Sara King_Turning rural by EMU European post-master in Urbanism at TU Delft

turning rural;

Enabling sustainability in remote settlement patterns in Ireland EMU Thesis Sara King Supervisors: Prof. Vincent Nadin, Prof. Paola ViganĂ˛ Readers: Prof. Han Meyer, Prof. Bruno de Meulder and Prof. Adolf Sotoca TU Delft, Spring Semester 2011

Ac k n o w led gements I would lik e t o t h a n k my me n to r s P r o f. V i n c e n t N adin and Pro f. P aola Vig a n Ă˛ f or gu i d i n g me th r o u g h th i s th e s i s a nd mak ing it t he educat io n a l e x p e ri e n c e i t w a s . I h ave b e e n i n s p i r e d and mo t ivat ed b y t heir word s a n d i n s i g h ts . I am gra t e f u l t o S t e f f e n Ni j h u i s a n d M e ta B e r g h aus er Po nt bo t h fo r t heir t ime a n d c on t rib u ti o n s to th i s th e s i s . I would a l s o lik e t o th an k al l my E M U c o l l e ag u es fo r all I have learned f ro m t h e m a n d s h ar e d w i th th e m d u r i n g thes e t wo years . I n p art icu la r, t h e h e l p a n d g u i d an c e o f th e p r e vi o u s g raduat es . A sp ec i a l t h a n k s g o e s to H a r u tyu n S h ah u myan i n U R BI S in U CD , and P a d ra ig Ma c S h e r a. T h e i r s u p p o r t i n I r e l a n d was es s ent ial t o t his t he s is Finally t o m y f a m ily, a n d a l l my c l o s e fr i e n d s w h o I have invo lved in t his EM U e x p e rie n c e , th an ks ! A b o ve al l to my parent s , J o hn and Hild a Kin g , wh o h a ve s u p p o r te d me fu l l y an d bo t h ins pired and cont rib u t e d t o t h is t h e s i s , I a m ve r y g r a te fu l .

CONTENTS 01. Introduction 4 01.1 Problem Field and Motivation 6 01.2 Aim and Approach 10 02. Rural 11 02.1 Conceptualisation & Classification 12 02.2 Areas of investigation 16 03. The Spatial Dimensions of Economic Change 18 03.1 Spatial Precedents at the National Scale 18 03.2 Conflicting Trends; Outmigration, Repopulation, Vacancy 22 03.3 Spatial Configurations 32 03.4 10 x 10km Study Case Comparison 38 04. Drivers for Change 52 04.1 Demographics 54 04.2 Industry and Trade Policy 1926 - 2010 55 04.3 An Urbanising Economy 56 05.

The Future of Rurality - towards â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;degrowthâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;?

06. The Approach 64 06.1 3 x Ecosystem Services Informing Settlement Patterns 65 06.2 Mapping Ecosystem Services-a brief history 66 06.3 Application of Ecosystem Services Mapping 70 06.4 The Planning Framework - Filling the Gap 72 07 The Test 87 07.1 Settlement Structure Analysis - Cluster Network 86 07. 2 Mapping Ecosystem Services 92 07.3 Suitability Map 126 07.4 Synthesis for Planning: Cluster Network and Suitability Map 132 07.5 Cluster Network Development 136 07.6 Development Zoning Plan & Rules 142 07.7 Development Possibilities 156 08. Conclusions 160 References 166 note: all images used with out source references have been created for this thesis

01 Introduction

01. Introduction

Irelandâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s geographic location on the edge of Europe facing North America across the Atlantic source: google earth 2011 4

LETTERKENNY

BELFAST

SLIGO

DUBLIN GALWAY

LIMERICK

WATERFORD

CORK

Settlement patterns are largely defined by its geography. The cities are located on river mouths and predominantly to the east and south facing the UK and Europe. The west of the country, the atlantic bears a more rugged landscape of mountains, sea cliffs, more hostile to inhabitation and cultivation. 5

turning rural

01 Introduction 01.1

Motivation and Problem Field

The motivation for this thesis is two fold. Firstly, from a desire to understand the implications of the dramatic spatial changes that have taken place in rural Ireland during the recent economic boom, and see how they can be addressed. Secondly arising from a belief that if Ireland optimised its natural resources it could not only give more meaning and structure to new settlement patterns, refreshing the role of the rural, but also bring new economies to rural areas, strengthening the economy, the identity and the social structure of the state. The economic boom in Ireland (1990 to 2008) saw the population of the country grow by 25%, and along side this; a boom in construction meaning 50% of the current housing stock was built in the last 20 years. There were many factors that contributed to the boom in the economy, the main one being a focus on attracting hi-tech multinationals to establish in Ireland. Due to the fact the industry was hi-tech, these multinationals located themselves primarily in urban areas due to ease of access to a highly skilled market. However, the increase in population and housing did not only occur in the urban areas, but many small towns and villages (fewer than 10,000 inhabitants) within a 50 – 80 kilometre commuting range of major cities and towns experienced significant population growth. Between 2002 and 2006 these areas accounted for 48% of the population growth Eslewhere was the increase in one-off housing in the countryside. Again by 2006 these accounted for 33% of new-built dwellings per year. Essentially, what was happening spatially was a counter-urbanisation and a rural repopulation. This was a dramatic shift in trends as most rural areas had been suffering from years of out-migration. It can be seen as a positive factor, in the strengthening of rural populations. However, there are a number of new challenges that arise from this. The logic with which people inhabit the rural areas has been changing. Primarily, rather than living and working in the land, they live there, but work else where, in local cities or towns. This brings up a number of issues. Due to the low density, the transport system is car based, and thus is in efficient in energy consumption and high in CO2 production. People spend less time in their local neighbourhood and so social interaction in the community is lessened. As Dominic Stevens describes in his book Rural (2007) this new repopulation consists of ‘houses only occupied in the evenings, by tired people watching television while worrying about their mortgage repayments’. Alongside this many of the new homes are holiday homes or second homes and thus remain empty most of the year. This brings forward both the missed opportunity of strengthening the community and also another dimension, the effect of these unoccupied homes upon the landscape. There are two sides to the landscape debate; that which says the new homes are scarring our landscape, a precious resource of the tourist industry, and that which states that were are reforming our traditional settlement patterns, living in a dispersed nature across the land and therefore it is not either new or negative. Natural resources and ecological structures were also impacted by this building boom. Urban development lead to the consumption of fertile land, and, in some cases, building on flood plains – the effects of which have devastating flooding of both these areas and others further down stream. One off housing can also cause water pollution due to the difficulty in monitoring and managing the individual waste management systems they require. Yet this trend of repopulation is not the key issue in all areas of rural Ireland, nor is it a sure trend. Many of the more remote areas are still suffering from out-migration, which has been an on-going process since they mid 1800s. Out-migration has been 6

LETTERKENNY 17,568 inh

DERRY 107,300 inh

BELFAST 268,323 inh

SLIGO 17,892 inh

GALWAY 72,729 inh

DUBLIN 1,661,185 inh

LIMERICK 90,757 inh

WATERFORD 49,213 inh

Figure 1.1: Regional cities of Ireland with populations (CSO, 2006)

CORK 119,418 inh

strongest in the North-West of the country, where soil quality is poorest and the urban structure is the weakest; Galway, the largest city of the region has only a population of 72,729 and is over two hours away from many inhabited areas. Outmigration means not only depopulation, but also an increased dependency rate (the rate of non-working population to working) and decreased demographic vitality, meaning there is a higher percentage of elderly and children in the population compared to the percentage in the labour force. The consequences of this are social isolation and, due to the low density, an inefficiency of service provision. There is also a decrease in resource management, particularly in farming. Some of these areas have been repopulated and economically diversified, but it must be noted that much of the economic diversification recorded in rural areas has been in construction. As the construction industry has slowed down greatly many of these areas may regress to suffering their previous fate of outmigration, particularly now in times of economic down turn. The final part of this story is the vacancy. The property boom meant much speculative building, also in the rural areas. This was partly based on the demand, but was also encouraged by the state, in an effort to disperse the development, by offering tax incentives for building as part of a rural renewal scheme. However, with the advent of the economic crisis of 2008 the property market collapsed and construction almost ceased completely. The result was that many new houses were left empty across the country with no buyers, and many unfinished as the construction companies went bankrupt. The rate of vacancy is 14% on a national level, and due to the influence of 7

turning rural

01 Introduction the tax incentives the highest rates of vacancy (25%) are now in the areas of with the lowest populations. The second motivation comes both from a personal frustration and welcome inspiration about the potentials of Ireland’s natural resources. During the course of this European Masters in Urbanism there has been a clear focus on addressing climate change in more efficient public transport systems, managing natural resources such as water, in terms of flooding, storage and purification and the incorporation of agriculture into the urban environment to name but a few. During the discussions and presentations there is a clear line stressing the preciousness of natural resources. Ireland is abundant with natural resources, such as sources of fresh water, accessible agricultural land, and also due, temperate climate. Its position on the western edge of Europe, facing the Atlantic, means the best potential for wind, wave and biomass exploitation in the EU. However, only 2.2% of our energy is renewable, and 66% of our food is imported. The frustration comes when witnessing first hand the attitudes and planning practices in a country like the Netherlands, with four times the population and half the landmass, which has a strong urban economy yet continues to maximize its rural potentials for agriculture, energy and aesthetics. Ireland, which was defined as the most rural of the OECD countries, and has the most predominantly rural population in Europe according to Eurostat, does not fully recognize its own potentials, which can not only diversify and strengthen the economy but also make the island more resilient to threatening food and oil crises. However, on the bright side, the inspiration came from the work of nine architects who together formed Ireland’s entry into the Venice Biennale of 2006. The work was titled SubUrban to SuperRural. The work was based on the idea of ‘Accepting our current reality of road-based infrastructure and the widespread desire to live in low-density housing, the challenge facing Ireland is how to evolve new living conditions that are not a sub-genre of the urban but rather a hybrid of the best aspects of both rural and urban—a super-rural condition.’ (FKL Architects, 2006). This work afforded many proposals of more sustainable living, many of which capitalized on natural resources such as the extinct peat mining lands of the midlands in 26+1 or living and farming on the floodplains as a new way of life in Fluidcity. This begged the question – could this approach be brought into the planning process, where by the potentials of the natural resources are recognized and used as an influential design tool? It is clear that there are many challenges facing rural areas, due to these conflicting trends, that demand a rethinking about the structure of our rural settlement patterns. Second to this, the role of rural territories as host to many natural resources is becoming important at the scale of the nation and even more so at a local scale, due to the threatening oil and food crises. It is no longer imaginable that imported resources will always be available, accessible or affordable. Therefore, in reconsidering rural settlement patterns the management and provision of natural resources must not only be an integrated part of the process, but, as inspired by the work in SubUrban to SuperRural, can become a key source of guidance for settlement patterns. Not all of the above challenges and aspirations can be met at once. Therefore the conditions of the remote rural will be taken as a focus. The potential optimisation of resource management can not only help redefine settlement patterns, but may also generate new economies that address the issues of outmigration and depopulation. These new economies have the potential to inform settlement patterns through identifying the potential for employment, and therefore living, in specific areas, thus providing a stronger basis for arguments on whether or not the landscape should be 8

Figure 1.2 (left): Fluidcity, Dominic Stevens Architect Figure 1.3 (above): Generated Landscape with Storehouse, 26 + 1, Boyd Cody Architects. Figure 1.4 (right): Storehouse with Residential above Production, 26 + 1, Boyd Cody Architects. Source (all): SubUrban to SuperRural, 2006

occupied, or whether or not vacant houses have future tenancy possibilities. On a larger scale, strengthening the economic role of the rural in Ireland, particularly in remote areas where opportunities lack, can act as a counter balance to the urban economy adding diversity to the overall economy, and also giving new substance to the rural identity of Ireland. European Dimension Many of the issues mentioned above are not unique to the Irish context; similar issues are being faced across Europe, if not the world. The RUFUS project on Rural Future Networks, which ‘aims to ensure sustainable and integrated rural development’, is a project funded under the Socio-economic Sciences and Humanities theme of the 7th Framework Programme from the European Commission. Within this project the challenges recognised are land abandonment and depopulation, intensification of agricultural production in environmentally favourable areas and urban expansion at the expense of rural land’. These are linked to ‘environmental degradation, a loss of 9

turning rural

01 Introduction aesthetically pleasing landscapes and altered rural character.â&#x20AC;&#x2122; Through this thesis, by understanding the specificities and implications of these issues on a smaller scale it can perhaps contribute to an understanding of these issues on a larger scale. 01.2

Aim and Approach

The aim of this thesis is to develop and demonstrate how an approach that can enable sustainability in remote rural settlement patterns in Ireland socially, environmentally and economically. This is an approach that integrates the optimisation of natural resources based on they hypothesis that this will promote both economy and efficient resource management. The method and scale of the approach relates to the current planning process. Finally, to answer the current conditions the approach should acknowledges the issues of social isolation, inefficiency of service provision and vacancy and harness the potential of repopulation. To develop this approach the following steps are made: The first step is to understand at a national scale the spatial differentiation of the given issues due to geographic context and population movements, and to understand the drivers behind this differentiation. A comparison highlights what precisely are the characteristics of the remote rural settlements in relation to the given issues. This is made between the development of a remote rural area and an area closer to the other end of the urban-rural gradient i.e. the peri-urban condition, that is under greater pressure of urban expansion with strong commuting patterns. Consequent to that, the argument is made as to what the future of rurality should be, particularly taking into account the remote rurality in Ireland, and why this particular approach focuses on optimisation of natural resources. This is set against the background of different theories on rural and territorial scale approaches. The idea of optimising natural resources is proposed through ecosystem service mapping*. This is based on a reading of the urban-rural gradient as the degree of occupation and intervention necessary to obtain ecosystem services. The next step therefore, is an explanation of ecosystem services, defining those that are spatially relevant in an Irish context, and how they can be mapped as land uses. As a synthesis of the research and analysis, and the technique of ecosystem service mapping, the approach is then proposed. The approach consists first of an analysis of a rural settlement pattern in terms of cluster development to understand the minimal rationality to the structure, to understand social isolation and also the exact spatial conditions of the locations of vacant units. This analysis is followed by a series of mappings focused on particular ecosystem services. Then, with the combined results of this mapping, 4 different cases are used to demonstrate the way in which this approach can inform the settlement structure.

*Ecosystem Services; The benefits of natural resources when used for human well-being are termed ecosystem services (Millenium Ecosystem Assessment 2005). These range from the adequate of food, clean air, water, to the supporting of biodiversity, to the socio-cultural of aesthetics (Wallace, 2007).

