Love thy Neighbour New Compact Glasgow
Abstract Throughout the world cities are grappling with the problems of ever expanding populations, increased car traffic and sprawling urban development. In the last quarter of the 20th century the term compact city was coined to give name to a theory of urban development which suggests possible solutions to some of these problems. These ideas are now being taken up by many governments and are currently being included in planning legislation documents which could change the face of our cities for ever. In this climate of uncertinty Glasgow like a vast number of western cities is now advocating a ’Compact City’ model in its literature and publications. Specificaly Glasgow has commited to the provision of housing at higher densities while at the same time making use of existing brown field and derlict sites within the metropolitan area. The plan calls for a facus on ‘the city center and the city-region’s surrounding urban areas’ to be the focus of regenerating deprived comunities within the city core. (Glasgow and the Clyde Valley Strategic Development Plan, 2012, Pg 12) In this respect the density of the city will become the focus of study for this study. At the moment stratigic planing documents are calling for the densification of city areas but there is no real practical analysis of the actual density of areas across the area as a whole. The hope is that the colections of data through the conducting of density calculations will be able to provide an over view of city density which can be used not only to conducting more stratigic thinking at a city level but also facilitate a more complet planing at a comunity level informing things like building hight, form and proportions of green space.
Contents
1
Introduction
2
Putting Glasgow in Context
3
Making the case for the Compact City & Glasgow
4
Setting the Standard for Density
5
Understanding the Findings
6
Proposals for Density
7
Conclusion
List of illustrations
Figure 2.1 - Map of Glasgow, 1778 Figure 2.2 - Map of Glasgow, 1828 Figure 2.3 - New Plan of Glasgow, !901 Figure 2.4 - Cumbernauld Town Center Figure 2.5 - Illustration of Glasgows Development Figure 3.1 - Unite D'Habitation, Le Corbusier (1953) Figure 3.2 - Average price of running a car Figure 3.3 - Landowners attitudes to Redevelopment Figure 3.4 - Derilict Land rates in Scotland by Local Authority
John McArthurs Map of Glasgow, http://www.gla.ac.uk/services/library/collections/virtualdisplays/mapsofglasgowhistoricaltod igital/johnmcarthur1778planofthecityofglasgow/ David Smiths Plan of Glasgow, http://www.gla.ac.uk/services/library/collections/virtuald-lays/mapsofglasgowhistoricaltodigita l/davidsmith1828planofthecityofglasgowanditsenvirons/ http://www.gla.ac.uk/services/library/collections/virtualdisplays/mapsofglasgowhistoricaltodigital/johnbartholomewnewpltholo tholomewnewplanofglasgowforthepostofficedirectory1901-02/ Illustration by author http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-rjNpJ0PPnR4/UMdbN7FKI1I/AAAAAAAAAhE/ZQP-0F4x-_4/s1600/Unite+Nan tes-Rezey+1.jpg Illustration by author Illustration by author Illustration by author
Figure 4.1 - Favela, Rio de Janeiro Figure 4.2 - Transect of traditional urbanism. Figure 4.3 - Pavilion Street and Court Types Figure 4.4 - Diagram of Glasgow Neighbourhoods Figure 4.5 - Density Calculations Figure 4.6 - Density Calculations Figure 4.7 - Density Calculations Figure 4.8 - Density Calculations Figure 4.9 - Spacematrix Diagram By Author
http://runawayridgeways.wordpress.com/2011/03/09/wandering-into-a-favela/
Figure 5.1 - Diagram Density Zones Figure 5.2 - Diagram Density Zones and areas of high Deprivation Figure 5.3 - Spacematrix Diagram By Author
Illustration by author
Figure 6.1 - Diagram of The City Subway Network
Illustration by author
(Gam,2012, Pg 221) Martin and March (1972), Pg36 Illustration by author Pictures and Diagrams By Author Pictures and Diagrams By Author Pictures and Diagrams By Author Pictures and Diagrams By Author based on those by Meta Berghauser Pont, and Per Haupt, Spacematrix: 2010), pp. 116-127.
Space, Density and Urban Form (Rotterdam: NAi,
Illustration by author based on those by Meta Berghauser Pont, and Per Haupt, Spacematrix: 2010), pp. 116-127.
Space, Density and Urban Form (Rotterdam: NAi,
2 : Putting Glasgow into Context
In order to gain a full picture of the built fabric of Glasgow it is first necessary to explore its origins and development to reveal the factors which have shaped the city of the course of centuries. A historical understanding is also crucial in the examination of density as will be illustrated more clearly in the later chapters but lets first put forward a brief examination of the factors surrounding the cities rise from a humble market town in the 18th century to the heat of British heavy manufacturing in the to 19th Century to the decline and readjustment in the 20th and 21th centuries. (Berghauser Pont, Meta; Haupt, 2010 , Pg. 172) Crucial to this is knowing about the economic development of the settlement. Many of the problems faced by Glasgow in the 20th and 21th centuries have their roots in the growth that occurred in the century before driven by massive economic pressures and influences. These economic forces had a direct affect upon the physical effect of the city. Peter Reed in ‘The Forming of Glasgow’ defines this growth of taking the form of two distinct processes. That of ‘accretion’ with is the laying out of new districts on unbuilt land. The second is ‘clearance’ or the purposing of existing building stock in the hopes of raising the standard of living. Money was a key driver in these two processes whether it be the insatiable need of industry for open land and space to allow growth and the armies for workers with followed them ,the movement of the middle classes from the tradition city heart in the mid nineteenth century to more enticing developments in the west end or south of the river or the industrial collapse and the steps taken to save the metropolitan area in the 20th century. All of these elements of change and then some have left their mark on the streets and building and the city growth and its density. (Reed, 1999, Pg 1-2) As John Macarthur's map of Glasgow illustrates dating back to 1778 Glasgow began as a small market town established around Salt Market Street and High Street in what is now the southeastern corner of the city center. The map reflects building typical of their age huddled closely together around a narrow patchwork of streets. The plots or small and the town is surrounded by verdant countryside, a far cry from the metropolis it has become today. So the question that we must ask is how did we get here.
