EPILOGUE, JULY 2011 by Epilogue Press

Most Indians, Pakistanis believe Kashmir resolution must for better ties: Latest poll by US based Pew Research Centre

Notes from SYED SHUJAT BUKHARI's meeting with SYED SLAHUDDIN, UJC chief and Kashmir's most wanted man J&K'S MONTHLY MAGAZINE

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Epilogue Jammu, July 01,2011 / Vol 5 / Issue 07 Price Rs.30 II Postal Regd.No.JK-350.2009-11 II www.epilogue.in

NEWS,

CURRENT

A F F A I R S,

SOCIAL

SCIENCES

KASHMIR RIDDLE ! SNAP ANALYSIS How people in India, Pakistan and five regions of Jammu and KashmirJammu, Kashmir Valley, Pakistan administered Kashmir, Ladakh, Gilgit-Baltistan - look at Kashmir issue

EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEWS Sardar Attique Ahmed Khan Muslim Conference Sheikh Mustafa Kamal National Conference Syed Ali Shah Geelani Hurriyat Conference (G) Dr Nirmal Singh Bhartiya Janta Party Nizamuddin Bhatt Peoples Democratic Party

INSIDE OTHER KASHMIR Array of Exclusive Stories plus Most Comprehensive Coverage and Analyses of July 26 Assembly Elections

Epilogue because there is more to know

CONTENT Editor Zafar Iqbal Choudhary

PROLOGUE Inside Other Kashmir

Publisher Yogesh Pandoh

OPINION POLL Consulting Editor D. Suba Chandran Manu Srivastsa

Most Indians, Pakistanis believe Kashmir resolution must for better ties

Associate Editors Irm Amin Baig Tsewang Rigzin Zorawar Singh Jamwal

STRATEGIC THINKING

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The Indo-Pak Engagements: A Survey of Expert Opinions Pak-China Nexus

VOL 5, ISSUE 07 JULY 2011

IN FOCUS KASHMIR RIDDLE 14

INTERVIEWS Sardar Attique Ahmed Khan

Syed Ali Geelani

Dr. Nirmal Singh

Sheikh Mustafa Kamal

Nizamuddin Bhatt

First Person: An Encounter With Most Wanted Man From Kashmir

9 12

INSIDE OTHER KASHMIR

Epilogue

A Snap Analysis of Regional Perceptions

Kohala: The Gateway to Kashmir

Being in Muzaffarabad

Being in Mirpur

The 'Azad Govt' of Kashmir

Khakis in Civvies

The Kashmir Studies in vacuum

Missing in the fine print

Anywhere to Kashmir, only via Islamabad

Few Questions About 'Azad Kashmir' 51 PaK Elections Islamabad's prototype returns in Muzaffarabad

Predictable Outcomes

Trivia

CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE

Bashir, Abid (In Focus, pp 22, 26 ) is staff writer with daily Rising Kashmir, Srinagar Bukhari, Shujaat (In Focus, pp 32) is a senior journalist and analyst based in Srinagar where he represents national daily The Hindu Choudhary, Zafar (In Focus, Inside Other Kashmir, pp 18, 35) is Editor of this Magazine Debnath, Saswati (Strategic Thinking, pp 9 ) is research intern with Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi. Khera, Col PN (Strategic Thinking, pp 12 ) is founder and editor of Asia Defence News International. A Public information expert, he was a spokesman of Armed Forces and Ministry of Defence from 1976 to 1992

Maini, Tridivesh Singh (Comment, pp 13) is Associate Fellow with Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. He is author of 'South Asian Cooperation and the Role of the Punjabs', and has also co-authored 'Humanity Amidst Insanity: Hope During and After the Indo-Pak Partition' Mohiuddin, Asem (In Focus, pp 28) is staff writer with daily Rising Kashmir, Srinagar Singh, Priyanka (Inside Other Kashmir, pp 55) is Associate Fellow with Institute of Defense Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. At IDSA, among other things, she edits PoK digest Sharma, Raman (In Focus, pp 24) is an RTI activist and Research Officer with this magazine

PROLOGUE

NOTE FROM EDITOR

Inside Other Kashmir

ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

In diverse media milieu of Jammu and Kashmir, Epilogue, as a monthly journal, is a small drop in a large ocean. Realising this fact we have always tried to tread those paths where newspapers normally do not go as a matter of daily routine. That is, in literal sense, hearts and minds of the issues that matter the most. This part of world has a unique political theatre for which it needs a magazine depth to understand. July 2011 issue, 55th since launch in January 2007, is unique in the sense that we take the readers to an unexplored and largely unread part of Jammu and Kashmir the Pakistan administered Kashmir. The first hand discovery of social and political life of Pakistan administered Kashmir could become possible on the invitation of Muzaffarabad based 'Azad Jammu Kashmir University' to me and some other professional colleagues from the state for attending a seminar in May. 'Seeing is believing', as they say! On visit to PaK many myths dispelled and many realities came to knowledge. In a creative partnership with Srinagar's leading and region's one of most prestigious English dailies the Rising Kashmir we produced a series of articles on Pakistan administered Kashmir. Most of these articles appeared in Rising Kashmir in the month of June and we thought of reproducing here for record of Epilogue readers. The cover section of this issue, however, deals with the popular perceptions of Kashmir and what people think about moving forward. Here again Epilogue partnered with the Rising Kashmir for a series of interviews and discussions with many stakeholders. Put together, the present issue brings a new set of ideas laid in a simplified manner. After some unpleasant events of last three years, the intention was contribute to the ongoing debates in discussions with some clarifications and simplifications.

OPINION POLL INDO-PAK RELATIONS

Most Indians, Pakistanis believe Kashmir resolution must for better ties Despite an increased degree of suspicion and threat perception against each other, a majority of Indians and Pakistanis want improved relations between the two nuclear armed south Asian nations. On expected lines, a majority of people in India and Pakistan think that resolution of Kashmir issue, which is at the crux of tensions in the region, is important to facilitate better ties between the two hostile neighbours. Majorities in both countries think it is important to find a resolution to the Kashmir, latest poll by US based Pew Research Centre released on June 21 has said. Suggesting that at the crux of tensions between India and Pakistan lies the Kashmir dispute, the poll noted nearly three-fourths (73 percent) of Pakistanis consider the Kashmir dispute a very big problem. Majorities in both countries think it is important to find a resolution to the Kashmir issue, but Pakistanis are more likely than Indians to give this issue high salience (80 percent vs 66 percent very important). Below are the main aspects of survey:

How Pakistanis and Indians View Each Other Pakistan's relations with its neighbor remain tense, and over the last five years Pakistani attitudes towards India have become more negative. Currently, only 14% of Pakistanis see India in a positive light, while 75% give the country an unfavorable rating. A majority of Pakistanis consider India a more serious threat to their country than al Qaeda or the Taliban. Likewise, Indian attitudes toward Pakistan are generally negative - 65% express an unfavorable opinion of Pakistan and a plurality considers Pakistan the greatest threat to their country. Despite the tensions, Pakistanis and Indians agree that it is important to improve relations between the two nations. Publics in both countries are supportive of additional diplomatic talks and stronger trade ties across the border.

Views of India

The Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes Project conducts public opinion surveys around the world on a broad array of subjects ranging from people's assessments of their own lives to their views about the current state of the world and important issues of the day.

Pakistanis have become increasingly critical of their traditional rival over the last five years. In 2006, one-third expressed a positive view of India, compared with just 14% in the current poll. Today, Pakistani attitudes toward India are nearly as negative as they were in the spring 2002 Pew Global Attitudes survey, conducted a few months after a standoff between the two countries following a December 2001 terrorist attack on the Indian parliament. Pakistani views of India are considerably more negative than those in other Asian countries surveyed, although more than half (53%) of Chinese also have an unfavorable opinion of India. By comparison, India is much better regarded in Indonesia and Japan, where roughly six-in-ten (61% and 59%, respectively) have a favorable view of the country.

India's the Big Worry Decades of military tensions between India and Pakistan continue to raise security concerns in the sub-continent, and today nearly three-in-four

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OPINION POLL INDO-PAK RELATIONS

Qaeda or the Taliban. In the April 2011 survey conducted before the terrorist leader's death, 16% identified the Taliban as the greatest threat, while 4% said al Qaeda. Pakistanis residing in the Punjab province are more likely to consider India the greatest threat than are residents of other provinces. Two-thirds in Punjab say that India poses the top threat, compared with 49% in Sindh and 44% among those residing in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. PMLN supporters (69%) are also more likely than PPP supporters (51%) to name India as the leading threat.

Indian Views of Pakistan Indian views of Pakistan are also overwhelmingly negative. Only 14% give Pakistan a favorable rating, while nearly two-thirds (65%) have a negative opinion. By contrast, Pakistan is much better regarded in Indonesia, where roughly six-in-ten (62%) give the country a positive rating. However, in the other predominantly Muslim nations surveyed - Lebanon, Egypt, Jordan, the Palestinian territories and Turkey - opinions about Pakistan are on balance negative. About half (51%) of Chinese and a 44%-plurality of Japanese respondents also

(74%) Pakistanis consider India a serious threat to their country, including 54% who say it is a very serious threat. Roughly half consider the Taliban (54%) and al Qaeda (49%) serious threats. When asked to name the greatest threat to Pakistan among India, the Taliban and al Qaeda - a majority of Pakistanis (57%) rate India as the greatest threat, while just 19% say the Taliban and only 5% think al Qaeda is the biggest threat. Pakistanis are increasingly more likely to see India as the top threat; 48% said this was the case in 2009 and 53% named India in 2010. Fears about the Taliban have also declined; 19% name the Taliban as their country's biggest threat, compared with 23% a year ago and 32% in 2009. The killing of Osama bin Laden has not significantly affected Pakistani views about the threat from al

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OPINION POLL INDO-PAK RELATIONS

have unfavorable views of Pakistan, as do 91% of Israelis. Roughly three-in-four Indians (76%) consider Pakistan a serious threat to their country. More than six-in-ten also rate the Islamic extremist group Lashkar-e-Taiba (64%) and the communist extremist groups commonly known as Naxalites (62%) as serious threats. Half feel this way about China. When asked to name the greatest threat to India - among Pakistan, Lashkar-e-Taiba, Naxalites and China - a plurality of Indians (45%) considers Pakistan the top threat. Nearly two-in-ten say this about Lashkar-e-Taiba (19%), while 16% rate Naxalites as the greatest threat and only 7% place China in this position.

Pakistanis and Indians Want Improved Relations Even though tensions between Pakistan and India loom large, publics in both countries are supportive of greater diplomatic and economic ties across the border.

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OPINION POLL INDO-PAK RELATIONS

Large majorities of Pakistanis (70%) and Indians (74%) say it is important that relations between the two countries improve. Both publics also want more bilateral trade - nearly seven-in-ten (69%) Pakistanis see increasing trade with India as a good thing, while 67% of Indians also support this idea. In addition to trade ties, majorities in both countries are supportive of further diplomatic talks between the two nations. At the crux of tensions between India and Pakistan lies the Kashmir dispute. Nearly three-fourths (73%) of Pakistanis consider the Kashmir dispute a very big problem. Majorities in both countries think it is important to find a resolution to the Kashmir issue, but Pakistanis are more likely than Indians to give this issue high salience (80% vs. 66% very important). Majorities of Pakistanis across age, education and ethnic groups agree that resolving this issue is very important.

