ASSOCIATION VS ASSIMILATION A Case Study on French Colonization in Vietnam
EVELIEN FLORIJN | A0145263J 01 | CHUA SI YANG | IMRAN BIN TAJUDEEN AR2221 | HISTORY AND THEORY OF SEA ARCHITECTURE
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ASSOCIATION VS ASSIMILATION This essay will explore two approaches within colonization that appear to be directly antagonistic to each other. Colonizers can adopt an associationalist policy, meaning they try to connect with the culture of the colonized, or an assimilationist policy, meaning they seek to replace the culture of the colonised with their own. French Indochina, Vietnam in particular, will be used as an example to demonstrate the effects of these policies, and to investigate the underlying motivations. Part 1 consists of two case studies which will illustrate how these policies affect architectural design and what the underlying assumptions are. Part 2 will provide a discussion on the associationalist and assimilationalist policies, but in a larger framework. This discussion will be based on two key articles: “Architecture in the Pacific Century” by Chris Abel (2004); and “Introductory Essay” by William Lim (1999). A trivial point when researching colonization is the matter of perspective. It is essential to keep the objectives of the various parties in mind. In this case there are three: the French, being the colonizers, the colonized, in this case the Vietnamese, and outsiders, which can be researchers, but also observers from colonial times and include the general French public. This is trivial as these three parties have very different motives, and therefore judge and experience situations in a different way.
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PART 1 A civil war between the Tay Son dynasty and the Nguyen Anh, the feudal overlord in the south, provided the golden opportunity for the French colonists to invade Vietnam (Nhu 1998, 19-20). Nguyen Anh appealed for help from the French to usurp power from the Tay Son dynasty, opening the gate to white colonists that would interfere in Vietnam’s domestic affairs and forcibly occupy it as their colony for nearly a century (Nhu 1998, 19; Vien 1998, 29). The formation of French Indochina took over thirty years. Three provinces of Cochinchina were colonized first in 1862, then the other provinces in the south which had been part of the ancient Empire of Vietnam, followed by Tonkin in 1885, and finally the separate kingdoms of Cambodia and Laos were brought together under the FIGURE 1. MAP OF FRENCH INDOCHINA (NATIONAL MUSEUM
Indochinese Federation of 1893, though still maintaining
OF THE US AIR FORCE 2015)
different military and political conditions of rule in each of
the five states (see Figure 1) (ClĂŠmentin-Ojha 2007, 21; Wright 1991, 163). The French ruled Cochinchina as a colony, but considered the four other states as protectorates (Logan 2005, 562). It was almost impossible to govern the colony in an intelligent matter due to a lot of administrative dilemmas and inconsistencies. 1879 was marked by the creation of the Third Republic, which included a shift from military to civilian government, but still did not provide any sense of purpose or geographical limits for the colony (Wright 1991, 165). In response to ambivalence at home, military officers stationed in Indochina often adopted a policy of le fait accompli, acting without authorization from Paris and then demanding official endorsement for the accomplished fact, recognizing that national pride would usually back their conquests in the end (Wright 1991, 165).
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CASE STUDY 1: NOTRE DAME CATHEDRAL, SAIGON
FIGURE 3A. FRONT VIEW (ANDERSON 1975)
FIGURE 3B. SIDE TRANCEPT (DELSO 2013)
CONTEXT Initially, the French Catholics used a converted pagoda located on the same site as the Notre Dame Cathedral
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today, however, this structure was soon replaced by a small wooden church designed by Coffyn (Wright 1991, 175). The French were not completely satisfied with this temporary structure, as it did not display the grandeur that is to be associated with their culture. Therefore, in 1866, they invited George Lhermite, the first Beaux Arts trained architect to work in Saigon, to design two monumental buildings: the Cathedral of the Notre Dame and the palace of the governor general (Wright 1991, 174). As previously described, the French had difficulties with administrative decisions. This resulted in postponing the cathedral for almost another decade. Lhermite’s other design, the palace of the governor general, was built, and the sale des fêtes was used to accommodate the mass during this period of indecision (Wright 1991, 175). Ultimately, the French government decides to abandon Lhermite’s design, and set up an international competition to find a new design for the Notre Dame Cathedral. In 1875 Parisian architect Jules Bourard was awarded with the commission for the new cathedral, they did however, decide to adhere to the site proposed by Lhermite: a large oval place cut into the Boulevard Norodom (Wright 1991, 175). The cathedral was built between 1877 and 1880 (Nhu 1998, 49; Vien 1998, 346).