Figure 2.1 - Map of Glasgow, 1778 John McArthurs Map of Glasgow
Stepping forward 45 years to 1823 we can see that Glasgow has ballooned from its boundaries in 1778. In the previous map the township is closely gathered around the junction of Trongate street and Saltmarket street. In the later map city center is still located in the medieval heart of the city but the merchant city has begun to be formed with George square visible at the the center of the map. Interesting also maps shows an expansion of industrial activity with cotton spinners, iron works, breweries and chemical works being visible and thus the marked story of glasgow growth in the nineteenth century. In 1791 there were 15,000 cotton looms in glasgow and manufacture was boosted by strong trade links with cotton producing areas such as the West Indies and the American Colonies. Weaving was boosted further by the introduction of steam power later in the period. Comparatively Glasgow at this time was a very minor player in ship building during the era of wooden hulled vessels accounting for only 5% of national production in 1835. (Gibb, 1983, Pg. 116) This early industrial revolution drove the expansion of the city in the early years with traders profiting from British dominance of global trade enjoying good links with the main cotton producers of the time the west indies and the southern united states. This emerging class of nouveau riche sought security and profit in land acquisition to solidify their place within the city. This land was acquired from a declining aristocracy which had been cut out of the seismic economic change within the city. The grid of the new town was synonymous with the new mansions that began to pop up along the newly formed Buchanan street and George Square. The trading classes chose to build in stone and enjoyed the formal clarity of the newly formed civic space. This theme to eapansion and migration played out by the bourgeoisie of the city would continue in the same manner well into the next century and would argubly contine up untill the present day. (Arncil Walker, 1999, Pg. 27,33)
Figure 2.2 - Map of Glasgow, 1828 David Smiths Plan of Glasgow
With the the rumbleing on of the 1800’s the the tide of industrilisation within glasgow inevitably begen to change. The trade in weaving and tabacco in so dominant in the early part of the century began to falter and profits fall. The textile industry was heavily hit in particular by the emerging conflict within the United States between 1861 and 1865 which saw southern exports of cotton to the United Kingdom curtailed by the Northern States. Prises rose and profits fell. At the same time emerging producers began to cut into the existing domestic and forign markets once dominated by british producers. (Hume, 1974, Pg 25-26) As the century wore on the predominant employer within the conurbation switched gradually from the textile industry to heavy industry and shipbuilding. Development of the Port of Glasgow and the building of Canals to conect the city to outlying areas. The Port of Glasgow had a particular effect in that it brought tran -atlantic traffic directly to the city some thing which had not happend previous to this. As was required with this facilities to repair shiping were introduced. This preticipated as can be seen in the map of 1901 the comencement of large scale ship building to the north and the south of the river around the areas of Govan and Partick. (Gibb, 1983, Pg. 115)(Hume, 1974, Pg 125-127) Just as these expansions were taking place along the river, canal construction in the form of the Forth and Clyde canal brought factorie and ware houses to the outskirts of the city with industrial premisis popping up along the northern edge of the city from Maryhilll to Port Dundas and even as far as Springburn. These shifts brought two things to Glasgow money and people leading to one result, building. The working populations swelled with between 25,00 to 30,000 men employed in shipbuilding alone in Glasgow with five times that number taking up roles in supporting industrise supplying all that is nessary tooperate the vesels from ships engines to soft founnishings. This continuesd to the north with armies of workers following following founderies and chemical works as they sought out open areas to grow . (Riddell, 1999, Pg. 44) As the industries expanded they layed out around them streets to house the workign populations. This developed into specculative housing development in the froms of tenements built over 3 or 4 stories. These started as high density houing for the lower middle classes soon develope into working class areas. The results of this expansion can still be seen in the tenemental areas of the west end, south of river in places like Govan Hill and parts of the east end.
