1 day reduction in food security.

3.4.1. Peak 1 season The first peak season takes place during the harvesting paddy season and is ‘peak’ for the entire Haor region. During this time, both the poorest and rich can earn and save money.

Working opportunities for the agricultural daily labourers (male) and domestic helpers (female) to process the harvested paddy. Almost all poor households go to the agricultural fields to pick out left over paddy after harvesting.

For unmarried females it is usually socially unacceptable to go the fields for harvesting.

However exceptions can be made if the field is close to their home or if they have no male person in their households to work. Widows can work outside of their home because, as one of the FGD participant stated: “society understands a widow has no other means to continue her livelihood and she has no male partner in her household to work for her”.

Most of the labourers earn paddy as wages while some get both paddy and cash. During this time, male daily labourers reach their maximum annual income level. For this reason, this is also the time when most of the social and economic contracts such as loan repayments, large household purchases, marriage ceremonies, payments for the bonded and daily labourers take place in exchange of money and paddy. The poorest people save some money and store paddy during this time.

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3.4.2. Peak 2 season The monsoon flood water runs off from the crop land in the second peal season, and the agricultural fields become ready for seeding. Females are allowed to work in field to help with weeding and the transfer of tender plants of paddy to the main crop land. Males have a wider range of work opportunities in preparing land and planting in the main crop land.

Landlords usually start recruiting bonded labour (men and the children) for four to six months from this season.

3.4.3. Food security in peak seasons Participants of both FGDs and case studies agreed that they are able to buy ‘good food’, ‘expensive food’ especially ‘fish’ (protein) during this time. Almost all households store ‘paddy’ (carbohydrate) at their home to meet the needs of household for the following two to four months of monsoon. Weekly expenses on fish however increase. Poorest people visit their relatives and kin in both peak seasons and also eat fish and meat. Sometimes daily labours eat ‘good food’ in a landlord’s home as they have two meals there along with their daily wages. Group and individual (both male and female) migrants to neighbouring villages usually work full time in these two seasons.

3.5.1. Lean 1 season The duration of the first and the most stressful lean season is becoming ‘unpredictable’ according to our respondents. In the last fifty years, the annual temperature has increased gradually and rainfall has remained almost unchanged (Roy, 2013). Sometimes the monsoon starts fifteen to twenty days earlier with flash floods and usual monsoon water stays for a longer period of time till November or dries out earlier. The impact of this more erratic weather pattern on people’s livelihoods requires further in-depth study.

Relevantly, the quantitative survey data shows that 96.8% of respondents did not experience any disaster such as floods, flash floods or water logging in last three year. This is unusual because the entire Haor region is often submerged under flooded river water in for four to six months annually. The poorest turn to casual fishing when they have limited access to the flooded cropland and water bodies.

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Mondol, a fishing daily labourer, says, fish is available in monsoon but that the poorest cannot fish since the water bodies are surrounded by fences and leased out to rich people though auction.

Some FGD participants noted that they fish together and share nets and boats. Some poor people manage to access water bodies illegally (inferring they steal) and some pay bribes to the water body guards. Fishing daily labourers earn both in cash and kind, but they do not eat the fish they earn. Instead, they sell out the fish in order to buy rice.

3.5.2. Lean 2 season The second lean season starts after the winter and lasts to the harvesting peak season in April.

During this time crops remain in the field and no other work opportunities are available. In both lean seasons, the demand for agricultural labour and domestic help reduces significantly.

Most of the FGD and case participants catch fish in the dry season and during the monsoon period, and then return to daily labouring during the harvesting period. During lean seasons, even those working as domestic help find that the in-kind payment of food offered by their employers tend to be of inferior quality.

3.6. Migration Both males and females become almost jobless during the lean periods. Some of the poorest, who have some friends and relatives working in other areas, migrate to the nearby districts of Sylhet, Noakhali, Mymensing, Dhaka and Chittagong searching for work. Recently, adolescent girls have started migrating towards the capital city Dhaka to try and secure employment in the garment industries.

3.7. Challenges in accessing loans Analysis of our quantitative data shows that 12.5% of the total households take an average of 870 Taka in informal loans from different individuals and community, while an almost negligible proportion (0.7%) are able to take loans from more formal institutions. Banks, NGOs and CBOs do not want to give the poorest loans as they are often viewed as â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;riskyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; clients, unable to repay the loan in time.

Kakoli (42) went to a local NGO named palli bikas three times to take micro-credit during the last lean season in February. The officer informed her that she needed to have some assets in order to access micro-credit.

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Normally, it is the males who take loans in cash from the landlords (mahajon) with interest rates ranging from 20% to as high as 100%.

The seasonal fluctuations of different livelihood dimensions related to food security are presented in table 2.