02. Rural

turning rural

02 Rural

02. Rural ‘a way of life characterised by cohesive identity to an extensive landscape.’ (Cloke et al, 2006)

02.1 Conceptualisation The above description of what defines rural is found in the functional conception given by Cloke et al, 2006; the delimitation of rural areas based on land-use mix (notably farming and forestry), settlement structure (small settlements of low order and an ‘extensive landscape’, a way of life characterised by cohesive identity to an extensive landscape. This description seems most fitting to the work of this thesis as it is relates the primary spatial characteristic feature the ‘extensive landscape’ to the population occupying and using it. It is this fundamental thing of operating in the extensive landscape, with space in between that links all actions and users of the rural, including the newer ‘urban generated’ society. It is what determines the low density, which determines so many other characteristics. The word landscape is also important as it indicates both the historic role of production and also the aesthetic qualities that are coming to play a more important role as both an attractor for inhabitation and a source of economy through tourism. 02.2 Classification Rural or urban-rural typologies pose a more difficult problem. Typology is a tool for enabling meaningful analysis and comparison typologies are created at different scale levels and with complex sets of parameters. Ireland under European Urban - Rural Typologies This thesis is dealing with issues which are recognised across the board at a European level ‘land abandonment and depopulation (FAO, 2006; MacDonald et al., 2000; PintoCorreia and Breman, 2008), intensification of agricultural production in environmentally favourable areas (Vos and Meekes, 1999) and urban expansion at the expense of rural land (Brenner, 2004; Bryden and Bollman, 2000)’ (van Berkel and Verburg, 2009). Therefore it is useful to show how Ireland’s rural is compared with the other Eurpoean Countries. However it is of note that these typologies are recognised as a challenge to many programmes and bodies involved in their planning and policy making. At a European level the European Spatial Planning Observation Network (ESPON) for territorial development and cohesion, the current ESPON project EDORA (European Development Opportunities in Rural Areas) and DG Regio (Directorate General for Regional Policy) are currently working on a new or revised typology in co-operation with DG Agri and Eurostat (Böhm, et al., 2009). The main criticisms on previous typologies are that while population density, accessibility / peripherality and land use are the most common features, often only one or two of them are taken into account. Secondly the geographical level is extremely challenging as a substantial number of typologies build on a mixture of NUTS 2 and 3, with few using smaller scale levels. This is being addressed in many of the new typologies where they begin to use grid 12

Figure 2.1: Modified OECD classification combined with Peripherality Index Source:

Copus et al, 2006

cells of 1 km² (European Union, 2010; van Berkel and Verburg, 2009). However, aside from the geographic level, due to the comparison at the large scale, many of the features of the small scale are lost in the normalisation of the data. This point will be illustrated later in the project, when the scale of application is discussed. To give an over view maps showing the three most common features will be used; population density, peripherality, land use. Population Density & Peripherality The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development OECD classification of rural through density is uses as a basis for most typologies ( fewer that 150 inhabitants per km2). This has been combined with peripherality, which is based on the Schürmann and Talaat Index using indcators, ranging from simple travel time to complex economic potential indices, which take account of both transport network characteristics and the activities or opportunities that can be reached by it. Land Use or Structural Type The majority of rural regions in Ireland (six of seven) are classified as ‘Consumption Countryside’ under the Economic Restructuring dimension. This term reflects a shift towards places of consumption rather than production. The percentage employed in agriculture and the Gross Value Added derived from agricultural production is lower than the European average but farmed or natural landscapes continue to be viewed as significant elements of the economy (Walsh, 2010). 13

turning rural

02 Rural

Figure 2.2: The Structural Typology (of rural areas) Source: EDORA database, in Draft Final Report of EDORA 2010

Irelands Urban-Rural Gradient Figure 2.3 shows Irelands density gradient with the darkest areas as urban i.e. >150 inhabitants per square kilometre. While there are higher densities around the major cities, the map gives us a general picture of the dispersion of Irelands low density, with small higher densities reflecting where towns occur; the fine grain of rural settlements. Rural Typologies for Ireland Based on this, figure 2.4 shows the rural typologies as defined by McHugh (2001). As these were defined during a period of rapid economic growth and population growth and movement, these typologies were ‘dynamic’, as Jim Walsh described when he used them in Rural Ireland 2025 – Foresight perspectives (NUI Maynooth, 2005). These typologies were further developed, based on 60 variables and published again in 2007 (Walsh, 2007), figure 2.5. The change in typologies over the ten years reflects both the repopulation of rural areas, the general boost in the economy and particularly the increase in construction in rural areas – which is what accounts for a percentage of the ‘economic diversification’. The ‘Remote Rural’ area of investigation (see next paragraph) is no longer with the most ‘marginal’ typology however. As these typologies are dynamic it is very likely they have shifted again since the economic crisis (as is warned in the ESPON report (Walsh, 2010), where Irelands performance is seen as accumulating, but based on data from 1995 – 2006). For this reason both the 1996 and the 2007 typologies are taken into consideration. 14

Figure 2.3 (right): Map depicting Urban-Rural Gradient in Ireland 2006. * OECD Definition of Rural < 150 inhabitants per sqkm Data Source: Central Statistics Office, CSO Figure 2.4 (below left): Rural Typologies Ireland 1996

Source: People and Place, A Census Atlas of the Republic of Ireland, 2007.

10 - 25

25 - 50

50 - 100

100 - 150

: Urban

> 150

Figure 2.5 (below right): Rural Typologies Ireland 2002

inhabitants / km2

0 - 10

Source: RURAL IRELAND 2025 Foresight Perspectives, 2005. Prepared by McHugh and Walsh, 1996. Census data; CSO, Geographical Boundaries, Ordnance Survey Ireland, OSi.

Rural Typologies 1996

Rural Typologies 2002

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02 Rural

Remote Rural: Co. Leitrim

Figure 2.6 (left): Areas of Investigaion

Peri-urban: Co. Kildare

Planning Scales In figure 2.7 the relevant administrative divisions of Ireland are shown from the Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics (NUTS) to the Local Administrative Units (LAU). LAU1, the county, is the most significant scale in the planning system as it is the scale of implementation. At this scale the local development plans are made, setting the policies for the whole county. Local Area Plans (LAP) are also produced for towns of a population greater than 1500. Other towns are zoned within the County Development Plan and sometimes Urban Framework Plans are issued, although these are non-statutory. 02.2

Areas of Investigation: The Urban to Rural Gradient

The County (LAU1) is the first scale level for comparison and investigation (after the national scale) as this is the dominant scale of the planning authority, To illustrate the different challenges facing different rural areas it was decided to choose counties that were at either end of the urban to rural gradient (yet still rural). The descriptions given to the two types chosen are Remote Rural and Peri-Urban The criteria for this were; Remote Rural

Peri-Urban

1. Density of population Lowest Highest 2. Presence of rural typology

Marginal

Peri-Urban

3. Population growth rate Low High 4. Vacancy Level High Low 16

Figure 2.7 (right): Table of relevant administrative divisions and scales and documents of the planning system in Ireland.

NUTS Level 1

NUTs Level 3

LAU 1

LAU 2

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level of implementation 17

turning rural

03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

03. The Spatial Dimensions of Economic Change If the aim is to develop an approach that addresses the issues of the remote areas, refreshing the role of the rural and bringing new economies it is important first to understand the processes that lead to the specific issues and lack of strong rural economies in these areas, and also where there have been exceptions to this, for example in the south-east. Firstly there are some key spatial conditions that both contribute to the current issues, to the lack of a strong economy and therefore to outmigration. Secondly it is important to understand the migration patterns, the current distribution of the population on a national scale and the areas of vacancy. The next chapter then discusses the drivers for change, which very much relate to the spatial conditions preceding the change, and which largely determine the population movements and therefore the new spatial conditions in rural areas.

03.1

Spatial Precedents at the National Scale

The geographic, geological and socio-political conditions at a national scale form the background to which the story takes place. Four key spatial conditions are recognised; urban agglomerations as locations of population density, global connectivity, soil types, farm size, and historic population distribution. Urban Agglomerations - Population Density and Global Connectivity Irelands settlement patterns relate very much to its geography, as was stated in the introduction. The cities as dense areas of population as well as to the main universities are the main source of the highly skilled labour force. This was a key factor in location choice for hi-tech industries and therefore plays an important role in the story, as will be discussed in the next chapter. Dublin, being the largest city in the state had by far the greatest pull. Again, the main cities are also points of global connectivity, which was a factor in location choice for industries for the movement of goods and people. Soil Types The quality of the soil for cultivation is best in the south and east of the country and some parts of the north (figure 3.2). It is in these areas where there are larger farms sizes, and particularly in the south-east a very strong agro-industry. In the north west of the country the soil types vary from gleys, which have low permeability and become 18

BELFAST

SLIGO

GALWAY

DUBLIN

LIMERICK

WATERFORD

Figure 3.1: Ireland urban-rural gradient, urban agglomerations and global connectivity points

CORK

Figure 3.2: Irleands great soil groups. legend

Source: GIS Dr. BS Coulter great soil groups & EJ McDonald, Teagasc Johnstown Castle, 2001, M.J. Gardiner et al, National Soil Survey 1980 N.I. Soils S. McConaghy & V. McAllister Legend Translation: Based on Teagasc Great Soil Groups (Teagasc, 2011)

legend translations shallow soil blanket bog water logged fertile highly fertile

turning rural

03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change waterlogged very easily, to shallow soils over limestone, which makes for very stony fields, to blanket peats, which also need excessive drainage to be farmed. The soil types also relate very much to the farm size as will be explained. Poor soil types mean low productivity from farming, and so it is harder to make a living from farming on such land. This encourages an outmigration of people searching for more substantial employment. Farm sizes The farm sizes in Ireland differ greatly from the northwest to the southeast (figure 03). Soil types requiring a high level of drainage mean that fields are smaller due to the frequency of ditches. Stony ground also leads to small field sizes; landowners spent years gathering the stones from the land by hand and then stacking the stones in stone walls. Smaller fields are more difficult for the use of farm machinery, and thus less conducive to extensive crop production. In addition, this requires more time and labour heavy even for silage cutting and haymaking. The plantations that occurred when Ireland was under the Commonwealth have also contributed to the farm sizes. The plantations mainly occurred in areas that had better soil types, thus creating larger farms in these areas. Alongside this, The Act for the Settlement of Ireland in 1652 meant that many Catholic landowners had to give up their land to Scottish and English settlers, and were given land to the west of the Shannon in the province of Connacht. It is said that during the Cromwellian conquest, Oliver Cromwell, while trying to suppress an Irish rebellion, gave the native inhabitants the choice of going â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;to Hell or Connaughtâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. Thus, as more people occupied the province of Connaught the land had to be divided into smaller and smaller farms. Historic Population Distribution Irelandâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s overall population used to be much higher. The major decline in population was due to the famine years of 1845 to 1852, when there was an overall reduction in population of of approximately two million people due to death and emigration. Following this, due to poor economic and general living conditions there was a constant flow of emigrants leaving the country. This only turned around after 1922 when Ireland became a free state. The west in particular had a much higher population, possibly due to the Act for the Settlement of Ireland 1652. The population of Connaught (the areas west of the Shannon) in 1841 was 1,405,262, almost three times the size of the 2006 population of 504,121. As most of the population at that time were farmers the land was much inhabited. The legacy of this previous inhabitation is the extensive network of small roads. Though this means the land is very accessible overall, it also contributes to inefficiency of service provision, as it provides the structure for people to inhabit in a very low density, dispersed fashion. As every inhabitant must be supported with electricity and water and in some cases gas the roads as access must be maintained.

Figure 3.3 (right): Farm Sizes Source: Teagasc 2000 Figure 3.4 (below): Population Graph Data Source: CSO Insets: Mapping depicting the change in population density per province from 1841 to 2006. Data Source: CSO

26 100

inhabitants/km2 1841

116

inhabitants/km2 2006

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

03.2

Conflicting Trends; Repopulation and Outmigration

Rural areas in Ireland have experienced conflicting trends due to population movements at a national scale. From 1922 to 1991 there was a strong movement of population towards the cities. This meant both a growth in peri-urban areas and a major decline in other rural areas with the northwest and extreme southeast of the country suffering the most. From 1991 onwards we see major rural repopulation, which becomes more dispersed across the country from 2002 to 2006. In 2010 we see the vacancy that resulted in rural areas as a result of the crash of the property market due to the global economic crisis, after speculative building coupled with tax incentive for rural renewal schemes.

Figure 3.5: Population Change 1926 - 1991 Source: Wa l sh, J . P e o p l e a nd P l a c e : A C e nsus A t l a s o f t he R e p ub l i c o f I re l a nd , 2007

Figure 3.6: Population Change 1991 - 1996 Source: Walsh, J. P eop l e an d Place: A Cen s u s A tl as o f the Rep u bl i c of Ireland, 2 007

Figure 3.7: Population Change 1996 - 2002 Source: Walsh, J. P eop l e an d Place: A Cen s u s A tl as o f the Rep u bl i c of Ireland, 2 007

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

Outmigration - a growing trend again During the period from 1922 to 1991 the main movement of population was outmigration from rural areas. People moved to the cities, as is clearly illustrated in figure x, but also many emigrated, mainly to England or America, as was the trend from famine times. The movement out of the rural areas in the west of the country was also due to decongestion policies, where populations from congested areas on poor land in the west were moved to the east and given better land to farm on. The main drivers for the out-migration are low productivity and competitiveness of the agriculture in this area in comparison to the better lands of the south and east, and, as has been the case all over Europe, the competition from the growing global food market. Secondly, the peripherality of these areas reduces the quality of life interms of access to goods and services such as the internet. Thirdly, due to an investment in education, which began with free second-level education in 1967, the young rural population then began to move to cities for third level education, then many would not return to rural areas, as there was a lack of job opportunities, aslo due to peripherality. Though repopulation is occuring, outmigration remains a factor in many rural areas as illustrated (right) and may increase again due to the economic down turn and the fact that the tendency to emigrate is still strong, particularly in the west. The rate of emigration now is by far the highest in the EU; 65,300 emigrated in 2010 and the same in 2009 (Eurostat, 2011; CSO, 2010). The loss of population from an area often means lower demographic vitality, as it is usually the younger, working generation who are leaving. It also weakens the population strucutre as the dispersed settlements become more dispersed with empty houses in betweeen, thus decreasing the efficiency of service provision also. Less people working the land means less resource and habitat management, in some cases from total land abandonment. Rural Suicide The weakend social structure can have a very negative impact on the population. The coroner of a rural county in Ireland was promted to speak out after treating five cases in early 2011, noting that particularly in rural areas suicide is becoming a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;really serious situationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. A combination of financial pressure, due to the economic downturn, and rural isolation contributed to the problem, as people are out of the work place, so it not only means less income but also less social capital, according to the communication and policy officer with Irish Rural Link (a network supporting rural communities). 24

areas of outmigration (CSO, 2006)

Key Issues � Less Resource and Habitat Management � Weakening Social Structure � Social Isolation � Inefficient Service Provision � Decline of Town and Village Centres

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change Repopulation Rural repopulation, as stated previously, came in two forms – the one-off housing in the open countryside and the growth of small towns. Already the populations in rural areas around the larger cites were growing from 1922, but from the beginning of the boom (1990) this became more extensive and began to occur country wide, as seen in figure 3.6. By 2006 the areas of growth were almost evenly dispersed across the country. It would seem that the drivers for this specific form of growth in the earlier period, from 1990 to 2002, were more based on individual motivations and therefore were therefore not under a specific planning strategy. After 2000 there is a notable move towards both regional and rural development, with the advent of the National Spatial Strategy NSS 2002, the Decentralisation Plan 2003 (to move government departments and semi-state agencies out of Dublin to 58 different locations around the country), and the Rural Renewal Scheme as well as tax incentives for improving rural areas (which began in 1998). NSS planned for balanced regional development through the strengthening of a countrywide urban network of gateways and hubs that would support near by rural areas. However, we can see in figure 3.10 that much of the growth that took place from 2002 to 2006 was outside these urban areas. The demand for rural living due to both push and pull factors, coupled with the specific tax incentives available appears to have played a stronger role in the locations of new settlements than the proposed plan. There are many positive factors to this rural development. Professor Jim Walsh in his book ‘People and Place - A Census Atlas of the Republic of Ireland’ comments on this repopulation; ‘It could be argued that in some respects geography has become less important as particular rural areas are less likely to be marginalised or conversly at an advantage, dut to their location alone’ (Walsh, 2007). Rural areas are becoming repopulated, which has great potential in strengthening the social structure, and improving resource and habitat management. The issues however are in the spatial configurations of this repopulation and in the logic of inhabitation – which is shifting from working on the land or within the local community, to living in the landscape and working in a near by town or city. The increase in mobility is an issue for the environment and for the level of social interaction. The dispersed settlements are not conducive to collective transport and consume both land and landscape. Living far from town centers and working even further away reduces the use of local towns for daily or weekly household needs; the increase of car use reduces pedestrian traffic in centres and thus the trade of smaller shops. Individual Motivations The Irish Planning Institute (IPI) put down the reasons for these growth types as; • • • •

freedom to design a house of ones choice, space, cost, poor quality of new urban housing.