Figure 2.3 - New Plan of Glasgow, !901
This period of prosperity continued up untill the begining of the first world war with exceptional levels of growth experienced within the city. From this wealth the merchant class and industrialist began to prosper. This industrial conditions of the city were quite undusirable with the squalid housing of the poor workers often in close proximity to the docks and the industrial complexes. Those who could afford it looked west to placed like Royal Cresent and woodside in the fast gorwing suburbs that led on to housing in Hillhead and Kelvinside. (Reed, 1999, Pg 58) This pattern of decentralisation was common in the industrial towns of Britan as people swapped crowed city life for the buclic burbs and the areas which welcomed the wondering classes retain today thier affulence and cachet. But all was not well in the garden and change was afoot. Following the First World War the economy of Glasgow was nearly totally dependent on heavy industries such as ‘Shipbuilding, marine engine production and heavy engineering’. The figures were stark especially when seen in the context of a period drifting slowly towards the great depression which would see international markets wither and die as fast as the order books emptied. In 1924 within the UK economy as a whole ship building and mechanical engineering accounted for 29% of the overall figure, by 1935 the figure had risen to 26.5%. In Scotland that figure stood at 54% in 1924 and rising to 57.7% in 1935. This level of exposure to industry’s so helplessly dependant on the world markets would have a disastrous effect on Glasgow. This was not well picked up on with the the firstworld war having a skewing effect on the perception of stability at that time. The Royal Navy required vast numbers of ships and the ard owners readly complied but all the while the civilain market contracted closly in this period. The great depression provided a taste of what was to come with sustained unemployment rates of 30% throughout the period. But again another war alayed fears and filled orders. It can be argued that the thing didnt really come to a head untill the post war period by which time the city was hoplessly exposed economically with no easy answers available. (Gibb, 1983, Pg. 148-149)
These problems were begining to be spoted in the inter war years. This is illustrated by the inactment in 1938 of the Special Areas Legislation which created the created the Hillington industrial estate on to the south of the clyde. In the post war period the practice was expanded with the addition of seventeen additional industrial estates. The main aim of this was to diversify the local economy but this vital move had a unforseen side effects. The estates had a direct de-centralising effect on city development as the light industry moved out of the city. Diversification did follow but the migration was at the expense of the city core which was robbed of its natural development for the sake of decentralisation. Vast large swathes of the working class areas were decimated by unemployment as the jobs moved elsewhere often overseas entirly. (Gibb, 1983, Pg. 149) For the rirst time since its inception the population of Glasgow began to fall. The city was in dire straits and the housing of the working classes was seen as a priorty. The conditions in the tnenments of the city were were slum like wih families living in slumlike conditions. The housing was cramped and how no modern facilitys such as running water or flushing toilets. In addition the city had been damaged by geran bombing. Again decentralisation was seen as the answer with the idea to move portions of the population whole scale to new accomadition fit for purpose on the edge of the city.
Figure 2.4 - Cumbernauld Town Center.
Medieval City Core, 1778
Extent of 18th century town, 1835
Industrial Expansion, 1901
City of the 20th century, Present
19th century expansions, 1901
Figure 2.5 - Illustration of Glasgows Development
3 : Making a case for the compact city & Glasgow ‘The only sustainable form of development in the modern age is the compact, well connected, well designed, enviromentally responsible, live-work-leisure city, where poor and rich can exist side by side and not in ghettos’ (Rogers, 2012, Pg 9)
The environmental implications of how our cities work cannot be ignored today and make up a key tenet of the compact city debate. Just as was seen in 18th and 19th century Europe and America the populations of city within the world's emerging economies are expanding extremely rapidly as people abandon rural living to secure better lives for themselves in the city. Today the world's urban population is more than 50% compared to 10% of the population a century before. (Rogers, 2012, Pg 11) “The Interest in the compact city follows three main threads - environmental, social and economic” says Hedley Smith. The desire to promote sustainable development for cities is seen as crucial now. The environmental calmer is heard the loudest with evangelical exponent such as Richard Rogers listing a myriad of facts and figures relating to our evermore polluting cities. (Smyth, 1996, Pg 10)(Rogers, 1997, all of it) Looking more closely at Britain the challenges of climate change are becoming ever more apparent to policy makers who see the current urban status quo as adding to the problem and are fearful of unforeseen long term climate issues. The nation has become hooked on carbon hungry modes of transport which waste natural energy resources while demanding huge infrastructural investment. Mayer Hillman in the essay ‘In Favour of Compact City’ private car travel has by far out stripped bus in terms of travel choices by commuters while the transport industry accounts for a third of all energy consumption within the economy. Walking and cycling have been equally hit by the rise of the private car in part by convenience but also as the urban environment becomes more car centric and less hospitable to the pedestrian or cyclist. (Hillman, 1996, Pg30) The carbon footprint of an urban dweller is about one third that of someone living out with of a city. This is a causal effect of transportation choices, housing and a myriad of other factors. Cars are a crucial factor in all of this with approximately one billion now on the worlds roads. This form of personalised transport puts huge strain on the infrastructure of sites and is incredibly damaging to the environment emitting vast amounts of CO2 every year. The health benifets of chosing to walk or cycle are also a factor. Moderate exercise such as these can have a large impact on the risk of heart deseise or diabites and a myraid of other conditions including the risk of cancer.
The mass slum dwelling of the nineteenth century has for a long time now held a place in the imaginations of people as being the antithesis of healthy and happy living conditions. The dickensian squalor of this period was characterised by cramped conditions and little and no facilities. Fueled by the industrial revolution the proportion of urban dwellers in Britain swelled to over 50% in the middle of the nineteenth century. The average life expectancy in british cities with a population over 100,000 was just 29. Glasgow was no stranger to this phonomom as described earlier and many of these issues played a part in the slum clearances which occurred after the second world war. (Dempsey et al, 2012, pg90-91) (Gibb, 1983, Pg 155-159) This in turn led to a rejections of dense city living as a desirable form of city living and urban planning throughout the twentieth century has followed this example. The initial proposals put forward to deal with urban housing standards had been overwhelmingly decentralist in tone. The garden city movement of Ebenezer Howard generally dictated the tone of housing form and density within the suburbs. Core areas were reimagined in the mode of Le Corbusier who envisioned modernist blocks arising from the crumbling war damaged cities. These ideas remained popular throughout the century and were reflected quite heavily in the development with were undertaken in Glasgow in the period after the second world war. (Taylor, 1998, pg24) These issues are all being acutely felt within Glasgow. Its history of rapid economic growth and decline have meant that it has experienced many of the periods of thinking outlined above. Weather it be the innercity highrise development advocated by the likes of Le Corbusier in areas like Maryhill Sighthill or the Gorbals or the peripheral expansion as espoused by Howard in the development of the New Towns. These views have become less and less accepted in our current time. The policies of decentralisation are heavily dependant upon private modes of transport to sustain themselves. They promote a city to grow at scales further from what we would consider human or tactile. The modern tactic of zoning the city by function in ways that effectively sterilize districts and neighbourhoods has lead to a steady perceived decline in the quality and performance of the housing being produced today. These are being recognised at a local and at a national level and are beginning to be discussed in development documentation at a strategic level. These are clear indications that at the highest levels it is recognised that a new approach is needed to tackle some of the most prominent problems.