Many Say U.S. Tilts Toward India Pakistanis are considerably less likely than Indians to see American policies in the region as fair toward both countries. Only 9% of Pakistanis see the U.S. approach in the sub-continent as fair, while more than half (52%) say U.S. policies favor India. Only 6% believe that U.S. policies favor Pakistan. Solid majorities of Punjab residents (63%) and PML-N supporters (69%) believe that American policies are biased in favor of India. Indians are more divided on this issue. Nearly threein-ten (27%) say that U.S. policies in the region are balanced, while a similar proportion (29%) believes that the U.S. favors India. Only 13% say that Pakistan garners greater favor. Many in both countries think the India-U.S. relationship has grown stronger in recent years. A plurality of Indians (46%) says relations between their country and the U.S. have improved. An equal number (46%) of Pakistanis agree that India-U.S. relations have improved, up from 37% last year.

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STRATEGIC THINKING INDO-PAK RELATIONS

The Indo-Pak Engagements: A Survey of Expert Opinions SASWATI DEBNATH Lot of speculations abound on the future of Indo-Pak relations in the aftermath of Osama Bin Laden's death. The current survey analyzes opinions from experts in three fields: the Defense personnel, bureaucrats and academicians. Based on interviews, it looks into the practical fallout of Osama's death on Indo-Pak relationship and the official stance on substantive talks between the two neighbours. The survey further explores what kind of diplomatic or military strategies India can adopt while dealing with Pakistan and what are the alternatives available besides the Pakistani military for dialogue. What is the practical fallout of Osama's death on the Indo-Pak relationship?

SURVEY RESPONDENTS Prof. P R Chari, Dr.Ajay Darshan Behera, Brig.(Retd.) Arun Sahgal, Brig.(Retd.) Gurmeet Kanwal, Director, CLAWS, Commodore (Retd.) C.Uday Bhaskar, Amb Salman Haider, IFS (Retd), Radhavinod Raju, IPS(Retd))

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According to the defense personnel- Osama Bin Laden's death has 'zero' real effect on India's security and the deliberations on establishing peace with Pakistan. The reason behind this is that though India speculates severe security threats from organizations like Lashkar-e-Taiba HUJI et al; Jaish-e-Mohammad has not yet recorded any direct threat from al Qaeda. This depicts that in India al Qaeda exists in a very peripheral sense and as such the death of Osama's death does not have any direct impact on India's security, although it holds immense significance for the US. However, their assessment reveals that Pakistan for its part will adopt a defensive posture after this event. Bin Laden's death creates plausible prospects for the US to pull back its military intervention in Af-Pak. The dreadful situation of the US economy and the exhausted state of its allies also append the rationale for its withdrawal. A settlement with the Taliban is thus more likely to occur in the absence of a cause for prolonging its involvement in Afghanistan. On the contrary, the academic community believes that Bin Laden's killing will have an immediate affect on the Indo-Pak relations at both diplomatic and political levels. The incidence has enormously increased US pressure on Pakistan to terminate terrorism within its territory which calls for strengthening internal counter-terrorism measures. This is not to imply that India needs to emulate the American model of Gerinamo operation in Pakistan. In fact any kind of hasty action by the Indians might turn insidious for the entire South Asian regional peace as feared by Dr. Ajay Darshan Behera (at Jamia Millia University). The bureaucrats view this as a favourable situation for India because the revelation that Bin Laden had been hiding inside Pakistan has brought Pakistan under bad light. His presence has

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confirmed the negative apprehensions that India had speculated much before the US realization of Pakistan's role in breeding terrorism. It has induced huge pressure on Pakistan from the part of the US which will create an encouraging situation for India to manage US support and pressurize Pakistan. What are the Home Ministry's and Media perceptions on holding substantive talks in a post-Osama scenario?

Salman Haider "While backdoor talks should continue with the democratic sections, the military continues to be the only authority with which the Indian government can engage"

AJAY DARSHAN BEHERA "Any kind of hasty action by the Indians might turn insidious for the entire South Asian regional peace"

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The defense personnel and bureaucrats hold similar opinions on the role and substance of the Home minister and media's approach. They believe that the Home Ministry and the media do not have a direct stake and have supported the continuation of the Indo-Pak talk process despite the Osama episode. An analysis of the defense personnel reveals that the Indian Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) has a chance to both use and benefit from the current situation. It has created a scope for the MHA and MEA (Ministry of External Affairs) to opt for lateral bargaining as an option with Pakistan. Some of the defense personnel envisage scenarios where the MHA's mounting pressure on Pakistan over issues like terrorism and Kashmir and simultaneous focus on the peace process by MEA will lead to a good cop-bad cop situation which will help in managing Pakistan to act on terrorism. This will also de-link the peace process from issues and fallouts of subcontinental terror simultaneously. Thereby, Pakistan will not be able to get away by dubbing India's 26/11 demands as outdated. So the Indian media's grandstand, even if not by design, has a useful purpose and can yield significant results if used intelligently. On the other hand the Academicians have expressed that it is a more flip-flop situation where a grandstand will not help as both the sides might become self-defensive. As an alternative, the academicians have stressed on the significance of prevailing discourses and the language used during the talk process. According to them India should adopt a strategy of using more sensitive language to tackle its relations with Pakistan. Unfortunately the discourses have remained negative so far and hence need to be deconstructed. The language should not be offensive to Pakistan and should yield the desired dividends. India also needs to review its objectives and address security issues with Pakistan. The state has to protect its interests, which is only possible if it deals tactfully and avoids confusing terminologies. India has to convince Pakistan that it wants a peaceful resolution of bilateral issues and wants to promote amicable relations. Basically India has to win-over Pakistan to achieve its objectives. Some sections also view the grandstand adopted by the Home Minister as an attempt to score brownie points via media statements, which regrettably, does not have any effect on Pakistan. There is however, a general consensus amongst the

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three communities that talks should continue despite the uncertainty of their outcome. What are the various political, military or diplomatic strategies that India can pursue? Experts from all the three fields believe that politically India needs to redirect its strategy taking into account the fact that it is dealing with an overtly unstable state. Hence, India should not take any step which further deteriorates the situation or leads to anarchy within Pakistan. Technically, Pakistan is a democratic nation and the civilians have a significant role though when it comes to security matters it is the military which seizes supreme powers. However, India should avoid a dialogue with the Pakistani military alone and should not give the impression that it is the only institution handling Pakistan's national policy. Any discrepancy on India's part will legitimize the military's action giving rise to a more insidious situation. In fact, India should keep other channels open and try and indulge with the civil society and the industrialists in Pakistan. India should also exploit its soft power to influence Pakistan in accomplishing stability and regional as well national security by peaceful means. Even the Pakistani media and intellectuals should be involved at consecutive levels in the long-term peace dialogue. At the diplomatic level, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's approach towards Pakistan has been viewed as a prudent step and has been appreciated by the experts. India's astuteness in maintaining persistent ties with Afghanistan independent of its dealings with Pakistan have put the ball in India's court. India needs to build trust with Pakistan for which it needs to showcase that India is not a threat to Pakistan and vice-versa. As stated by Dr. Ajay Darshan Behera, India will not be able to survive peacefully if its neighboring state continues to be unstable. Establishing mechanisms to share their apprehensions, information and views on terrorism will help the two countries to carry forward the peace dialogue. India also needs to engage with Pakistan at various multilateral forums which are equally affected by these issues. This will enhance its scope to strengthen its contacts with other nations which can further force Pakistan to adopt strong measures against terrorism within its own precincts. At the military level though, India does not have much options. India can only exploit its internal options, that is, it has to improve its counter-insurgency policies in Kashmir, its counter-terrorism

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measures and above all tighten its security. The counter-terrorism understanding also needs to be improved. Given the security scenario in South Asia, India is not in a state to take any military action against Pakistan as any impulsive behaviour can do severe damage to regional peace. If the Pakistani military is the actual decision maker then how can the Indo-Pak peace dialogue be taken forward? Whom else can India speak to in Pakistan? Both the bureaucrats and the defense personnel are unanimous on the fact that Pakistan is a complicated country and the military is the ultimate decision maker on national security matters. The military plays a significant role on the Kashmir issue and Pakistan's foreign policy. Military involvement has been previously most visible in the Islamabad SAARC Summit meeting and the establishment of the Islamabad Accord (January 2004). The agreement that was made between Indian PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Pakistan's military ruler Gen. Pervez Musharraf resulted in maintaining peace across borders through direct involvement of the military as well the civilians, though it has now come to a standstill and needs to be revisited. While backdoor talks should continue with the democratic sections, the military continues to be the only authority with which the Indian government can engage says former Foreign Secretary Salman Haider. The Academicians however hold a different perspective. They believe that there is an internal struggle in Pakistan between its civil society, government and the military and each of them have different stakes. India should not plan any of its action on mere assumption that Pak-military is the main decision maker, by doing so India will limit its diplomatic options with Pakistan. India has its own share of problems while dealing with the military and hence, at this stage India should hold more substantive talks with the democratic government and civilians. What should be the next step towards dialogue in the Indo-Pak relationship? Experts believe that states must continue to talk and explore track-II level dialogues. But one needs to bear in mind that trust building cannot be unilateral and efforts should come from both sides. It is significant to pull-in other institutions so as to improve people-to-people contacts which will reaffirm India's good intentions to the Pakistani people. It is also significant that the two countries engage with each other bearing the overall South Asian scenario in mind. By arrangement: IPCS

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STRATEGIC THINKING NEIGHBOURHOOD

Pak-China Nexus P. N. KHERA

t will be na誰ve to believe that with the death of Osama bin Laden the virus of jihad will disappear. It won't because jihad has become a tool of geopolitics. It is apparent in Afghanistan where the phalanx of the Al Qaeda-TalibanMujahideen became Pakistan's hatchet arm to butcher Najibullah (a death far worse than that of Osama) and give Pakistan its muchcraved "strategic depth", a sphere of influence it insists is its exclusive prerogative. It weeps copious tears over the violation of its sovereignty by the US through the penetration of its airspace by the Navy SEALs and the almost daily drone attacks on protective cover by Pakistan's official agencies to organizations that use terrorist means to give political jihad its meaning and content. But it violates with impunity Afghan sovereignty and Indian sovereignty and, before 9/11 through Afghanistan, that of the newly independent nation-States of the former Soviet Union on the other side of the Oxus (Amu Darya) river. Hopefully, by the act of slaying Osama bin Laden in his specifically engineered mansion in the heart of Abbottabad the US and its partners in the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan would have moved away from recognizing Pakistani suzereignty over Afghanistan. It is a policy that reeks of the "Yalta spirit" that sanctified spheres of influence around the world like they did while dividing the spoils of World War II in Europe at the conference that gave birth to warfare by other means called "Cold War".