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Table 2: Seasonal calendar of food security JAN

FEB

MARCH

APRIL

MAY

JUNE

JUL.

AUG.

SEPT.

OC

NOV.

DEC.

T.

Peak

Lean Season 2

Peak Season 1

Lean season 1 (Monsoon)

Peak Season 2

Season 2 Occupation Male

Agricultural daily labor/Non agricultural labor

Almost jobless, sometimes fishing daily labour

Agricultural daily labor

Fishing daily labor/Joblessness

Agricultural daily labor/Non agricultural labor

Occupation

Agricultural daily labor/ Nonagricultural daily labor/Domestic helper

Almost jobless, sometimes domestic helper 1-2 days a week/ begging

Domestic helper/Picking up left over paddy in the field

Fishing daily labor/ Domestic helper/Joblessness/begging

Agricultural daily labor/ Nonagricultural daily labor/ Domestic helper

Female

Food intake including fishes

Income

3 meals a day, fish intake 1-2 days a week Moderate

1-2 meals a day with lower quality of food and wild food, fish intake once a month Low

Male: 200 to 250 taka

3 meals a day, fish intake 2-3 days a week

3 meals on average for 2-3 months/1 to 2 meals for 2-3 months, lower quality of food, fish intake on average once in fortnight

High

Low

Moderate

Male: from 300-400 taka

Male:100-150 taka Female: 80-100 taka

Male: 200250 taka

3 meals a day, fish intake 1-2 days a week

Female: Female: 1.5-2 kg of rice as domestic helper/100-120 taka as a daily labour

Female: 1.5-2 kg of rice as domestic helper/100120 taka as a daily labour Moderate

earn 4-5 kg of paddy a day

Labouring opportunities

Moderate

Low

Savings

Negligible savings

No savings, take Loan

Store paddy and Negligible savings

No savings, take Loan

Negligible savings

Loan taking

Loan repayment

Moderate (Nobody wants to give loan to ‘risky’ EP)

Loan repayment

Moderate (Nobody wants to give loan to ‘risky’ EP)

Loan repayment

Migration

Moderate(Intern al)

Low

Moderate (Internal)

High (External)

Moderate(Inte rnal)

High

Low

(Source: Author, 2014)

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3.8. Historical background of changing access to water bodies and land In reply to the question on how food security has changed in the community, one FGD participant commented that: ‘Our forefathers had access to the water bodies and khas land. In their time these were sort of open access resources. Fishermen were fishermen by tradition, culture and occupation.

Recently however, daily labourers have become fishermen. The lands are occupied and managed by the rich and so labourers are forced into fishing. However now real fishermen are being excluded from their traditional rights.’

The history of policy changes of land reformation has a role in excluding extremely poor fishermen and farmers from access to land and water bodies. Through the permanent settlement Act of 1793, Zamindaris 2 were granted control over water bodies and rivers and lands. In relation to land, control was then sub-divided among jotedars who were not fishermen themselves (Douse, 2001). After the abolishment of the Zamindari system and the introduction of the Tenancy Act in 1950 (Rahman, 1998), the Department of Revenue became responsible for managing these resources. In 1965, the government took the initiative to help poor fishermen and alleviate poverty by distributing khas land 3 water bodies through the Department of Co-Operatives.

The New Fisheries Management Policy (NFMP) of 1986 introduced new measures that further limited access to ‘genuine fishermen’. In 1991, further policy changes were introduced when jalmohals were leased out instead of being auctioned out (Ali, 1999). Both the khas land and water bodies are now occupied by local elites and musclemen, which almost entirely excludes any option for the extreme poor to access the same resources (Chowdhury and Shahana, 1999).

2

Zamindars were selected representatives and landlords who used to collect revenue for the Colonial Government in the medieval feudal system.

3 A. Lands in which the people have common rights and therefore can not be leased out B. Abandoned land and water bodies.

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Chapter Four: Household food strategies In analysing food insecurity, it is not enough to just to look at times of stress. We need to also understand how the extreme poor experience and react to periods of stress.

4.1. Poverty dimensions of the Extreme Poor Analysis of our quantitative data shows that more than half of the households (55.3%) do not own homestead land, trees and gardens while the others own an average 0.09 acres of homestead land only. Those without homestead land, tend to live on temporary khas land.

None of our respondents own any water body. Only 1.4% are skilled workers, more than half (59%) rely on a single source of income, and 73% of households have only one income earner. About 6.7% of households report that their children under 15 years of age are involved in some form of child labour. Almost none of them (99.5%) have any cash capital, and 70% of household heads never been to school.