Figure 3.3 - Unite D'Habitation, Le Corbusier (1953)
The building exemplified the forms which were prevelant in architectural thinking after the first world war. Pavilion type building sat in open space in line with Le Corbusiers dictate that nature could only by apreciated framed by the works of man.
The social and economic implications of the urban environment are possiblr enornous. Sprawl has led to an increase in social polarisation with poorest in society being worst affected. The demands of car ownership have lead to economic strain being exerted on the people who earn the lowest amounts of money in society. This is exacerbated by the fact that the infrastructure spending on roads draw valuable resources away from expenditure on public transport inflating the price and adding to the burden levied on the most vulnerable in society. (Hillman, 1996, Pg31) Rising energy prices must also be examined as well when looking at this process. The phenomenon of peak oil cast of a looming shadow over the economies of western Europe and America. The fact that many commentators are now suggesting the world oil production has peaked quit recently has led to fears of massive price rises in the cost. The situation is exacerbated by ever rising demand being driven by the economic revolution being seen in the emerging economies such as China, Indonesia, India and Brazil where new middle classes seek car ownership of their own. (Koppelaar, 2005, Pg 6-8) The situation of domestic car owner ship is quite gave when one looks at the figures relating to the average household in scotland for this year. The AA calculates the average cost of running a mid-range car priced between £13,000 and £18,000 covering 30,000 miles a year at £11,042/year. When set against the National Office of Statistics data for the average gross weekly earnings for full time employees by region, which notes the average gross wage in Scotland as being £522/week which works out at a gross figure of £27,144 per year indicating the average industrial wage. At the moment car ownership is costing over a third of the annual industrial wage in Scotland with the cost set to rise with energy prices. The financial implications for middle income families are dire as dislocated living and work environments will see more and more of their take home pay being eaten up by uneconomical car travel. In the context of the current financial crisis which shows no signs of letting up anytime soon this will cause a rapid reduction in the quality of life for the average household. With many of these families tied to unsustainable property’s thought mortgages and debt it is hard to see a way out without inducing mass financial doom. This emphasizes the fact that the choice of urban environment can have a huge impact on the finances of the average individual. Removal of the necessity for costly travel has the capacity to greatly improve the standard of living of the individual.
Within Scotland over one third of the average industrial wage is requireed to run and maintain a car over the course of a single year.
Figure 3.2 - Average price of running a car over the course of a year AA : Car running costs 2013/14, NOS average gross weekly earnings by region.
When looking at the economic history of Glasgow its is interesting to examine the effects of decentralisation on the city. Glasgow has been been left with a legacy of urban decline which most urban centers have managed to avoid. These problems are specific to environmental factors which have been hard wired into areas over long periods of time. This has meant that there are some striking social issues included in this. It is quite sad and not all that surprising that the poorest and most vulnerable are left within these areas of decline. It is a startling figure that 54 percent most the poorest people in society are living within 500m of a derelict site. With just under 15 percent of the most affluent within the population living within 500m of a derelict site it is quite clear that the problem has many underlying socioeconomic connections. These figures show that there is a significant problem with developing vacant land within city of Glasgow. This is exasperated by the attitudes of landowners who at times are inclined to view urban redevelopment negatively. Studies of brown field sites in manchester have indicated that in such cases half of landowners can view development positively with significant proportions viewing it with ambivalence of even negatively.
Aberdeen 26Ha
Dundee
Positive
14Ha
Not Sure Negative
Glasgow 656Ha
Edinburgh 110Ha
Figure 3.3 - Landowners attitudes to Redevelopment
(Adams, 2003, Pg9)
All of these factors lead to an environment in which development is totally dependant upon the actions of the local authority or central government within scotland. This has been seen with many grand scheme being proposed for city rejuvenation during glasgows current history with the latest schemes focusing upon major sporting events to act as a springboard for driving forward investment within the city. When seen in this light a compact form of development with focuses on the use of brownfield sites is can be seen as quite desirable. The very fact that this issues is so prevalent should be seen as an opportunity to densify our existing neighbourhoods.
