Published in New York City by EMG (Ellopia Media Group March 2014 - Issue 85
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ΣΕΜΙΝΑΡΙΟ Η ΤΥΧΗ ΚΑΙ ΤΟ ΜΕΛΛΟΝ ΣΤΟ ΧΕΡΙ ΣΟΥ
Μαρία Παπαπέτρος ΚΑΤΕΡΙΝΗ
Πρώτη φορά στην Κατερίνη Η κα Μαρία Παπαπέτρος διοργανώνει ένα τρίωρο σεμινάριο, αφιερωμένο στην ΠΡΟΣΩΠΙΚΗ ΣΑΣ ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗ. Την ΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙΤΕΥΞΗ ΣΤΟΧΩΝ. Την ΜΕΛΛΟΝΤΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΚΑΙ τον ΔΙΑΛΟΓΙΣΜΟ. Το σεμιναριο αυτο προτεινει μεθοδους δημιουργιας των στοχων σας για ενα εποικοδομητικό και αποδοτικό καλοκαίρι.
ΣΤΟΧΟΙ
Ιδανικές σχέσεις – Προσωπικές και Επαγγελματικες - Υγεία – Ανανέωση Οικονομικά – Ευημερία - Εργασιακή και Προσωπική Απασχόληση. Καριέρα – χόμπυ
ΜΕΛΛΟΝΤΟΛΟΓΙΑ – ΜΕΤΑΦΥΣΙΚΗ – ΔΙΑΛΟΓΙΣΜΟΣ
Μάθετε πώς να αναπτύξετε το Ένστικτο και τη Διορατικότητά σας. Προβλέψτε το μέλλον το δικό σας αλλά και το μέλλον των γύρω σας. Ανακαλύψτε τη δύναμη της Θετικής Σκέψης και της σωστής χρήσης του Λόγου, την Προσευχή και τον Διαλογισμό.
ΑΣΚΗΣΕΙΣ ΓΡΑΠΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΡΑΚΤΙΚΕΣ.
Η κα Παπαπέτρος θα απαντήσει σε μια προσωπική ερώτηση σε όλους τους παρευρισκόμενους Απαραίτητο τετράδιο εργασίας ΚΟΣΤΟΣ ΣΥΜΜΕΤΟΧΗΣ 50 Ευρώ προπληρώσεις- 60 Ευρώ στην πόρτα ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΕΣ- ΔΗΛΩΣΕΙΣ ΣΥΜΜΕΤΟΧΗΣ
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Pontic Greeks and
The Greek Genocide Three Genocides - One Strategy”
“
Actually, it turns out that there were still additional victims of the Ottoman Turks, such as approximately 300,000
Yezedis.
I have just returned from an inspiring conference in Athens, “Three Genocides - One Strategy” which focused on the interlocking genocides of the Armenian, Assyrians and Greeks by the Ottoman Turks. See in this issue a news release summarizing the conference in HGR Information Resources, World Genocide Bulletin Board. My paper at the conference was on the psychology of denial of other victims alongsideone’s own people - and referred to the subject of the above three victim peoples, as well as to denials of other victims alongside the Jews in the Holocaust. Actually, it turns out that there were still additional victims of the Ottoman Turks, such as approximately 300,000 Yezedis -about whom GPN will also be presenting more information in
a future issue. And, as we shall read in the intriguing article by Nikolaos Hlamides, it turns out that there are strains within the Greek community and among genocide scholars as well, to recognize the genocide of Pontic Greeks but not of other Gree ks. In the following article the author argues factually and eloquently for recognition of all Gre ek victims. (The author himself has conveyed to us that he is personally a Pontic Greek). This paper was not presented at the Athens conference.
THE GREEK GENOSIDE
In the early twentieth century Greek and other minority communities across the Ottoman Empire
the world
were targeted in a campaign of physical exterminati on. In recent years some descendants of these communities have adopted an exclusive and segregate d narrative of this genocide. In particular, a hierarchy of victims has been constructed by relaying an account of the historical events addressing solely the fate of one community and wholly ignoring the persecutory history of their covictims. Here the case of the Pontic Greek community is discussed. This paper has two goals. The first is to explain the illegitimacy of this ap proach and the second is to communicate how such myopia, apart from conflicting with the historical record, can considerably undermine the case for genocide history altogether. In March of this year the Swedish Parliament passed a motion affirming the genocide perpetrated against certain minority groups in the late Ottoman Empire; in particular, “the killing of Armenians, Assyrians/Syriacs/Chaldeans and Pontic Greeks” is n ow recognised as an act of genocide. While many hailed the motion’s passing a great victory, to those more familiar with the historical record itcame as a surprise that this outwardly inclusive motion excluded all Ottoman Greeks bar the Greeks of the Pontus region.
Pontic Greeks and the other Greeks of the Empire during the Genocide.
2
The arguments which seem most common are:
1. The Pontic Greeks have a unique history,
culture, way of life and dialect, which distinguishes the from other Ottoman Greek communities;
2.