4.2. Food strategies using different livelihood capitals 4.2.1. Social capital One of the most important sources of income for the extreme poor are donations provided by richer neighbours (mahajans) especially during different religious festivals. Our survey data show that the mean income from community donations and begging is about 333 and 35 taka respectively.

Kakoli (42), a housewife of a fishing labourer usually buys rice and potatoes on credit from a shop and repays the loan in exchange for paddy in the harvesting season. The shop owner lets her take food on credit as both of them originally came from the same district.

Sonjoy (37) says, â&#x20AC;&#x153;We are poorest people. Our kin and kith are also the poorest. Nobody likes to keep good relations with us and to help us in difficult times because they know that we will struggle to repay loans. When we take loans, we either have to work for them for lower wages or for free. Sometimes we take loans with higher interests. But this can double our debtâ&#x20AC;?

In most cases landlords help the poorest by allowing them access to water bodies during difficult seasons but then compel them later to work extra hours for lower wages of for free.

Women usually borrow rice and vegetables from neighbouring houses but they rarely borrow

20

‘fish’ or ‘good food’. Analysis of our quantitative data shows in the face of hardship, a small number of households borrowed food (6.3%), others bought food from shops on credit (20.8%) and others sent other household members elsewhere in the community (5.5%) to eat a meal.

4.2.2. Economic capital Our survey data show that the poorest rarely save money. A few (4.6%) of the total population saved an average of 44 Taka. Rarely do the extreme poor have savings to use during the lean season. They therefore have to find other ways of generating money:

Chandan (52) is a daily labourer. He saved 2,500 Taka in the harvesting period and spent all of it to repay a loan of 4,000 Taka. He took this loan from a landlord where his son works in bonded labour.

Rani (20) is a daily labourer. Her husband works for others fishing. Last October she sold their boat for 2,000 Taka to buy food. The boat had been given by her father as part of a dowry.

Mondol (57), mortgaged his wife’s golden earrings for 2,000 Taka to the lady of a landlord family. The earrings were part of his wife’s dowry.

4.2.3. Political capital Extremely poor people significantly lack political capital. They might have a voter identity card like other citizens, but their voice is less heard and they are often invisible in the power structure of communities.

Minakkhi (50) is a domestic helper and wife of a daily labourer. She had voted for the Chairman in local government representative elections and by doing this she established a good relation (social capital) with the local union member. She managed to secure a vulnerable group development (VGD) card that entitles her 30kgs of rice per month for 2 years.

Montu (45), a fishing labour, expressed how depressed he was that no-one cared for him as he is extremely poor and has no political connections with local union parishad members. He has never attended any local shalish (informal community arbitration), and no one in the community feels the need for his presence in any organization.

4.2.4. Human capital:

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Skilled females make handicraft or web nets alone or with their husbands during the monsoon lean time. Most of the participants are skilled in fishing, cultivating and harvesting which they learned from their forefathers.

Mondol (57) knows how to weave nets and make fish traps making. He learned this from his father who was a fisherman. In Hindu religion, occupation is determined by birth caste system. Mondol is now teaching his wife and son to do the same.

Jobbar (41) sent his daughter Jesmin (16) to the capital city Dhaka to get a job in garment industry and to acquire new skills.

4.2.5. Physical capital We did not come across any examples where the extreme poor had physical capital that helped them put together strategies to ensure food security.

4.3. Intra-household food consumption The baseline survey used a scoring scale Table 4: Scale of food strategies Food strategy in last 7 days Number of days eaten

(Table: 4) of seven intra-household coping strategies. Each of the strategies 1

Eat smaller portions of food (quantity)

2 3

Eat smaller portions of food (quantity) Eat less than 3 times a day

4

Eat food naturally available or gathered wild vegetables

28% of households adopted some food

5

strategy in three of the seven days prior

6

to the interview; 32% adopted strategies

7

For adults only: Eat no food in any 24 hour period For children only: Eat no food in any 24 hour period Give more food to an earning household member

indicates a different food insecurity situation.

Frequency analysis shows that about

in two days, 12% in four days, 11% only

Source: Author, 2014

once, and 2.9% in five days. Quantitative analysis shows that the mean differences of the food strategies in different seasons are heterogeneous and significant (p=0.000).

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Table. 5: Mean differences of food strategies in different seasons Dependent Variable: Food strategies (I) season2

(J) season2

Mean

Std. Error

Sig.