Figure 3.4 - Derilict Land rates in Scotland by Local Authority Scotish Vacant and Derelict Land Survey 2012, Pg. 45
4 : Setting the Standard for Density
When starting to define workable densities for any place it is first important to recognise the difficulty of this task. Through out the world cities operate at a wide range of densities. In brazil the slum housing in the form of favelas exist at huge densities with building forms which are predominantly low rise located on the periphery of the city separated from the affluent districts. In cities like Hong Kong or Singapore land restrictions can lead to massive population densities with the only alternative being the housing of people in high rise blocks. Arza Churchman in the article Disentangling the Concept of Density raises some key issues when using density as a metric by which to examine the urban condition as “There is no one accepted measure of density between or within countries or even within metropolitan regions� . Differing methods are used around when looking at the issues such as weather the density is calculated in terms of the number of people lining in district divided by its area. For example Population / sq Km or Population / sqHa. Also when looking at density some countries define it as building or dwelling per unit area as opposed to using the. (Churchman, 1999, Pg. 390) These are extremes of course but they serve to highlight the difficulty of the utilising density as a metric for analyzing the success of a city or even a development. This leads to the vital question as to how a standard for density for glasgow can be achieved. In looking at this question in their book Spacematrix which tackles the issue of Physical density. Here physical density becomes a usable list of factors to be applied in conjunction with each other to as to define a coherent density. Physical Density can be broken down into the following related physical factors Population and dwelling density, Land use Intensity, Coverage, Building height Spaciousness. (Berghauser Pont, Meta; Haupt, 2010, Pg. 80) These criteria are then used within the ext to compare similar european cities with the aim of understanding the links between physical qualities and an in depth understanding of density. Like for like are contrasted by contrasting Barcelona, Amsterdam and Berlin with densities being analysed in like for like comparisons. It would be interesting to uses this technique to analyse Glasgow comparing areas within the city to determine the standards for density.
Figure 4.1 - Favela, Rio de Janeiro
Example of one form of a high density enviroment.
To set the standard of density one must first look at the city in in its entirety. As set forward in the previous chapter Glasgow suffers from a chronic problem of dereliction and vacancy with levels far in excess of other cities in Scotland. it is also clear from looking at that information that this issue of urban decline is not set evenly across society with the majority of poor and vulnerable communities bearing the brunt of the phonomium. To combat this accurate ways of analysing the urban fabric are required. It is for this that the transect section becomes becomes a useful tool. The transect section sets out a template for the build-up of urban environments. Its draws on the work of Geddes in the nineteenth century as set out in his valley section which stressed the importance of understanding an environment by looking at it as a series of linked habitats. This has was picked up upon by new urbanists during the 80’s and 90’s such as Andres Duany who began to utilise this thinking in the rationalisation of urban areas. With this in mind the urban transect was produced by Duany as a way of showing a logical progression of the urban build up as one moves from the purely natural setting to rural to sub-urban, urban to urban centre and core areas.
Figure 4.2 - Gam, Pg 221, Transect of traditional urbanism. ŠDuany, Plater-Zyberk and company (DPZ), (Gam,2012, Pg 221)
If one is to look at Glasgow in this manner interesting things become to be apparent. HIstorically the development of the city has not occurred evenly as one would see in the transect plan. Its development was dominated by the movement of industry and the communities of labour which followed it. It is also clear that a very large proportion of the vacant and derelict land in scotland was originally employed in manufacturing. The disappearance of which has hit the traditional working class communities once crowded around these sites two fold. First the disappearance of jobs and secondly the prevalence of the derelict land which can make enticing new people back into the areas very difficult. (Gibb, 1983, Pg. 119)(National Statistics, 2012, Pg. 27-28)
Identifying the key areas of the city to examine is of extreme importance to the study. Berghauser and Pont list this variables which are vital to choosing the correct samples to analyse. These criteria include : - Urban Morphology - Historical Periods of development. - Geographical and Cultural Spread. (Berghauser Pont, Meta; Haupt, 2010 , Pg. 172) Martin and March identify three different building types, ‘the pavilion or tower the street and the court type’. These examples are useful when characterising the different urban forms which need to be examined. Owing to their relative charistics each form naturally lend themselves to differing urban density but these these classifications do not offer a complete picture of density in and of them shelves. Take for example the pavilion type which can constitute a High rise tower block or a detached suburban house. They fall within the same classification but obviously offer very differing densities. (Martin & March, 1972 , Pg. 35) Historical criteria are equally important in the choosing of areas to study as the different patterns of growth with the city can be very pronounced and have a big effect on the resulting densities. Glasgow is no exception in this case where there is clear delineation between the strata of growth. The medieval heart of the city located around the Trongate exhibits very a very fine grained urban fabric created produced by processes unique to its situation. Where as on the other hand the a high rise development such as Maryhill exhibits very different urban fabric but it is equally a product of its time and place as the medieval example.
Figure 4.3 - Pavilion Street and Court Types Martin and March (1972), Pg36
When chosing areas with a strog morpholigical spread I first had to look stratigacly at the city. The first thing that becomes obvious about glasgow is the clear axis running from east to west which is dominated by the prevalence of affluent middle class city dweller located in the west end.
City Center Garthamlock Milngavie
These areas are clustered around Hyndland and Byers road old tenemental areas which once serviced the shipyard in Partick. The building stock here remains intact form the programs of redevelopment and has therefore retained its much of its quaint charms sought out by the higher income residents. These areas fall within easly within the court type as defined by Martin & March previously as dose much of the city center region.