Many Pontic Greeks, unlike Greeks elsewhere in the Empire, raised arms against their persecutors and, as such, the history of persecution in the region is deserving of special consideration;
3. Unlike Pontus, western Asia Minor was a zone of war where Greek and Turkish military forces were engaged in warfare. Atrocities committed in the context of the GrecoTurkish war cannot be considered as part of the genocide;
4. For two decades the Pontic Greek Diaspora has
worked relentlessly to achieve recognition of the genocide and, as such, it is not an unnatural expectation for Pontic Greeks to approach the issue exclusively. A response to the aforementioned will be offered but first let The vast majority of Pontic Greeks appreciate the genocidal it be stated that the author fully acknowledges that Pontic experience of other Ottoman Greeks but many still prefer Greeks did experience genocide and in everything that folto consider the fate of theirown people separately. Over the lows he in no way seeks to undermine the factuality and seyears I have encountered several arguments explaining why a verity of the persecutory campaign in the Pontus region. a distinction should be made between the experiences of 1. This uniqueness claim is somewhat simplistic because it overlooks the very rich cultural diversity of the region’s Greek com-
1
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Pontic Greeks and
The Greek Genocide
munities. 2 The Centre for Asia Minor Studies in Athens has identified as many as 1,500 distinct Greek Orthodox settlements in the Pontus region, each with their own unique culture, traditions, and way of life. 3 The claim of a unique Pontian dialect also deserves some clarification. The truth is that there is no single Pontic Greek dialect—we should speak of dialects, plural. The work of Richard M. Dawkinshighlights the very many differences between the very many dialects, not only in Pontus but across Asia Minor. 4 Pronunciation differed from place to place while some words were peculiar to one locality and completely unknown els ewhere. Of course, regardless of the influence of local phraseology and pronunciation, the community language of the Pontic Greeks was Greek. 5 And although the physical isolation of Pontus from Greece resulted in the development of a character in the region that was distinct from mainland Greece, the Greek communities in Pontus shared a common identity in terms of ethnicity and religion with Greek communities elsewhere in the Ottoman Empire. Indeed, Greeks in Pontus did not identify themselves differently from Greeks elsewhere in the Empire; referring to themselves not as Pontians but as (Greeks) or (Romioi), stemming from their view of being descendants of the Eastern Roman Empire. Like Greeks across Asia Minor, they considered their ancestors to be ancient Greeks who had colonised the shores of Asia Minor many centuries
earlier. Neither did the Ottoman Turks differentiate between the various Greek communities, who were all conside red as members of the Ottoman Rum Millet. 2. The premise of this claim is simply false. While it is true that there were several pockets of armed resistance in the Pontus region in response to the genocide, it is untrue to claim that communities subject to massacres and deportations elsewhere did not offer any resistance. Although there are many instances to choose from, one counterexample suffices: Greek resistance in the area of Nicomedia/zmit, several hundred kilometres from Pontus. 6 This puts the claim to rest but, for a moment, let us as sume the premise were true. The act of genocide is not a variable dependent on armed resistance but on target group, which in the case of the Greek Genocide was the entire Ottoman Greek population. If the historiography of the Jewish Holocaust focused solely on the resis tance in the ghettos or the Armenian Genocide on, say, the resistance at Van then those two genocides would be grossly misrepresented. In any case, because the Ottoman Greeks were an unarmed civilian minority population scattered across the entirety of the Ottoman Empire, in the overwhelming number of cases—including those in Pontus—Greek communities were in no position to offer any organised armed resistance whatsoever. 3. ιn the case of the Greco-Turkish War, sporadic atrocities committed by one military force engaged in warfare against another military force in a zone of war, cannot be considered as a chapter in the history of the Greek Genocide. Indeed, the Greek Genocide is unconnected to any form of war activity. After all, the Greek Genocide saw the physical destruction of unarmed civilian populations, consisting of men, women and children,
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Pontic Greeks and
The Greek Genocide
at times of peace and outside zones of war. Between May 1919 and September 1922, Greece maintained a military presence in certain areas of western Anatolia. It is important to remember that their presence was partly determined by the treatment of Greeks in the five years prior to the Allied-mandate over Smyrna: “With a view to avoiding disorders and massacres of Christians in Smyrna and its environs, the occupation of the town and forts by A llied Forces has been decided upon by President [Wilson], Prime Minister [Lloyd George] and M. Clemenceau,” disclosed the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs a few days prior to the arrival of Hellenic troops in Smyrna. 7 So ignoring this region altogether erases a five year history (1914-1919) of systematic deportations and massacres against hundreds of Greek communities at a time of no foreign military presence. Similarly, it overlooks the period following the evacuation of Greek and other Allied military forces from Asia Minor which was succeeded by the Smyrna Holocaust and the final phase in the destruction and eradication of Ottoman Christian communities.
More concerning is that this argument seems to refl ect a misguided belief that the only communities targeted were those in Pontus and the S
myrna district of western Anatolia and that the choice is simply between including Smyrna or not. What is left unexplained is why the many hundreds of thousands of Ottoman Greeks who lived along Turkey’s complete coastline, those who lived in remote villages in the interior, those who lived on the islands as well as the vast numbers who inhabited Thrace have also been excluded? These communities were no less a victim than the Greeks of Pontus and the Greeks of Smyrna. One historian explained in an interview that the reason he excludes the persecution of other Ottoman Greeks from the genocide equation is because “there is an alibi for their slaughter and in the Pontus region there is no alibi.” 8 In fact, things are not so simple for Pontus, which experienced a Russian military occupation, a British military presence, a Hellenicnaval bombardment and a sporadic armed resistance movement, as already noted, among other things. It simply remains to point out that it is the duty of historians to be exact, trut hful and dispassionate.
THE world