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Nhà thờ chính tòa Đức Bà Sài Gòn or Duc Ba Cathedral in Vietnamese (Vien 1998, 346).
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DESIGN The design is somewhat eclectic: the façade has Romanesque characteristics, such as the rounded arches, and red coloured brick (Figure 3 and Figure 3). The interior also showcases rounded arches, which contrasts with the rib vaults, as these are a clear reference to gothic architecture, a style that th
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followed Romanesque in the 12 to 16 century and in which many great churches and cathedrals FIGURE 4. INTERIOR (DELSO 2013)
in France have been built (Figure 4).
Jules Bourard was successful in his design as the French architectural press showed considerable interest, however, he did not take into account the hot, humid climate of Saigon for his design and adaptations had to be made to create better ventilation (Wright 1991, 176). This includes the addition of the two spires in 1894, followed in 1942 by a second intervention in which extra openings were pierced in the side chapels, similar to the traditional Vietnamese practice for ventilating pagodas (Vo 2011, 122; Wright 1991, 176).
DISCUSSION The Notre Dame Cathedral is a prime example of the assimilationist policies that France adopted. Not only because it replaced a traditional Vietnamese structure that was deemed not worthy and suitable enough for the French Catholics. But also because the new design adheres to the French ideals in architectural design, disregarding the local culture. Likewise, it disregards the local climate. This could be a genuine mistake by Bourard, as this was in the early stages of French colonization and there was still little experience with building in a tropical climate. However, the French were reluctant to analyse local architecture and the way it deals with climate, as they regarded this as an admission of their own nation’s inadequacies (Wright 1991, 174). The later addition of the spires could be seen as an attempt at associationalism. Yet, it appears to be more of a necessary evil as opposed to a genuine attempt to adhere to local climatic design. Wright (1991, 176) claims that the later added ventilation openings are similar to those found in Vietnamese pagodas and it is certainly th
possible that the French imitated this design. Especially because in the 20 century, the French gravitated towards a more associationalist approach due to governmental changes in the homeland. It is interesting to observe how perspectives change over time. Currently, Vietnam is praising the French colonial remnants to attract tourists. Asiatica Tavel, a Vietnamese travel agency describes the Notre Dame Cathedral as “… [a] stunning French colonial structure…” (Asiatica Travel 2015). Nhu (1998, 59), a Vietnamese writer, describes the cathedral as “…considered a beautiful architectural piece of work.” This is particularly striking because Nhu takes quite a critical standpoint towards the French as colonizers. Though there is no evidence that the Vietnamese had similar feelings during colonial times, it is noteworthy that nowadays the cathedral is admired for its beauty.