Aside from these generic reasons there is the idea that there is a specific cultural attachment in Ireland to living in this way ‘that every citizen, as John Waters put it, ‘had the right to nest where he pleased in a nest of his own designing’’, as Frank McDonald, writes of this in SubUrban to SuperRural. He explains further ‘The Irish Rural Dwellers Association has also argued that there is nothing wrong with reverting to the dispersed settle¬ment pattern which existed on the island in pre-Famine times—ignoring the fact that very few people ventured far outside their own parishes until the development of 26

Key Issues � Car Dependant Development

- CO2 Production

- Fuel Consumption

- Less Social Interaction

� Landscape and Land consumption- Damage to habitats

- Building on Flood Plains

- Consumption of Fertile land

- Changing Aesthetics of Landscape

� Decline of Town and Village Centres

Figure 3.8: new residences 2005 -2007 Source: Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), An Post GeoDirectory in State of the Environment Report, 2008

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change the railways in the mid-19th century. Now, of course, they all have cars.’ This cultural attachment to this form of living is supported on many levels, to quote the Minister for Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs in 2003, Eamon O’Cuiv ‘We are a unique people and an ancient race with long established traditions and settlement patterns. Why should we be forced to live by imported models, designed to suit people who live in totally different countries with totally different cultures?’ So, aside from personal motivations there is general support for this type of living. The issues therefore must be clearly understood, in order to work with these desires and understand how they could be taken advantage of as rural repopulation. National Policies and Planning The Decentralisation Plan is mentioned mainly to illustrate the governments approach to balanced regional development, by bringing more public sector employment to regional areas. However, in its implementation it was not so successful*, and so did not have a great role in this process of rural repopulation. The National Spatial Strategy is an official document produced by the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government (DEHLG), on which work began in 2000, at a time when the economy was still rising and the extents and limits were greatly unknown. It follows the Planning and Development Act 2000, which arose from a comprehensive review of planning legislation, marks a milestone in planning history of the state. The last time such an ambitious proposal had been commissioned was in 1969 (Cuffe 2002). This strategy is a twenty-year planning framework designed to deliver more balanced social, economic and physical development between regions, in light of a disparity in concentrations of employment opportunities in the recent economic success (DEHLG 2002). The NSS defines a concept for the spatial structure of Ireland as a network of ‘Gateways’ and ‘Hubs’, to be seen as strategic points for development on a national level, to balance the growth, both spatially and in the economy (DEHLG 2002). The NSS set out indicative policies in relation to the location of employment related and residential development, rural development, access to services and environmental quality. In 2004 Regional Planning Guidelines were adopted, based on the NSS. The framework of the NSS can be seen as an urban & infrastructural network to disperse the urban and economic growth countrywide. There is also a lack of recognition that territorial potentials may benefit the plan. The 2006 census map is perhaps too early to judge the results of the NSS. However if we look at map 3.10 we will see that the pattern of dispersed development continued. One of the main criticisms of the NSS, and the planning system in general, is the coordination between different scales. While balanced regional development is promoted, at county level, where the planning law is implemented, small town sprawl and one-off housing are still allowed to occur. This is not necessarily contrary to the NSS, however stronger measures are lacking to ensure the development of strong urban clusters and corridors, which are really needed to address accessibility and peripherality on a national and regional level. Rural repopulation has lead to a fine grain dispersion of settlements across the country, and is a trend that is favoured by much of the population, thus has the potential to continue. The analysis of these settlement patterns is important to understand both the key issues that arise, and the potentials for managing these patterns so that this repopulation can become a benefit rather than a hindrance to rural development. It is important also to look at forward planning at this scale, to understand where policies should be put in place to manage any future repopulation that might happen. *between 2003 and 2006 only 3159 of an intended 10922 jobs were actually moved (Kitchin 2010)

Figure 3.9: National Spatial Strategy NSS Map: Border Region Source: Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government DoEHLG, National Spatial Strategy for Ireland 2002 - 2020 Figure 3.10 (below left): areas of >10% population growth (2002 - 2006) This is overlaid with the Gateways and Hubs of the NSS (bottom right) to show the target areas and the trend of rural repopulation vrs the intention. Data Source: CSO

Figure 3.11 (right): National Spatial Strategy : Gateways and Hubs Data Source: Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government DoEHLG, National Spatial Strategy for Ireland 2002 - 2020

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

Vacancy The ghost estates in Ireland became evident after the economic crisis lead to the collapse of the construction industry. However, this phenomenon was developing during the boom, particularly in rural areas, due to the same tax incentives that were supporting rural development. The government offered tax incentives to build in less developed areas. Section 23 of the Taxes Consolidation Act, 1997 was intended to encourage the redevelopment of run-down areas in towns and cities. Property companies soon seized Section 23 as a far broader tax-avoidance measure and local and national governments did nothing to discourage them. In some cases Section 23 applied to the whole administrative area e.g. County Leitrim. This greatly encouraged construction in these areas and many new homes were built – some in speculatively, and some simply to offset taxes i.e. “the building of houses whose purpose was to provide shelter, not for real people, but for the taxes of their builders” (O’Toole, 2010). With the advent of the global economic crisis in 2008 the Irish property market completely collapsed, and with it the construction industry. For rural areas this meant huge job losses and a major knock to the economy. Alongside that, these houses, built without prospective buyers remained empty. The phenomenon of ghost estates is country wide, and by January 2010 300,000 new houses were reported to be standing empty according to the country’s Institute of Regional and Spatial Analysis (NIRSA). However, it is worse in the more marginal counties, such as Leitrim, which has the highest number of ghost estates per capita. NIRSA calculates that 2,945 homes were built in Leitrim between 2006 and 2009 when the growth trend suggested that only 588 would be needed—an oversupply of around 400%.

Figure 3.12 : Mapping of the vacant units in Ireland, 2010 Data Source: as for figure 3.14 & 3.15

18.2 (lowest)

Figure 3.13 : Mapping of the population density of Ireland per county, 2006 Data Source: CSO Figure 3.14 (bottom left) : Mapping of the percentage of units vacant per total number of units per county 2010 Figure 3.15 (bottom right) : Percentage of vacant units built 2008 - 2010 Data Source: the maps were created based on the GeoDirectory developed jointly by An Post and Ordnance Survey Ireland. Access to the GIS dataset was provided through the URBIS spatial data warehouse at Urban Institute Ireland at University College Dublin.

Populaiton Density

14%

25%

(highest)

Rate of Vacant Units

Vacant Units Built 2008 - 2010 31

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

Figure 3.17 : One-off Housing

03.3

Spatial Configurations

Three spatial configurations can be recognised in the new housing developments in rural Ireland. One-off housing and small-town suburban sprawl are the primary types, and inbetween this we have ribbon development. The majority of vacant units are within the suburban sprawl as these comprised most of the speculative developments, as is shown in the two case-studies on the following pages. One-off housing By 2006 33% of new houses each year were being built in the open countryside. The principle criticisms of one-off housing are both economic and environmental: ground water pollution from septic tanks and individual waste water treatment systems; increased costs in service delivery; increased difficulty in the provision of essential strategic national and local infrastructure - the usually linear sites for such infrastructure are occupied by the new housing; almost exclusive reliance on the car for all journeys (Irish Planning Institute 2003). Alongside there is the criticisim that it is scarring the landscape, Ribbon Development This is essentially just a high density of one-off housing occuring along a road front. Ribbon development is usually dominant on the roads leading into towns and villages, or in places with high quality views of the landscape. Small town sprawl This is essentially a description of the form of suburban enclaves stitched on to towns and villages in the form of housing estates. This is not a new phenomenon, as can be seen in peri-urban case-study, which expanded four fold in the first major population increase in the 1970â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. 32

Figure 3.17 : Ribbon Development, County Letrim

Figure 3.18 : Small-town Sprawl, County Leitrm

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

186,355

Figure 3.19 (left): Graph depicting population change in Leitrim (above left) and Kildare (above right) from 1841 to 2006.

Leitrim

Data Source: CSO Figure 3.20 (right page): Maps depicting growth and vacancy of Dromod (left) and Clane (right)

Kildare 29,000

Base Map Source: OSi

1841

1926

Data Source: GeoDirectory (as for 3.14 etc)

2006

Two Case Studies Using the comparative areas to illustrate the different rates of growth and the extent of vacancy a case study comparison was made, between Dromod - representative of the highest level of vacancy in Co. Leitrim (25%) and Clane in Co. Kildare - with high rates of growth as a commuter town due to proximity to Dublin (37km). It is interesting to note that Co. Leitrim, pre-famine, had an even higher population than Co. Kildare. 1840

The two towns are street towns â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;sraid baileâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Gaelige) of a similar size.

2000

The size of Dromod varies little, where as Clane has grown drastically.

2010

Dromod has increased five fold and Clane has doubled in size. Dromod has now a vacancy rate of 25% and Clane only 3%.

In the case of Dromod it is clear that the amount of building clearly out weighted the demand where as the vacancy in Clane is at an acceptable base rate, as stated in the report on vacancy; A Haunted Landscape: Housing and Ghost Estates in Post-Celtic Tiger Ireland (Kitchin et al, 2010). 34

turning rural

2010

2000

2010

3% Vacant of which 70% New Build

25% Vacant of which 86% New Build

2000

1840

Peri Urban

Remote Rural

2 x 2 km

2x 2 km

03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

Figure 3.21 (top left): Newly Built Vacant Estate, Dromod, County Leitrim, 2011 Figure 3.22 (mid left): Newly Built Vacant House in another Estate, Dromod, County Leitrim, 2011 Figure 3.23 (bottom left): Newly Built Vacant Retail Unit, Dromod, County Leitrim, 2011

Figure 3.24 (top right): Vacant House, North County Leitrim, 2011

Figure 3.25 (mid right): Half-Built Estate, North County Leitrim, 2011 Figure 3.26 (bottom right): Newly Built Vacant Retail Park, Cortober, Carrickon-Shannon, County Rocommon, 2011

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

Remote Rural: Co. Leitrim

Peri-urban: Co. Kildare

03.4

10 x 10km Study Case Comparison

At this point the 10 x 10 km comparison is used to clearly illustrate the characteristics of the remote rural in relation to the given issues. The comparison is between an area within the remote rural and an area within the peri-urban condition. The choice for the particular areas is based on the urban rural gradient and is illustrated on the next pages. Figures 3.28 and 3.29 show the location of the areas on a regional scale illustrating peripherality and accessibility in relation to urban center and public transport. The issues for the remote rural that will be illustrated are: � Smaller Field Size:

which corresponds to smaller farm ownership (see figure)

� Inefficiency of Service Provision: illustrated by road length per unit � Social Isolation:

illustrated by the number of units per 500m2 grid square

� Car based transport: which furthers social isolation rather than contributes heavily to CO2 production and energy consumption � Changing Landscape:

new settlements in the landscape 38

Figure 3.27: Selected areas comparison and national connectivity

for their

SLIGO 19,402 Inh

ENNISKILLEN 13,599 Inh

1.5 hrs

40 mins

10 X 10 LEITRIM Regional position showing the closest towns, rail line and rail station. (Journey times given by AA Route Planner http://www2.aaireland.ie/routes_beta/Search.aspx)

Public Transport: Direct: Daily: 1 bus: Derry - Longford (links to train service) (see figure 1.1) Weekly: 1 bus: Sligo

Figure 3.28: Regional connectivity Leitrim

Nearby: Daily: Bus Donegal - Dublin in Bawnboy 15 mins drive Hourly: Cavan - Dublin 30 mins drive

LONGFORD 7,622 Inh 1 hr

DUBLIN 1,661,185 Inh 40 mins

NAAS 20,044 Inh 12 mins

10 X 10 KILDARE

Figure 3.29: Regional connectivity Kildare

Regional position showing the closest towns, rail line and rail station. (Journey times given by AA Route Planner http://www2.aaireland.ie/routes_beta/Search.aspx)

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

Population Growth 2002 - 2006

Natural Features

10 x 10km Study Case Selection Selection of the Remote Rural Area Gradient of Settlements: The idea is to take an area which again goes from the urban to the rural. The area chosen here is the town of Ballinamore and a 10km2 rural area around it. Many of rural settlements in this area use Ballinamore as the first port of call for services such as weekly shopping, schools, the library and other basic public services. 10km2 was used for the purposes of comparison, however the actual catchment area may be greater. Population Growth: To deal with both repopulation and outmigratoin an area was chosen which showed both an increase and a decrease in population Density: An area of low density of chosen, though not the lowest as these are mostly uninhabited areas due to natural featrues such as the lakes and mountains. Vacancy: An area which had a high level of vacancy was chosen

The peri-urban comparison An area with a large proportion of the highest density of rural was chosen, also with an urban settlement.

Density

Vacancy

Figure 3.30: Selection Criteria for 10 x 10 Comparison Data Source: the maps were created based on the GeoDirectory developed jointly by An Post and Ordnance Survey Ireland. Access to the GIS dataset was provided through the URBIS spatial data warehouse at Urban Institute Ireland at University College Dublin.

Peri Urban

Density

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

Distance average in km 15 15 - 19 19 - 24 24 - 29 > 29

Journey to work 71% of journeys to work are by car. Here we see the difference of the impact of commuter patterns on Remote Rural and Periurban.t Though the commuter patterns are similar in terms of distance i.e. in both areas people are travelling long distances to work. Howvever, due to traffic congestion in the more periurban areas the time spent travelling is much greater. This means an average fuel consumption and CO2 production which is firstly higher per kilometer and secondly, as will be illustrated, due to the much higher numbers of commuters in these areas, is higher overall.

This data is related to the settlement structures on pages 46 and 47 which demonstrates that isolation and inefficiency of service provisoin is a much greater issue comparitively than CO2 produciton and fuel consumption. However, there is a much lower potential for collective transport and the vulnerability of the population in an fuel crisis is much higher due to the distance between settlements.

Figure 3.31: Journey to work; time and distance comparison of the 10 x 10 km areas Map Sources: Wa l sh, People a nd Place: A C e nsus Atlas of t he R e p ub l i c o f I re l a nd , 2007

Time average in minutes < 18 18 - 22 22 - 28 28 - 34 > 34

Distance

Time

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

County Leitrim

Remote Rural

10 x 10 km

Small Fielld Size Intricate Topography Figure 3.32: Aerial View, Leitrim 10 x 10, 2005 Map Sources: OSi.ie

County Kildare

Peri Urban

10 x 10 km

Large-scale Agriculture Flat land Figure 3.33: Aerial View, Kildare 10 x 10, 2005 Map Sources: OSi.ie

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

County Leitrim

Remote Rural

10 x 10 km

Inefficiency of settlement structure Road Network: m/unit: 170 m

journey to work: total 38,332 km/hr distance 24 x time 24 x inhabitants x 3993

Figure 3.34: Mapping Analysis: GIS Data Source: GeoDirectory*

County Kildare

Peri Urban

10 x 10 km

Inefficiency of settlement structure Road Network: m/unit: 48 m

journey to work: total 212,848 km/hr distance 24 x time 34 x inhabitants x 15650

Figure 3.35: Mapping Analysis: GIS Data Source: GeoDirectory*

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

Isolation Index : Buildings per 500m x 500m

Remote Rural

10 x 10 km

152

Higher level of isolation Lower order of settlement Finer grain

Figure 3.36 and 3.37: Mapping Analysis: GIS Data Source: GeoDirectory*

Isolation Index : Buildings per 500m x 500m

116

Peri Urban

10 x 10 km

Less Isolated units More Dense Clusters Coarser Grain

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03 The Spatial Dimensioins of Economic Change

Photograph: Dave Knight

Climate Change The boom in building has also seen flood plains being built on. Alongside the damage to the ecosystems, this has also meant new developments being flooded particularly now with climate change causing an increased frequency in storms. The flooding does not just affect the immediate areas but causes flooding of farm land and built up areas down stream. Aside from this, the increased storms and flooding have a further impact on social isolation. Service provision of accessible roads, electricity and water all pose greater problems with the erractic weather condtions, especially colder winters. Due to the dispersed settlements in can often take a long time for the local authorities to ensure that every household is attended to, by gritting roads, managing water mains and removing fallen trees. Conclusion: Challenges for Rural Areas To conclude this chapter the main challenges of remote rural areas that have been illustrated due to a combination of factors may be summed up as follows; � Inefficient & Isolating Settlement Patterns � Peripherality, Outmigration & Vacancy Causing a Cyclical Negative Social Impact � New Logic of Inhabitation due to Repopulation � Population of the Landscape � Less Resource and Habitat Management � Pollution of Water Bodies from One-Off Housing 51

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04 Drivers of Change

The graph illustrates how the shift in population movement trends, from outmigration in rural areas from 1922 to 1991 to repopulation from 1991 to 2006, corresponds with economic growth, and more precisely with the boom of 1990 to 2008. What will be illustrated further in this chapter is how the processes, policies and decisions which lead to this boom in the 1900s meant the promotion of an urban based economy, and thus contributed to outmigration and the weakening of rural economies. This leads to the conclusion that in order to move away from reliance on an urban-based economy and toward sustainable rural communities, both socially and economically, a shift in thinking is needed in the mechanisms behind balanced regional development. Moving the focus from urban weaknesses to territorial potentials as the basis for rural economy could be the new driver for change.

04. Drivers for Change

Figure 4.0: Graph depicting the interrelation of GDP, Population increase and decrease in agricultural employment over time. Data Source: CSO

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04 Drivers of Change

Figure 4.2: Designated Areas 1973

04.