ΑΝΑΓΝΩΡΙΣΗ ΓΕΝΟΚΤΟΝΙΑΣ ΠΟΝΤΙΩΝ Του Νίκου Λυγερού Στην εφήμερη ζωή μας σπάνια ξέρουμε αν ένας αγώνας αξίζει. Παλεύουμε από ανάγκη δίχως να γνωρίζουμε αν υπάρχει ένα αξιολογικό στοιχείο που αποδεικνύει με έναν αντικειμενικό τρόπο την ορθολογία της στάσης μας. Η αναγνώριση της γενοκτονίας ανήκει σε αυτές τις σπάνιες περιπτώσεις όπου η ανθρωπιά αγγίζει άμεσα την ανθρωπότητα. Ο αγώνας αυτός έχει αξία ανεξάρτητα από τους αγωνιστές του. Όταν ένας ολόκληρος λαός έπεσε θύμα της απανθρωπιάς, είναι η ίδια η ανθρωπότητα που πληγώθηκε. Το ίδιο ισχύει και για τη γενοκτονία των Ποντίων. Δεν είναι μόνο ένα τοπικό πρόβλημα που αφορά μια μειονότητα. Ο Πόντος ως ελληνικό στοιχείο και ως ακριτική οντότητα του πολιτισμού μας είναι μια από τις ιδιομορφίες που χαρακτηρίζει την πολλαπλότητά μας. Συνεπώς δεν πρέπει να απομονώσουμε το Ποντιακό ούτε ως ιστορικό γεγονός ούτε ως στρατηγικό στόχο. Αντιθέτως πρέπει να ενσωματώσουμε την τεχνογνωσία που έχουμε στον τομέα των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. Το παράδειγμα της αναγνώρισης της γενοκτονίας των Αρμενίων είναι και ενδεικτικό και αποτελεσματικό διότι οι ενδιάμεσοι στόχοι που επιτεύχθηκαν δεν οφείλονται σε κρατικούς θεσμούς μα σε lobbies. Όταν η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αναγνώρισε τη γενοκτονία των Αρμενίων το 1987, η Αρμενία ως κράτος ανεξάρτητο δεν υπήρχε ακόμα. Άρα το κρατικό πλαίσιο δεν είναι απαραίτητο και κατά συνέπεια δεν αποτελεί μια δικαιολογία της αδράνειας. Το παράδειγμα της ευρωπαϊκής αναφοράς της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης στο πρόβλημα της Ίμβρου το 2004 είναι θεαματικό διότι πολλοί Έλληνες θεωρούσαν ότι ήταν μόνο και μόνο μια από τις χαμένες πατρίδες. Όμως το πιο αποτελεσματικό παράδειγμα στο προσωπικό επίπεδο είναι ο πρόσφατος κυπριακός αγώνας στον τομέα των μαζικών προσφυγών εναντίον της Τουρκίας. Διότι σε αυτό το επίπεδο κάθε πρόσφυγας συμβάλλει στην έμμεση απελευθέρωση της πατρίδας του μετατρέποντας ένα ηθικό και ανθρώπινο πρόβλημα σε ένα που μπορεί να χαρακτηριστεί ως οικονομικό και στρατηγικό. Μέσω της στρατηγικής των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων οι Κύπριοι απέδειξαν ότι η οικονομία μπορεί να ερμηνευτεί ως η δυναμική
της ηθικής. Συνολικά όλα αυτά τα ιστορικά παραδείγματα αποτελούν στην ουσία τα βασικά στοιχεία ενός στρατηγικού mix που με συντονισμένες κινήσεις αποδεικνύει ότι είναι ένα ισχυρό όπλο στον τομέα των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και ειδικά στο θέμα της αναγνώρισης της γενοκτονίας των Ποντίων. Οι Πόντιοι δεν είναι μόνοι σε αυτόν τον αγώνα της αναγνώρισης διότι και άλλοι λαοί υπέφεραν και υποφέρουν ακόμα από το διαχρονικό στρατριωτικό καθεστώς της Τουρκίας. Έχουν όμως και εμπειρίες και επιτυχίες σε δύσκολες υποθέσεις και αυτές πρέπει να τις χρησιμοποιήσουμε δυναμικά μέσα σε ένα στρατηγικό πλαίσιο όπου το συναισθηματικό και παραδοσιακό στοιχείο δεν επαρκούν. Αυτός ο αγώνας πρέπει να οργανωθεί και σε ατομικό επίπεδο με τις προσφυγές αλλά και μέσω εξειδικευμένων lobbies στο ομαδικό επίπεδο. Πηγή: http://www.lygeros.org/1204-gr.html
κάθε Σάββατο και Κυριακή ΤV 100 ΔΗΜΟΤΙΚΗ ΤΗΛΕΟΡΑΣΗ ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗΣ
THE world
GREEK ELECTIONS ARE ON THE WAY....
THE WORLD
Putin's Not Post-Communist, He's Post-Fascist By Jan Fleischhauer
represented by powers that want to keep the Russian people down because they fear its inner strength. "They are constantly trying to sweep us into a corner because we have an independent position, because we maintain it and because we call things like they are and do not engage in hypocrisy," he said in a March 18 speech before the Duma. In a television interview in April, he said: "There are enough forces in the world that are afraid of our strength, In order to understand Vladimir 'our hugeness,' as one of our soverPutin, you have to listen to him. You eigns said. So they seek to divide us have to read what he wants. More into parts." importantly, though, you have to see what it is that he is seeking to pre- A Threat to the Russian Soul vent. Often, a politician's fears and aversions can be more telling than There remains a tendency to view his or her plans and promises. the Kremlin’s foreign policy primarSo what is it that drives Putin? The ily from a geopolitical perspective central theme of all his speeches is -- namely that the country is seekthe fear of encirclement -- the threat ing to recover some of the territory
Some like to idealize Vladimir Putin as the ideological successor to the left-wing Soviet leaders, but that's sheer nonsense. His speeches offer clear evidence that his points of reference originate in fascism.
it lost when the Soviet Union dissolved. But when Putin speaks of the enemy of the Russian people, he is speaking about something deeper and more basic. The forces against which he has declared war are not only seeking to expand their influence further and further into the East -- they are also going after the Russian soul. That’s what he means when he says that Russia must put up a fight against the West. But what’s at the heart of this soul? Putin has provided some insights here as well.
“It seems to me that the Russian person or, on a broader scale, a person of the Russian world, primarily thinks about his or her highest moral designation, some highest moral truths,” he said in
the interview. In contrast to this is a West that is fixated on personal success and prosperity or, as Putin
WORLD NEWS
Putin's Not Post-Communist, He's Post-Fascist states, the “inner self.” In the view of its president, the battle Russia is waging is ideological in nature. It is a fight against the superficiality of materialism, against the decline in values, against the feminization and effeminacy of society -and against the dissolution of all traditional bonds that are part of that development. In short, against everything “un-Russian.” Even today, many are having trouble recognizing the true nature of a man who is currently in the process of turning the European peace order on its head. Perhaps we don’t have the courage to make the right comparisons because they remind us of an era that we thought we had put behind us. Within Germany’s Left Party and parts of the center-left Social Democrats, Putin is still viewed as a man molded in the tradition of the Soviet party leader, who stood for an idealized version of Socialism. The old knee-jerk sense of solidarity is still there. It is based on a misunderstanding, though, because Putin isn’t post-communist. He’s post-fascist. A search for the right historical analogy should focus on the events of Rome in 1919 rather than Sarajevo in 1914. It won’t take long for those who step inside the world of echo chambers and metaphors that color Putin’s thinking to identify traits that were also present at the birth of fascism. There’s Putin’s cult of the body, the lofty rhetoric of selfassertion, the denigration of his opponents as degenerates, his contempt for democracy and Western parliamentarianism, his exaggerated nationalism. Enemies of freedom on the far right in Europe sensed the changing political climate early on. They immediately understood that, in Putin, someone is speaking who shares their obsessions and aversions.
Putin reciprocates by acknowledging these likeminded individuals. “As for the rethinking of values in European countries, yes, I agree that we are witnessing this process,” he told his television interviewer last Thursday, pointing to Victor Orban’s victory in Hungary and the success of Marine Le Pen in France. It was the only positive thing he had to say in the entirety of a four-hour interview.
An Historic Mission for the Russian People When they were first introduced one year ago, people also failed to recognize the true meaning of Russia’s new anti-gay laws. But today it is clear that it marked the emergence of the new Russia. What began with an antigay law is now continuing at another level: The logical progression of the belief that certain groups are inferior is the belief in the superiority of one’s own people. And when Putin evokes the myth of Moscow as a “Third Rome,” it is clear he is assigning the Russian people with an historic mission. Responsibility is falling to Russia not only to stop Western decadence at its borders, but also to provide a last bastion for those who had already given up hope in this struggle. But he is also saying that Russia can never yield. “Death is horrible, isn’t it?” Putin asked viewers at the end of his television appearance. “But no, it appears it may be beautiful if it serves the people: Death for one’s friends, one’s people or for the homeland, to use the modern word.” That’s as fascist as it gets. Jan Fleischhauer is the author of SPIEGEL ONLINE’s weekly conservative political column.