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CASE STUDY 2: MUSEUM OF THE ÉCOLE FRANÇAISE D’EXTRÊME-ORIENT, HANOI
FIGURE 5. ÉCOLE FRANÇAISE D'EXTRÊME-ORIENT, HANOI (EFEO 1933)
CONTEXT th
By the 20 century, the French took on a more associationalist approach in their colonies. Within French Indochina, the French demonstrated their respect for local cultural traditions by giving new prestige to an institute of scholarly research: the École Française d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO), which was founded by Doumer in Saigon and soon after moved to Hanoi (Logan 2000, 88; Wright 1991, 193). There is disagreement on when exactly the EFEO was founded, as both Logan (2000, 88) and Wright (1991, 193) claim this happened in 1899, but Clémentin-Ojha (2007, 18) states there were three important dates: in December 1898 the EFEO was founded by decree, it then received its definitive title in January of 1900, but it was not until February 1901 that its institutional stability was assured by the President of the Republic, Émile Loubet (Clémentin-Ojha 2007, 18). Initially it was situated in a renovated building near the governmental palace, however Doumer had high aspirations for this institution: he wanted it to become like prestigious French School at Rome, Athens and Cairo, where renowned specialists studied the great classical civilizations of the western past (Wright 1991, 193). In his vision the EFEO would “work at the archaeological and philological exploration of Indochina, assure the conservation of historic monuments and contribute to the erudite study of neighbouring countries,” and would only focus on “research in a purely scientific vein” (Wright 1991, 194). Or as Logan (2005, 563) puts it: “The EFEO was created to collect, categorize and study aspects of local culture, notably archaeology and ethnography.” Unfortunately, the French government did not share Doumer’s passion for the EFEO, hence it took eight years for the government to pass any historical preservation legislation, and when they did in 1913, it consisted of a “vague statement of respect for the great monuments of the colony’s past” (Wright 1991, 194).
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Ernest Hébrard, a qualified and proven urbanist, familiar with the French civic grandeur but also in line with associationalist values, was chosen to work in French Indochina (Wright 1991, 102). In his works, he tried to adopt local principles of orientation, site planning, ventilation systems and material choices (Logan 2000, 99; Wright 1991, 204). For this he travelled extensively, photograhpic the high art of Angkor and the Buddhist th
pagodas, as well as simple rural habitations and narrow streetscapes in the 18 -century districts of Hanoi, however, he was looking for techniques to adapt French architecture to the tropical climate (Logan 2000, 99; Sidel 1998, 22). The archaeological research and excavations focused mainly on two sites: Annam’s monumental brick and th
stone sculptures in Vietnam, which are vestiges of the lost Cham civilization of the 15 century; and the th
phenomenal Ankor Wat, the remains of Khmer civilization in Cambodia dating from the 12 century (Wright 1991, 194). In 1926, the building changed into a museum based on the findings of the EFEO (Wright 1991, 207).
DESIGN
FIGURE 6. ÉCOLE FRANÇAISE D'EXTRÊME-ORIENT, HANOI (NATIONAL MUSEUM OF HISTORY)
Due to his extensive travels and research, Hébrard had more knowledge on how to build for tropical climates. He designed connected pavilions to avoid ventilation problems, and incorporated arcades and overhanging porch roofs to provide protection from the sun (Wright 1991, 207). Also, aiming to adopt a more associationalist approach, he incorporated elements from different religions, and used civic and residential decorative motifs, freely mixing them even though they never appear as such on existing structures (Wright 1991, 207). Hébrard was known for mixing elements from different cultures or countries to create his ideal of an innovative and adaptive aesthetic that is more in line with associationalist policies. Wright (1991, 208) describes the design as a “hodgepodge of architectural motifs” with its polychrome façade, which evokes Japanese Shinto temples, the steep tiled porch roofs that recall Hindu temples in India, while the two-tiered rood of the central core alludes to Siamese, Cambodian and Laotian temple structures. However, he still adhered to some traditional French values: all his designs were carefully set in landscape surroundings and were easily accessible (Wright 1991, 207). Even though the project aimed to be associationalist, there was clear French influence visible in the façade for Hébrard and the staff of the EFEO.
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The Bulletin of the École described it as “these coordinated elements cannot, all the same, fail to make us recognize the French inspiration of the whole” (Wright 1991, 208).