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India has been saying it, albeit in somewhat muted tones, that Afghanistan's sovereignty is the exclusive prerogative of the Afghans. No one else. The use of political jihad as a tool of geopolitics became blatantly clear when the Pakistani leadership suggested to President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan that he should shift allegiance from America to China, the rising star in the east. It broke the grained glass partition from behind which China has hitherto been operating by helping Pakistan extend its sphere of influence by using the Al QaedaTaliban-United Jihad Council conglomerate as its tool for territorial aggrandizement. China provided the weaponry and diplomatic support blatantly demonstrated when Chinese leadership held Pakistan Prime Minister Yousef Gilani's hand and condemned the killing of Osama bin Laden snidely suggesting India's complicity in the act. China knew that Pakistan is giving sanctuary and political and diplomatic support to terrorist groups around the world and has strengthend Pakistan militarily to ensure that the jihadi structure stays in place, its own problem of Uighur Muslim unrest kept in check by helping Pakistan in Afghanistan and against India. It serves China's purpose to have India assaulted by jihadis over Kashmir through which the Pakistan-China nexus is building a railroad and laying gas and petroleum pipelines to complement the illegal Karakoram Highway constructed through territory

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which the UN Security Council resolution had said Pakistan troops must vacate. Both China and Pakistan are waiting with bated breath for the American people to force President Obama to vacate Afghanistan as soon as possible now that Osama bin Laden has been "taken out". They hope to refill the vacuum thus created, using, once again, the remnant Taliban-Al Qaeda jihadis as their catspaw in Afghanistan. In the meantime, both Pakistan and China are watching with approbation the spread of the jihadi culture into Yemen and Somalia, both of which straddle the strategic chokepoint at the Red Sea and the Suez Canal. It was not for nothing that China tried to assert exclusive patrolling rights in the seas around this area on pretext of fighting piracy. The vacuum created by the demise of the Saleh regime in Yemen will very likely be filled by the Al Qaeda; and Somalia has reached the stage where deputy leader of the jihadi Al Shabab group can hold a public press conference with an American terrorist nicknamed Abu Mansur al-Amriki in the heart of Mogadishu and hurl vituperative warnings of revenge for Osama's killing. Somalia has become the hotbed where piracy and jihad coexist and collaborate and that means big trouble for the rest of the world. On the strength of their connections in the world of jihad Pakistan and China hope to extend their hegemony into the Indian Ocean region. India beware. (ADNI)

Epilogue June 2011

COMMENT FOREIGN POLICY

Emerging Case of Provincial Parties Influencing India's Foreign Policy Tridivesh Singh Maini

Peoples Democratic Party in Jammu and Kasgmir and Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in Tamil Nadu are not the only parties which in recent years managed, to some extent, influence country's foreign policy, at least in case of immediate neighbours. This trend is picking up in many provinces

The last few years have been witness to an interesting dynamic in India's foreign policy; states influence or at least try to influence the central governments on foreign policy issues which might be of electoral significance. While, states have been pursuing economic diplomacy, with other countries for long, the increased role of provinces in India's relationship with her neighbours is a recent phenomenon. While in certain instances, it is alliance partners who aggressively push forward their case. The best illustration being that of the Tamil Nadu based DMK party of Karunanidhi urging the Congress led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Government, to ensure the welfare of the Tamils in Sri Lanka. In other cases it is also non-alliance partners who have not only put forward their case for initiatives, but received support from the central government for the same. One such illustration was the initiative of the Mufti Mohammed Sayeed led Peoples Democratic Party to open up the Srinagar-Muzzafarabad bus route which received unflinching support from the Bhartiya Janta Party led NDA's central government, even though the PDP was allied to the Congress at the time of

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that campaign. And then there are examples, where Chief Ministers belonging to the same party have received support to a certain point but been dissuaded after a point on the pretext of national security concerns. A good illustration of such a case, being the Punjab-Punjab interactions started by Punjab's former Chief Minister, Captain Amarinder Singh. It is believed that initially Captain Singh's overtures to Pakistani Punjab received support from the central government, but some in the South block began to feel uncomfortable with these initiatives. The question which arises is that what are the key factors necessary for states to play an important role, or atleast attempt to do so, in foreign policy decisions? One point which clearly emerges is that some sort of political clout is imperative. Either the political party seeking to have an impact on foreign policy should be of relevance numerically as was the case of the DMK in Tamil Nadu or the issue on which the state government pitches hard should be something which is an important solution in sight for a desperate situation. The case of PDP's demand to open bus routes between the two Kashmir's is a perfect example of such a case. Even though the PDP

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belonged to a different camp, the NDA government under the aegis of Mr Vajpayee was keen to find a solution to the vexed Kashmir solution. It might be mentioned that many in Kashmir still give credit to Mr Vajpayee for his initiatives and full support to the PDP. The next question is can states which are neither a significant part of a coalition nor a significant force to reckon with politically play any significant role in foreign policy initiatives. A good illustration of such a case would be the North Eastern states, which have not been able to really pressurize the government for making borders more porous with neighbouring countries, especially Myanmar. It might be mentioned that off late, India has been trying to increase its influence in the latter to counter China's growing economic clout in that country. It is true that at the end of the day the central government has to take the lead in foreign policy in accordance with the provisions of the Indian constitution. At the same time, one must not lose sight of the fact that states may have more of an incentive to push for closer linkages with neighbouring countries, due to economic benefits and their geographical proximity with the latter.

Epilogue July 2011

IN FOCUS KASHMIR RIDDLE

Kashmir Riddle A Snap Analysis of Regional Perceptions EPILOGUE BUREAU

After three years of unprecedented unrest which took toll of around 200 lives, Kashmir Valley is this year passing through a spell of much desired yet unique and unanticipated normalcy. Critics of Kashmir's two-decade long dissidence campaign attribute this normalcy to a mix of two factors -fatigue of separatists and stone throwers and strengthened policing in Valley's traditional bad pockets. However, those looking at the situation through realistic lens call it seasonal management -Government of India and a score of national and local political parties, including the ruling National Conference and opposition Peoples Democratic Party, can be counted in this category. It is this realisation of 'temporary phase of peace' that a number of measures are going on to hammer out a lasting peace deal, for once and all. As situation needs it, two streams of processes are running parallel -the interlocution between Delhi and Jammu and Kashmir and the renewed multi-level Indo-Pak peace process without the one taking precedence over the other. It seems that after fall of complacency theory with unexpected events of 2008, 2009 and 2010, the government of India is no more in mood or position to settle down for interim measures. With a considerable amount of vision and will to move beyond the traditional approaches clearly visible, the real challenge is consensus.

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IN FOCUS KASHMIR RIDDLE

There was never dearth of creative and imaginative proposals but consensus has remained a serious problem ever since emergence of Kashmir issue. With passage of time new realities have emerged and new parties have emerged. Particularly, as fallout of the events of last two decades stances have strengthened in a way that every party's core business seems undermining other's perception. With accumulation of enormous pain in Valley of Kashmir as collective consequence of miseries inflicted by actors of different hues over last 20 years the regions beyond the vale are feeling completely out of the ambit of treatment approaches. But when 'impending resolution' of Kashmir is talked out again and again, the other regions not only present their own sense of victimhood but also undermine Valley's collective agony. These petty competitions are though potentially harmful consensual settlement but at the same time quite unavoidable given some historical backgrounds of different regions and peoples. The search for consensus has remained there for over 60 years. And this might remain elusive for as many years as long on as there is no consensus on the nature of Kashmir issue -is it unfinished business of India-Pakistan partition, it a territorial control issue, is it a political issue, is it a humanitarian issue, is it a Centre-state power distribution issue, is it a security issue, is it a law and order problem...so on and so forth. These are the perceptions of Kashmir issue from a wide angle. Dig deeper and there is a wide range of perceptions. While putting together the present issue, Epilogue met a large number of key stakeholders in all five regions of erstwhile undivided state of Jammu and Kashmir as also in rest of India and Pakistan. Our understanding of lack of consensus on origin of issue and its resolution was not wronged by anyone we talked to. Here is a general glossary of what different people in different regions think of Kashmir issue.

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India the accession of the state of Jammu and Kashmir to the Union of India is final and an act of faith. A 1994 resolution of the Parliament of India notwithstanding, the area focus is eastern side of the Line of Control and key challenges are renegotiation of distribution of powers between Centre and state and achieving stability in the Valley of Kashmir. Engagements with Pakistan on discussions over Kashmir are mostly limited to the peaceful management of the ceasefire line with key concern on import of the elements of terrorism into Indian side. Other area of discussions with Pakistan is about some Cross-LoC collaborations involving travel and trade with a particular view to help the thousands of divided families meet. In recent years the New Delhi has talked about flexibility of the Indian constitution to address aspirations of the people of Kashmir. Even as this sounds more like rhetoric but the maximum it could be about addressing some special status concerns in light of Delhi agreement. The highest and most serious engagement on Kashmir government of India had in recent years was with Musharraf regime. As things come out now, discussions with Musharraf's Pakistan also veered around maintaining the

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present territorial status and moving ahead by making regions more empowered and rendering Line of Control porous. Whatever contours of engagements with Pakistan or Kashmir's separatist spectrum, New Delhi has shown well demonstrated commitments in improving the quality of life in Jammu and Kashmir by huge infrastructural and economic impetus but the management of the numerical strength of security forces still remains a question. for

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Pakistan Kashmir is a major rallying point for survival of political elite and military establishment but in recent years the traditional focus has gone completely wayward. There are two factors for this: first, Pakistan's troubles along its western borders are too enormous to spare it an increased focus on the eastern side and second, Musharraf took Kashmir too far from the traditional thinking it not it is difficult for Pakistan to get back on the same plane. When Kashmiris in the Valley or some groups in Pak administered Kashmir talk loudly about Azadi, the average Pakistani asks: "why are we offering sacrifices if Kashmir

Epilogue July 2011

IN FOCUS KASHMIR RIDDLE

is not to become Pakistan". The Pakistan civil society and media is increasingly putting pressure on the political and military establishment for making 'correcting Pakistan as a nation' a priority and not Kashmir. However, in a wilful self misleading policy, the military and political establishment want the Kashmir pot boiling as it serves them a regional deterrent in keeping Jehad factories alive and Indian ambitions checked. On home front, the Pakistan administered Kashmir is not even last of the priorities of Pakistan in terms of improving life of people. for

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the key question is of identity and the pain of division. The contemporary popular narrative in PaK veers most around the question of identity, perpetual pain of division and concerns about future of arrangement with Pakistan. "Who are we...are we citizens of a province of Pakistan or citizens of a free country as our place is sought to be projected by us and Pakistan?", this is the most prominent question there. The PaK has lived a confused dream of Azad over several decades but now questions are being asked. 'Confused dream': because on one hand PaK is declared as 'base camp' for Azadi of Kashmir and other hand people are forced to owe allegiance to Pakistan. Taking about Azadi is no more a political option there and joining Pakistan is not a practical possibility. In interest of certainty many would want to settle down as province of Pakistan but they know it pretty well that Pakistan will never do that. Making PaK a province of Pakistan would address a part of external dimension of the Kashmir issue for once and all and this does not suit strategic interests of Pakistan. PaK people are more eager than anyone else in the five regions to move beyond status quo but they are only people who don't have options at hand. The Cross-LoC bus service since 2005 has thrown up a new constituency of argumentative people who are more restless than others. They say that they didn't find in Jammu and Kashmir the things they were fed on since 1947. "We are told wait for Azadi of Indian side of J&K while that side has prospered tremendously". For almost half of the population of Pakistan administered Kashmir the real Azadi is freedom of movement across the Line of Control to be able to meet their relatives and be together in their hours of joy and grief.