95% Confidence Interval

Difference (ILower Bound Upper Bound

J)

peak1

Lean1

Lean1

-.14669*

.03188

.000

-.2287

-.0647

Lean2

.07744

.04043

.222

-.0265

.1814

Peak2

-.12544

.07112

.293

-.3094

.0586

peak1

.14669*

.03188

.000

.0647

.2287

Lean2

.22413*

.03233

.000

.1410

.3072

Peak2

.02125

.06684

.989

-.1520

.1945

peak1

-.07744

.04043

.222

-.1814

.0265

Lean1

-.22413*

.03233

.000

-.3072

-.1410

Peak2

-.20289*

.07132

.025

-.3874

-.0184

peak1

.12544

.07112

.293

-.0586

.3094

Lean1

-.02125

.06684

.989

-.1945

.1520

Lean2

.20289*

.07132

.025

.0184

.3874

Games-Howell

Lean2

Peak2

(Source: Author, 2014)

Table 5 shows that there are no significant differences between both peak seasons and lean 2 season. Lean 1 season (the rainy season) shows the highest mean of adopting food security strategies. There is also a significant mean difference between lean 1 and lean 2 periods.

At least one individual in half of the total households took less than three meals a day in the seven days prior to interview. A very few admitted that adults went hungry for 24 hours (3.8% of households) or children went hungry for the same time (1% of households). 43.2% of the total households reduced the amount of food they took, 82.2% ate lower quality food, and 32.5% picked natural/wild vegetables to eat. Almost all households (96%) gave more food to the income earner(s) in the household.

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Our case studies show that poorest people do not normally leave their child unfed even if it means adults, or more usually female adults, go hungry. Household adult males generally work as labourers and as such, females believe that they should also be prioritised when it comes to food.

If there is any ‘good food’ (protein) to distribute, females try to give it to males and children first. If there is any left, females may also have some. Regarding children, both parents believe that children, but especially male children, are future earners and should therefore always be fed well. In a separate question of the survey, nearly half of the female respondents and about 34% of males reported that food is more important for boys. Female children are also cared for. In qualitative research, we were told that: ‘Girls will leave us soon when they marry someone. So, they should eat better and will take care of her parents even after her marriage’.

Elderly and single headed households also suffer most in stressful seasons as they are less able to work and depend on relatives or community neighbours. In extended households, elderly people eat less or eat lower quality of food so that younger earners can be nourished.

Interestingly, ‘good food’ is always served for guests even if it means household members will have to go without. It seems that seasonal food strategies affect females and the elderly most.

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Chapter Five: Discussions and Conclusion 5.1. Major findings

The food strategies of the poorest are mainly focused around staple food of rice. This finding is similar to the study carried out by Tetens et al (1998). Food security for the poorest however means more than staple food supply. It also includes regularity of protein intake, as well as sufficient income and job opportunities. The availability of staple foods is one of the determinants of fish consumption patterns, the latter being a major source of protein in the Haor area. Our study identified two peak and two lean seasons. During the harvesting season, households expect to afford at least three meals with rice.

Migration of both males and females and storing food in the peak season are common food strategies in both types of seasons. In lean seasons, poor households are often forced to sell assets or wealth, are trapped in debt, and migrate to other places in search of jobs (Lipton, 1986). Stronger social capital facilitates internal and external migration. If an entire community suffers in lean seasons, social capital is less effective. Although Makita (2007) claims that patron-client relationship are decreasing in rural Bangladesh, our study found that these kinds of relationships still exist in the Haor area. The extreme poorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lack of political capital negative impacts upon their ability to attain food security especially in lean periods.

Common food strategies include storing food, saving money and allocating household labour during seasonal shocks (Fisher et al, 2013a, b). Our study however suggests that the poorest adopt strategies in peak seasons in preparation of lean seasons. They have to do this because when the lean seasons hit, the poorest have few if any cash savings, and struggle to secure loans except those that carry high interest rates.

During different seasons, fish â&#x20AC;&#x201C; an important source of protein â&#x20AC;&#x201C; is available but access to it is highly restricted (Webb, et.al. 2006). Policy directives coupled with local power structures prevent the poorest from accessing important food in socially acceptable ways (UNDP 1994:22).

Job opportunities and income opportunities decrease during lean seasons. This impacts upon the poorest in a very direct way, and impacts upon poor men and women in different ways.

The seasonal impact on food security varies according to the socio-economic and demographic status of households (Allison and Ellis, 2001). Extremely poor people actively adopt different food strategies depending on the season, the resources available to them, and

25

of course household composition. Food coping strategies in lean periods or times of distress typically include changes in quality and quantity of food; starving; distributing food â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;unevenlyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; so that income earners are nourished; and alternating food items.

5.2. Future research areas and policy implications There are a number of potential future research areas that are suggested by our study. These include: examining the impact of climate change on seasonality and agriculture based communities; exploring appropriate ways for communities to adapt to food insecurity; investigating potential areas of community led resource management that can help strengthen food security; researching deeper into the role of migration in food security and the gendered nature of food security. Finally, more attention should be given to understanding the wider political economy and governance of food security.

26

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