Data source: Barriso et al, 2003

Drivers for Change

This chapter begins with the series of steps that the state went through, trying to build the economy, which eventually lead to the focus on foreign-direct investment of hi-tech industries. The implications of this are then discussed, which involve the combination of a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;laissez faire approach to regional planningâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Barrios et al, 2003), and the specific location choice criteria of these industries, leading to an urban-based economy. This leads on to the point that due to the strength and nature (i.e. locational preferences) of the urban economy it does little to address regional imbalance if not increase it. Finally, the exception of the agro-industry in the southwest is discussed in relation to the potential of embedded economies for rural areas, and brings forward the idea that a shift in thinking is needed. 04.1 Demographics The main driver for spatial change was the indeed the economy, but aside from the industry and trade policy, demographics also had a key role in the success of the economic boom. The points of note are: the tendency to emigrate, the subsequent elasticity in the labour force, and the investment in education. Emigration has long been a part of life in Ireland, particularly in the northwest (McFadden, 2011). Aside from the famine years of 1845 to 1852, it is the primary reason for the decline in population. However, there is also a tendency to return, particularly when there is a sign of improved opportunities. This occurred both in the 1970s with EU Accession, and again in the 1990s with the economic boom. This movement is described as elasticity in the labour force (Fitz Gerald 1999). Due to the investment in education (free second-level education was introduced in 1967) the emigrating population were more and more educated. For the labour force this elasticity meant two things. Firstly, the market did not get over saturated with highly skilled workers, and thus kept the costs of highly skilled labour from rising rapidly (this was well suited to the hi-tech companies investing in Ireland). Secondly, the emigrants, who left more and more educated, returned with knowledge and experience, which was key to supporting the rising economy. It is clear that now, with the highest level of net outward migration since 1989 (CSO, 2010), that this trend is recurring, which indicates that outmigration in the northwest, is likely to be on the increase. 54

04.2 Figure 4.3: Industry and Trade Policies and Demographic Changes related with the growth in population, economy and decline in agricultural employment. Data Source: Central Statistics Office, Barriso et al, 2003 and Fitz Gerald 1999

Industry and Trade Policy 1922 - 2010

When Ireland emerged as a Free State in 1922 the policy for the first 20 years or so was of protection and self-sufficiency, closing off the influence of the outside world (Fitz Gerald 1999). The economic manifestation of this was the introduction of high tariff barriers against the outside world, to encourage the expansion of indigenous industry. While the economy barely grew in this period the population stabilised for the first time in over 100 years (figure 4.3). By the mid 1940s industry was stagnating and the opportunities for expanding employment through dependence on the home market had become limited. The graph illustrates the marked change around this period, as in 1949 the Industrial Development Authority (IDA) was established initially to stimulate, support and develop export-led business and enterprise in Ireland. This covered both indigenous and foreign investment and start-up enterprises (IDA 2011). There was an opening up of the market and a reduction of tariffs. At this point the imbalance in development on a national scale was recognised and responded to with the Underdeveloped Areas Act of 1952. A number of underdeveloped areas to the north and west of the country, termed â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;designatedâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (figure 4.2), were assisted by providing grants for machinery, equipment, land and buildings, in order to provide an alternative source of employment to the declining agricultural employment in rural areas (Barrios, 2003). In the late 1950s increased concern with the overall national economic situation led to an erosion of the regional emphasis and in 1958 the first tax incentives were introduced to encourage the expansion of industrial exports. The Anglo-Irish Free Trade Agreement in 1965 was the first major step in opening up the Irish economy. By the late 1960s this approach was particularly geared towards trying to attract foreign multinationals into Ireland by offering generous grants and export tax relief. The emphasis was reinforced on balanced regional development (BRD) with the adoption of the Regional Industrial Plan for 1973-1977 supported by the IDA creating a large number of town clusters in the designated areas to ensure the maximum geographical dispersion of new industrial development (Barrios, 2003). 55

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04 Drivers of Change EU Accession In 1973 Ireland entered the European Union (EU). Up until then Ireland’s external economic relations were characterised by dependency on Britain (Fitz Gerald 1999). Entry into the EU for Ireland had a number of benefits, not least in the sphere of agriculture where according to Fitz Gerald the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) has provided more funding than the EU Structural Funds, Between 1973 and 1998, the EU transferred approximately €37 billion to Ireland €25 billion of these funds were used for Irish agriculture (European Commission 2011). The Structural Funds were of importance in the early 1990s supporting essential projects in education and roads, and continue to contribute. The process involved with the Structural Funds themselves, has also affected Irelands administrative and political systems. They encouraged the government to raise investment in public projects, and introduced long-term planning, as an evaluation on spending was necessary to secure further funding (Fitz Gerald 1999). However, what is deemed to be the greatest benefit to the Irish economy in accession to the EU is the access to the European market, as this greatly encouraged multinational industry to come to Ireland. The change of the political and business environment also provided new ideas and a view to wider world knowledge on how to achieve social and economic objectives. For internal policy, in relation to this, BRD remained a priority with the adoption of the Regional Plan for 1978 to 1982. However, 1982 there was a marked change in Irish industrial policy in that an explicit national strategic industry component, namely trying to attract hi-tech foreign multinationals to jump-start the virtually non-existent indigenous hi-tech sectors, was given priority over regional dispersion (Barrios, Gorg e Strobl 2003). 04.3

An Urbanising Economy

This is an important point in the story, as the concentration of efforts on encouraging foreign direct hi-tech investment, along with the opening to the EU market, were the two major contributors to the economic boom, however this is where the gap, which already existed, widens between the ‘designated’ or underdeveloped rural areas and the ‘non-designated’ stronger urbanised areas. Barrios, Gorg and Strobl, in their paper ‘Multinationals’ Location Choice, Agglomeration Economies and Public Incentives’ provide a comprehensive analysis on the factors and outcome of this shift of emphasis. In the case of Ireland, the dominant hi-tech industries are pharmaceuticals and software (a full list from this paper is provided in the appendix). With this new emphasis on hi-tech foreign direct investment, the governments attitude to the location of these firms was much more relaxed, and spatial precedents, mentioned in the previous chapter, played a stronger role. In this paper the authors specifically examine the characteristics of industries (low-tech and hi-tech) in relation to their preferences for location, within what they call ‘a laissezfaire approach to regional policy’ from early 1970’s to 2000 in Ireland. The important conclusion of this paper is that the results show that ‘that hi-tech firms spread more evenly across the country and that urbanization economies were for these firms a more important locational determinant than public incentives’ (Barrios, Gorg e Strobl 2003). The data their tests were based on included practically the whole population of manufacturing firms from 1972 onwards. Taking the data of this report, illustrations were made showing the density of distribution of high and low tech industries in 1998 (figure 4.4). 56

Low-tech Multinationals 1998

Hi-tech Multinationals 1998

Figure 4.4: Mapping depicting Distribution of Low-Tech Multinationals, 1998 Density Ratio Designated Non-Designated Greater Dublin Area

2 3 5

Figure x (right): Distribution of Hi-Tech Multinationals, 1998 Density Ratio Designated Non-Designated Greater Dublin Area

1 2 6

Data Source: Barriso et al, 2003

Figure 4.5: Software Companies National Spatial Dispersion 2003 Figure 4.6: Greater Dublin Area Employment 2003 Source: The case for agglomeration economies in Europe, ESPON, 2010.

Key Factors in Selecting Locations for Industries Hi-tech economies locate in highly urbanised areas where skilled labour is relatively abundant due to a diversity of industries (spatial precedent 01 in previous chapter). Low-tech industries were more likely to take up grants, and locate in designated areas. What proved more important for low-tech industries was localisation i.e. groupings of similar industries in the same economic-geographic area. Alongside this, foreign-specific agglomeration forces that proved significant i.e. location in relation to a port or airport (spatial precedent 02 in previous chapter). As the hi-tech sector strengthened through out the boom, the economy in urban areas grew, also due to the complementary service sector around these industries and the financial sector. With the establishment of these hi-tech industries and accompanying services, came an agglomeration economy. This is illustrated in the report â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The case for agglomeration economies in Europe (CAEE)â&#x20AC;&#x2122; in the Dublin Case Study (ESPON 2010). Two of the strongest hi-tech sub sectors are mapped, the pharmaceutical and the software industries, which show strong patterns of urban and peri-urban concentration (above). 57

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04 Drivers of Change Urban Economy and Rural Areas -The Economic Boom As the previous chapter stressed, during the economic boom we saw a repopulation of rural areas, and also an increase in economy. The increase in the economy in rural areas is attributed mainly to the construction industry, providing for this repopulation. As we can see in the graph in figure 4.8, the numbers working in the construction industry fell drastically due to the economic crisis. Following the thinking of Barrios et al, to understand where the economy lies today a mapping was made of the locations of the strongest economic sectors (figure 4.7) using the GeoDirectory* database. Within the database buildings are classified by their economic sector. Data from the Central Statistics Office was used to determine the industries with the highest Gross Value Added (GVA). Specific hi- and low-tech industries mentioned in the paper of Barrios, Gorg and Strobl, were also mapped. The map clearly shows that hi-tech industries agglomerate in urban areas, while low-tech are more dispersed, and second to this that the service industry, the strongest sector, is located mainly in Dublin. Zooming in on the study counties of Kildare and Leitrim (figures on the next page), we can see how little the industrial and service sector penetrates the more remote rural areas. Dr Constantin Gurdgiev states the reasons for this are the ‘cost basis for high value-added jobs creation is less favourable in rural locations due to shortages of infrastructure, amenities and knowledge networks and the lower ability of these areas to attract and absorb skilled domestic and foreign labour’ (Gurdgiev 2006). Essentially, rural areas do not have the social or physical infrastructure to support this targeted high tech economy. Low tech economies, as illustrated are more likely to locate in rural areas, however, the low cost labour base that used to exist in Ireland is now gone due to the rise in minimum wage during the economic boom, so many of these industries are leaving. In an article commenting on the strength of the financial software sector in Ireland even post-crisis, due to the agglomeration economies, Dr Delphine Ancien warns that is very unlikely to help address regional imbalance in the distribution of growth and employment in Ireland’. Commenting on the effect of the urban economy on rural areas Dr Constantin Gurdgiev’s describes ‘If Ireland were to pursue its organic growth processes in line with those experienced during the Celtic Tiger years, the changes from rural to urban areas necessitated by the need for sustained growth will lead to a continued separation of rural areas from urban and extra-urban zones’ (Gurdgiev 2006). Figure x illustrates the concept of urban, exurban and rural zones, which correspond roughly to remote rural and peri urban as the extremes of either. It can be seen in figure x that the industrial sector is the only sector still performing well after the economic crisis. The Exception and the Alternative - Embedded Economies This exception is a small section of the original ‘designated areas’ which is now one of the strongest economic areas in Ireland, though it is still predominantly rural. The economy of the South-West of Ireland towards the latter end of the boom caught up with the Greater Dublin Area in terms of GVA (Gross Value Added) per capita. The growth in the economy is strongly driven by the secondary sector (ESPON 2010), most notably the Agro-Industry. What this illustrates is two things. Firstly, the potential to have a strong sector that capitalises on rural potentials, in this case the fertility of the land for agricultural production. Secondly, this is therefore an industry that is embedded i.e. spatially connected to the location. Embedded as discussed here is taken to mean two main things which are based on the three ascribed to agriculture in the recent book of Gallent, Juntti, Kidd and Shaw, Introduction to Rural Planning, 2008, and the idea of embeddedness becomes important not only for agriculture, but all rural 58

THE ECONOMIC BOOM

Hi-Services Hi-Tech Industry Low-Tech Industry

Figure 4.7: Distribution of Strong Economic Sectors 2010

Agriculture, forestry and fishing Industry (less construction)

Data Source: The maps were created based on the GeoDirectory developed jointly by An Post and Ordnance Survey Ireland. Access to the GIS dataset was provided through the URBIS spatial data warehouse at Urban Institute Ireland at University College Dublin.

Construction Distribution, Transport and Communications Services Public Administration & Defence

Employment per Sector (Thousand)

Figure 4.8: Persons aged 15 years and over in employment (Thousand) by Economic Sector, 1990 - 2010 Data Source: CSO Economy: GVA per Sector Origin

Figure 4.9: GVA at Constant Factor Cost by Sector of Origin 1990 - 2010 Data Source: CSO

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04 Drivers of Change

Figure 4.10: Distribution of Strong Economic Sectors 2010 County Leitrim (left) with Sligo, the regional capital on the top left. County Kildare (below) with Dublin on the periphery. Distribution of Economic Sectors

Strong

economies that can be derived from the territorial potentials of the land. The first of embeddedness is having a ‘special, immediate, relationship with the environment’ (Gallent, et al. 2008) i.e. due to its connection with the land; the performance of the land is of the concern of the industry. The second is in ‘employing and maintaining rural communities’ (Gallent, et al. 2008). This means as it is tied to the territory, will therefore support and demand a local population as long as it exists. As a key condition to its existence is the territory, outside of market forces and policies, an embedded industry is reliable for the community and economy due to its lack of mobility. Conclusion: A Shift in Perspective Figure 4.11 (below left): Constantin Gurdgiev’s interpretation of the Projected Rural Urban condition in Ireland based on the National Development plan 2006 - 2013 Source: SubUrban to SuperRural, 2006 Figure 4.12 (below right):≠ The GVA per capital of the southwest region equalling that of dublin Source (Graph): The case for agglomeration economies in Europe (CAEE) (ESPON 2010)

In this chapter the mechanism discussed to achieve balanced regional development was through distribution of industries. However, due to the relaxation of location conditions in order to further encourage hi-tech multinationals, this mechanism, in a way, backfired as it saw the urban regions becoming economically stronger as more industries tended to locate there. In the previous chapter, the Decentralisation Programme, the tax incentives of the Rural Renewal Scheme and the National Spatial Strategy were discussed. However, despite all this, the most successful rural area is that of the southwest, which has the embedded economy of agro-industry and capitalises on its potentials of good soil. This indicates that perhaps a shift in thinking about rural development is needed away from these urban-based approaches of development and industrialisation. Strategies are needed which focus more on local potentials, promoting the development and sustainability of communities, that does not necessarily mean growth. The approach may lie in reversing the question - no longer asking what can the country do for the rural but what can the rural do for the country?

Population Decline Areas Population Growth Areas Greater Urban Areas Parkland & Rural Areas

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05 The Future of Rurality - towards ‘degrowth’?