DISCUSSION Wright (1991, 207) describes Hébrard’s design as “[a] pastiche of exotic details superimposed on a Beaux-Arts plan,” critiquing him for not adhering to the more radical direction that he advocated. She has a valid point, as assimilation stands for following the colonized culture, whereas Hébrard created this collage of various Asian architectural styles. Logan (2000, 88-89) provides an interesting and seemingly juxtaposing argument: “The EFEO continued to document, classify and, most importantly, protect the city’s pre-colonial cultural heritage. This enabled the Vietnamese residents of Hanoi to maintain their cultural links with the past – or, at least, with those elements that EFEO and the French authorities deemed worthy of maintaining as Vietnamese heritage.” The French are trying to be more assimilationist by preserving cultural elements from the Vietnamese. However, they decide on which elements are worthy to be preserved, which is a very assimilationist attitude, from the perspective of the Vietnamese. Furthermore, Wright (1991, 209) adds that “the very idea of a museum as institution was an intrusion in Vietnamese life,” as it isolates everyday objects, treating them with deep respect and awe, but at the same time emasculating the underlying cultural practices. Resembles cultural dominance by putting the vernacular in a museum to be regarded as a spectacle. It is difficult to say whether the French were genuine in trying to adopt a more associationalist approach, or whether they made a slight attempt in order to satisfy the higher powers in France. Even though Hébrard tries to adopt this approach, he still dismisses Cochinchina indigenous architecture as “poor in ancient monuments, imposing no particular context, [such that] it was more or less reasonable for the first colonial architects to have looked modestly to the metropole for their architectural examples” (Wright 1991, 206). With that he defends earlier French architects and their designs, even though he does not agree with their attitude of literally copying French architecture. This is interesting because it clearly shows that even though Hébrard regards himself an associationalist, he very much is an assimilationist, for not seeing the value in local vernacular architecture.
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PART 2 As illustrated in part 1, approaches of association and assimilation are rarely mutually exclusive. It is important to take into account the different perspectives and the biases that come with this. In 1909 the French chamber called for a new political course within the colonies, singling out Indochina as a particularly “egregious” example (Wright 1991, 190). A new policy of association was instated by Albert Sarraut, a governor general that was famous for defending associationalism, demanding attention for the needs and traditions for the colonized peoples (Sidel 1998, 22; Wright 1991, 190). This gave hope to many Indochinese people, however, results were only visible in word and to some extent in architecture, but there were no fundamental changes. The École Française d’Extrême-Orient (Case study 2, part 1), is a prime example of this as it was given more prominence, which never yielded any results for the Vietnamese. Even though they preserved vernacular monuments, it was the French who decided what was to be preserved (Logan 2000, 88-89). Furthermore, the restauration techniques applied by the EFEO were somewhat controversial, as their preferred method was to use reinforced concrete to hold up fragments of stone ceilings, walls or lintels (Wright 1991, 194). In his article, Lim (1999, XVIII) discusses how “traditions of the ex-colonies were often frozen in time, or worse modified to satisfy the function, meaning or aesthetic expression of the colonial master.” The topic of restauration is particularly interesting in this regard, as prior to French colonization, the Vietnamese had a social system that took care of architectural preservation. The idea was that the common man should take care of certain forms within the built environment to show respect toward things, animals, people, the sovereign, and the gods that were considered superior, through maintaining buildings, repairing them and avoiding destruction (Sauvegrain 2001, 27). The appropriate amount of care depended on one’s rank in society. Clearly the French had little interest in local customs and manners, and they did not just “freeze” the Vietnamese traditions in time, but they enforced their own way of rule, adhering to their aesthetic value. Lim (1999, XVIII) provides an explanation by discussing how in the West modernity is based on the Greco Roman traditions, and how westerners feel possessive over the initial development of modernity, creating a bias. He continues by explaining that to westerners, Asian architecture seems excessively decorated, but this perception comes from a lack of knowledge on design principles and aesthetic rules. The French, and most likely the other European colonizers as well, are very self-centred and regard themselves as the only source of valuable thoughts and ideas. A clear example of this can be found in a quote from Ernst Hébrard, who considered himself an associationalist: “Let us hope that French urbanism has found an experimental terrain in Indochina that will be fertile in producing results. It is especially in countries still young that this modern science which consists above all in predicting future developments and putting current circumstances in order, will facilitate the construction of health, convenient cities which are pleasant to live in.” – Ernest Hébrard (Wright 1991, 207) Wright (1991, 207) then comments on this by saying that “only with a very narrow minded focus on the European colonial presence could one see Indochina as a “young country”.” The French regard most of