Park Head
Maryhill
Bridgeton Hillhead
Within the west side of the city there are some places such as Maryhill which have have larger populations of people on lower incomes and again this fits the trend in relationship to industrial decline and economic decline. But on the whole the west end is the place to be for the spending middle classes and this extends to the the suburbs with the prevalence of affluent neighbourhoods centered around the likes of Bearsden and Milngavie. Here the typoligy is mixed and can vary between the all three exemplars. The city center in itself is maintains a relativly stable typoligy as would be expected within a major european city but as you move past Gallowgate towards the east end prices drop in some cases quite dramatically. Areas like Bridgeton and Dennistoun and Dalmarnock were heavily hit by industrial closures in the last century and hove been targeted for redevelopment many times. This led in the 60’s and 70’s to large amount of the existing tenimental properties being listed as slum housing and demolished to make way for highrise housing which was in turn demolished during the early 21th centuary. Here court type Blocks are still prevelent but are inter spliced with the other types. To the south side of the river many of the same the same charecteristics of the east end can be seen here with a range of typologies spanning all three brackes being found . This continues as you move further to the east towards the outlying neighbourhoods such as Garthcraig and Parkhead are built up with lots of suburban housing which can be carichecterised by the Pavilion type as can some of the ore affluent suburbs with lie further out even still like Milngavie or Garrowhill.
Hyndland
Duke St. Paisly Rd. Govanhill
Garrowhill
Figure 4.4 - Diagram of Glasgow Neighbourhoods
This reading of the city holds up in many respects when the information is cross referenced with statistics on deprived areas provided by the scottish government. The data is mapped to show a the areas with the toughest economic situations highlighted in shades of blue the darkest shades being the most deprived 5% of the population and increasing in increments of five with each different shade. The most prosperous 100 - 20% remain unshaded. The data roughly falls in line with housing prices with large portions of the west end remaining unshaded to demark prosperous areas. To the east of the city center the proportion of unshaded areas falls drastically with lots of the map turning blue to indicate economic problems. This is no real suprise as it is not such a leap of the imagination to conclude that the proest individuals in socity are living in the least desirable locations within the city. But it would be interesting to understand how these areas compared when looked at in terms of density.
Ingram Street
1
Island Fabric
The density sample of the city center covers and area of 9.2Ha close to George Square including the Ingram St, S Frsderick St, & Hanover St. area.
A = 9.2Ha Nf = .020m FSIx = 2.57m²/ m² GSIx = .57m²/ m² L = 4.5 OSR = 0.16m²/ m²
Hillhead
Island Fabric
2
A traditional tenemental area bordered by Byers Rd. and Elie St. The chosen portion has an area of 4.3Ha.
Maryhill
3
A traditional tenemental A high rise development area the bordered by Byers form 1960’s the area Rd. and Elie St. chosen comprises of The multistory portion has an arearow of flats, lower level 4.3Ha. houses and a school. It has an area of 8.1Ha.
A = 4.3Ha Nf = .019m FSIx = 1.19m²/ m² GSIx = 0.29m²/ m² L=4 OSR = 0.59m²/ m²
Island Fabric
A A= = 4.3Ha 8.1Ha Nf Nf = = .019m .016m FSIx = = 0.96m²/ 1.19m²/ m² m² FSIx GSIx GSIx = = 0.29m²/ 0.11m²/ m² m² LL = =4 8.7 OSR OSR = = 0.59m²/ 0.93m²/ m² m² T = 38% W= B=
Figure 4.5 - Density Calculations Pictures and Diagrams By Author
Milngavie
4
Island Fabric
A low density suburban area on the outskirts of the city. The subject district has an area of 6.8Ha.
A = 6.8Ha Nf = .018m FSIx = .30m²/ m² GSIx = .15m²/ m² L=2 OSR = 2.83m²/ m²
Bridgeton
Island Fabric
5
Bridgeton is a tenamental area in the east end of the city with a busy highstreet. The chosen site has an area of 2.8Ha
A = 2.8Ha Nf = .030m FSIx = 1.09m²/ m² GSIx = 0.30m²/ m² L = 3.7 OSR = 0.64m²/ m²
Garthcraig
Island Fabric
6
A periferal housing development with a mix of semin detatched properties and low rise flats. It has an area of 8.6Ha.
A = 8.6Ha Nf = .017m FSIx = 0.29m²/ m² GSIx = 0.14m²/ m² L = 2.07 OSR = 0.52m²/ m²
Figure 4.6 - Density Calculations Pictures and Diagrams By Author
Parkhead
7
Island Fabric
A low density suburban area in the east end of the city. The subject district has an area of 3.7Ha.
A = 3.7Ha Nf = .017m FSIx = .29m²/ m² GSIx = .13m²/ m² L=2 OSR = 2.89m²/ m²
Hyndland
Island Fabric
8
A traditional tenemental area in the west end of the city. The chosen blocks have an area of 2.8Ha.
A = 2.8Ha Nf = .034m FSIx = 1.43m²/ m² GSIx = 0.36m²/ m² L=4 OSR = 0.45m²/ m²
Duke St.
Island Fabric
9
A residental area in the east end of the city. The chosen site consists of 3.1Ha.
A = 3.1Ha Nf = .019m FSIx = 0.51m²/ m² GSIx = 0.19m²/ m² L=3 OSR = 1.59m²/ m²
Figure 4.7 - Density Calculations Pictures and Diagrams By Author
Garrowhill
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Island Fabric
An east end suburb located on the fringe of the city. The selected blocks have an area of 3Ha
A = 3Ha Nf = .024m FSIx = .30m²/ m² GSIx = .15m²/ m² L=2 OSR = 2.83m²/ m²
Paisly Road
Island Fabric
11
An innercity residental area on the south side of the river with an area of 1.6Ha.