05. The Future of Rural - towards ‘degrowth?’ The future role of rural is a debate, particularly in western countries, where, due to the global food market, the necessity for local agriculture is no longer clear, nor currently economically viable. The debate on rural, nature and landscape are intertwined. If landscape, as Vittorio Gregotti describes in La Forme Du Territoire is the ‘priviliged link between nature and culture’, then rural, as a way of life, in this case is the culture in question, though far from the only influential culture on the landscape. Therefore, the debate about rural involves the different attitudes to nature, and how it should be treated, and thus follows on to the treatment of the landscape. The different sides of the debate, to simplify, are; should these rural areas go back to their ‘natural’ state, providing biodiversity, recreation and aesthetics, should it be preserved in its current state due to aesthetic beauty, though the functions that created it are no longer needed, or do should the natural resources that lie there continue to be exploited, and at what cost? Bringing rural into the debate is to consider that the choices made on the attitude of landscape and nature will have a profound effect on the societies that occupy these areas. In Ireland, the argument is put forward by economist Dr Constantin Gurdgiev that ‘If green and sustainable development is the real objective of the Irish State, then a Republic where the countryside is allowed to emerge as a naturalized parkland supporting a high value-added recreational economy is the way forward’ (Gurdgiev 2006). This is capitalizing on the socio-cultural benefits of the natural resources and perhaps could, if well managed provide sufficient economy for the rural community. The rural areas could become a reservoir of nature, and a place of recreation for both urban citizens and international visitors. It works with the idea of purification; a more thorough reorganisation of human land use, recommended by the Italian townplanner Alberto Magnaghi. He suggests “a long and complex period (50 to 100 years) of purification. During this period people will no longer be engaged in turning more and more fens and fallow land over to farming, nor in pushing transport links through such areas. Instead, we will set about cleaning up and rebuilding the environmental and territorial systems that have been destroyed and contaminated by human presence. In so doing, we shall create a new geography” (Latouche, 2006). But, is this all the rural can offer? In the face of a growing global ecological footprint, the rural, as the home to many natural resources is much more valuable than this. The growing ecological footprint puts us in a danger of a crisis of resources, including one of the most fundamental, that of food. Reducing the ecological footprint essentially means reducing the rate of production, however, this is counter to the principles of capitalism based on the expansion and growth of markets. In answer to 62

this Serge Latouche, in his article The Globe Downshifted, discussed the idea of ‘degrowth’. He states that ‘we need to find another way out of development, economism (a belief in the primacy of economic causes or factors) and growth: one that does not mean forsaking the social institutions that have been annexed by the economy (currency, markets, even wages) but reframes them according to different principles.’ To achieve this he proposes a transitional programme which is based on the internalisation of diseconomies ‘those costs incurred by the activity of one player but borne by the community at large (such as all those related to pollution)’, and sets out a number of points which could set the circles of degrowth in motion. The first of these points is to reduce our ecological footprint so that it is equal to or less than the sum of Earth’s resources. Taking this theory to the national scale in Ireland, the rural could begin to answer for Irelands diseconomies. Ireland it’s self has an ecological footprint of 5.8 gha (global hectares, which are equivalent to hectares) per capita (Maguire, 2008). The earthshare capacity per person is only 1.8 gha (Maguire, 2008). Reducing the ecological footprint does not only mean a reduction and a degrowth, but it also means a maximisation of resources i.e. grazing land for animal goods, plus the accompanying cropland for feeding the animals, is becoming less vital than crop production for human consumption or forestry for timber production and CO2 sequestration. Rather than the ‘purification’ proposed by Alberto Magnaghi, rather than a total ban on cultivation perhaps we can make a more rational judgement on which lands can be cultivated, and what methods are needed to safeguard habitats and ecological structures. As Serge Latouche, in his article The Globe Downshifted, states, ‘none would contradict John Stuart Mill’s Principles of Political Economy, published in 1848, in which he wrote that ‘all human activities that do not involve unreasonable consumption of irreplaceable materials, or do not damage the environment irrevocably, could be developed indefinitely’ ’ (Latouche, 2006). Latouche offers other valid points on reduction of production and consumption of energy that are specifically applicable to the role of the rural i.e. relocalisation of activities and a return to small-scale farming. Both of these measures reduce energy consumption through transport and create a stronger awareness of production and consumption cycles. The article ends on the note that ‘the creation of democratic local initiatives is more realistic than that of a democratic world government’. This implies that, though the goals may be set at a higher level, strategies to achieve these goals must provide the framework for encouraging these local or community initiatives. The answer to the debate is that the rural should be valued for all its potentials, and treated so. As Gregotti says of landscape ‘we should refer to the landscape for its potential to be globally developed, which is an indispensable and clear value because, as a fundamental structure of the environment, it transcends its cultural understanding’ (Gregotti, 1981). By maximising the territorial potentials for reducing the ecological footprint, without damaging the environment, this is a true global development of the landscape. The treatment of landscape is thus not to preserve it at a point in time, with farmers as guardians, nor to let it recede completely into wilderness, but let new demands of its qualities define its form. The landscape can then read as a ‘mirror of truth… of nature favourable to human life’ (Gregotti, 1981). The role of the rural is refreshed; the way of life will involve working towards this goal. Thus, the landscape, as the link between nature and culture, will depict a new rural geography.

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06 The Approach

06. The Approach Figure 6.1: The urban-rural gradient on different scale levels

Occupation Layer

Provision

Network Layer

Access

Ground Layer

Natural Assets air biodiversity water land

The proposed approach must integrate the optimisation of natural resources, and inform the future sustainability of rural settlement patterns, particularly on a local scale. An understanding of both is needed. The settlement structures will be analysed through cluster density in relation to isolation, vacancy and provision of services - generating the response strategy of a cluster network. The natural resources will be mapped through the framework of ecosystem services generating the suitability map. Then a synthesis of the two will demonstrate how settlement patterns can be informed. Essentially this approach sees the rural as a synthesis of natural resources and settlement structures, which can be explained through an interpretation of the layer approach as both a way to analyse and to design. Urban-Rural Gradient to The Layer Approach We can understand the gradient between urban and rural by interpreting the basic Dutch layer approach to spatial planning and design (1998), as the level of intervention needed to obtain benefit from the natural resources. The ground layer is the layer of natural resources assets (Wallace, 2007), the network layer is the access layer and the occupation layer is also that of provision. 64

Figure 6.2: The Dutch Layer Approach interpreted as provision of ecosystem services

Values

Figure 6.3:

Ecosystem Services Spatially Relevant in Ireland based on the classification of Wallace, 2007.

Services

Adequate

▪▪ ▪▪ ▪▪ ▪▪ ▪▪ ▪▪ ▪▪ ▪▪

Food Fibre Oxygen/CO 2 Sequetion Clean Air Water Energy Dispersal Aids Waste Processing

Protecting

▪▪ ▪▪

Protection from Disease Protection from Disturbance Regimes

Supporting

▪▪

Biodiversity

Benign

▪▪ ▪▪

Biochemicals Genetic Resources

Socio-cultural

▪▪ ▪▪

Recreation and Leisure Aesthetics

06.1

Ecosystem Services informing Settlement Patterns

The idea is to use the framework of ecosystem services as a way of reading the natural resources of the rural, as this framework relates the natural resources with how we use them. The task, though it is not a new one, is to relate the provision of these services into spatial terms so that they can be incorporated into the planning process. Ecosystem Services The benefits of natural resources when used for human well-being are termed ecosystem services (Millenium Ecosystem Assessment 2005). These range from food to protection from disease to the aesthetics of the landscape and thus are all encompassing as a way of interpreting the resources of the territory (see figure x). The services shown in figure x are compiled from two source documents; Ecosystems and Human Well-being: A Framework for Assessment (Millenium Ecosystem Assessment 2005), and the article Classification of ecosystem services: Problems and solutions (Wallace, 2007). Spatially Relevant: These services are also reduced to those which are spatially relevant in the Irish context i.e. those whose ecosystem exists, and whose service can be benefited from. 65

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06 The Approach 06.2

Mapping Ecosystem Services - a brief history

Ecosystem services as a basis for planning is no new idea. The first two examples of MacKaye and McHarg are not specifically ecosystem services mapping, but are based on similar principles with similar goals of informing settlement patterns, as this thesis. The later examples are more precisely ecosystem service mapping, however their goals are not as such related to informing settlement patterns.

Benton MacKaye: The New Exploration, a philosophy of regional planning, 1928 This work is of significant interest as both the goal for the ‘indigenous world’ and the proposed approach are similar to that for the ‘rural’ in this thesis, though the conditions of the setting and time differ. In this book, he discusses his approach as a way of managing the ‘invasion of the metropolitan world’ on the ‘indigenous’. The metropolitan is ‘a framework of world-wide standardized civilization which forms itself around the traffic stream of modern industry and commerce.’ The indigenous is where ‘…both ends of these traffic streams are present; the farms, forests and mines from where these streams get started. There is also the community of homes which forms the destination.’ An Approach Based on Potentials: ‘The essentials of the new exploration are potentialities… projects of that which can be.’ The visualisation of the potential workings of three processes constitutes the new exploration and regional planning; the conservation of natural resources, the control of commodity-flow, the development of environment (the harmonious and related living environment of ‘cultured man’). A Multidisciplinary, Integrated Approach: He uses the example of Forest Service managing the forest as a resource, which is also home to many other resources such as soils, ores and waters. He describes different specialists required in this coordinated process for the visualisation; the silviculturist, the agriculturalist, the hydro engineer, and the town planner to lay out the prospective lumber town, the landscape architect to lay out a trail for tourists, for the further natural resource called ‘environment’”. The various plans and visiualisations of these specialists must then be integrated in a plan for the whole valley or region, whereby the highest use is secured from its natural resources as a whole. The Role of the Planner: He states that one problem common to all regional planning examples he gives is ‘the flow of population… and since the population must follow the means of livelihood... The fundamental problem of regional planning, therefore, comes down to the control and guidance of (industrial) migration…to secure the objectives cited regarding resource, commodities and environment. It’s final goal - ‘the making of the mould in which future generations shall live”’. Ian L. McHarg: Design with Nature 1969 The example, taken from the book Design with Nature, is a suitability mapping of the Potomac River Basin, which was a study made by thirty graduate students of lanscape architecture and regional planning 1965-66. Compatibility of Uses: The example shown is the Potomac River Basin. Rather than look specifically at ecosystem services, as they are defined today, he looks at the suitability of the land for a range of different uses, defined both by the natural determinants, such as soil type, slope, climate, and the degree of compatibility of different land uses, one of which is urban. This exercise is done with no particular 66

Figure 6.4 (right):

One Kind of Regional Plan Source: The New Exploration, MacKaye, 1928

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06 The Approach stakeholder in mind, only to illustrate the optimum multiple land uses. The same method is then applied to the metropolitan area of Washington to determine the level of urbanisation different combinations of natural features can take. Willemen et al: Space for people, plants, and livestock? 2010 In the paper of Willemen et al, ‘landscape functions’ are mapped for the dominantly rural Gelderse Vallei region of the Netherlands, most of which can be directly related to ecosystem services. The goal here is ‘to design and evaluate spatial policies related to the provision of multiple goods and services by the landscape.’ Other Works The paper of Nelson et al, (2009), is concerned with measuring the provision levels of different ecosystem services in light of different stake-holder defined development scenarios. However it is more related to urban expansion than rural development. It does illustrate the scientific methods needed to calculate precisely ecosystem service provision, and thus indicates the need for the involvement of specialists in the approach. Egoh et al (2008), is again related to the location of services and the potential for managing them, on a country wide level for South Africa, yet this has not been related to development . Conclusion The preceding works indicate various clues and challenges for the proposed approach. The actual mapping of ecosystem services is often translated into mapping the land uses associated with them (van Berkel and Verburg, 2009; Willemen et al, 2010). This is due to the fact that the actual services come in different forms that require different land uses or methods of retrieving that service; take food for example, the conditions for fish farming are quite different to those for crop growing though they both provide the same basic service. Second to that, the provision level of services can often require scientific methods for measurement (Nelson et al,2009) however, the lands needed to provide them can be mapped once indicators are established. The establishment of determinants (McHarg) or indicators (Willemen) is key to the mapping process and also illustrates the synergy between rural and urban structures necessary for the provision of ecosystem services. The role of the planner can be questioned due to the complex nature of the mapping, however, as demonstrated by McHarg and Willemen, once the indicators are understood and the data made available this is not outside the realm of the profession. Further to that, as MacKaye states, the goal of this mapping is ‘the making of the mould in which future generations shall live’. Compatibility and multifunctionality are key to the mapping, as they indicate the economic and occupation potentials for the rural population. *Data and Indicator Establishment in a Multidisciplinary Approach: It is clear from this selection of works that this approach is fundamentally multidisciplinary, however for the purpose of this thesis, as much research as possible was done to find sufficient data reflecting the ecosystem services needed to be mapped, and this was cross referenced with these stated researched works to establish the indicators necessary for the mapping.

Figure 6.5:

Suitability Map, through ecological planning for the Potomac river basin, Ian L. McHarg Source: Design with McHarg, 1969

Nature,

Figure 6.6:

Mapping of landscape functions, the dominantly rural Gelderse Vallei region, The Netherlands Source: Willemen et al, 2010

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06 The Approach S e r v i c e s

Ecological Structures

E c o s y s t e m

Provision Level

Rural Economy Figure 6.7:

06.3

Application of Ecosystem Services Mapping

The idea is to use ecosystem services as a way of reading the rural, to optimise itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s potentials and address itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s problems. The approach proposed is to bring the mapping of ecosystem services to the planning process. By mapping ecosystem services we can therefore read what resource potential lies where. It is then proposed that ecosystem services can inform settlement patterns in three ways;

Ecological Structures The ecological structures which provide the services e.g. forests providing CO2 sequestration. Each ecological structure has levels of compatibility with other uses, including settlements. Therefore, each ecological structure can be mapped and valued with a level of suitability for a particular use.

Provision Levels Secondly, through provision level; certain ecosystem services are demand related e.g. food, energy crops etc (figure x). The suitability of land to provide these services can be mapped. Depending on the services demanded a land-use plan can be created denoting areas with higher potential for different services. This is not a fixed plan, but more of an indication of which can be used in case of a certain demand and different areas may have a range of potential uses.

Rural Economy There are certain economies associated with different service provision eg intensive agriculture providing food. By understanding the nature of the labour associated with the service provision, we can understand where inhabitation can occur to support the provision of services. This can strengthen the existing community by providing local economy, and increasing social interaction by enhancing the working/living environment in the area. It also serves to reduce energy consumption by reducing journeys, by having a population living and working in the same area.

3 Ways in which Ecosystem Services can Infrom Settlement Patterns

Services

Crops* Grazing Forestry* Water Purification Water Storage Flood Defence Fish Farming Wind Farms Habitats*

Food Fibre Oxygen/CO 2 Sequetion Clean Air Water Energy Dispersal Aids Waste Processing Protection from Disease Protection from Disturbance Regimes Biodiversity

Ecological Corridors

Waste Processing Recreation & Leisure

Biochemicals Genetic Resources Recreation and Leisure Aesthetics

Landscape Figure 6.8:

Ecosystem Services with Related Land Uses

Translation to Land-uses Ecosystem services are often translated to landuses or landscape functionst for the purpose of mapping, as weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve seen in the precedent examples. Here the same is applied, and it is demonstrated that different landuses can support more than one ecosystem service, and vice-versa that some ecosystem services can be found in more than one land use. This is important for compatibility and multifunctionality. *Within the landuse categories shown, those with a star have subgroups for which the mapping may be different e.g. productive forestry for timber would require mapping for conifers which would create acidic runoff affecting the habitats of fish in the water bodies. However, trees like willow can be quite compatible with water edges and wetlands, aiding purification and evapotranspiration. 71

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06 The Approach

national spatial strategy

map from local development plan landscape capacity to accommodate forestry

land use zoning strategy

national & regional scale determining regional characteristics

county scale determining key areas a county scale

local scale suitability mapping on local scale

06.4

The Planning Framework - Filling the Gap

Scale of Application The potential of natural resources is not fully incorporated into any level of the planning system documents to date. As part of the aim of this study is to show how ecosystem services can be used in the planning process, the scale of mapping of this study refers to the different levels of plans produced in the planning system in Ireland. The benefits of this approach are discussed below in relation to each scale, however, in this study the county scale and the local scale were focused on. National Level Mapping It is important to note that ecosystem services can be mapped at many scale levels; as has been shown there are examples of mapping at the scale of a state i.e. that of South Africa (Egoh, et al., 2008). At the larger scale in Ireland it could bring a richness to the National Spatial Strategy, by determining strengths and defining characters of different areas based on their natural resources. However, one of the issues with mapping at a large scale is that details or nuances of 72

the small scale may be missed which may be relevant and overlooked as potentials. An example of this is in the RUFUS project (van Berkel and Verburg 2009); most of Ireland is deemed to have no or low potential for off-farm employment. Yet, in the more remote rural areas of Ireland, we see that most of the employment (90.8%) is essentially â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;off-farmâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, and some of the commuting distances are equal to that of

Sub Soil Permeability

Soil Suitability

Accessible Area

Market Towns Export Routes

Slope < 15

Figure 6.9 (left):

Relating Ecosystem Services mappng with planning scales

Figure 6.10 (left):

Mapping on a county scale to determine the most suitable location for crop farming One of the key areas for crop farming

the peri-urban areas. This discrepancy is due, in one way, to the small scale of settlements in Ireland, which do not register as urban on a European level, and thus no employment potential shows up. County Level The County Development Plan is the key document for the implementation of the planning system on a national level, therefore this is a key scale for mapping ecosystem services so that the potentials can be incorporated into the planning strategy. At this scale once the demands are known (i.e. which ecosystem services are required and at what level, aside from protecting the already existing services provided), key areas can be determined. As on the national scale, this is also useful for creating or defining distinctive areas, for both character building and policy targeting. An example of this mapping at county scale is above, which was made during the course of the research, and helped in the process of determining the scale most relevant for study, which was the local scale. The above mapping was made for crop farming and so determined a particular key area suitable for zooming in on, as will be explained later. 73

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06 The Approach

Sketched Interpretations of Movement Patterns of the 10 x 10 km study area (above right)

Historical movemnent patterns during the last century when the dominant industry of employment was agriculture and the town was the place of exchange and service provision

Todays movement patterns, with more people working out of the area and using the local town of Ballinamore less and less.