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Indochina as a tabula rasa, with the exception of some ancient monuments like Angkor Wat, as they deem the vernacular architecture as invaluable. Up to 1941, most housing within cities consisted of two-to-four storey terraced shophouses built in various vernacular designs and in hybrid styles (Lim 1999, XXI). The same goes for Vietnam, however, here the th
shophouses developed in a unique way. In the 17 century, a new feudal government act had been given out to tax shop by their front widths resulting in much more narrow buildings (Kien 2008, 257; Sauvegrain 2001, 25). Since the buildings could not grow taller, they grew deeper, upto 100 metres in length, hence the name ‘tube house’ (Kien 2008, 257). The floor level catered for different usages ranging from shops to restaurants, with accomodation above. The more affluent moved to the city and residential density increased to rapidly in order to accomodate the working-class and new migrants. Often the houses became very overcrowded. Lim (1999, XXI) discusses how “attempts to improve urban facilities and housing for the urban poor by wellmeaning colonial officials could at best be viewed as welfare tokenism and had no significant impact on the deteriorating urban environment and critical housing situation.” A similar pattern can be observed in the cities of French Indochina. There was no overall plan in either Hanoi or Saigon until the 1920’s, and thus also no plan to regulate public-health matters (Wright 1991, 185). Hébrard actively used welfare tokenism to quiet France, by occasionally raising concerns about the poverty and poor health of the indigenous population; which he considered to be problems from which the colons had to be protected, without claiming any sense of responsibility for the situation (Wright 1991, 221). But approaches of association and assimilation extend beyond the field of architecture, and into the realms of society itself. Here there seems to be a clear misalignment between the objectives of France and the rulers of French Indochina. As mentioned military officers stationed in Indochina often adopted a policy of le fait accompli, acting without authorization from Paris and then demanding official endorsement for the accomplished fact (Wright 1991, 165). So when the colony had to create more jobs for the indigenous, they responded by creating more jobs for the Vietnamese, but ensured that every one of them had a French counterpart (Wright 1991, 188). Hence they could report back to France that more Vietnamese are working within the government, without diminishing their control and power. Wright (1991, 221) provides another example on how all contact between races had to be organized by professional urbanists: “[E}very European district needs a native district in order to survive; it will provide indispensable domestic servants, small businesses, and labour [transvaux d’exploitation]…[These districts] correspond, in essence to the business districts and working-class residential neighbourhoods of our own modern cities which are, in truth, separated from the bourgeois neighbourhoods without a definite line being drawn on a map.” In this passage she points out how just like nowadays, different functions were separated in the city by invisible borders. Chris Abel (2004, 17) discusses a common misconception, which is to “believe that the story of humankind is composed of apocalyptic cultural shifts, each of which creates an entirely new set of values and lifestyles with few connections with the past.” He claims that forms of cultures are superimposed, and coexist for significant periods of time. If we look at Vietnam as whole, this is definitely true, as there is a layer of French colonization
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culture, and a layer of vernacular culture that coexist and develop. Abel calls this process ‘parallel development’, and defines it as “concurrent linkage and overlapping of different forms of development and lifestyles” (Abel 2004, 17). However, in the case of Vietnam, the relation is not parallel, as the French are actively not being influenced by the Vietnamese, plus they are putting in effort to influence the Vietnamese th
and make them adhere to French culture. Even in the 20 century, when France ordered the implementation of a more associationalist approach, they continued dominating the indigenous population. In his article, Abel (2004, 17) also discusses four primary forms of culture that have been subdivided into nine categories in the form of a table (Appendix i). What is interesting about this table is that the factors mentioned are neither geographically nor chronologically bound. Therefore it is interesting to compare pre-colonial Vietnam to the colonial period. Prior to colonization, Vietnam mostly fell within the category of ‘Traditional Culture’, as society was not yet industrialized and most people lived in villages. During colonial times, the cities th