Lebanon: Palestinians Barred, Sent to Syria The Lebanese government forcibly returned about three dozen Palestinians to Syria on May 4, 2014, putting them at grave risk. On the same day, the government also arbitrarily denied entry to Palestinians crossing over the land border from Syria. The Lebanese government should urgently rescind its decision to bar Palestinians from Syria from entering Lebanon, Human Rights Watch said. Lebanon is turning people back without adequately considering the dangers they face. Such a policy violates the international law principle of nonrefoulement, which forbids governments from returning refugees and asylum seekers to places where their lives or freedom would be threatened. “The Lebanese government is bearing an incomparable burden with the Syrian refugees crossing its borders, but blocking Palestinians from Syria is mishandling the situation,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East and North Africa director. “Palestinians are among the most vulnerable people in the Syria conflict, and like Syrian nationals are at risk of both generalized violence and targeted attacks.” Human Rights Watch spoke by phone on May 5 to two men who were part of a group of about three dozen people deported by Lebanese General Security on May 4. They and a third person had remained in the strip of territory between the Lebanese and Syrian border checkpoints at the Masnaa crossing for fear of what would happen to them if they reentered Syria. The rest of the group reentered Syria, where their fate is unknown.
The decision to deport the men followed their arrest at the Beirut airport on May 3 for allegedly attempting to leave the country using fraudulent visas. On May 3, Lebanon’s General Security issued a statement indicating that 49 Syrians and Palestinians from Syria had been stopped at the airport that day for using forged documents and that legal proceedings would be initiated against them. Salam (names have been changed for their protection), a 26-year-old Palestinian who had been living in the Yarmouk refugee camp in Damascus, said he left Syria in December 2012. He told Human Rights Watch that Beirut airport officials accused him of having a fake Libyan visa in his passport and then transferred him to the Masnaa border crossing without explanation. He said the authorities had deported him even though he told General Security officials that he feared he would be detained if he was returned to Syria. He said that he was registered as a refugee with UNRWA, the United Nations agency for Palestinian refugees, both in Syria and after arriving in Lebanon. He said: On May 3, I went to the Beirut airport to travel to Libya… General Security said the visa is fake…and detained me at the airport for 26 hours with 40 other Syrians. They transferred us to the Masnaa border without explaining anything…They told us that we will be deported. They did not give us an option to leave, to go to another country. I spoke with the head of General Security...I told him I can’t go back to Syria because I will be detained for skipping my mandatory army service... The [General Security] general said that he can’t do anything…Now I am staying here [in between the border check points] until a country agrees to take me in. I prefer to wait than to get arrested in Syria.
THE WORLD
Brave and bold, warm and hip... salutes the past embracing the new...luxurious...
Words of Wisdom Maria Papapetros
“What we are today comes from our thoughts of yesterday, and our present thoughts build our life of tomorrow: Our life is the creation of our mind. -Buddha We become believers of fate and at that point our progress stops; we cease to search, and stop trying to improve our lives. We believe this is our life, this is how it’s meant to be and that there’s nothing we can do about it. Perhaps some of what takes place is fate; perhaps, though, many of these happenings are nothing but our own creation. I believe God has an agenda for all of us therefore some things are predestined. I also believe that He has given us free will and choice, so we best exercise it and help create the miracles we want. We create our own reality with every thought we have and every word we utter. All words and thoughts are prayers, take care verbalizing your thoughts. Our subconscious is a fantastic mechanism of our brain that functions independently from our logic. It does not recognize right from wrong and does not have a sense of humor. It is our
Words of Wisdom Maria Papapetros personal computer. It registers everything we say and think, word for word literally. What are your thoughts and words all day long? Could you live with them if they materialize? They will, so choose them carefully. As an example; when asked how your day’s being, answer “fine” instead of “not too bad”.
Here are some guidelines of meditative prayer and affirmations upon awakening, to start your day right.
“
Maria Papapetros is a master at creating a world you can feel safe in, especially in these times of conflict, tension and violence through out the world. Maria’s thought, suggestions and vision can help relieve the stress and fear that accompanies our daily lives… sometimes stress that we’re not even aware of. I have known Maria for over 20 years and have participated in some tremendous seminars, group meetings and personal sessions that have truly helped change my life in times of need. I’ve also used the tools that Maria has given me to become more connected with my own spirit and abilities. I invite you to open your hearts and be prepared to be soothed and motivated by Maria’s
”
work . Vanessa Williams
- I offer Gratitude for the privilege of living this new day. This is the best day I will ever have. - I am where I am supposed to be at all times. - Today I live in Harmony, Love, Spirituality and Joy. - I enjoy ideally compatible Relationships. - I am divinely guided and protected. - I am prosperous beyond my expectations. - I have generosity of heart and respect for all. – I have Faith and Belief in God. I am confident. Maria Papapetros is a psychic and spiritual healer who has served as a spiritual consultant to individuals within the entertainment industry, law enforcement agencies, world leaders and major financial institutions This is the best summer I will ever have. Enjoy a great summer my friends, think positive and miracles will happen. Remember to SMILE, it’s contagious!!!! www.mpapapetros.com
Tech Words
How Much Privacy is Too Little Privacy? By Shelly Palmer
If you’re my Facebook friend, it’s ridiculously easy to find out every book I read, every song I listen to, and many of the movies I watch. Having linked my Goodreads, Spotify and Netflix accounts to my Facebook page, it’s probably difficult to NOT see the media I’m consuming. Plus, if something I’m reading or watching is really great, I’ll tweet about it anyway. I fully understand – and accept – that I have little to no privacy on the internet. Are you on Facebok, Twitter, LinkedIn, Gmail or anything similar? If so, you’ve given up your privacy, too. You just might not realize it. That’s sort of the “cost of doing business” in the 21st century. Most sites let you log in with an existing Google or Facebook account. Sure, you could create a separate account, but why bother wasting 60 extra precious seconds? (Lewis Black has a great bit about this in his newest EPIX special, Old Yeller, and how the world now knows he listens to Adele.) Again, I don’t have a problem with this. I know I’m making it easier for people to find out everything about my online persona – sort of like one-stop online shopping – but whatever. Googling the name of someone who spends a lot of time on the internet will tell you a whole lot about them. Anyone who’s “good at Google” will be able to uncover a lot of information about someone with relative ease. But what I DON’T want is a forced, centralized “in-
ternet ID” – the sort of thing that Pennsylvania and Michigan are currently testing. The program revolves around governmental services, aiming to make sure the government provides the proper services to the proper people. It makes sense, but it could also be the first stepping stone on a slippery slope. I don’t know if this type of program will expand to all corners of the internet, but the possibility is there… and it’s scary. I like being able to operate “outside the grid” and NOT link my Facebook history to a new account on another website. I like being able to create a new email address I’ll never check to sign up for accounts on sites I’ll never visit again and avoid spam emails altogether. I also like having a relative sense of security. Sure, the internet is scary and there’s a new leak or hack or vulnerability every day, but having one compromised account (usually) doesn’t impact the rest of my online identity. If our online lives are linked, and someone breaks into THAT account, they’d have everything. Banking info, emails, Facebook posts – the whole kit ‘n’ caboodle. No thanks. So please, government, do whatever you need to do to ensure the people who need your aid get the aid they signed up for. But please, keep it at that.