Proposed future movement patterns refocusing the local town as the centre of the community and place of exchange, yet maintaining strong connections to other urban centres

Figure 6.11(left):

The Land Use Zoning Plan 2009 for the town in the area of study. Soucrce: Leitrim Country Development Plan 2009 - 2015, Leitrim County Council Figure 6.12 (right):

The land use zoning plan of Ballinamore within the 10 x 10 km area of study

Local Level The local scale was thus chosen for the detailed mapping. A second reason for this is in the idea of localization and reducing mobility patterns. By mapping at a smaller scale we can see the opportunities that lie within the level of the community. This idea of the level of the community coincides with the small urban-rural gradient chosen for analysis. This is because the way of life is such that the town is the main service centre for the community. It is where the children go to school, where people do their weekly grocery shopping, where people socialize, and where public services such the library, the police and the health center are located. As the population working in the area has grown less and less this has meant that people do their shopping in the town they work in, along with other activities. If the goal is to see how these settlement structures can become more sustainable then it is important to investigate at this level. As a planning tool, the proposal is an extension of the town zoning map or urban framework plan or local area plan to a complete urban-rural catchment area, thus addressing the urban-rural as an interdependent system. This mapping would help to colour the white space currently around the town zoning plans. 75

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06 The Approach

Services

Crops Grazing

Food Fibre Oxygen/CO 2 Sequetion Clean Air Water Energy Dispersal Aids Waste Processing

Forestry Water Purification Water Storage Flood Defence Fish Farming

Protection from Disease Protection from Disturbance Regimes

Wind Farms Habitats

Biodiversity

Ecological Corridors

Biochemicals Genetic Resources

Waste Processing

Recreation and Leisure Aesthetics

Recreation & Leisure

Landscape

01. mapping ecological structures

Precious Habitats The ecological structures selected are those that provide priority habitats. The priority habitats are based on those as denoted under by the EU Council (1992). Coupled with these are habitats that are rare in Ireland. These are determined habitats mapped in Habitat Indicator Mapping (Teagasc, 2009). By noting what percentage of the overall area of the habitat is present in Leitrim the rarity of the habitat is determined. By mapping these ecological structures first, it is not that they cannot be touched, but that they must be rated for compatibility with the proposed use. In-situ Services Secondly, these ecologocial structures provide in-situ services, i.e. services that the local residents benefit from due to their presence, such as flood plains absorbing floodwaters as flood defence or trees providing clean air. To reduce these ecologcial structures would reduce the provision of these services on a local level. These structures are mapped for this reason, to protect against reduction of the services they provide. Withing this study the area is not being mapped for potentials to increase these services specifically. 76

Figure 6.13 (above):

Ecosystem services and their associated land uses relating to ecologcial structures

Ecological structures within the 10 x 10 km area.

hedgerows canal and other watre lines lakes reclaimed fen existing forests wetlands

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06 The Approach

what does it take to reduce Ireland’s ecolgical footprint from 3.5 to 1?

Ireland’s ecological footprint @ 5.8 gha/cap

current land cover 9% 51 % 11 % 2% 2.4 % 11 % 75.4 %

consumption A r a b l e F o o t pri nt P a s t u re F o re st F i s h Co n su m ed Bu i l t L a n d E n e r g y

gha 0.76 0.83 0.51 0.38 0.24 3.31

= = = = = =

1000 ha 3222 3519 2162 1611 847 13270

To t a l

5.81 =

24633

02. provision level This deals with demand related ecosystem services. In this step a scenario is used to test the effects of a certain set of demands. Reduction of Ireland’s ecological footprint is taken as a goal. Irelands current ecological footprint is 5.8 gha (global hectares, which are equivalent to hectares) per captia (C. Maguire 2008). The earthshare capacity per person is only 1.8 gha (C. Maguire 2008), (Earthshare is the average area of global resources available per person). If we relate these global hectares to the area of Ireland we can understand how much more land we would need to compensate for our ecological footprint – three and a half times more. 78

test scenario - One Ireland

Irelandâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ecological footprint @ 1.8 gha/cap

Land use goals for test area

Forestry 25%

Permanent & Native

Arable

Organic 50% Intensive

= -

23%

Productive energy land

energy land 60% less land

Energy Land 32%

Energy Consumption through Buildings & Mobility

This is surprising for a country with a temperate climate and low density. We can see from the figures of consumption that the highest figure is in fact for energy land. Energy land is the land that would be required to absorb CO2 emissions (C. Maguire 2008). The primary sources of energy consumption are domestic energy, personal transport and energy used to provide materials and process waste. Due to the low-density dispersed development patterns the car plays a large role in personal transport. As this thesis endeavours to address these settlement patterns, it is also an aim to reduce energy consumption through transport. 79

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potential new economies

+ + +

Forestry *

1 person/230ha

Arable * Organic Intensive

Tourism Agro-industry Artisan Food

Variable

03. rural economy

Decrease in Agriculture Employment: In Ireland, though still above average, the numbers employed in agriculture have been dropping as they have right across the board in the EU27 in the last 10 years (Eurostat 2010). In Leitrim, while still above the state average despite the poor soil, the numbers dropped by 40% in 10 years (1996 to 2006). These drops can be attributed to â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;increasing global competition in food markets, technological innovation, and reorientation of the Common Agriculture Policy (CAP)â&#x20AC;&#x2122; (van Berkel and Verburg 2009). Dependency: In Ireland Family Farm Income can rely up to 98% on direct payments and subsidies (these include the Single Farm Payment from the CAP, payments from agri-environment schemes, the less favoured areas scheme and forestry premia) (Connolly, et al. 2006). For these reasons many projects, such as the RUFUS (Rural Future Networks) project from the European Commission, are looking for other ways of supporting rural communities. In Ireland, the options recognised are off-farm employment, agritourism, forestry and artisan food production (McFadden, 2011). In the RUFUS project they add intensive agriculture and nature conservation to this list. 80

employment

production

0.16 ha

cow

= household/year

.5 ha

1 ha

25 people / year vegetarian 2 ha

*Preliminary Figures; These figures are to be used to test the idea that ecosystem services, through certain rural economies, may contribute to defining settlements. To properly estimate these figures specialist are required. Research was made through Teagasc, the Agriculture and Food Development Authority, for similar studies, but for this area none have been made. Forestry; This figure was calculated from the total area of productive forest in Ireland, related to the number employed in forestry (CSO, 2006), supported by figures given in Eco Eye (Eco Eye 2010) on employment in relation to forestry for wood energy. Intensive Agriculture; These figures were calculated from a survey of various intensive organic farm practices already in the region of Co. Leitirm. These were cross-referenced with more ambitious figures from The New Organic Grower (Coleman, 2005) which is a recommended handbook for small scale farming.

New rural economies can both support the rural communities financially and socially and also keep down trip generation. By understanding very specifically where new rural economies might lie, we can then understand which settlements have higher potential for diversification, through multifunctionality, and therefore succession. Secondly, by understanding the labour ratio with particular economies we can understand any potential increases e.g. switching from grazing and dairy farming to intensive crop production greatly increases the number of workers needed per hectare. 81

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06 The Approach If we compare the options for rural economy with the demands to meet the ecological footprint we see that both forestry and intensive agriculture lie within both. Therefore, these can be used as the primary basis for structuring the area, as they both will provide economy and help Ireland to reduce it’s ecological footprint. Not all lands are suitable for agriculture or forestry, so we then must look to the other options of diversification. Those which are most related to the ecosystem services are agritoursim – related to the aesthetics of the landscape, and conservation, related to habitats. As already established in this study, the grain of Ireland’s rural is quite small, and so off farm employment is possible in most cases – already most of the population work in off farm employment, and as we saw in the Journey to Work comparison on page x many people already travel commuter distances, yet in shorter time than those commuting in the Greater Dublin Area. Summary The structure of the approach is shown on the next page, the following are the steps that willl be illustrated to demonstrate how the integration of natural resource management can inform the future sustainability of rural settlement patterns. Steps of the Approach (as the sections of the next chapter). 07.1

Settlement Structure Analysis - Cluster Network

07. 2

Mapping Ecosystem Services to provide indicators for three mediums to plan with; ecological structures, demand of services - based on the One Ireland Scenario rural economy and it’s corresponding labour - from the services mapped

07.3

Suitability Map

07.4

Synthesis for Planning: Cluster Network and Suitability Map

07.5

Cluster Network Development

07.6

Development Zoning Plan & Rules

07.7

Development Possibilities

Figure 6.14 (left):

Forestry, the ecosystem service of fibre, also a rural economy. Saw Mill, Mohill, Co. Leitrim

Figure 6.15(right):

Recreation and Leisure on a lake in Co. Leitrim

Crops* Grazing Forestry Water Purification Water Storage Flood Defence Fish Farming Wind Farms Habitats Ecological Corridors

Waste Processing Recreation & Leisure

Services Food* Fibre* Oxygen/CO 2 Sequestration* Clean Air Water Energy Dispersal Aids Waste Processing Protection from Disease Protection from Disturbance Regimes Biodiversity Biochemicals Genetic Resources Recreation and Leisure* Aesthetics*

Landscape Ecosystem Services & Landuses for Mapping *The services marked with a star are additional to the services provided by the ecological structures. These are generated from the demands (food = arable land, fibre = forestry, co2 sequestration = energy land) from the One Ireland scenario and the rural economy (recreation and leisrue and aesthetics = toursim).

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06 The Approach M A P P I N G E C O S Y S T E M S E RV I C E S

INTENSIVE AGRICULTURE POTENTIALS OF ARABLE LAND

MAPPING LAYERS FOR LOCATING AND GRADING LAND FOR FORESTRY

FORESTRY POTENTIALS AND PHASING

MAPPING LAYERS FOR LOCATING LANDSCAPE POTENTIALS FOR AESTHETICS AND RECREATION AND LEISURE

LANDSCAPE AMENITY POTENTIALS

PRODUCTIVE FORESTRY

MAPPING LAYERS FOR LOCATING AND GRADING AGRICULTURAL LAND FOR TILLAGE

LANDSCAPE AMENITY

SYNTHESIS

PLANNING TOOL

CLUSTER NETWORK ANALYSIS

SECTORAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES

DEVELOPMENT ZONING PLAN

ORGANIC TILLAGE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY SMALL FARM INITIATIVE

ZONING GUIDELINES

FORESTRY MANAGEMENT PLAN

SUITABILITY MAP EXTENSIVE LANDSCAPE

CLUSTERS

LANDSCAPE AMENITY PLAN

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07. The Test 07.1 Settlement Structure Analysis to Cluster Network

the following describes how the analysis process lead to the Cluster Network approach

5 mins

250 m

Cluster Analysis: Point Density Data: The maps were created based on the GeoDirectory developed jointly by An Post and Ordnance Survey Ireland. Access to the GIS dataset was provided through the URBIS spatial data warehouse at Urban Institute Ireland at University College Dublin. Method: The first step was to perform a point density analysis in using ArcGIS. This was based on the above data mentioned, the GeoDirectory. The GeoDirectory supplies point data of all building locations, uses, vacancy and many other categories. The point density dimensions were set with isolation in mind. Grid squares of 100m x 100m or 1ha in size were valued on the number of residential building units within a 250m distance. This is a distance of 5mins walking. Result: The result is illustrated in figure x (top right). The grid squares have values from 0 units in range up to 253 in the town of Ballinamore. This cluster density corresponds with the villages and graigs recognised in the Leitrim County Development Plan (2009). The clusters with a higher density, i.e. those in blue, also correspond to the location of public services in the territory, such as schools, post offices etc, and churches, as illustrated. Isolation, Cluster Definition and Ribbon Development. The first interpretation of this analysis is to say that if there are less than 5 units in range the unit is locally isolated. These are removed from the set which leaves the remaining areas as the basis for defining clusters. This shows clearly the tendency towards ribbon development. 86

Figure 7.1: Point Density 2010

services building unit 0 1 2 3 4 5 - 11 12 - 23 24 - 47 48 - 95 96 - 253

Figure 7.2: Point Density 2010

unisolated unit 71% isolated unit 29%

0-4 5 - 11 12 - 23 24 - 47 48 - 95 96 - 253

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07 The Test Repopulation and Vacancy The next step is to understand these cluster densities in terms of the issues of repopulation and vacancy. The population census of Leitrim did not record an increase until 2002. The data taken for understanding the areas of repopulation and vacancy are taken from the year ending 2002 and 2010. From 2002 to 2010 there was a 50% increase in the 10 x 10 kilometer area of investigation.

0-4 5 - 11

5% 84 %

12 - 23

110 %

24 - 47

132 %

48 - 95

78 %

96 - 253

77 %

New Buildings from 2002 to 2010

Repopulation By understanding which cluster densities grew a weak trend can be assumed that this is a density of preference. The mid densities show the highest increase in building numbers. Distribution of Units Vacant

Rate of Vacancy

2002

2010

2002

0-4

47 %

30 %

14 %

15 %

5 - 11

22 %

13 %

11 %

18 %

24 - 47

16 %

17 %

48 - 95

12 %

16 %

96 - 253

19 %

25 %

12 %

16 %

12 - 23

2010

Vacancy Overall the rate of vacancy increased from 13% to 15%. This illustrates that already there was a very high vacancy rate due to outmigration. The highest number of vacant units in 2002 was in the areas defined as locally isolated (those areas with 0 - 4 units within a 250m range). The highest rate of vacancy was in the cluster density of 24 - 47 (16%), second to that was the locally isolated areas, 14%. In 2010 we can see that the distribution of vacancy has reduced in the isolated areas, as there has been less building there, and the catchments of the cluster densities has grown. There is however, an increase in the largest density of the town of Ballinamore. Now the highest rates of vacancy 18% and 17% are within the clusters of 12 - 23 units in range, due to to the increase in building in these areas. Unit Types Looking closer at these vacancies many are in small building developments, i.e. not individual houses. The least rate of vacany is in the 5-11 which forms most of the ribbon development, though it is still high at 13%, as these are individual units. 88

Figure 7.3: Cluster Density & Vacancy 2002

building unit vacant unit present 0-4 5 - 11 12 - 23 24 - 47 48 - 95 96 - 253

Figure 7.4: Cluster Density & Vacancy 2002

building unit vacant unit present 0-4 5 - 11 12 - 23 24 - 47 48 - 95 96 - 253

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07 The Test Cluster Network On the basis of this analysis it was decided to develop a Cluster Network, i.e. defining minimum cluster densities within a distributed network as a framework for planning and policy. This can address local isolation and inefficiency of services, and also ribbon development and developments which reduce the perception of the extensive landscape. By recognising and defining a cluster network a minimum infrastructure of service provision and social interaction can be provided. It can also be used for a basis for increasing connectivity to the main town and other urban centres, addressing peripherality. The network is based on walking distances and existing structures, and ensures that a social cluster and provision point is within a maximum of 1km reach of all dwellings.

Defining the Clusters The first clusters are defined as isolated densities or higher densities along ribbon development. This gives the clusters A, B, C, D, and E - rated in order of density and size.

10 km

2 km

Urban

Rural

A Urban

Figure 7.6: Proposed distribution of Cluster Network based on strengthening existing stucture

Network Distribution Based on the existing structure the goal of the Cluster Network is that dwellings should be within 1km reach of a cluster, by the main road network. As the sample is an urban to rural gradient the edge of the 10k catchment is the most rural, from this point clusters begin to densifiy again. Therefore the idea is to lay out a structure of clusters which relates to the existing level of inhabitation, i.e. lessening in size and density in the more rural areas, yet still provides a minimum infrastructure of social interaction and service provision. Grading and Defining Key Clusters To define which clusters are key to this network and which have the potential to be strengthened to efficiently provide services and social interaction a greater understanding of the potentials of the aresa for economy and inhabitation are needed. This will come from the ecosystem service mapping. 90

Figure 7.7: FIRST RATING OF CLUSTERS ON DENSITY

A B C D E

Figure 7.8: POTENTIAL FOR A CLUSTER NETWORK

A B C D E

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07.2 Mapping Ecosystem Services Mapping Tools: GIS, Adobe Illustrator Data Sources: 1. County Leitrim Resource Survey, Landuse Potential: Soils, Grazing Capacity & Forestry (1973) 2. Teagasc-EPA Soils and Subsoils Mapping Project (2009) 3. Habitat Indicator Mapping in Teagasc-EPA Soils and Subsoils Mapping Project (2009) 4. Corine Land Cover (2006) 5. Ordnance survey mapping (2010) 6. GeoDirectory (2010) developed jointly by An Post and Ordnance Survey Ireland. Access to the GIS dataset was provided through the URBIS spatial data warehouse at Urban Institute

ecological structures the ecological structures are repeated here as these are the base to potentials mapping

Ecological structures

hedgerows canal and other watre lines lakes reclaimed fen existing forests wetlands

ďż˝ these form the base of service provision as the ground layer of natural assets. visible is the land - the soil plays a key role, the w a t e r, t h e h a b i t a t s h o s t i n g biodiversity, and invisible is the air above. both in their existance, and as the place for ecologcial processes. these must be considered first when mapping potentials 93

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arable land and intensive agriculture this mapping is to identify land which has the potential for tillage i.e. arable land, and secondly to find which areas are most suitable for small-scale intensive farming Ireland at University College Dublin.