started expanding and more people moved towards the cities. In the 20 century, the French wanted to develop a modern export sector focusing on Rice, mining and rubber plantations. Especially the rubber plantations were infamous for their bad living conditions (Sidel 1998, 26; Wright 1991, 212). The French were particulary successful in increasing rice production. In 1900, Vietnam produced 700.000 tons of rice, but by 1937 this had gone up to 2 million tons, which generated profits for French and Chinese firms, but all the Vietnamese got was widespread malnutrition, as most of the rice was exported (Wright 1991, 212). It is exactly for this reason, that emperiors prior to French colonization banned the sale of rice outside of the country to ensure there was enough for their own people (Wright 1991, 212). The introduction of this agrarian capitalism required for the development of new infrastructure such as ports, railway lines and roads (Lim 1999, XVII). In the meantime rapid urbanization took place in response to the growth of financial and commercial services needed for the new economy (Lim 1999, XVII). In general, Vietnam as a country made progress under French colonial rule, however there was little improvement for the Vietnamese people. In fact, they became more undeveloped, which suggests that Chris Abel’s table can be deceiving. Prior to colonial rule, free general and higher education had been widely available and at leas 25% of the population was literate to some degree, in contrast to the 10% under French rule (Wright 1991, 193). The French actively tried to prevent Vietnamese from obtaining Enlightenment ideas or become more inquisative from exploring modern science. Vietnamese were not allowed to be educated beyond the most basic level, to prevent them from becoming (too) ambitious (Wright 1991, 193). This clearly shows that even though the French proclaimed to adopt an associationalist approach, in which they are supposed to be more lenient towards the indigenous population, they were still acting out an assimilationist approach. The period of 1955 to 1990 can be seen as the second period of European domination in Hanoi’s history, though this time it was by the Soviets as opposed to the French (Logan 1995, 443). Even though the terms association and assimilation are usually reserved for the initial European colonization, an argument can be made that this second phase of colonization also includes both associationalist and assimilationalist approaches, albeit in a less vigorous way then during French colonization.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Anderson, Michael. “The Nostalgic Photos of Saigon.” Notre Dame Cathedral, Saigon. Saigon, 1975. Asiatica Travel. Ho Chi Minh City. 2015. http://vietnamtravel.asiatica.com/en/1/destinations-activites/ho-chiminh-city-64.html (accessed 11 13, 2015). Clémentin-Ojha, Catherine, and Pierre-Yves Manguin. A Century in Asia: The Gistory of the École Française d'Extrême-Orient. Singapore: Editions Didier Millet, 2007. Delso, Diego. Notre-Dame Basilica, Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. Ho Chi Minh City, 14 August 2013. EFEO. Le musée de l’EFEO ou musée Louis-Finots, à Hanoi, lors de son inauguration en 1933. Dessin d’architecte. École Française d'Extrêmeo-Orient, Hanoi. Kien, To. “"Tube House" and "Neo Tube House" in Hanoi: A Comparative Study on Identity and Typology.” Journal of Asian Architecture and Building Engineering, November 2008: 255-262. Lim, William. Introductory Essay. Vol. 10, in World Architecture 1900-2000: A Critical Mosaic, edited by Kenneth Frampton, XVII-XXVIII. New York: China Architecture & Building Press, 1999. Logan, William S. “Russions on the Red River: The Soviet Impact on Hanoi's Townscape, 1955-99.” Europe-Asia Studies, May 1995: 443-468. —. Hanoi: Bibliography of a City. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press Ltd, 2000. Logan, William S. “The Cultural Role of Capital Cities: Hanoi and Hue, Vietnam.” Pacific Affairs (University of British Columbia) 78, no. 4 (2005): 559-575. National Museum of History, Hanoi. National Museum of History, Hanoi. National Museum of the US Air Force. The Southeast Asia War: Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. 18 May 2015. http://www.nationalmuseum.af.mil/Visit/MuseumExhibits/FactSheets/Display/tabid/509/Article/195 959/the-southeast-asia-war-vietnam-laos-and-cambodia.aspx (accessed November 14, 2015). Nhu, Trân. Ho Chi Minh City Self Introduction. Edited by Trân Nhu. Vol. 1. Ho Chi Minh City: Ho Chi Minh City Publishing House, 1998. Sauvegrain, Alexandra. “Dialogues of Architectural Preservation in Modern Vietnam: The 36 Streets Commercial Quarter of Hanoi.” Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, fall 2001: 23-32. Sidel, Mark. Old Hanoi. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. Vien, Nguyen Khac, and Huu Ngoc. From Saigon to Ho Chi Minh City: A Path of 300 Years. Hanoi: Thê Giói Publishers, 1998.