Kashmir Valley Kashmir issue is clearly an unfinished business of partition and unfulfilled promises of India on United Nations resolutions. Accession is seen as an agreement without popular mandate. This is a majority narrative in the Valley. One can argue that mainstream political parties like National Conference and Peoples Democratic Party do not believe in this dictum. But this is just for the sake of argument. In power, every party believes in accession and out of power they have often questioned it and invoked the UN resolutions. Kashmir's popular narrative has undergone at least two metamorphoses in sixty years and what is summed up above is only a reflection of prevailing mood. In 1947 the pro-Pakistan sentiment prevailed in the parts of Jammu province which now constitute the Pakistan administered Kashmir. A collective political will of the Valley under leadership of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah had thwarted the tribal raiders. Stamp on accession was put by the undisputed and unchallenged leader of Kashmir, Sheikh Abdullah. Even in 1965 they Valley had largely refused to stand up with Pakistan's plan of annexations by popular uprising. Gen Ayub Khan's son Gauhar Ayub has given many more evidences in his book. However, the political fire-plays apart, the events of last 20 years have left the Valley deeply wounded and people have genuine urge of coming out of that. Restoring Jammu and Kashmir its promised position, lessening the presence of security forces and bringing violators of human and civil rights to book would certainly help correct lost course in the Valley, many feel this.

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Pak administered Kashmir

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Jammu the Kashmir issue is political dominance of the Kashmiri elite since 1947. There are at least three sets of well defined aspira-

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tions and opinions in the region, based on a majority perception. In the urban centres and mainland plains of the region the location of centres of power in Kashmir Valley is the main issue. There may be misinformation, disinformation or lack of information about the development statistics but most of the people in plains believe that they have been systematically politically disempowered by Valley's political elite. It is this burnt sentiment that people don't not sympathise with any Kashmiri, whatever gruesome his tragedy may be. "They wanted it and they got it", was the popular refrain when civilians were killed in the Valley one after the other last summer. Pakistan is a symbol of hate in these areas and so are the separatists of Kashmir. Things are different in Rajouri and Poonch areas where a majority of the divided families live. Here, Line of Control is seen as a monster. Stories of divided families can put even strongest of men into tears. On internal course, feeling of not being treated well by both, the political elite of Valley as well as the Jammu plains are dominant. Almost similar are the sentiments in three districts of what is often called as Chenab Valley. No major voices have been heard for altering the status quo even as some recent surveys, most recent from Chatham House, have claimed that these areas support the proposal of greater powers in whatever form, self rule or autonomy. for

Ladakh Kashmir issue not much of significance as how 'Ladakh is governed' is. In this region the question of relations between Kargil and Leh has often remained much serious than the Kashmir issue. Carving out separate district for Kargil in late 1970s addressed that issue to large extent even as some bitterness continued to prevail for another 20 years. Last time when there was any serious trouble between two districts was around ten years ago. For unique culture, inhospitable weather and remoteness from capital cities of Jammu and

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Gilgit-Baltistan Srinagar, governance always remained a major issue in Ladakh. Driven by a deep sense of discrimination and lack of any major involvement in decision making process, Ladakh struggled for Union Territory status for a long time. Formation of Hill Development Council in mid 1990s and their subsequent empowerment in 2003 addressed the discrimination feeling to a large extent. The UT demand is down but not fully out. Ladakh has a strong cultural affinity with Gilgit-Baltistan on other side of the Line of Control and in recent years demands have been raised for including the region in Cross-LoC travel and trade arrangement. Normally Ladakh seeks to keep away from Kashmir issue but when proposals for altering status are discussed, the region seeks a seat on the table to talk about its future. Kashmir seems a forgotten story as region ushers into a new era after decades of denial of basic democratic rights. Of all five regions of erstwhile Jammu and Kashmir State, Gilgit-Baltistan has suffered the most as basic rights of people in this region were linked by Pakistan with the final settlement of Kashmir. During Kargil conflict the Army of General Musharraf pushed forward the fighters of Northern Area Light Infantry (NALI) and many villages had to grievously receive five to eight bodies. That sparked a wide debate in the region on stakes in Kashmir. The struggle was intensified for the rights and it culminated into a financial and political package by Zardari government, just stopping short of naming Gilgit-Baltistan as fifth region of Pakistan. The region is still overseen by Pakistani's federal Minister for Kashmir Affairs and Gilgit-Baltistan. There is no road connection between G-B and Pakistan administered Kashmir and therefore hardly any exchange of thoughts. G-B has been demanding Cross-LoC travel and trade with Ladakh but seeks larger integration with Pakistan rather than waiting for lasting settlement of Kashmir issue.

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Epilogue July 2011

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INTERVIEW

Let's make LoC a line of commerce, trade, travel and tourism: Sardar Attique Leader of Muslim Conference and Prime Minister of Pakistan administered Kashmir until July 26, 2011, Sardar Ahmed Khan is a staunch votary of Confidence Building Measures, particularly those aiming at rendering Line of Control porous. He says United Nations resolution is a reality and basic demand of Kashmiris but believes in softening of Line of Control as real and practical relief to the people both sides, particularly divided families. He spoke to ZAFAR CHOUDHARY in Muzaffarabad on May 23. Here are excerpts of interview:

ZAFAR CHOUDHARY: Like National Conference in Jammu and Kashmir, the Muslim Conference in Pakistan administered Kashmir has a rich history and inseparable association with political life of the state. What's Muslim Conference's stand on Kashmir as of today? SARDAR ATTIQUE AHMED KHAN: Our stand remains the same right from the day one. We believe in fill unification of the state of Jammu and Kashmir as it existed till the middle of 1947. The partition of Jammu and Kashmir was unnatural and it has rendered hundreds and thousands of families divided. This is a continuous misery and it calls for attention of everyone. What exactly do you mean by unification? How do you intend to negotiate with India and Pakistan? Unification, as I said, means removing the Line of Control that divides Jammu and Kashmir between Indian and Pakistani side. As far as negotiating with the 'controlling' powers is concerned, Pakistan is already a supporter of our sentiments and India will have appreciate this genuine urge and uphold the genuine rights of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. There is a clear contradiction. In your public presentations, like the speech this morning in presence of Pakistan Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gillani you said "Kashmir Banega Pakistan". So what is honest stand? (Laughs) Pakistan has done a lot for us.....! Coming back to your unification stand, what is the way forward in achieving that? That is something very important. I am glad you asked this. First of all we need to remove irritants and build a conducive atmosphere. Decades of mistrust have created a lot of hatred between India and Pakistan. Kashmiris can play a major role in removing hatred and bringing two countries together. We need to

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Epilogue June 2011

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build friendly relations not only between two parts of Kashmir but also between India and Pakistan and enter into economic collaborations. Violence and hatred will not help achieve unification. Muslim Conference is not only a supporter but also a driver of various key measures aimed at bridging emotional and also physical gaps between two regions and two countries. This all suggests that, unlike many other Kashmiri leaders, you are a supporter of Confidence Building Measures. Generally, the separatists in Kashmir Valley, the Kashmiri Diaspora leaders and many in PaK reject the CBMs as diversionary tactics forcing attention away from 'core issue of Kashmir'. How are you able to keep a different stand? Sometimes we need to draw a clear line between realpolitik and idealpolitik. While resolution of Kashmir issue with reference to people as mandated by United Nations is our right but then we also need to understand that we are living in a certain political and strategic atmosphere which is not the same as that was in 1947 or 1950. We need to learn lessons from history and the recent European history of cooperation is the best model to follow. We should aim at rendering the Line of Control irrelevant to allow exchange of humans and goods between both sides of Jammu and Kashmir.

"Musharraf may not be there in today's political life of Pakistan but his formula is relevant. We must also understand that in 63 years of Indo-Pak logjam on Kashmir, Musharraf's formula was the only non-traditional approach which engaged New Delhi and Islamabad for quite a long time. We must also recall that not the South Asian leadership but more than 30 countries across the world, including some top world powers and powerful international organisations appreciated Musharraf's idea. Musharraf is not in public life today that does not mean that his idea is now irrelevant. His four point formula should be given a serious thought and I believe Zardari government may pick up discussions from there"

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Recently you talked about a 12-point proposal for Kashmir. Could you please elaborate on that? As I believe that people of Jammu and Kashmir cannot think in vacuum, the 12-point proposal is towards enlarging the ambit of Confidence Building Measures. These 12-points are the imperatives needing first priority for all of us to evolve a conducive atmosphere for meaningful and result-focused negotiations on Kashmir between Pakistan, India and Kashmiris. The twelve imperatives include (1) binding India to stop abuses of human rights in Kashmir, (2) release of Kashmiri detenues, (3) scrapping off all black/draconian laws, (4) allowing all Kashmiri political figures to travel abroad, (5) demilitarization of cities, towns and big vil lages, (6) opening of LoC for free trade, travel and tourism, (7) allowing holding Kashmir conferences in Laddakh, Srinagar, Rajauri, Jammu, etc, (8) de-limiting tradable items (9) allowing intra-Kashmir exchanges of students, teachers, professionals, (10) holding common sports and academic events, (11) setting up of Joint Pakistan-India Kashmir Development Fund, and (12) setting up of Joint Kashmiri Women Welfare Council. That sounds very interesting. What makes your 12points more interesting is the fact that this is a nontraditional approach which is quite in sync with the mainstream political thinking in Jammu and Kashmir as also the moderate thinking in rest of India. This is not a reflection of traditional Kashmiri stand. How have you been able to articulate such a non-traditional approach? Then what else do we do? Shall we allow our miserable people to be kept hostage to hatred for many more years? We need to think out of box and think more creatively about the measures which bring relief to people. These measures, as I have enlisted, are necessary to prepare long unmet minds in building mutuality, understanding and cementing common sympathies between the two parts of the State. I had in the year 2008 suggested that the massively militarized LoC in Jammu and Kashmir should be reduced into functional Line of Commerce, trade, travel and tourism. Again, I would say that your approach is contrary to the traditional stands. Are you just sounding politically correct to a particular journalist or you seriously believe

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Epilogue July 2011

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"In July 2008, over a breakfast meeting, I had talked to Mirwaiz Umar Farooq about the need of unrestricted travel across Line of Control. A creative idea, as it may sound, I suggested facility of swipe card on the basis of Jammu and Kashmir state subject certificate allowing all bonafide residents to travel freely across LoC" Did Mirwaiz appreciate your suggestion? (...laughs) no he didn't!

in such ideas? Listen, I draw my strength from the people and I have seen them suffering enormously. They are desperately in need of relief. While all Kashmiris are found eager for reunion but divided families are more in need of emotional relief. I have always called for and supported initiatives which help people meet, which offer opportunities of collaborations between two parts of Jammu and Kashmir. During my first term as Prime Minister when I came to know about gas and electricity shortage in Srinagar during winters, I had made an offer for supply from this side which was widely welcomed by Peoples Democratic Party and National Conference. I keep on hearing that there many trained doctors in Valley but not enough jobs. We have shortage of doctors, we need them and they need jobs. I don't say that I am the only one promoting nontraditional approach to Kashmir but yes I must say it needs courage and enterprising ideas. In July 2008, over a breakfast meeting, I had talked to Mirwaiz Umar Farooq about the need of unrestricted travel across Line of Control. A creative idea, as it may sound, I suggested facility of swipe card on the basis of Jammu and Kashmir state subject certificate allowing all bonafide residents to travel freely across LoC.