Areas Unsuitable for Tillage �

existing forestry

�

water bodies

�

habitats of wetlands

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Areas Requiring Conservation Methods areas such as reclaimed fen may be used for organic agriculture, but are less suitable due to the possibility for reconversion to natural fen habitats. hedgerows are naturally part of this fine-grained agriculutral land and should be kept where possible these are graded lower as are more suitable for extensive agriculture 97

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Soil Suitabilty High

ďż˝ the remaining land is graded in terms of soil suitability based on soil surveys of the area related with current soil types the need for drainage and additives along with the grading from the above presence of habitats

Medium

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100

101

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100m buffer where agriculture and roads intersect Tilllage Potential High

Units Cluster Density Low

Medium

High

102

Potenitals for Intensive Agriculture to find the potentials for intensive agriculture in the form of small scale farming, this is related to accessiblity by road. as previously mentioned this small scale agriculture has a high labour land ratio. a single small scale farm of 2ha may be a source of income, greater than this is a place of employment. to understand the areas which have capacity for new farms the suitable land is related with the settlements.

100m buffer where agriculture and roads intersect Hectare Units with Tillage Potential

Units Vacant Units

Potenitals of Arable Land ďż˝ to understand which lands could hold new farms the area with tillage potentials was overlaid with a hectare grid for analysis purposes. the analysis process is explained on the following page

Occupied Unoccupied

103

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J = no of units in catchment

E = no of available hectareas

2 = no of hectares per farm

Capacity = (J0.3-E)/2

for example

J=4

E = 18

((4*.3) - 18)/2 = 8.4 farms

Analysing the potential for new farms or places of employment The basis for calculation of potential for new farms is based on the labour figure of one worker to 2 hectares. Diversification: The potential is first for diversification allowing existing dwellers to convert to intensive organic agriculture. However, not all units are housing farmers and not all farmers will want to diversify, so for the purpose of estimation a figure of 30% of units will diversify. Catchment Area: Taking into account diversification, this will normally happen on land close to the home, so only hectare units in a 110 m radius are taken into account (i.e. the 2 haâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s closest to the dwelling). Analysis: The number of hectares surrounding occupied hectare is thus reducded by 30% of the number of units in the catchment and then divided by 2 to give a number for capacity of farm units. The areas were then coloured by their capacity. Note: the data for this analysis is, as mentioned, not precise, as it would be the work of an agronomist, however, the purpose of the excercis is to understanding the spatial relationships between farms, residences and road networks, particularly to understand how the processes of this ecosystem service of food prodcution through crop growing relates with settlement patterns. 104

Potenitals of Arable Land High - Intensive

ďż˝ high to medium potenial is for intensive small scale organic a g r i c u l t u re a s t h e s e a re a s a re accessible and not over occupied.

Medium - Intensive

ďż˝ other land is more suitable to extensive organic agriculture with larger farms and less labour due as it is has poorer quality soil and less road access.

Extensive

105

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106

Settlement Clusters with Vacant Areas ďż˝ by overlaying the areas with potential for intensive organic agriculture with the clusters it highlights the clusters that may strengthen due to new small scale farms meaning; a potential for addressing vacancy, a potential for new residences and a potential as a place of employment.

107

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forestry this mapping is to identify land which has the potential for forestry. the main aim is for productive forestry, i.e. coniferous forests used for timber. however, as forestry is also energy land, also needed to reduce the ecological footprint, potentials for other types of forestry will also be mapped such as willow and native woodland.

108

Prime Agricultural Land ďż˝

this should be exempt from forestry

High

Medium

109

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110

Areas Unsuitable for Productive (coniferous) Forestry �

existing forestry

�

water bodies and bufferzone for purification

�

habitats of wetlands and fen

111

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112

Rating Forests for Phasing secondary tertiary

ďż˝

adjacent to secondary and tertiary roads

ďż˝

expansion of existing productive forests

113

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114

Potenital & Phasing for Productive Forestry Phase 01: 2654 ha High

Phase 02: 424 ha Medium Low Phase 02: 673 ha

Medium

ďż˝

phase 1 meets ecological footprint targets

ďż˝

phase 2 can be used for meeting targets in other locations where land is more suitable for uses

ďż˝

phase 3 is quite remote and so it has more potential for permanent native forestry as energy land, which also can become a potential for aesthetics, recreation & leisure

115

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116

117

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landscape amenity this mapping is to identify land which has the potential for landscape amenity. this takes into account two ecosystem services, aesthetics and recreation & leisure. this both recognises the places with tourism potentials, but also those where people wish to inhabit due to the aesthetics.

118

Landscape Features

Mature Forests

119

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120

Areas with Potential for Permanent Native Forestry ďż˝ areas too remote for productive forestry ďż˝ areas close to water bodies

remote areas of forestry potential areas adjacent to water bodies

121

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122

Rooms of the Landscape ďż˝ spaces between primary roads removed from infrastructure ďż˝ spaces between hills sense of enclosure in space

123

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124

Visual Landscape Potentials

accessible landscape wilderness

ďż˝ ďż˝

spaces of wilderness these spaces have potentials for activities which benefit from space and seclusion such as nature walks, camping, riding, fishing snd retreats. spaces of accessible landscape these spaces are more immediate, visible and accessible, and have potential for scenic drives, short visits. These are also the crossing points with infrastructure and inhabitation so are ideal tourism service points.

125

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07.3 The Suitability Map

At this step the three layers of agriculture, forestry and tourism are merged to give the suitability map. this is an information map, it can be used as a planning tool, but firstly it in itself provides informaiton for landowners in the area. aside from the primary existing land use of grazing, now all landowners have at least two options for diversification.

M A P P I N G E C O S Y S T E M S E RV I C E S

SYNTHESIS

PLANNING TOOL

CLUSTER NETWORK ANALYSIS

SECTORAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES

INTENSIVE AGRICULTURE

DEVELOPMENT ZONING PLAN

MAPPING LAYERS FOR LOCATING AND GRADING AGRICULTURAL LAND FOR TILLAGE

POTENTIALS OF ARABLE LAND

ORGANIC TILLAGE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY SMALL FARM INITIATIVE

PRODUCTIVE FORESTRY

ZONING GUIDELINES

MAPPING LAYERS FOR LOCATING AND GRADING LAND FOR FORESTRY

FORESTRY POTENTIALS AND PHASING

FORESTRY MANAGEMENT PLAN

SUITABILITY MAP EXTENSIVE LANDSCAPE

VISUAL LANDSCAPE

CLUSTERS MAPPING LAYERS FOR LOCATING LANDSCAPE POTENTIALS FOR AESTHETICS AND RECREATION AND LEISURE

LANDSCAPE POTENTIALS

126

L A N D S C A P E RECREATION PLAN

127

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previous cluster network from densities

maximum possible cluster network including new farm clusters

Cluster Network Update The cluster network is further developed before overlaying it on the suitability map. Here the potential new areas for clusters from agriculture settlements are recognised. One of the aims of the cluster network is to ensure that units are within reach of a cluster as a point of social interaction and service provision. By adding potential agriculture clusters this will extend the coverage of network, if these are targeted to be developed. M A P P I N G E C O S Y S T E M S E RV I C E S

SYNTHESIS

PLANNING TOOL

CLUSTER NETWORK ANALYSIS

SECTORAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES

INTENSIVE AGRICULTURE

DEVELOPMENT ZONING PLAN

MAPPING LAYERS FOR LOCATING AND GRADING AGRICULTURAL LAND FOR TILLAGE

POTENTIALS OF ARABLE LAND

ORGANIC TILLAGE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY SMALL FARM INITIATIVE

PRODUCTIVE FORESTRY

ZONING GUIDELINES

MAPPING LAYERS FOR LOCATING AND GRADING LAND FOR FORESTRY

FORESTRY POTENTIALS AND PHASING

FORESTRY MANAGEMENT PLAN

SUITABILITY MAP EXTENSIVE LANDSCAPE

VISUAL LANDSCAPE

CLUSTERS MAPPING LAYERS FOR LOCATING LANDSCAPE POTENTIALS FOR AESTHETICS AND RECREATION AND LEISURE

LANDSCAPE POTENTIALS

128

L A N D S C A P E RECREATION PLAN

Cluster Network Extended ďż˝ F and G are added and are sized based on the potential of the area to hold new farms and the quality of the soil for tillage

129

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130

131

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07.4 Synthesis for Planning

the cluster network is overlaid on the suitability map. it will be demonstrated how both work together as planning tools. first the guiding principles of the planning approach are set out.

Guiding principles & Reponse Strategies

Tools

To demonstrate how the suitability map, in conjunctiong with the cluster network, can now be used as a planning tool, the principles of the planning approach are set out. These arise from; the issues stated, the reading of the territory, the new priorites in relation to understand the potentials for rural development and targets set for reducing Irelands ecological footprint. 1. Planning Mechanisms: Subsidy & Actions Targeting - Pull over Push Rural spatial development comes primarily in a bottomup format. This involves individual farmers or land owners wishing to develop or sell their land, and on a larger scale, community initiatives which both demand and provide lacking services. To work with the existing ways, and to encourage, rather than enforce actors to begin to develop in the proposed way of clustering and optimising resources a pull rather Suitabiltiy Map than push mechanisms are employed. This means the following; Cluster Network a. targetting higher subsidies on the cluster areas b. providing extra services, to encourage new development in those areas. Cluster Network 2. Spatial Experience: Compression and Release Recognising the landscape as an important asset for this rural community to suceed, an approach to the spatial experience is necessary. This is based on the traditional structure of street towns (srรกid baile) and open landscape spaces, predominantly agricultural. Therefore, complementary to the cluster principle, the villages and towns should Development maintain a tight grain and the areas around should be of open views. This is a general Zoning Plan principle, but will be most specifically applied in areas of high amenity. 3. Optimisation of resources/Landuse transformation: Target orientated development To promote the optimisation of resources to reach the goals of reducing the ecological foot prints there is a two tier approach. Firstly to inform all of what their potentials are, and provide higher subsidies in key Development areas. Secondly, to use repopulation as a driver for land use transformation, i.e. in key Zoning Plan areas, insisting on a minimum transformation to allow new development. This will be set out in the zoning rules. 132

Potentials for diversification and strengthening

E E E E E

services present tillage

Â&#x192;Â&#x192; Planning Mechanism 1 a. targetting higher subsidies on the cluster areas according to their potentials, to encourage residence there.

forestry accessible tourism wilderness tourism

133

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134

135

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07.5 Cluster Network Development

the cluster network is developed to be used as a framework for targeting actions and subsidies.using the potentials for diversification the cluster network can be refined to the essential basic structure.

10 km

2 km

Urban

Rural

A Urban

Proposed distribution of Cluster Network based on strengthening existing stucture

Grading and Defining Key Clusters for a First Phase Now the key clusters can be defined for developing the first stage of the cluster network, i.e. the minimun network needed. This is done by understanding both which clusters are needed due to location and which have the potential to strengthen. If this method suceeds the cluster network can be further developed adding other clusters recognised. Rationalisation of Clusters The clusters were then rationalised for projected goals and policy targeting through the follow categories; Network:

to develop a minimum framework of support for isolated settlements the distance to anyone cluster should be no more than 1km, therefore clusters were selected at a maximum of 2km distance apart.

Cluster Size: the existing cluster density set the first level of grading i.e. A, B, C etc Diversification: overlaying the clusters on the suitability map the possibilities for diversification were assigned to each cluster, depending on the number of options the grading for density increased or decreased Crossroads: clusters located at crossroads were favoured over those on a single road to make implementation of mobility strategies more efficient and to increae the possibility of social interaction and passing trade 136

D D

D D A D

C D

D D

D D D

Key Clusters

D C

C D

ďż˝ A, B, C and D The final clusters are labeled A, B, C, D in order of their role due to their position in the network. ďż˝ Corresponding Densities Each classification has a corresponding density for future monitoring, i.e. as the area develops clusters may shift from one category to another. However, some of the weaker key clusters are placed in classes of higher density as they need more support. 137

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Figure 7.9 (far left): Narrow country road in the Netherlands with bike lanes either side. Two cars passing must encroach on the bike lanes, however the markings strongly suggests they take heed of cyclists

Targeting Actions using the Cluster Network The cluster network acts as a tool for rationalising service provision, as it provides a distribution in realtion to the density. It can be used to address the issues such as social isolation, peripherality, and improve the quality of life thus encouraging people to live in these areas, particularly in the clusters. Due to the low density of the area large scale infrastructures are services are not realistic i.e. providing a public bus service. However, there are smaller measures that can be taken. Internet Provision: In 2006 Leitrim had by far the lowest rate of household broadband connections at 7.8% and almost 60% of households had no connection at all. These figures may have reduced since, but speaking to local people in the area high-speed internet connection is still a major issue. As the internet is becoming a large part of everyday life this a much needed service particularly to support innovation and diversification in rural economy. The cluster hierarchy can act as framework for improving this servic provision. Local Lift Network Pick-up Points: This is a transport proposal to address the lack of public transport and is based on the local community car based movement, particularly taking advantage of the new commuting community. In the recent past in Ireland it was very common to give and take lifts going from place to place. Now, due to increased car ownship and a fear of strangers it is rare. This proposal is based on the intercity car pool system in Germany the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Mitfahrzentraleâ&#x20AC;&#x153;, where people wishing to avail register online and take a lift from someone driving from A to B who wishes to share the journey and the cost. Regulating the lift system and registering users would bring back a safer feeling, and it can also help cover costs of commuting journeys, which are increasing as oil prices rise. The spatial organisation comes in in the pick up points. By denoting specific recognisable points along road networks, locals using the system can wait at these points for either an organised or spontaneous lifts. Public Space: Public spaces are lacking in rural areas, and mainly come as accidental spaces outside local shops or pubs. The lack of public space reduces spontaneous social interaction. Minimum features such as benches can stimulate social interaction, as a small focus point. It is proposed to provide a minimum intervention to create a public space at each cluster. This can also be coordinated with pick-up points for the local lift network, and integrated into a network supporting tourist activities. Pedestrian and Cycle Routes: Cycling was also a more used mode of transport. With the increase in car use the roads have become dangerous, particularly as they are winding due to the topography so visibility is poor. Secondly, as there are many roads to maintain they are not developed and so many have no verges, making difficult for pedestrians and cyclists. 138

Figure 7.10 (near right): Narrow country road in Ireland.

Vacant Unit

1 km

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07 The Test PROVISION OF SERVICES THROUGH CLUSTER DENSITY Broadband Roleout

Cycle Lane Connection

Car Pool Pick-up Point

Public Space

DENSITY > 48 A

Available

Yes

Planned in Urban Framework Plan

Priority 1

Yes

Set out in Village Planning Guidelines*

Priority 1

Yes

Small public space

Priority 2

Ye s i f Touristic

Yes

Bench or more if Touristic

DENSITY < 48 B DENSITY < 24 C DENSITY < 12 D

*The Village Planning Guidelines are part of the proposal, and will be mentioned later on in the document

Improving the efficiency of the Network The road network is the basic carrying structure for both mobility and service provision. Due to previous high levels of occupation, coupled with the intricate topography the road network is extensive. This is difficult for the local authorities to maintain, especially considering the low tax intake from this lowly populated areas. By understand the key clusters the roads can now be heirarchised. This is based on the existing road structure is in terms of secondary, tertiary roads and lanes, which are usually dead ends. However, these are labeled in terms of their national status, which will not change, but it is the basis for a local heirarchy Heirarchising is done step by step, connecting the larger clusters first, then subsequently the smaller clusters with a second series, and so on, as illustrated above. 140

touristic cluster vacant house as lodge public space primary green route (old train line) landscape network

Hierarchised network with cycling paths Â&#x192;Â&#x192; Planning Mechanism 2 a. providing extra services, to encourage new development in those areas.

cycling route local primary route local secondary route local tertiary route local lane

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07.6 Development Zoning Plan & Rules

this focuses on guiding the spatial experience of the area and enabling target orientated development

This develoment zoning plan and rules demonstrates how natural resources not only can inform spatial patterns but contribute to enriching the living environment and strengthen the identiy of an area.