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Vo, Nghia M. Saigon: A History. Jefferson: McFarland & Company Inc., Publishers, 2011. Wright, Gwendolyn. “Indochina: the Folly of Grandeur.� In The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism, by Gwendolyn Wright, 161- 233. Chicago: University of Chicaco Press, 1991.
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Map of French Indochina (National Museum of the US Air Force 2015) ________________________ 2 Figure 3b. Side trancept (Delso 2013) ____________________________________________________________ 3 Figure 3a. Front view (Anderson 1975)___________________________________________________________ 3 Figure 4. Interior (Delso 2013) ________________________________________________________________ 4 Figure 5. École Française d'Extrême-orient, Hanoi (EFEO 1933) ______________________________________ 5 Figure 6. École Française d'Extrême-orient, Hanoi (National Museum of History) ________________________ 6
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18 ARCHITECTURE, TECHNOLOGY AND PROCESS Table 1.1 Comparative features of four primary cultures Traditional Culture
Colonial Culture
Consumer Culture
Technological
Pre-industrial
Early industrial
Late industrial
Eco-culture Post-industrial
era
(craft-based)
(machine-based)
(automation- and
(computer- and
information-based)
network-based)
Cultural
Homogeneous
Heterogeneous
Homogeneous
Heterogeneous
differentiation
(highly integrated
(exposure to
(West is best)
(based on
and localized)
secondary cultures)
External
Limited and slow
Global but slow
Global and speedy
Global and
communication
(local trade and
(sea and overland)
(air and
instantaneous
reciprocal cultural exchanges)
migrations)
telecommunications)
(near universal network access)
Level of
Tradition governs
Sporadic leaps (when
Continuous but
Continuous and
innovation
all (rate of change
officially sanctioned)
centralized
decentralized
difficult to record)
Social roles
(concentration of
(global dissemination
research and
of research and
benefits in North)
benefits) Multiple roles
Specialized and
Specialized but
Specialized but
stable (life-long)
changeable
changeable
based on changing
(promotion/
(promotion,
skills and continuous
overseas
redundancy/
postings, etc.)
retraining, etc.)
education/training
Hierarchic and
Corporate and
Participatory, with
Decision
Generally hierarchic
structures
and patriarchic,
patriarchic (dependent
patriarchic (modified
mix of global and
with notable
relations between
by democratic and
local ‘bottom up’
exceptions
colonies and
market-led systems)
structures, based
(i.e. Malay peasant
metropolitan centre)
dominated by
on gender equality
short-term goals
and sustainable
society)
goals Production
Autonomous, self-
Centralized (large
Centralized
Decentralized,
systems
sufficient (small
surplus for export)
mass-production
flexible
surplus) and labour
with both capital
(capital and energy
manufacturing
intensive
and labour-intensive
intensive) for
systems (intermediate
sectors
mass-consumption
to advanced technologies)
Settlement
Rural and
Urban and rural
Predominantly
Predominantly
patterns
village-based
(sharp differentiation
urban or suburban
urban or ‘ex-urban’
between cities and
in the North and
based on balanced
country)
urban/rural in
public/private
Built forms
the South
transportation
Isomorphic with
Mix of functional
Ambiguous/
Customized for
social form and
and hybrid forms
flexible forms
place, purpose
climate
(products of cultural
independent of
and climate
exchange) partly
climate
shaped by climate Source: C. Abel, 1997.