PaK Prime Minister Sardar Attique Khan in conversation with Zafar Choudhary, Editor Epilogue, in Muzaffarabad on May 23, 2011

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Epilogue June 2011

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Welcome!

Did Mirwaiz appreciate your suggestion? (...laughs) no he didn't! Your use of words like 'out of box' and 'creative thinking' gives a reflection of former Pakistan President General Pervez Musharraf's Kashmir approach which gained some amount acceptability in India. Are you impressed by Musharraf's formula? Musharraf had himself described his formula as food for thought. (laughs) and food for thought is always interesting. Well, at a serious note, Musharraf may not be there in today's political life of Pakistan but his formula is relevant. We must also understand that in 63 years of Indo-Pak logjam on Kashmir, Musharraf's formula was the only non-traditional approach which engaged New Delhi and Islamabad for quite a long time. We must also recall that not the South Asian leadership but more than 30 countries across the world, including some top world powers and powerful international organisations appreciated Musharraf's idea. Musharraf is not in public life today that does not mean that his idea is now irrelevant. His four point formula should be given a serious thought and I believe Zardari government may pick up discussions from there. Let me add here that wisdom is in looking at the idea and not the person. What is your appreciation of popular sentiments in regions of Jammu, Ladakh and Gilgit-Baltistan? I understand what you intend to imply from this question. I am very well aware of the diversity which is why I never jump into imposing 'A formula' or 'B formula' for resolution of Kashmir issue. My 12-point proposal is essentially in the direction of having a larger regional interaction so that people understand and appreciate each other's perceptions. Now, let's talk about internal affairs of Pakistan administered Kashmir

Who is the boss in Muzaffarabad -you or the Pakistan's Federal Minister for Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas? The Prime Minister of Azad Jammu and Kashmir is, of course, the top authority here but I appreciate the logic behind your question. We have Kashmir Council headquartered in Islamabad which oversees most of our affairs. This arrangement has to be seen in light of Shimla agreement between India and Pakistan which gives latter a constitutional role in Azad Kashmir. Who takes final decisions in matters of PaK -your government or the Pakistan Ministry of Kashmir Affairs? I must say, it all depends on who is in the top office in Muzaffarabad. It varies from person to person. There have people (Prime Ministers of PaK) who would go purely by the decisions of Kashmir Council but I have always taken my decisions independently and in spirit of the mandate given by people to my government. Not only in case of internal affairs of Azad Kashmir but also I have negotiated many projects with different countries independently and Kashmir Council never came in my way. Clearly, there are two power centres and Kashmir Council appears more powerful. How do you negotiate your powers with the Kashmir Council? As I said earlier, it varies from person to person. It was during the time of 'Mujahid-e-Awwal' Sardar Qayoom Khan that Azad Government of Kashmir started directly negotiating with international donors. I have maintained that independence at different levels. Even during the time of President Musharraf I would take many decisions without going through the Kashmir Council. The Kashmir Council is a constitutional arrangement while the Government in Muzaffarabad is fully empowered to take all decisions as elected governments do.

Musharraf is not in public life today that does not mean that his idea is now irrelevant. His four point formula should be given a serious thought and I believe Zardari government may pick up discussions from there. Let me add here that wisdom is in looking at the idea and not the person.

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Epilogue July 2011

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INTERVIEW

I'll be first to support even if the majority decides to go with India: Syed Ali Geelani The veteran of Kashmir's separatist politics, SYED ALI SHAH GEELANI is chief of Tehreek-e-Hurriyat and also 'G' faction of the Hurriyat Conference. He has, so far, refused to talk to India but claims that he is not against dialogue. 'I have offered New Delhi a five-point programme for initiating dialogue and it is for them move forward', says Geelani. Here are excerpts of an exclusive interview with ABID BASHIR

How do you sum up your opinion about Kashmir issue? When we talk about Kashmir dispute, we mean entire Jammu and Kashmir including the people of Pakistan administered Kashmir. Kashmir dispute is a very serious in nature and was born after India achieved its freedom. India achieved freedom and Kashmir became dependent. We were a princely state or you can say a nation called Jammu and Kashmir. Since last more than six decades, we are suffering immensely at the hands of India and its occupational forces. Kashmir is the biggest political reality, which nobody can deny. We need a solution acceptable to the majority. That's it. For that, people of Jammu and Kashmir should be given a chance to decide their fate. Whatever the majority would decide, I will be the first to support that even if majority of the people of State decides to be with India. How serious, you think, Kashmir issue is in context of regional peace and stability? Kashmir dispute is the main cause of tension between India and Pakistan. Entire South Asia and the subcontinent are suffering because of Kashmir dispute. People of entire

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Jammu and Kashmir are having sleepless nights because of it. Economy of South Asia has got badly affected because of this issue as Jammu and Kashmir was the trade hub and the gateway of trade between the South Asian countries. There can't be stability in any of the region in South Asia, unless Kashmir is resolved. What factors, you think, made the Kashmir issue so difficult to resolve? Rigid approach of India is one of the major factors responsible for the

delay in the Kashmir resolution. India has never been serious since 1947 about Kashmir. Its 10 lakh troops are present in Jammu and Kashmir. They are laced with deadly weapons, draconian laws like Armed Forces Special Powers Act, and the Disturbed Areas Act. There is Public Safety Act, which means two-year term without any trial. Hundreds of women were raped more than 8,000 youth have been pushed into forced disappearance, hundreds of mass graves, prisons filled with prisoners, without any trial. This is what is happening in Kashmir for last 20 years. Despite all this India makes false claim of its democratic values and denies Kashmiris their genuine rights to determine their future. Are UN resolutions still relevant visĂ -vis Kashmir issue? There have been some voices from the Hurriyat Conference (M) that they can move beyond such resolutions. UN resolutions are as relevant as

UN resolutions are as relevant as sun for a day light. The then Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru, who took Kashmir issue to the UN had made promises to this effect to the Kashmiris. ...We have UN Military Observers Group of India and Pakistan based in Srinagar. Had UN resolutions no relevance, UN office would not have been in Srinagar.

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sun for a day light. The then Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru, who took Kashmir issue to the UN had made promises to this effect to the Kashmiris. Then, UN passed 18 resolutions, most of which guarantee right to self determination for Jammu and Kashmir. Indian government is not fulfilling the promise made by its own Prime Minister. There is no question of moving beyond such resolutions. We have UN Military Observers Group of India and Pakistan based in Srinagar. Had UN resolutions no relevance, UN office would not have been in Srinagar. What is your understanding of regional diversity, particularly in context of aspirations, on both sides of LoC in JK? Are there any common threads between Jammu, Ladakh and Gilgit-Baltistan with Kashmir and PaK? From Muzafarabad to Ladakah and Jammu to Srinagar, we are one. When we talk about right to selfdetermination, we mean over 16 million people across LoC should be given a chance to decide their fate. LoC is a Khooni Lakeer (bloody line) which has cut one heart into two halves. Governments of India and Pakistan in the recent years have taken some CBM like Cross-LoC travel and trade. These are there for six and three years now. What is your assessment of the change on the ground? These things have no meaning for me. These are for diverting attention from the core issue and misleading the international community. These are not CBMs but the time buying tactics to divert the attention from the main issue. Unless Kashmir dispute is resolved as per the aspirations of its people, such things will make no sense. They are as useless.

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Why do you oppose the dialogue? I am not against the dialogue. But every dialogue needs sincerity and flexibility. India has never been sincere to resolve Kashmir. There have been more than 500 rounds of talks between India and the Kashmiri leadership, but results are zero. We have set five conditions for the dialogue. First one is very importantlet India accept Kashmir as a dispute. You talked with the Kashmir-Committee led by Ram Jethmalani, but you are not ready to talk to interlocutors, who have been given mandate to find a settlement of the issue. Why? Kashmir committee is an unofficial one. So we have no problem in talking to them. Interlocutors have been appointed by the New Delhi. We can't violate our party constitution by entering into a dialogue with Indian officials. But yes, if Government of India accepts our five conditions, we will welcome the dialogue process and become part of it without any delay. Do you think interlocutors will succeed in their mission? Time will tell speak itself. What went wrong in 2010 summer? State government, especially police and CRPF killed our boys and girls like animals just for the cause they were protesting peacefully. All the

leaders and members of Hurriyat (G) were arrested and booked under PSAs. They are still behind the bars.120 youth got killed, who were not carrying any weapons, but demanding their birth right-freedom, freedom from the India's forcible occupation. How come is it justified that you kill a person just for reason he is carrying a stone. How do they justify gun versus stone? Our babies were left to starve as no baby milk was available due to strict curfew ever I have seen. But if GoI or the State government thinks, such steps would weaken the freedom sentiment, they are badly mistaken. I am as sure as there is no doubt that sun come out from the sky every day that the dawn of freedom will rise as the clouds of uncertainty will vanish. This summer seems to be peaceful. What are your future plans? There is no change in our plan. It is same - to keep the peaceful struggle on against the forcible occupation of Indian rule in Kashmir. Kashmir was never part of India neither will it be ever. We will fight against Indian occupation come what may. It is not my personal struggle. It is a struggle of a nation. Whether Geelani remains alive or not, struggle for freedom will go on till freedom comes no matter how tough measures State government and the GoI take to crush it.

We have no problem in talking to them (Kashmir Committee of Jethmalani) or any other civil society group. Interlocutors have been appointed by the New Delhi. We can't violate our party constitution by entering into a dialogue with Indian officials. But yes, if Government of India accepts our five conditions, we will welcome the dialogue process and become part of it without any delay.

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INTERVIEW

We must encourage dialogue for getting J&K's territory back from Pak, China: Nirmal Singh A historian by education and teacher by core profession, Dr NIRMAL SINGH is a senior leader of Bhartiya Janta Party and member of its national executive. He contested and lost LoK Sabha and Assembly elections with narrow margins. Even as Nirmal supports Cross-LoC CBMs, he says India must engage with Pakistan but the dialogue should about vacating the territory under PaK control. Excerpts of an interview with RAMAN SHARMA How serious, you think, Kashmir issue is in context of regional peace and stability? Jammu and Kashmir issue has always remained of a great importance. We had four wars with Pakistan, mostly on Kashmir. You can estimate the gravity of concern. There is no denial that this issue needs to be resolved amicably. Six decades is a long time. What factors, you think, made the Kashmir issue so intractable? Various factors have been responsible for complicating the issue. Externally, It is Pakistan that every time backtracked its promise, they kept changing their stances, they are inserting in unleashing terrorism here and with the policy of violence they try to hoodwink the world community on this issue. If Pakistan really wants to resolve the issue then it should be through dialogue only. Going back to history, it was Pakistan who sent tribal raiders here to loot, kill people and forcefully capture this territory. Besides Pakistan, successive governments in New Delhi especially Congress lead governments somewhere weakened India's stand, with their feeble and appeasements policies towards separatist forces in the Valley. They allowed anti-national forces to flourish here. At the local level, vague formulas like Autonomy and Self Rule are floated which are nothing but an attempt to erode India's dominion.