Guiding principles & Reponse Strategies Spatial Experience: The differentiation of the two target areas i.e. clusters and extensive landscape allow for different spatial configuration to reach the goal of compression and release, besides also supporting the clusters as centres of density and service provision. In the extensive lanscape rules aim at maintain a low visual density. In the cluster they aim at allowing for maximum density, yet with recognition of valuable land potentials. Target Orientated Development: To meet the targets of reducing the ecological footprint a minimum conversion rule is employed. This applies only to organic arable land and to land with potential for productive forestry, as these land uses have the potential for a follow-on economy.

Rural - Urban Rule Gradient The pricinples of natural resources informing settlement patterns is carried through the two target areas; only the principles of landscape experience and density change. Therefore the rules work on a gradient so that while there are distinct clusters there is a still a visual and physical connection with the extensive landscape and its resources.

the extensive landscape

the clusters 142

Development Zoning Plan clusters

ďż˝ two target areas

1. the extensive landscape 2. inside the clusters

ribbon development

ďż˝ conditions & variables

landscape potential

the same conditions of agriculture potential, forestry potential and landscape potential determine the rules, with the added conditions of ribbon development in the extensive landscape

agriculture potential forestry potential

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restriction zones: landscape & ribbon Landscape Limitied Development, subject landscape impact assessment.

Ribbon Development Maximum Development Allowed Area Range 250m: 11 Units Along Roadside 0.5 Km: 11 Units

conversion zones: landscape & ribbon

Arable Land New Residential Development Convert: Organic Agriculture: 1ha Intensive/Extensive: as per Grading

15%

1ha

Residential:15%:

Forestry: Coniferous

New Residential Development Convert: Forestry: 4ha/or total land* Mix: Coniferous with 20% diversity Residential:1,500 m2 or 8%* Set back:20m from Conifers to Dwelling**

4ha

* which ever amount is greater **this may be planted with deciduous for plot coverage

20m setback

144

Zoning Conditions in the Extensive Landscape Basis for Agriculture:

1Ha

1. This is related to employment for one person; which may be a resident or an employee. Localising employment helps to balances the new journeys generated by living in the extensive landscape. Basis for Forestry Conversion:

4Ha

1. The smallest farm size in leitrim is rough 4ha ( figure x) 2. The minimum grant for the forestry environment protection scheme (feps) is 5ha. This scheme is run by coillte, a private limited company set up by the state in 1988 to manage the forestry lands of Ireland. 3. The afforestation scheme grant and premium scheme 2007 states a minimum of 1 ha for conifer plantations, however to encourage conversion the rate is set higher, if the owner hss more land. This is also as the economy from forestry is lower, so there will be less employment in these areas to support housing. 145

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enabling zones: conversions + landscape / ribbon

AGRICULTURE LANDSCAPE / RIBBON NEW RESIDENTIAL DEVELOPMENT

7.5%

Convert: Organic Agriculture: 2ha Intensive/Extensive: as per Grading

2ha

Residential:7.5%:

FORESTRY LANDSCAPE / RIBBON NEW RESIDENTIAL DEVELOPMENT 50m setback

Convert: All Forestry Rules Apply Landscape: Assesment is Necessary for Visual Impact of Forestry Ribbon: 50m from Road Edge

146

Extensive Landscape cont.

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cluster zones: safeguarding & density AGRICULTURE

40%

RESERVED Recommended For Park or Community Garden

FORESTRY

15%

LANDSCAPED TREE PLANTING

Rate: per design of U.F.P.

65%

50%

Recommended For Self-Sustaining Farming Units

R1 A

URBAN FRAMEWORK PLAN LAND USE ZONING PLAN

Rate: per design of U.F.P.

RESERVED

STRUCTURE

NATIVE WOODLAND PLANTING

R2 A

URBAN FRAMEWORK PLAN LAND USE ZONING PLAN

Rate 1 dev./0.16.ha

Rate: 100% of dev. - once area is fully planted, surplus can be planted outside

85%

RESERVED Recommended For Organic Farms

Rate 1 dev./0.5ha

RESERVED FOR FORESTRY

Rate 1 dev,/1ha 148

B VILLAGE PLANNING GUIDELINES

C D

SUBJECT TO PLANNING PERMISSION

Zoning Conditions in the Clusters Zone of Influence: Area Range 250m/500m The Area Range is set based on walking distances from;

+ The denoted centre of the cluster; relating to roads etc. + From the center (line or point) of the highest density.

D 149

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cluster zones: safeguarding & density

R1 R2

STRUCTURE

URBAN FRAMEWORK PLAN LAND USE ZONING PLAN

1 Case Study: Cluster A Cluster Zoning Rules & Existing Development Plan This case study demonstrates how the new zoning rules could be incorporated with existing planning tools of the Urban Framework Plan and the Land Use Zoning Plan. The areas ranges are similar to the Land Use Zoning Plan. The higher density area coincides with the urban framework plan. The urban framework plan promotes density and extending the tight grain of the street town. Therefore it will be used as the guiding urban form for testing the incorporation.

Figure 7.11(left): Cluster Zone Range on Cluster A, the town of Ballinamore, with Lands with of Forestry and Agriculture Potential.

landscape potential agriculture potential forestry potential

150

Figure 7.12: Zones from the Landuse Zoning Plan of Ballinamore from The Leitrim County Council 2009 - 2015 overlaid with the Cluster Zone Range

Primarily Residential Mixed Use Enterprise & Employment Social & Community Amenity

Figure 7.13: Urban Framework Plan (Mc Dermott Norton, 2003) overlaid with the Cluster Zone Range. Planned development areas highlighted in red.

Planned Areas

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Figure 7.14: Dire c tion s of growth avoiding valuable agricultural and forestry lands

Figure 7.15: New Zoning Plan Incorporating Agriculture and Forestry Rules

Agriculture 40% Agriculture 65% Forestry 15% Forestry 50% Primarily Residential Mixed Use Enterprise & Employment Social & Community Amenity

152

Cluster Zoning Concept Plan new landscape route

ďż˝ Rural-Urban Gradient

Agriculture 40%

The gradation of agriculture and forestry into the cluster is firstly to guide development so that lands less valuable for production are built upon first.

Agriculture 65% Agriculture Potential in the Extensive Landscape Forestry 15% Forestry 50% Forestry Potential in the Extensive Landscape

1km

Stecondly, bringing these potentials into the town enhances the character of the town and links it to its rural surroundings, providing an reading of the new geography in the urban and can add to the atmospheres of living environments. 153

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Figure 7.16: Key Plan showing View Angle

1 Case Study: Cluster A Possible Growth of Town The images show how the town may possibly grow into this framework with the ariculture and forestry creating new distinct environments.

154

Figure 7.17: Existing Condition

Figure 7.18: Growth of Core

Figure 7.19: Growth of Outer Zone

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07.7 Development Possiblitites The different rules guide a development, but the outcomes are dependent on choices made by individuals - in where their preference is to locate. However, between the enabling of the suitability map, the trend of repopulation coupled with the conversion rules, and actions and high subsidies targetted at the clusters there should be a progressive change in the geography. Clustering Following the higher subsidies and extra service provision there may be a general tendancy to devleop (live, build, diversify) in the cluster areas. Dispersion Following a want to live with more space, privacy and nature, and live on ones own land close to family, there may be a general tendancy to develop (live, build, diversify) in the extensive landscape. A Possible Future These tendancies are not mutually exclusive, as has been the case to date, and both may occur at the same time. In either case we will see a conversion of land to uses which will begin to reduce the ecological footprint. The image of the extensive landscape, though it may transform with new uses, will still remain extensive. The infrastructure of services providing for the community will be strengthened and more connected. Through this approach the possibilities are opened up for new economies providing local employment and income. The combination of these factors provides for a stronger social infrastructure with more opportunities, and thus may help to abate outmigration and social isolation. The intent is, that through the combination of providing information on the potentilas for diversification, and guiding strategies for spatial configuratoins this will set in motion a process of turning the rural. The possible future illustrated is, through a combination of both tendancices, this rural area reaches its full potential of both providing ecosystem services and a sustainable settlement pattern for the rural way of life.

156

Cluster Development ďż˝ D e v e l o p m e n t a n d L a n d U s e Conversion originates in the Clusters Based on the higher subsidies and provision of extra services there is a tendancy to locate within the clusters. Within the clusters, based on higher subsidies the residences convert their land to forestry or agriculture or diversify to tourism. Rule R2 for forestry means that as clusters densify more forestry gets planted elsewhere. 157

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Ribbon Development ďż˝ D e v e l o p m e n t a n d L a n d U s e Conversion originates along the ribbon The desire to live in the open landscape remains high. New residences appear and land use is transformed accordingly. The density of development is low, with clusters appearing withing forestry plantations due to landscape restrictions.

158

A Possible Future: 2050 ďż˝ A happy medium of both trends occur. This sets of the cycle of landuse conversion. The value of the resources of the landscape is recognised by the community. Economies of agriculture, forestry and tourism interrelate to benefit each other. The full potential of the land for these ecosystem services is reached, more than contributing its share of reducing the ecological footprint. 159

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08. Conclusions There are a number of conclusions to be made from the process and result of this thesis. It has been an intense learning experience on the structure of rural settlements, on the meaning and spatail application of territorial potentials and natural resources, and on the economic and planning processes that have affected rural Ireland. However, there is always more, and there is an acknowledgement on learning from planning history could contribute. Secondly, there is a value in thinking about rural settlement patterns, beyond rural sustainability, it can contribute to the discourses of landscape urbanism and urban agriculture. Thirdly, it must me acknowledged that, having been through the process, many decisions had to be made that were of the expertise of another discipline. For a truly applicabe response any approach to planning rural areas must be multidisciplinary. Following this, on the approach, the number of decisions made, mean that there were a number of possible outcomes. This demonstrates flexibility in the approach, however to truly test it, it would again require a multidisciplinary team and a variety of test cases. Finally, this thesis, has illustrated that there is a possibility for more sustainable settlement patterns in rural areas in the future, though the approach to getting there can be enriched and refined. Learning from History One of the principle aims of this thesis was to develop and demonstrate an approach which integrates the optimisation of natural resources into the planning process. This is not a new approach as such, as illustrated in the works of Ian MacHarg and Benton MacKaye. In fact, locating settlement patterns in relation to natural resources is ancient self organisation. The final image show in this thesis (figure x) is an illustration of this in the same area of study. This mapping was one of the small joys of the process and a small afirmation. It shows the ring forts, crannog (lake forts or dwellings) and standing stones, dating from the 5th century A.D., overlaid with what has been mapped as high value agricultural land. The ring forts were mostly probably farmsteads for which the embankments (often supplemented by wooden palisades) served as enclosures for domestic animals and protection against wild predators as well as a deterrent to attack from human beings (Sundermeier, 2006). Therfore, we can see how these located in relation to good quality farming land, and most of adjacent to it or on hills over looking it. However, the location of adequate ecosystems services, such as good land for farming or water sources are no longer the main driver in relation to rural settlement patterns. The characteristics of the extensive landscape itself now play a strong role in settling or not settling in rural areas. The socio-cultural services of aesthetics and recreation and leisure opportunities are a strong pull factor. The extensiveness provides both space and openess, but also contributes to social isolation. As seen in this thesis the trends of outmigration and repopulation provide considerable challenges for the sustainability of rural settlement patterns. An understanding of the structure and logic of inhabitation of these settlements in combination with ecosystem services has been used to propose a strategy. This stragtegy demonstrates one way in which these settlement patterns may become more sustainable in the future. This is perhaps just a starting point however, as it a response to the very contemporary spatial conditions of rural Ireland, and is also based in the trend is rising public interest 160

in food and its production and distribution and CO2 reduction. There is a whole history of rural planning, further to regional planning, that must not be ignored. Lesson can be learned from traditions and results in neighbouring countries such as Town and Country Planning in the Uk and akfhkadh in Germany. A study on different approaches in different contexts through history could very much enrich the proposed appraoch. From Rural Settlements to Urban Agriculture The sustainability of rural settlement patterns does not just benefit the communities which exist there, or the producitivity of ecosystem services. Understanding rural settlement structures can contribute to the discourse on landscape urbanism, particularly that pertaning to urban agriculture. Charles Waldheim, one of theorists responsible for articulating the term ‘Landscape Urbanism’, recently published an essay called Notes Toward a History of Agrarian Urbanism. He writes this essay in response to the movement towards urban agriculture within the design culture, and states that ‘While much has been written about the implications of urban farming for agricultural production, public policy, and food as an element of culture, little has been written about the potentially profound implications for the shape and structure of the city itself’ (Waldheim, 2010). Waldheim goes on to discuss three unbuilt projects that advocated for decentralized agrarian urbanism: Frank Lloyd Wright’s “Broadacre City” (1934–35), Ludwig Hilberseimer’s “New Regional Pattern” (1945–49), and Andrea Branzi’s “Agronica” (1993–94), and its further development, “Territory for the New Economy” (1999). As the term decentralised suggests, these three works are all based on the ‘profound reconceptualization of the city — a radical decentralization and dissolution of the urban figure into a productive landscape.’ This discourse on landscape urbanism and the history of agrarian urbanism is very much in relation to the city as a starting point and how the city can be decentralised or down scaled. Coming from the other point of view, by understanding rural settlements, planned and unplanned, which, on a different scale bare urban or settlement forms (originally) defined by agriculture, could then contribute to this discourse. Benton MacKaye poses this point of view in his book The New Exploration, whereby he describes a sucessful city as cosmopolitan, not metropolitan. The cosmopolitan city should be as ‘a village grown up’ ‘a community par excellence’, where the village and community he speaks of are the colonial villages of New England. What’s more is, as we see in the case of Ireland, contemporary rural settlement forms are urbanised networks, where agriculture is no longer the main occupation. The life of some rural dwellers differentiate little from that of city dwellers, in terms of occupation, time and distance travelling etc. The differentiation is primarily by the physical environment they are surrounded by (evenings and weekends) - the extensive landscape vrs the urban fabric. Learning from the old, and the new rural settlement structures may both inform how the city can be defined by agriculture. Tthe concept of downscaling the urban to accomodate urban agriculture can be met with the idea of up-scaling the rural. The Multidiciplinary Approach Continuing with Benton MacKaye, as he mentioned when describing regional planning, a multidisciplinary approach is required. The process of this thesis has invoved research across many disciplines, from geology and soil types, to agronomy and economy to environmental science. However to quote Vittorio Gregotti ‘What interest us is on the one hand to contribute to this discussion with the means that are found in the domain of archtiecture and on the other had to bear winess to the roel that is a played by the underlying hpothesis of voluntary geography that has so justly called into question fundamental issues concerting both modern culture and the 161

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07 The Test position of our discipline within its context.â&#x20AC;&#x2122; Through the demonstration of the application it is clear that there is a role for spatial planning within this multidisciplinary matter of rural territories. Due to the need for integration of many disciplines, among other factors, developing the approach for testing required alot of decision making. These decisions ranged from location of study area, to types of ecosystem services to map for, to the criteria determining the potentials of ecosystem services. This implies, that therefore there are a number of possible outcomes. It would help strengthen and refine this approach if it were to be tested on another area, for another set of ecosystem services, such as water provision and purification. turning rural; a sustainable future To conclude, this thesis has not been about turning back to the traditional way of life of the rural, but about turning the rural areas around to face more sustainable futures. It can be argued that there are many possibilities for enabling more sustainable futures for rural settlements within the approach combining an understanding of settlement patters with the potenitals of ecosystem services. What is essential is that the future sustainability lies in the thinking that rural will not only be about â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;a way of life characterised by a cohesive identity with an extensive landsapeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, but that this way of life is fundamentally linked and structured by the potetials ihnerent in the extensive landscape.

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Historic Settlement Patterns ďż˝ Ringforts, cvrannogs and standing stones overlaid on land with a high agricultural potential

Ringforts, Crannogs and Standing Stones

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