PICTURE THIS
German soldiers and dogs don gas masks in Reims, France during World War I in 1916. Only one year earlier, poison gas was deployed for the first time in war on a mass scale by the Germans in Ypres, Belgium. The battle marked the birth of weapons of mass destruction.
HELLENIC - TALKS
Βρετανικά κατασκοπευτικά στο Ακρωτήρι Της Φανούλας Αργυρού
Τι λένε τα έγγραφα του Φόρεϊν Όφις για πολιτικούς και προσωπικότητες της Κύπρου Η επιστολή του Αμερικανού Προέδρου Λίντον Τζόνσον το 1964 προς τον Ινονού και ο ρόλος της στην αποτροπή των τουρκικών σχεδιασμών για εισβολή ΩΣ ΔΙΑΚΑΤΕΧΟΜΕΝΟ από σύνδρομο κατωτερότητας που τον έκανε αψίθυμο, χαρακτηρίζουν τον Ρ. Ντενκτάς οι Βρετανοί Σε γεύμα μεταξύ του Έλληνα πρέσβη στο Λονδίνο και του ανώτερου αξιωματούχου στο Φόρεϊν ΄Οφις κ. Goodison, στις 4 Μαρτίου 1982, ο τελευταίος προσπάθησε να μάθει τι εννοούσε ο Έλληνας πρωθυπουργός με τη δήλωσή του για αποχώρηση όλων των ξένων στρατευμάτων από τη νήσο. Ο Έλληνας πρέσβης τον διαβεβαίωσε ότι δεν εννοούσε την αποχώρηση των βάσεων. Η ΕΠΙΣΤΟΛΉ ΤΖΌΝΣΟΝ ΤΟ 1964 Παρεμπιπτόντως, σε μια έκθεση ημερομηνία 25 Μαρτίου 1982 του Νοτίου Τμήματος Ευρώπης του Φόρεϊν ΄Οφις, γίνεται αναφορά στην επιστολή του Αμερικανού προέδρου Τζόνσον, που έστειλε στον Τούρκο πρόεδρο Ινονού τον
Ιούνιο του 1964, όταν οι Τούρκοι σκόπευαν να επιχειρήσουν στρατιωτική εισβολή στην Κύπρο. Η επιστολή, γράφει η σχετική αναφορά, «δεν δημοσιεύθηκε τότε και δεν έχουμε το πλήρες κείμενο. Το περιεχόμενό της όμως έγινε γνωστό μετά από χρόνια. Ο πρόεδρος Τζόνσον, έχοντας μάθει ότι οι Τούρκοι θεωρούσαν ότι μπορούσαν, σύμφωνα με τις συνθήκες του 1960, να επέμβουν στην Κύπρο, δήλωσε ότι οι Αμερικανοί πίστευαν ότι ο σκοπός της προτεινόμενης επέμβασής τους ήταν για να υποστήριζαν τουρκοκυπριακή απόπειρα διχοτόμησης της νήσου. Κάτι τέτοιο αποκλειόταν από τη Συνθήκη Εγγυήσεως. Ο Τζόνσον, κατά τον ισχυρισμό, απείλησε ότι το ΝΑΤΟ δεν θα ερχόταν σε βοήθεια των Τούρκων, αν οι Ρώσοι αντιδρούσαν σε τουρκική στρατιωτική επέμβαση στην Κύπρο και αν ενεργούσαν στρατιωτικά εναντίον της Τουρκίας. Η απειλή (Τζόνσον) ήταν αποτελεσματική. Οι Τούρκοι τράβηξαν πίσω... Παρ΄ όλον ότι ο Τζόνσον έστειλε παρόμοιες προειδοποιήσεις στην Αθήνα, οι Ελληνοκύπριοι σύγκριναν εκείνο που βλέπουν ως αποτυχία των μετέπειτα προέδρων, με ό,τι κατάφερε ο Τζόνσον».
ΚΑΤΑΣΚΟΠΕΥΤΙΚΆ ΣΤΟ ΑΚΡΩΤΉΡΙ Το Υπουργείο Άμυνας της Βρετανίας έλαβε μια πρόταση από το Αρχηγείο του ΝΑΤΟ για χρήση των βρετανικών κατασκοπευτικών αεροπλάνων NIMROD από τη Βάση της ΡΑΦ Ακρωτηρίου στο πλαίσιο ΝΑΤΟϊκής άσκησης που θα ξεκινούσαν από βάση της νότιας Τουρκίας, και ζήτησε
Hellas Talks
τη γνώμη του Βρετανικού Αρχηγείου Αεροπορίας στην Κύπρο. Όμως, παράλληλα, στις 30 Νοεμβρίου, ζήτησε και τη γνώμη του Φόρεϊν Όφις κατά πόσον η πρόταση ήταν πολιτικά αποδεκτή. Στις 3 Δεκεμβρίου 1982 το Φόρεϊν Όφις απάντησε στον Υπουργό Άμυνας ότι προτιμούσε η ΡΑΦ να μη χρησιμοποιήσει το Ακρωτήρι κατά τη διάρκεια άσκησης του ΝΑΤΟ. «Αυτή είναι η συνήθης πρακτική, εφόσον οι κυρίαρχες περιοχές των βάσεων στην Κύπρο δεν είναι του ΝΑΤΟ». Πτήσεις U2 από το Ακρωτήρι Το 1982 ήταν ξανά θέμα οι πτήσεις των αμερικανικών κατασκοπευτικών αεροπλάνων U2 από τη βάση Ακρωτηρίου. Οι Αμερικανοί τούς είχαν ειδοποιήσει για κάποιες αλλαγές δρομολογίων, όμως δεν είχαν δώσει ενδείξεις ότι αναμενόταν τερματισμός των πτήσεων στο προβλεπτό μέλλον. Οι πτήσεις κάλυπταν την έρημο το Σινά, όμως επεκτείνονταν και σε άλλες περιοχές της Μέσης Ανατολής και χρειαζόντουσαν παρακολουθήσεις και στα υψώματα Γκολάν.