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In past few years there have been some public talking in Pakistan as well as Kashmir Valley about irrelevance of UN resolutions. More recently top Hurriyat leaders including Mirwaiz Farooq said in January this year 'forget UN, India, Pakistan must talk among themselves'. What is your idea of practical utility of sticking to UN resolutions when the world body has not talked about Kashmir in many years? Again this is the biggest blunder of history committed by our former Prime Minister who took this issue to United Nations. Anyhow, We have "Shimla agreement" which clearly states that all pending issues can be settled through bilateral dialogues and moreover under present scenario the UN resolution becomes impractical. It is famously said that there should be a tripartite dialogue between New

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Delhi, Islamabad and people of Kashmir. What is the definition of people of Kashmir here. If at all there is a tripartite dialogue, who should represent people of Kashmir. Please specifically point a party or person(s) who enjoys or has capacity to enjoy mandate of majority opinion in all five regions of Jammu and Kashmir? India and Pakistan should continue dialogue for peace and stability in the region. Internally we should always engage people of the state in dialogue process with the Government of India but there seems no valid argument for holding tripartite dialogues. We have local government elected by the people and whosoever believes in the constitution and democratic set up of India can come forward for dialogues, in a democracy every voice matters provided it is at par with the essence of our constitution and law. What is your understanding of regional diversity, particularly in context of aspirations, on both sides of Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir? Are there any common threads between Jammu region, Ladakh region and Gilgit-Baltistan with Kashmir Valley and Pakistan administered Kashmir? Our state is not only Kashmir, but it includes other regions also having different religions, tribes, languages and most importantly different aspirations. Unfortunately the other

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regions of the state have been totally ignored. The presence of Chinese troops in other that part of the state is totally against the wishes of the people but no one is even talking about it. Pakistan government must clear its stand on the Chinese presence there. What is your idea about proposals like self rule and joint management -something which gained currency during Musharraf era? Jammu and Kashmir is not a joint property which is to be managed together, yes we can have free flow of tourist from one part to another, people to people contact can be allowed, this will improve the economy of the people of both sides and most importantly if Pakistan shows sincerity than joint mechanism only to deal with terrorism. Government of India and Pakistan have in recent years have launched some Confidence Building Measures like Cross-LoC travel and trade. These are there for six and three years respectively. What is your assessment of the change on the ground. Again the only problem remains of sincerity of Pakistan, Confidence Building Measures is welcome initiative , the cross LoC trade can be extended further. Why to confine it to LoC and Jammu and Kashmir alone, we can also have European Union Model here in Asia involving all the SAARC members. There are hundreds and thousands of divided families on both sides of LoC, with their major concentration in Jammu. They believe more on Cross-LoC CBMs than anything else. Since, you know that the focus of the government of India and local government always remains the valley, hence this issues is ignored. Otherwise this can be a boon for the people of both sides. What is and what should be the role of indigenous Kashmiri political parties like NC and PDP in the overall context of Kashmir issue?

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Unfortunately the sole motive of these parties is to gain power be it by an means, these political outfits weakened the democratic institutes, recently we concluded our Panchayat elections but it would be imprudent without the 73rd amendment. These parties always endorsed separatists agenda and blackmailed government of India. None of the two ever talked about the aspirations of the people of Ladakh and Jammu region. Take out the press statements of their leaders and find contradictory statements, in Delhi they say White, In Jammu it becomes Grey and after crossing tunnel it turn Black. On the internal dimension of Kashmir issue, a process of interlocution is currently going on since October 2011. What is your assessment of these consultations? It seems that this group of Kashmir centric people has been asked to involve Kashmir based parties and leaders, they are reaching to the doors of the separatists but on the contrary showing no gesture to involve Jammu and Ladakh people. The state consists of three region how and why you prefer one over another, the aspirations of each region needs to be address for long lasting peace and development in the state. You are willing to discuss Autonomy and Self Rule, but what's the problem to consider review of Article 370, we are allowing this for the last 63 years now, let us at least discuss it. On both internal and external dimensions, what do you suggest as short, medium and long term measures? Externally, dialogue with Pakistan may be carried on and simultaneously Pakistan should be asked to stop sponsoring terrorism and separatists in the state because we cannot allow that our innocent people are being killed and we continue to chant process of dialogues. Confidence Building Measures be extended from LoC trade to free flow

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of tourists and people to people contact. The resolution passed by our own parliament regarding Pakistan occupied Kashmir be executed and government of India must take up this issue with Pakistan. Why do we allow to talk them about this part of the state only, unless and until the territory in control of Pakistan and China is not kept on the agenda of dialogues the issue cannot be resolved. Internally, the government of India should deal the anti-national forces with iron hands and concentrate on all the three regions of the state without any prejudice and favour. The minorities in the state should be allowed to preach their religious affairs without any state interference. Deliberate attempts are being made to exploit the emotion of minority religion. Take the case of recent Amarnath yatra duration curtailment or 2008 land dispute. The nationalist people who wanted to unfurl national flag ( Tiranga yatra) here were taken into custody even the national leaders were illegally taken away from the state. Then we have injustice with Jammu and Ladakh region, why the state government is silent on the issue of de-limitation when in the entire country we have de-limitation then why in our state we have illegal moratorium. Our constitutional institutes like State Accountability Commission are defunct because against many sitting ministers and MLA's of the ruling coalition partners there are cases of corruption in the SAC. It took the state government a period of more than seven years to constitute the State Information Commission, where only one CIC is appointed and rest two commissioners posts are vacant. Corruption, we are number one most corrupt state in the country, but the state government is doing nothing on it. On governance you find this government has failed all the ways. Hence, we cannot ignore any factor, be it external or internal because all these aspects one way or the other has impact on the larger issue of peace and stability.

Epilogue July 2011

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INTERVIEW

India and Pakistan are not serious to resolve Kashmir issue: Mustafa Kamal Son of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and senior leader of National Conference, SHEIKH MUSTAFA KAMAL says that United Nations mandated solution for Kashmir had relevance but not beyond a particular period. He wants Kashmiris, India and Pakistan to look at the issue in present context. Autonomy, he says, is the best way forward but 'National Conference is ready to support anything better'. Excerpts of an exclusive interview with ABID BASHIR How do you look at the Kashmir issue in today's geo-political realities? Kashmir is an issue born in 1947... it goes on till today...this is a truth and the biggest reality that no one can deny. World community has accepted that Kashmir is an issue of immense regional importance that needs a political settlement for the durable peace in the region. Had Kashmir not been a serious issue, world community including the Organisation of Islamic Countries, would not have been talking about its solution. The only thing which needs a special focus is that whatever be the solution that should be acceptable to the people of all the three regions of the State. Division of State is unacceptable. How serious, you think, Kashmir issue is in context of regional peace and stability? Peace will not prevail in the subcontinent, rather in the South Asia, till Kashmir issue is resolved forever. Kashmir is the main problem, once it is resolved, South Asia would witness long lasting peace.

Had Kashmir not been a serious issue, world community including the Organisation of Islamic Countries, would not have been talking about its solution

In your opinion what factors made the Kashmir issue so difficult to resolve? Callous approach of both, India and

Pakistan are responsible for the delay in the resolution of Kashmir issue. The two nations do not clear intentions about Kashmir resolu-

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tion. Unless intentions are clear, nothing will happen. Kashmir is an issue between India and Pakistan and having good intentions is a must as that would act as a solid base for its resolution. Unfortunately, that is missing from the both sides. India and Pakistan leadership may explain better why they are not serious about Kashmir. I believe both countries want this issue to linger on. I think Kashmir conflict suits their larger strategic interests. Are UN resolutions still relevant visĂ -vis Kashmir issue? There have been some voices from the Hurriyat Conference (M) that they can move beyond such resolutions. UN resolutions are important and relevant as well. But you have to see the context of the resolution and keep the present situation in view. My father, late Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah championed the cause of plebiscite as guaranteed in the UN resolutions. But then the things changed. I remember, he told me once that he can't see people dying of hunger. So whatever he did was in the interests of the people of the State. This is how I see the relevance of UN resolutions. After all it is India and Pakistan that have to resolve the Kashmir issue. What is your understanding of regional diversity, particularly in con

Epilogue June 2011

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KASHMIR RIDDLE

text of aspirations, on both sides of LoC in Jammu and Kashmir? Are there any common threads between Jammu, Ladakh and GilgitBaltistan with Kashmir and Pakistan administered Kashmir? Yes there is one common thread and that is: our hearts beat for each other. Languages and cultures may be different. That is what our State was known for. People are ethnically and culturally different, but their hearts are same and emotions interlinked. Don't forget, we were a nation till 1947. We became the victims of partition in 1947, when Pakistan backed tribal raiders tried to capture Kashmir. The then Maharaja Hari Singh had no option other than to seek Indian army's help to save his State. Jammu and Kashmir was and is known for brotherhood and communal harmony. Pakistan tried many a time to merge GilgitBaltistan with its domain, but failed to do so. We (people across LoC) are one. I am of the strong belief that one day, Pakistan administered Kashmir would merge with us, and Jammu and Kashmir would be same as it existed before partition. Governments of India and Pakistan in the recent years have taken some Confidence Building Measures like Cross-LoC travel and trade. These are there for six and three years now. What is your assessment of the change on the ground? Nothing will happen by these Confidence Building Measures. There has been no outcome so far. These measures are time consuming the real things. You talk about trade, but there is no trade. It is a barter system. Nothing has changed in last six

My father, late Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah championed the cause of plebiscite as guaranteed in the UN resolutions. But then the things changed. I remember, he told me once that he can't see people dying of hunger. So whatever he did was in the interests of the people of the State. This is how I see the relevance of UN resolutions years. There is no money involved in the trade. Traders of two sides can't talk to each other. These are CBMS in the name of CBMS. They have no impact on ground. See, who travels in Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus. That is losing its sheen. These are the tactics by India and Pakistan to buy time. Leaving governance apart, what is and what should be the role of indigenous Kashmiri political parties like National Conference and Peoples Democratic Party in the overall context of Kashmir issue? We can't rub shoulders with "killers." They (Peoples Democratic Party) have butchered people of Kashmir like anything. Who managed the killing of Maulana Mirwaiz Muhammad Farooq? Who ordered to fire on his funeral? Who is responsible for Gowkadal and Bijbehara massacres? Above all, they are power hungry and hungry for chair. My father chose prison instead of power. We can't even think of forging an alliance with Peoples Democratic Party. No way. As far the Kashmir issue, we have been lobbying hard for the implementation

Don't forget, we were a nation till 1947. We became the victims of partition in 1947, when Pakistan backed tribal raiders tried to capture Kashmir. The then Maharaja Hari Singh had no option other than to seek Indian army's help to save his State

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of autonomy whether in or out of the power. Their (PDP's) roadmap is only for power and not resolution of the issue. On the internal dimension of Kashmir issue, a process of interlocution is currently going on since October 2011. What is your assessment of these consultations? We have seen many interlocutions on Kashmir, but nothing has happened. Let us see what they would come up with at the end. Our stand is clear that autonomy is the best solution, but at the same time, we believe if there is any other solution better than autonomy and acceptable to the people of Jammu and Kashmir, we will be the first to welcome that. But your autonomy doesn't have any mention about Pakistan administered Kashmir? Let me make it clear. That part of Kashmir (PaK) is already Azad. They don't need autonomy. It's we, who are suffering. We need a solution. Once the problem ends here, Line of Control will vanish forever. On both internal and external dimensions, what do you suggest as short, medium and long term measures? I want India and Pakistan to be sincere about Kashmir resolution. There are no short cuts to the solution. If they are serious enough to resolve Kashmir, they must be sincere enough. Otherwise, Kashmiri people will continue to suffer.