A = 1.6Ha Nf = .026m FSIx = 0.81m²/ m² GSIx = 0.23m²/ m² L = 3.52 OSR = 0.95m²/ m²
Govanhill
Island Fabric
12
A traditional tenament area on the south side of the city. It has an area of 4.1Ha.
A = 4.1Ha Nf = .022m FSIx = 1.97m²/ m² GSIx = 0.49m²/ m² L = 4.01 OSR = 0.26m²/ m²
Figure 4.8 - Density Calculations Pictures and Diagrams By Author
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GSI City Center Core Zones Tenemental Zones City Peripheral Zones
Figure 4.9 - Spacematrix Diagram By Author
based on those by Meta Berghauser Pont, and Per Haupt, Spacematrix: (Rotterdam: NAi, 2010), pp. 116-127.
Low Density Suburbs Space, Density and Urban Form
5 : Understanding the Findings
City Center Core Area
For anyone to make a proposal to densify areas of a city they must first have a thorough understanding of how that city operates at it current densities in order to make an informed decision. Therefore this step of rationalisation of the data is crucial in any understanding of the areas involved. When looking at the findings of the density calculations for Glasgow as they are graphed in the previous chapter it becomes clear that there are four zones of density which occur within Glasgow. The zones can be classified as The City Center Core Area, The Medium Density Core Area, Medium Density Peripheral Zones and Low Density Suburbs.
Medium Density Peripheral Areas Medium Density Core Areas
The first and highest in density is the city core area which represents the oldest area of the city. This is to be expected as the city center marks the central node of economic activity within the conurbation. Building heights and footprints combine to provide very high FSI and GSI scores which in turn offer high density yields. The second density zones are the Medium Density Core Areas. These are generally dominated by the tenenamental style of building in the court type. These typologies dominate the west end covering an area stretching from Charing cross in the east to Partick in the west and form the river to North Kelvinside in the alternative axis. The resultant topology is a series of densely built and well connected neighbourhoods with good connections to the city center core. These levels of density are represented elsewhere in the city wherever existing tenemental areas are still in existence, most notably in the east end around Bridgeton Cross and Govanhill on the south side of the river. The findings for these areas are quite stable in terms of density whether it is in the west end, the east end or the south of the city that you are looking at. The is caused by the relative stability in the numbers of floors per block and the building footprints. The city Peripheral zones sit mainly adjacent to the the City Center Core Areas and the Medium Density Core Areas. They are made up of a diverse range of built types but the are all related by similar densities. This zone comprises of the high rise building type as seen in Maryhill but also lower scale housing developments such as the one found on the Paisley road and Duke street. In addition these areas can suffer from very low network intensity. The final classification is that of low Density Suburbs. These have the lowest built density and occur on the very edge of the city. They have large OSI indexes indicating large portions of the sites are open .
Peripheral Suburban Density City Peripheral Zones
Figure 5.1 - Diagram Density Zones
City Center Core Area
Interesting correlations begin to arise when the findings are looked at in terms of the deprivations statistics for Glasgow as provided within the scottish neighbourhood statistics. From this information it is possible to draw some conclusions as to the performance of the zones in terms of socio economic deprivation. Form here we can draw some conclusions about links between the built form and the resultant density and the performance of areas. It seems to be a widely held truth that density can not act as an indicator for built form but as been seen this is obviously untrue. there is really the assumption that when it comes to density and urban form ‘anything goes’. This is a common misconception caused by inaccurate methods of calculating built density being employed that do not exploit the full urban spectrum. Simply using FSI of a factor such as dwelling per hectare, metrics which offer only a limited understanding of the urban condition skew the results leading to big variations in the results experienced. This underlines the importance of using as broad a range of metrics as possible with can pick up on the subtle variations in the city grain. The variables of the space matrix allow of this depth of viewing giving a full picture of the conditions on the ground. (Berghauser Pont, Meta; Haupt, 2010 , Pg. 174)
Medium Density Peripheral Areas Medium Density Core Areas
From looking at the map it becomes abundantly clear that the Core Zones of the city are surrounded on three sides by areas of high deprivation. The core areas themselves suffer from little hardship themselves. There are some exceptions thought to the rule. The east end and south side of the do have large amounts of tenement streets operating at the same density as the west end. unlike the west end though these areas suffer from wide scale economic problems just as is make on fig. X as Medium Density Peripheral Areas. The question must be asked why is phenomenon occurring within a built type which can be very successful in another part of the city. The third observation is that large amounts of the Medium Density Core Areas suffer from very acute deprivation. These are often adjacent to areas which are preforming quite well. This can be illustrated by the example of Maryhill and its highrise development where the high rise layout typology of the buildings dose not play out as a high density as the the small building footprints lead to large OSI factors. City Peripheral Zones
Figure 5.2 - Diagram Density Zones overlayed with areas of high Deprivation
Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (2012)