ΠΟΡΕΊΑ ΜΟΡΦΙΤΏΝ Στις 10 Νοεμβρίου 1982 η βρετανική Υπ. Αρμοστεία στη Λευκωσία ενημέρωνε το Λονδίνο για την Πορεία Μορφιτών της 24ης Οκτωβρίου ότι αυτή πέρασε ειρηνικά, αντίθετα με την προηγούμενη χρονιά όταν δημιουργήθηκαν επεισόδια. Παρευρέθησαν περίπου 700 άτομα, έγραφε η έκθεση, και ο Πρόεδρος Κυπριανού σε χαιρετισμό του δήλωσε ότι «ποτέ δεν θα υπογράψει λύση που θα σημαίνει αποδοχή των τετελεσμένων και την εγκατάλειψη του δικαιώματος των προσφύγων να επιστρέψουν στις πατρογονικές τους εστίες. Φαίνεται ότι οι διοργανωτές θα προσπαθήσουν να καθιερώσουν την πορεία ως ετήσιο γεγονός».
ΕΠΊΣΚΕΨΗ ΚΑΡΠΑΣΙΤΏΝ ΑΓΓΛΊΑΣ ΣΤΑ ΚΑΤΕΧΌΜΕΝΑ Εν τω μεταξύ, ο Σύνδεσμος Καρπασιτών Ηνωμένου Βασιλείου, με επιστολή του προς την πρωθυπουργό Μάργκαρετ Θάτσερ, εξέφραζε τη λύπη του για τη συνεχιζόμενη κατοχή και την παραβίαση ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων στα κατεχόμενα όπου υπήρχαν τότε 1500 Ελληνοκύπριοι απομονωμένοι από τον υπόλοιπο κόσμο και σημείωνε την επιθυμία πολλών μελών του Αυνδέσμου να επισκεφθούν τους συγγενείς τους στα κατεχόμενα. Στις 10 Αυγούστου 1982 ο πρόεδρος του Συνδέσμου, Π. Χατζήπαναγη, έστειλε κατάλογο κατοίκων Αγγλίας και μελών του Συνδέσμου που ήθελαν να επισκεφθούν τα κατεχόμενα μεταξύ 25, 26 και 27 Αυγούστου 1982. Οι Τουρκοκύπριοι όμως απαίτησαν υπογραφή αίτησης εκ των προτέρων και οι Καρπασίτες δεν δέχονταν. Ο κ. Χατζήπαναγη, σύμφωνα με τα έγγραφα, εισηγήθηκε συμβιβαστική πρόταση όπου οι Καρπασίτες να υπέγραφαν την ώρα που θα έφθαναν στο οδόφραγμα. Ο κ. Hunt, του Φόρεϊν ΄Οφις (19.4.1982), ενθάρρυνε τον κ. Χατζήπαναγη να επικοινωνήσει, όπως εισηγήθηκε ο τελευταίος, με τον Τουρκοκύπριο κ. Μουφτιζατέ (που προφανώς ήταν ο αντιπρόσωπος του κατοχικού καθεστώτος στο Λονδίνο), παρόλο που ο Βρετανός αξιωματούχος πίστευε ότι απλά ο Μουφτιζατέ δεν θα ήταν σε θέση να κάνει οτιδήποτε. Βρίσκουμε ότι το θέμα απέτυχε να διευθετηθεί τον Αύγουστο και ο κ. Χατζήπαναγη συνεχίζει τις προσπάθειές του για επίσκεψη τα Χριστούγεννα. Οι Τουρκοκύπριοι, όμως, προβάλλουν διάφορες προφάσεις και φαίνεται ότι, με το τέλος του χρόνου, η επίσκεψη παραπέμπεται στο νέο έτος...
News - NEW YORK
OLD WATERS NEW RIVER The Spiros Exaras/ Elio Villafranca Project “The sophistication and eloquence one can hear, as it is clear to me, that Spiros Exaras’s way of executing guitar is compelling and beautiful. His work here as exemplified with pianist Elio Villafranca is aesthetically wonderful.” – Al Di Meola Spiros Exaras and Elio Villafranca. New Yorkers of Diaspora Greece and Diaspora Cuba respectively, make music that sizzles. They have brought something new into the jazz archipelago. Exaras and Villafranca have fused
their art and co-constructed something original and inspired by their roots beyond geography and language; an unconscious effort to shake music from its national categories. SPIROS EXARAS Of Exaras’s work, Al Di Meola says, “The sophistication and eloquence one can hear makes it clear to me that Spiros Exaras’s way of executing guitar is compelling and beautiful.” A graduate of the Athens Conservatory of Music with degrees in classical guitar and composition, Spiros Exaras is an internationally acclaimed musician, regarded as a master of fusing musical cultures. In his native Greece, Spiros has been a featured player with the Greek National Radio Television Orchestra (ERT) and the Orchestra of Colors, as well as working with such legends
News NEW YORK
OLD WATERS NEW RIVER “The musical history of Cuba is full of extraordinary pianists, and Elio Villafranca is amongst the best representatives of the new generation of Cuban pianists and composers.” – Paquito D’Rivera
Spiros Exaras with Peter Stauss
as Yannis Markopoulos, Marios Fraggoulis, and Kostas Hatzis. Internationally, Spiros has played with such artists as Shirley Bassey, Mark Murphy, Randy Brecker, Jon Benitez, Matt Garrison, Ray Vega, Tessa Souter, J.D. Walter, and Joel Rosenblatt as well as Grammy Award-winners, Dave Valentin, Hernan Romero, and Arturo O’Farrill. Exaras played the searing guitar solo on Mariah Carey’s platinum hit, “My All.” His film and theater scoring includes Everything For a Reason, Niko’s Restaurant, the plays Gallathea, and The Hand And Hen, in addition to numerous commercials. He previous CDs are “Spiros Exaras plays Kostas Hatzis” (MBI, 1992) and “Phrygianics” (Blue Note, 1993). His email is: www.spirosexaras.com. ELIO VILLAFRANCA Born in the Pinar del Río province of Cuba, Steinway Artist pianist and composer Elio Villafranca was classically trained in percussion and composition at the Instituto Superior de Arte in Havana, Cuba. Since his arrival in the United States in mid-1995, Elio Villafranca has been at the forefront of the latest generation of remarkable pianists, composers, and band leaders. Last year, Mr. Villafranca was among the five pianists hand-picked by Chick Corea to perform at the first Chick Corea Jazz Festival, curated by Corea himself at Jazz at Lincoln Center. He also received a 2010 Grammy Award Nomination in the Best Latin Jazz Album of the Year category.