Epilogue July 2011

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INTERVIEW

Kashmir is a dispute, various interpretations won't change the context: Nizamuddin Bhatt A senior organizational leader of Peoples Democratic Party and former journalist, NIZAMUDDIN BHATT, is a Legislator from Bandipore in north Kashmir. He says CBMs like CrossLoC travel and trade are essential for building trust before discussing major issues of concern. Excerpts from an interview with ASEM MOHIUDDIN Six decades after partition, how do you define the Kashmir issue in today's geo-political realities? Though geo-political realities have drastically changed over the years I don't think Kashmir issue has lost its vigor. It is backlog of partition and there are commitments related to it. It continuous to be the issue and acknowledged dispute. And in new geo-political realities only one thing has changed that it should be resolved without any delay. What do you mean by dispute when India says it is its internal issue and Pakistan and Kashmiri separatists say it is an international dispute? I don't think various interpretations of the dispute change its context or change the realities. It is basically about the people who want a solution of a conflict which was born in 1947. Various suggestions have been there, various proposals were considered but never at any stage has anybody said that it is a conflict which now has resolved in itself. Even now every party to the dispute says yes we have to sit and solve this. How serious you think, Kashmir issue is in context of regional peace and stability? It has an obvious history that India and Pakistan have been strong contenders on Kashmir. It has been a

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"bone of contention" between the two countries. There have been direct wars, proxy wars, armed conflict too as the two neighboring

countries have been at loggerheads. International community has intervened, has to intervene at times when it becomes the flash point. When Kargil conflict escalated it was on US President Bill Clinton's intervention that tension finally dropped. The sub-continent has been on powder-keg because of this dispute and one can say that the position in both countries on Kashmir, though methodology might have changed on the basics, but they continue to keep similar postures. The dispute itself has the potential to involve one or the other at any point of time. Given

For the first time there is clarity both at local as well as at Indo- Pak level and I think at international level too. That it is a dispute about the people and they have to throw a resolution. For the first time there has been din about dialogue at various levels and people came out with proposals which were accepted across the board that dialogue should go gradually. The people in India, Pakistan and J&K defined the issue, its internal and external dimensions. Given that reality all have accepted that dialogue as safe medium to solve the dispute.

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Epilogue June 2011

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KASHMIR RIDDLE

that reality one can easily say that Kashmir is a dispute which has a potential to destabilize peace in the sub-continent and at times it can prove disastrous. That is why it is in the interests of both the countries and in the people of Jammu and Kashmir as well as for the International Community to have it resolved. What factors you think have made Kashmir issue so complex and intractable? Off course, it has been made complex and defined as an intractable issue. Even syncs at times have said that it has no solution. These are interpretations. We have to delve deep and understand the reality of it. The reality is so simple there are people dissatisfied with status quo and they want resolution of the problem. Even there are references to the history that various proposals and developments at times obscure the reality. But those interested in having this issue resolved in larger interests of subcontinent have to sit together and make it simpler than making it confused or an intractable issue. What can be the initiatives that can make things easier and simpler for the resolution of dispute? For the first time there is clarity both at local as well as at Indo- Pak level and I think at international level too. That it is a dispute about the people and they have to throw a resolution. For the first time there has been din about dialogue at various levels and people came out with proposals which were accepted across the board that dialogue should go gradually. The people in India, Pakistan and J&K defined the issue, its internal and external dimensions. Given that reality all have accepted that dialogue as safe medium to solve the dispute.

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In past few years there has been some public talking in Pakistan as well as in Kashmir valley about irrelevance of UN resolutions. More recently top Huriyat leaders including Mirwaiz Farooq said in January 'forget UN, India, Pakistan must talk among themselves'. What is your idea of practical utility of sticking to UN resolutions when the world body has not talked about Kashmir in many years? We are nobody to distort history or take refuge in something other than the facts. It is question of a fact and known reality that the dispute was taken to UN. There are resolutions at UN but at the same time this is the fact that international community has never been able to assert, that is why the issue went on lingering till new realities dawned in. That is the reality what I said now when international community has not done anything India and Pakistan have moved away from intransigencies and people in Jammu and Kashmir and people of the whole divided state through people to people dialogue have thrown easier methods. I think we together can move on to a simpler way where we can resolve the issue between ourselves. \What is your understanding of regional diversity, particularly in context of aspirations, on both sides of the Line of Control? Are there any common threads between Jammu region, Ladakh region and Gilgit Baltistan with Kashmir valley and Pakistan administrated Kashmir? The regional issue of J&K is not something new. It has not happened now only. When the state existed as an independent state or the state under autocratic rule there were same regions that of the divided state now and the regions had different ethnic desires, defi-

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nitely different aspirations too. Now the democracy has grown to accommodate various aspirations. I see hope there cannot be clash of identities in various regional aspirations which we have even in contradiction with each other and can be accommodated in a democratic space. That is what PDP has been pleading for, the devolution of powers. We can accommodate various regional aspirations and diversity itself is facet of any issue which one should like because it is always about a culture and we are proud of our diverse, yet a unique culture, the state has inherited. Even though we are divided we owe to ourselves to protect that diversity of various cultures and have one identity. So my point is that when we move on to resolution its diversity, regional aspirations even its contradicted aspirations can be accommodated in a democratic space. The self rule document PDP has prepared so assiduously with a vision and experience accommodates all these realities. It is a question of time only when we can understand that the issue has to be resolved and we have to move away from various contradictions and have to have a harmonious approach based on new geo-political realities, economic needs as well as the cultural and civilization needs. I think as I said I have hope that our document of self rule has kept all these realities in mind. Government of India and Pakistan have in recent years have launched some Confidence Building Measures like cross LOC trade and travel. These are there for six and three years respectively. What is your assessment of the change on the ground? Mufti sahib is known for having pleaded for CBM's when he was the CM of Jammu and Kashmir state. He

Epilogue July 2011

actually took some measures which in itself held a promise, hope and we saw ourselves very near to resolution .The people of both sides met. They tried to create a visual stake in trade, commerce. There was emotional reunion which at least gave the psychological satisfaction to everyone that barriers were going and people can meet, understand each other in geographical entities yet have something common like political, economic, cultural stake. But the process of those CBM measures has slowed down because of the fluctuations in Indo-Pak relations and various developments inside Pakistan like political exigencies, diplomatic impediments which should not have. Until and unless the CBM's have taken and the atmosphere is made conducive for dialogue I don't think it is possible for two governments and for the people on both sides of LoC to meet understand each other and reach a common ground. So CBM's will contribute to the peace process that will ultimately culminate into the settlement acceptable to everyone as defined by various political parties. Even separatists, mainstream India-Pak, civil society NGO's everybody in consensus say like that. There are hundreds and thousands of divided families on both sides of LOC with their major concentration in Jammu. They believe more on cross LoC CBM's than anything else. Why is it that most of the top resistance leaders are not overwhelming in support of CBM's I can't make a comment on that whether they are enthused over CBM's but they are in consensus with anyone like I heard Geelani, Sahab, Mirwaiz sahib and all moderate and extremist leaders saying

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KASHMIR RIDDLE

We are nobody to distort history or take refuge in something other than the facts. It is question of a fact and known reality that the dispute was taken to UN. There are resolutions at UN but at the same time this is the fact that international community has never been able to assert, that is why the issue went on lingering till new realities dawned inâ&#x20AC;Ś.in light of new realities, we together can move on to a simpler way where we can resolve the issue between ourselves. that unless and until a conducive atmosphere is created they can't sit and talk. But separatists ask India to accept some conditions to create conducive environment for talks like Geelani has set five point formula for any dialogue process? I won't come to the perception of various political parties here. There are differences of opinions even at this time how to go ahead. There is no difference of opinions on taking CBM's to pave way for conducive atmosphere to move forward. Leaving governance apart, what is and what should be role of the indigenous Kashmiri political parties like NC and PDP in the overall context of Kashmir issue? There have been parties who have been the part of problem like NC at times. PDP is a nine year old party we owe its existence to particular desire to have peace and resolution of the Kashmir dispute. I haven't said that the approach of two parties have been absolutely different. We have a common stake as it is

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about our people. We have an obligation to at least concur with each other on points related to Kashmir issue. And I personally feel that it has to be all inclusive not only PDP and NC, all other parties have a role. But since these two parties believe in electoral politics and have to play a facilitators role. Both of us owe to our people that we don't impede and sincerely facilitate the resolution. Do you think NC is playing any role in present circumstances in peace building process? The NC is in government and is the party which at one stage favored UN resolution plebiscite and then had a dialogue with New Delhi and accord. There is a history of accords and the parties have been two NC and Congress in New Delhi at that time. But things changed when Atal Bihari Vajpayee came in as Prime Minster of India and we had Mufti Sahab as Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. The Vajpayee from the soil of Srinagar extended the hand of friendship to Pakistan and give new direction to Kashmir dispute.