As described at the end of the first chapter the historical growth of Glasgow can be seen as a series of five steps which brought the city to where it is today. The ‘Medieval City Core, 18th century town, 19th century expansions, Industrial Expansion areas, Decentralised 20th century city’. (Refer to chapter 1) What is clear is that from the density mapping and the addition of the information relating to economic deprivation that the you can see that city peripheral zones which demark the edge of the core areas with a medium built density also share a link with the industrial expansions areas. Infact this is why most were chosen for study in particular Areas like Maryhill, Duke St. and the Paisley Rd. plots discovered are all located within areas once dominated by heavy industry which were severely hit economically and socially in the mid 20th century. Thus many have of these examples exhibit symptoms of of dislocation from the existing city urban grain. When mapped in terms of density the results are clear but when looked at in terms of the internal networks of these areas the results can be just as interesting. The traditional tenemental areas display in some cases very high network intensity coefficients. Bridgeton and Hyndland both score in the upper range of the samples taken. On the other hand the figures for the mid density areas are slightly lower. This could be a contributing factor in the success of these neighbourhoods. The more intense networks operates at a greater capacity and allow for more traffic flow and passage of people. Direct correlations between the accessibility of a place can be drawn to its perceived success and popularity with people and to aspects such as wayfinding. The data is not so compelling though as the Paisley Rd. sample does provide a relatively high network intensity but this result may just be an anomaly regarding the specific sample chosen in that case. In the other cases the samples show networks operating on the same level as suburban low density areas, far below that of the successful urban core. (Porta et al, 2006, Pg 712) The openness factor of these areas can also be viewed as a potential indicator. Again Bridgeton (.64m²/ m²), Hyndland(.45m²/ m²) and Hillhead(.59m²/ m²) all display moderately low openness readings (OSR) though higher that within the city core(.16m²/ m²). The mid density areas lag behind in this respect with some quite high scores, Maryhill(.93m²/ m²), Paisley Rd. (.95m²/ m²) and Duke St. (1.59m²/ m²). This shows that the mid density areas contain larger amounts of open space compared to the city core. Areas with a lower openness factors may gave a better delineation between public and private. People prefer this dynamic as uncertainty of social interaction is removed when space is actively defended. In the case of Maryhill this is not the case with large areas of open unclaimed land. (Merry, 1981, Pg397 - 398)
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From going though the figures it would seem like the logical step to target these mid-densities underperforming areas in a way that would adjust their density further towards that of the more affluent areas. As indicated before the openness index and the figures for network intensity could be adjusted but it is clear from the graph that the overall space capacity will also need to be increased. The FSI figures all fall below that of the traditionally dense neighbourhoods.
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It is probable that any alternative would include an adjust of all of these indicators not just one. This would probably offer the most complete effect but the question is in what the form of this intervention will take.
GSI
City Center Core Zones Tenemental Zones City Peripheral Zones
Figure 5.3 - Spacematrix Diagram By Author
based on those by Meta Berghauser Pont, and Per Haupt, Spacematrix: (Rotterdam: NAi, 2010), pp. 116-127.
Low Density Suburbs Space, Density and Urban Form
6 : Proposals for Density
The development of Glasgow has traditionally come from two directions, the top down development of the local and central government and bottom up development seen in the form of housing associations formed within the city to cater specifically for local needs. Both approaches has been successful in their own was at attracting investment into areas. Government money can instigate large changes in larges areas. This is seen in the current projects to redevelop parts of Dalmarnock and Bridgeton as part of the 2014 commonwealth games. These projects require vast amount of capital to take place especially when seen in the context of an major international sporting event. Just as importantly the grassroots approach has also seen success with housing associations becoming powerful actors in the urban setting. These organizations have their roots in the cities of the uk since the 1960’s but came to the fore in the vacuum left by the privatization of public housing introduced by the conservative government in the form of ‘Right to Buy’ which was enacted in 1980. This policy is still in effect up to this day and has led to the sustained need for these resources to be sourced at a local level for communities. (McDermont, 2010, Pg 14) These two approaches have seen much success and have driven much innovation with the planning of Glasgow but at the same time they operator at two very different scales. As identified in the previous sections a series of mid density areas have been identified as possible candidates for densification. The method of how this can be approached was uncertain. It would be an interesting proposition if the proposal could be seen as a grassroots project to reinvigorate the urban grain of the city periphery. As we have seen the density coupled with issues of development in Glasgow as a complicated subject. In the light of this I would like to make two proposals for future growth.
The Ring Approach The first approach would utilise the Local public transport network as a method of stitching the city back together. The subway route is an evident target for this. The route taken in the main economic heart of the city from the Center to Partick approximately. These are the areas with the highest workable density. The idea would be to then develop other areas along this network to densities inline with those displayed within the core. Densification of these areas is ideal as their close proximity to the transport hubs mean that traveler numbers will can be maintained at sustainable levels by adding capasity to the surrounding area. The implementation of a Free Transit area covering these central districts would help to reinforce the urban network. This would entail providing free public transport within the central zone of the city but also interlinking struggling areas which are required to develop. This would have the effect of tying their areas to the core by increasing the flow of traffic in between. Studies have shown that this kind of initiative can significantly increase the numbers of individuals using public transport and this can be used as a vital factor in creating long term sustainable communities in the area. These measures could draw new people to under performing areas while at the same time making real time saving to people struggling with financial difficulties. (De Witte et al, 2005, 688)(Tomas, Louise & Cousins, Will, 2002, Pg 328) In this respect there are some options open when looking at adding to the building stock of an existing urban district. “There is not only the possibility of retrospectively densifying such centrally localized urban areas, but also of creating a contemporary inner-city residential living situation as an alternative to a private home in the countryside�. (Pirstinger 2012, Pg 227)
Figure 6.1 - Diagram of The City Subway Network.
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