In 2008, The Jazz Corner nominated Elio Villafranca as pianist of the year. That year, Mr. Villafranca was also honored by BMI with the BMI Jazz Guaranty Award and received the first NFA/Heineken Green Ribbon Master Artist Music Grant for the creation of his “Concerto for Mariachi, for Afro-Cuban Percussion and Symphony Orchestra.” Finally, his first album, Incantations/Encantaciones, featuring Pat Martino, Terell Stafford, and Dafnis Prieto was ranked amongst the fifty-best jazz albums of the year by JazzTimes magazine in 2003. Over the years Elio Villafranca has recorded and performed nationally and internationally as a leader, featuring jazz master artists such as Pat Martino, Terell Stafford, Billy Hart, Paquito D’Rivera, Eric Alexander, and Lewis Nash among others. As a sideman, Elio Villafranca has collaborated with leading jazz and Latin jazz artists including Wynton Marsalis, Jon Faddis, Billy Harper, Sonny Fortune, Giovanni Hidalgo, Miguel Zenón, and Johnny Pacheco among others. He is based in New York City, and he is currently resident professor at Temple University in Philadelphia. This album is available from Harbinger Records (HarbingerRecords.com) and through downloads on iTunes. They are distributed by Naxos USA. For more information contact Harbinger Records: Phone: 212.974.0229 / ken@kenbloom.com Harbinger Records Ltd, 344 W. 49th Street, New York, NY 10019 | HarbingerRecords.com
HELLENES OF THE WORLD
Οι σκουρόχρωμοι Έλληνες του Περού Colonia Griega de San Andres
Γράφει ο Ανδρέας Μουτεβέλης Το 1880, κατά τη διάρκεια του πολέμου μεταξύ Περού και Χιλής, συνέβη το εξής: Σε μια αιματηρή επιδρομή των Χιλιανών κατά του χωριού Σαν Αντρές του Περού, οι Χιλιανοί στρατιώτες σκότωναν αδιακρίτως τους κατοίκους του χωριού. Ανάμεσα σε αυτούς όμως, ήταν και 7 Ελληνες ναυτικοί, οι οποίοι αγάπησαν το Περού από τα ταξίδια τους και είχαν εγκατασταθεί εκεί για να ζήσουν. Κάποιοι από αυτούς είχαν παντρευτεί με Περουβιανές γυναίκες και είχαν δημιουργήσει τις οικογένειές τους. Οταν λοιπόν έγινε η φονική επιδρομή, μαζεύτηκαν όλοι οι Ελληνες σε ένα σπίτι, μαζί με πολλούς Περουβιανούς κατοίκους, κλειδώθηκαν μέσα, ύψωσαν την ελληνική σημαία και περίμεναν με αγωνία. Και τότε έγινε το θαύμα! Οι Χιλιανοί στρατιώτες που είχαν ξεκληρίσει το χωριό, δεν πείραξαν καθόλου το σπίτι με την ελληνική σημαία! Οι απόγονοι 6ης, 7ης και τώρα πια 8ης γενιάς αυτών των 7 Ελλήνων ναυτικών, είναι περίπου 650 άτομα και
αποτελούν την ελληνική κοινότητα του Σαν Αντρές. Οι περισσότεροι δεν έχουν επισκεφθεί ποτέ την Ελλάδα. Γιορτάζουν την μέρα που σώθηκαν, αλλά και ελληνικές γιορτές, όπως την 28η Οκτωβρίου και την 25η Μαρτίου με επίσημο τρόπο και στις γιορτές τους ακούγεται πάντα ο ελληνικός Εθνικός Υμνος μαζί με τον Εθνικό Υμνο του Περού. Ονόματα όπως Komninos, Gikas, Papafavas, Falkonis και Constantinou είναι τα πιο συνηθισμένα στο San Andres. Κάποιοι από αυτούς δεν μοιάζουν σε τίποτα στην όψη με Ελληνες. Οπως η γιαγιά στο πρώτο βίντεο που ακολουθεί και της παραδίδουν την ελληνική σημαία. Δεν μοιάζει με Ελληνίδα εξωτερικά και μιλάει ισπανικά. Παρατηρήστε πως σφίγγει τη σημαία στην αγκαλιά της λέγοντας: "Μi sangre! mi sangre!" (το αίμα μου! το αίμα μου!) Οι άνθρωποι αυτοί, τα μακρινά αδέρφια μας, μάς γεμίζουν χαρά και υπερηφάνεια
News - NEW YORK
ΤΟ ΠΡΌΣΗΜΟ ΤΟΥ ΑΥΤΟΝΌΗΤΟΥ
Γράφει ο Πάσχος Μανδραβέλης - ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ
Εχουν δίκιο όσοι αριστεροί (συνήθως) αναζητούν το πρόσημο των πολιτικών προτάσεων στον άξονα Αριστεράς - Δεξιάς. Ολες οι πολιτικές έχουν κάποια ιστορία που τις χαρακτηρίζει. Η φορολογία των προοδευτικών συντελεστών, για παράδειγμα, έχει αριστερό πρόσημο, ο ενιαίος φορολογικός συντελεστής δεξιό. Και μπορεί η ισχυρή δημόσια παιδεία να έχει αριστερό πρόσημο, αλλά δεν ισχύει το ίδιο και για την απαγόρευση των μη κρατικών ΑΕΙ. Για την ακρίβεια, αυτή επιβλήθηκε από τη μετεμφυλιακή Δεξιά που προσπαθούσε να ελέγξει την είσοδο των κομμουνιστών στην ανώτατη παιδεία. Ομως πριν φτάσουμε στα πρόσημα των πολιτικών, πρέπει να δούμε τα αυτονόητα. Χιλιάδες παιδιά σπουδάζουν σε μη κρατικά ΑΕΙ της αλλοδαπής (με σοβαρή συναλλαγματική αιμορραγία), αλλά στην Ελλάδα τα μη κρατικά ΑΕΙ απαγορεύονται. Εκατοντάδες Ελληνες αποτεφρώνονται μετά θάνατον στη Βουλγαρία, αλλά αποτεφρωτήριο νεκρών στην Ελλάδα δεν έχουμε ακόμη, παρά τα τεράστια προβλήματα ηθικής (κάθε άνθρωπος πρέπει να είναι κυρίαρχος του σώματός του και μετά θάνατον), αλλά και χωροταξικής φύσεως· τα νεκροταφεία στόμωσαν. Η χώρα πνίγεται από τα σκουπίδια και Χώρους Ταφής, έστω Υπολειμμάτων, δεν έχουμε. Αντ’ αυτών έχουμε ακόμη πολλές χωματερές.
Στα αυτονόητα που σε όλη την Ευρώπη λύνονται χωρίς να συζητείται το πρόσημό τους, στην Ελλάδα μπαίνει ένα πρόσημο για να μη λυθούν. Το κακό δεν είναι μόνο αυτό που επεσήμανε ο κ. Γιάννης Βούλγαρης, ότι δηλαδή «η Αριστερά έχει μετατραπεί σε εξάρτημα του λόγου της, σε εκφωνητή των κλισέ που ιστορικά αυτή παρήγαγε, αλλά που σήμερα τον διαχειρίζονται άλλοι με μεγαλύτερη μάλλον αποτελεσματικότητα... η κοινωνία “κρύβεται” πίσω από τα παραδοσιακά αριστερά κλισέ για να εξορθολογίσει και να νομιμοποιήσει επιλογές στασιμότητας...» («Η Μοιραία Πενταετία», εκδ. Πόλις). Είναι ότι διά της διαρκούς καταγγελίας των αυτονόητων υπονομεύεται η συζήτηση στα σύνθετα. Δεν αναφερόμαστε στα μεγάλα ζητήματα -όπως είναι ο φόρος χρηματοπιστωτικών συναλλαγών, το ζήτημα της πνευματικής ιδιοκτησίας κ.λπ., που είναι στην πρώτη γραμμή του αριστεροδεξιού διαλόγου σε ολόκληρο τον κόσμο- αλλά στα πιο απλά. Στην Ελλάδα δεν κουβεντιάσαμε τα βασικά: πόσο προοδευτικοί πρέπει να είναι οι φορολογικοί συντελεστές; Τι σημαίνει ενιαία κλίμακα φορολόγησης εισοδήματος; Δεν συζητήσαμε καν για το κόστος της διάσωσης των τραπεζών και ποιος θα το επιβαρυνθεί. Αναζητούμε όμως πρόσημο στις πολιτικές για τα σκουπίδια...
Ellopia’s Photo of the month
Dig in and help us grow to the one million mark. Every planting season, enthusiastic, energetic, and environmentally-minded New Yorkers volunteer in tree planting activities in and around city parks. Learn more about upcoming volunteer tree planting and care opportunities, including: Spring Reforestation Day and Natural Areas Volunteers Events. When you attend a tree planting event with us, we will provide all tools, gloves, and trees. Please come dressed in clothes that can get dirty and closed-toed shoes, and bring your own water bottle. We will teach you everything you need to know about planting a tree in a park.
ART IN NEW YORK
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HELLENES OF THE WORLD
“KOUZINA”
ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΚΟΥΖΙΝΑ ΣΤΟΝ ΠΑΝΑΜΑ Costa del Este Panama City Σήμερα στον Παναμά ζουν περίπου 1500 Ελληνες. Ο Παναμάς είναι μια χώρα που κατάφερε να την “κατακτήσει” αυτή η χούφτα Ελλήνων. Σκληρή δουλειά, έξυπνες κινήσεις αγάπη για την Ορθοδοξία και τον Ελληνισμό είναι στα συστατικά που την κράτησαν ζωντανή και ισχυρή. Οι Ελληνες της χώρας με ότι καταπιάνονται γίνονται οι καλύτεροι, οι πιο επιτυχημένοι. Μακριά από τον Ελλάδα ίσως δεν υπάρχει καν άλλη επιλογή. Η επιτυχία πρέπει να είναι δεδομένη. Για την συνέχεια για ένα καλύτερο μέλλον , για το αύριο των παιδιών που γεννιούνται εδώ Σε αυτός έρχεται να προστεθεί και ο Αντρέας Χρήστου από την Λευκωσία με την σύζυγό του. Κατάφεραν και δημιούργησαν μια ελληνική γωνιά υπέροχες μυρωδιές, “προκλητικά’ πιάτα, ελληνική μουσική και κυρίως ελληνικά χαμόγελα Φώτο 1: Εξωτερικό “Κουζίνας” Φώτο 2: Ανδρέας Χρήστου, Αθηνά Κρικέλη, Χαράλαμπος Τζανετάτος Φώτο 3: Ζεύγος Χρήστου, Χαράλαμπος Τζανετάτος, Αθηνά Κρικέλη
ART- WORLD "The Greek Chorus and Alternative Tragedies" We are pleased to announce the upcoming lecture by Professor Francis Blessington, "The Greek Chorus and Alternative Tragedies," which will take place at The Greek Institute (1038 Massachusetts Avenue in Cambridge) at 7:00 pm on Monday, May 19. This lecture is being recorded for the Forum Network, a joint venture of WGBH and The Lowell Institute, and may be available online on the Forum Network at forum-network.org and from other affiliated websites. This lecture is open to the public. We hope that you will attend and look forward to seeing you at the Institute. Francis Blessington is a professor of English at Northeastern University.
When Art Was Art
This sculpture below, " The veiled virgin" is most impressive! Notice the effect of transparency, from the Italian artist Giovanni Strazza of the nineteenth century . Think of the epic difficulty of modeling a veil on a face of a material that is among the toughest on the planet; marble -- mineral hardness 3 on Friedrich Mohs scale. Another problem is that nothing is added. It is a sculpture made by subtracting. To sculpt a figure, you take a block of marble and "simply take everything off that is not in the figure ."
He has published verse translations of Euripides’ Bacchae and Aristophanes’ Frogs, a verse play, Lorenzo de’ Medici, Paradise Lost: Ideal and Tragic Epic, and Paradise Lost and the Classical Epic, as well as a novel, The Last Witch of Dogtown, and two books of poems, Wolf Howl and Lantskip. His poem, “Reflected Absence” won first Place in The Freedom Tower/World Trade Center NY Poetry Competition (2009). His translation of Euripides’ Trojan Women, won the Der-Hovanessian Prize for Translation (2011). His translation of Trojan Women along with Euripides’ Hecuba and Helen will be published soon by The University of Oklahoma Press.
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