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KASHMIR RIDDLE

It is from than alone the slogan of peace process and the idiom of dialogue has come to known as the easier medium to have "bonhomie" and reach out to people with the hope that we together can solve Kashmir problem. On the internal dimensions of Kashmir issue, a process of interlocution is currently going on since October 2010. What is your assessment of these consultations? The PDP as a whole believe and I personally too believe that PM of India has desire to resolve Kashmir issue and after Vajpayee, Manmohan Singh picks up the threads of peace process despite obstacles. He has been persistently on his promise to solve the Kashmir. On his desire to do something good to this issue, something good to this state the interlocution is the outcome of that desire. If you see the context of that there was a near national consensus that the people of India and GoI should reach out to the people of Jammu and Kashmir to extend a hand of sympathy through a medium of mutual understanding. Try at least to fill the gaps which are between Srinagar-New Delhi that is what we say technically interlocution is an effort to address the internal dimensions of the dispute. And the efforts they have undertaken you may differ at times but it emanates from the desire of PM who is committed to solve the dispute. We too have pinned hopes in interlocutors that at least the internal dimension will be addressed sooner than later. Your party president Mahbooba Mufti said that as long as ground realities are not addressed the interlocutors can't get any solution to

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the problem? That is absolutely true what she has said is the opinion of anybody that this is a political issue needs political approach and a broader political exercise than interlocution. But that doesn't undermine the importance of the interlocution as long as it is an effort to address the internal dimension of the dispute. Well, Mahbooba ji has rightly said not only the interlocution more measures will have to be taken if at all we desire to reach to a consensus within. In both internal and external dimensions what do you suggest as short, medium and long term measures? Internal dimensions have been taken care of so is external dimension. But as Mahbooba has rightly put it that the pace of the "peace process" has to grow and the efforts have to make stronger for it. For Internal and external dimensions there should be clarity of ideas. The proposals to be propounded by various political parties have to reach out with some consensus. It is the people of Jammu and Kashmir which ultimately have to be satisfied after the satisfaction of both the governments and people of India and Pakistan. So moving forward is that interlocution with a desire to address the internal dimension the GoI will have to do more, Pakistan have to cooperate and civil society will have to contribute. We have not to be syncs but facilitate the process. It is easy to be critical. Some path has to be tread to reach to the "manzil" (destination). We believe in the honesty and sincerity of President Musharaf's formula had gained momentum. It was seriously discussed in Jammu and

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Kashmir, Pakistan and India. There have been times of hope and we have to pick up from that alone that is how we can address both internal and external dimensions of the issue. You said India is sincere to resolve the Kashmir dispute. The separatists leader Syed Ali Geelani have asked India to accept his five point formula for any result oriented negotiations and India refused. Do you think India would be successful in its efforts to restore peace in the valley and stabilize the prevailing chaos? We are hopeful as a party and we contribute towards the peace process to strengthen the hope. We are not a party who will create an atmosphere of dismay and we have no doubt that things will move forward. Even Manishankar Aiyer who visited Kashmir in recent past had said that there should be no conditions for any dialogue. So there are voices becoming stronger enough who favor for unconditional dialogue. Even there is a change in the thinking and approach of BJP. You need to have a national consensus to settle things and that is building up. What we see lacking is a joint mutiual strong effort. What do you mean joint mutual effort? Are Pakistan and separatists on board for the peace process? Nobody is away from that. We have created a debate of the debate itself while different people say different things. We have to come down to a bottom-line and remove the mist hovering over the debate. That mist is going slowly. The people have to be ready on both sides if there is dialogue that has to be without conditions.

Epilogue July 2011

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KASHMIR RIDDLE

First Person: An Encounter With Most Wanted Man From Kashmir SYED SHUJAAT BUKHARI

Until 1989 he was known to public as Mohammad Yousuf Shah, a hard-core activist of Jamat-e-Islami besides an Imam (preacher) at Exhibition Ground mosque near the Civil Secretariat in Srinagar. He worked as an important functionary of Jamat in the capacity of Ameer-e-Zila (district head) for Srinagar. He also led the Islami Jamiat-e-Tulba, student wing of Jamat for many years. A post graduate in Political Science, he had faith in the democratic system of India and fought the controversial elections for Amira Kadal segment of Srinagar in 1987. But the results changed him and he transformed into a prominent militant leader, thus to be known by his nome de guerre Syed Salahuddin Before the election results would be out, he was thrown into jail. Salahuddin is among the 50 most wanted list given by Government India to Government of Pakistan for handing them over on charges of "terrorism". He has many First Information Reports registered in various police stations. Today he is the only indigenous face of armed struggle in Kashmir and pledges to take it to its "logical conclusion". I recently met him during my visit to Pakistan Administered Kashmir (PaK). It was not easy to reach to a man who also heads the United Jehad Council (UJC), the Muzaffarabad based alliance of all militant groups including Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad. Salahuddin is guarded by a group of his close confidant militants (all Kashmiris) round the clock. He must be under surveillance from the agencies, that was the whiff I got, as I negotiated many interior roads to reach his office. A well built man with his face covered mostly by his long beard, he is warm in receiving his guests. I did not find much difference in him when I recalled meeting him way back in 1993 in Shopian area of South Kashmir when I was working with Kashmir Times as a reporter. That time he was a man in hurry with the security forces keeping a closer watch on his movements. Today I found him a relaxed man discussing the impact of Pakistan's "bad security situation" with his close associates. We opened up discussion with the question as to why he chose to be a "most wanted" man in Kashmir. "We tried all the democratic means to impress upon India to give us the political right to decide our future but they (New Delhi) perhaps did not like the ballot and

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We opened up discussion with the question as to why he chose to be a "most wanted" man in Kashmir. "We tried all the democratic means to impress upon India to give us the political right to decide our future but they (New Delhi) perhaps did not like the ballot and wanted a bullet" was the straight answer

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Epilogue June 2011

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KASHMIR RIDDLE

For Salahuddin, the "large-scale" rigging in the 1987 elections was a turning point not only in his life but also in the politics of Kashmir. "It changed the place and the people," he said. But he hastily added that it was not the only factor but a major one for Kashmiris to pick up the gun

wanted a bullet" was the straight answer. For Salahuddin, the "large-scale" rigging in the 1987 elections was a turning point not only in his life but also in the politics of Kashmir. "It changed the place and the people," he said. But he hastily added that it was not the only factor but a major one for Kashmiris to pick up the gun. Salahuddin claimed that the National Conference stalwart Late Mohiuddin Shah who "defeated" him in the elections was not even "supported by his family members". "Entire constituency was with me but government did not want elections to be fair". He recalled, "how Farooq Abdullah came to booth in Sarai Bala and threw the ballot box down on the road". "By doing all this Government of India performed the last rites of democracy in Kashmir" he said justifying the armed struggle. Having no remorse on becoming a militant commander, he takes refuge in Holy Quran by saying that "Jehad becomes obligatory when the enemy does not listen through these means". Our struggle, he said has been nurtured by blood of young, old and children and "I assure you it will not go waste". Though his organization is not much active compared to pan Islamic Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad, he says that "armed struggle must continue as only gun will force Army to wind up". At the same time he says he was not averse to political negotiations "incase they are held between three parties viz India, Pakistan and Kashmiris and the aspirations of majority of the people become the agenda". Striking a difference between the so called "International Islamic Terror Network" and "genuine freedom struggle in Kashmir', he asserts that Kashmiri militant groups had no links, whatsoever with Taliban or Al Qaeda.

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"It is rubbish to say like that," he says. On him being among the 50 most wanted, he laughs. "Let them first see how many of those wanted are in India" he says with a tinge of sarcasms. "I am not a fugitive but I travel in the Jammu and Kashmir state which is one," he said. Ruling out a political role for himself in immediate future, he said that the "collective leadership" in Kashmir was doing well. "We do monitor their conduct and if we feel they are deviating we counsel them accordingly. But as of now I am in this active field". Visibly concerned over deteriorating security situation in Pakistan, he blamed United States for the "mess". "As long as US is here the problem will remain. They are the biggest irritant in the region," he said. Salahuddin complimented Pakistanis for their resilience. During my interaction he made a significant statement about Panchayat elections saying that his organization did not call for the boycott. "I do not think that it would be proper for us to give a boycott call as people have day to day problems to get addressed," he maintained. "And these elections have no bearing on Kashmir dispute". With these soft words, we ended the conversation and he was open to "discuss any offer of direct talks with his colleagues", incase one comes from New Delhi. This summer surely brings promises of hope, peace and prosperity but the real movers and shakers need to feel the changing environment.

During my interaction he made a significant statement about Panchayat elections saying that his organization did not call for the boycott. "I do not think that it would be proper for us to give a boycott call as people have day to day problems to get addressed," he maintained. "And these elections have no bearing on Kashmir dispute"

Epilogue July 2011

Inside Other Kashmir

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Epilogue June 2011

INSIDE OTHER KASHMIR TRAVEL NOTES

Kohala: The Gateway to Kashmir Identity check at Kohala, the bridge over Jhelum separating Kashmir from Pakistan, means different things for different people. Some see it as symbolic proof of Kashmir being a separate 'State', other believe this is how Pakistan keeps tab on movement of Kashmiris

Epilogue IN ASSOCIATION WITH

All pieces in this series written by: ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

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Taking 'Kashmir Road' from Islamabad, Pakistan's capital and arguably a city among world's most beautiful, could be an envious experience for those who often take roads in Indian side of Jammu and Kashmir. The imagination about 'other Kashmir' gets more excited on this wide and smooth four-laned high-speed motorway zigzagging through well protected thick forests. It takes you to a height before suddenly falling steep. As one crosses Murree, it is entirely different world on the other side. The rise is now a fall not only in terms of altitude but also the quality of surface you wheeled on, the width of road of road and what you get to see on the either side. The road goes on narrowing down; potholes and shingled stones giving bumps after bumps make it tough negotiating on the curves. Are we on remnants of once a road or the road is coming up? Driver tells us that it is a slide prone area and therefore construction and reconstruction is a continuous process. Unlike Jammu-Srinagar highway where traffic has to be regulated either way almost every third day to make smooth way for defence convoys, not even a single Military or Paramilitary vehicle could be spotted on Islamabad-Kashmir road. Either the Military travels in plain clothes in civilian vehicles or they are stationed heavily at the designated locations. However, there is no convincing answer to why there is not even a single Military vehicle on the road which is Pakistan's strategically most vulnerable area. The steeply falling drive ends with the famous Kohala Bridge over mighty Jhelum River where Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Kashmir boundaries meet to separate. The mainland Pakistan ends and what is locally called as 'Azad State of Jammu and Kashmir' begins. Unless you are informed that 'this is Kohala' there is nothing on the site that leads you to the historical importance of this place. In terms of boundary and the definition of so called 'special status' Kohala is equivalent of our Lakhanpur -the gateway to Jammu and Kashmir on banks of Ravi River. Unlike Lakhanpur, a place of huge commercial importance with no major historical importance, Kohala assumes a very significant historical position in context of political conflict between India and Pakistan over Jammu and Kashmir. This is the place where Mohammad Ali Jinnah stayed for a while before entering Kashmir. Before 1947, Jawaharlal Nehru too had taken Kohala route to Kashmir. And the tribal raiders, who mainly came from today's Khyber Pakhtunkhwa entered through Kohala and made this place as their first base for launching attacks in Kashmir. There are many other things Kohala was famous for. Sir Allama Iqbal stayed here for many days to compose 'Hammala', the first poem of Bang-e-Dra. In late 1880s the British government had accorded a special position to Kohala -a vast and luxurious

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guest house was established there with all possible amenities of that day, including a telegraph centre. After a deal (in 1810) between Malka Singh, the administrator of Rawalpindi and the Dogra dynasty of Jammu , for more than 140 years Kohala was the most important trade centre between Punjab and Kashmir as Pathankote was on the eastern side. Going little back, Kohala assumed much more importance in the ancient times for being centre of Hindu pilgrimage for the worshippers of Kohala Devi. However, everything swept away with the events of 1947 that left Kohala with the only identity that it separates Kashmir from mainland Pakistan. What could be more tragic for this historical place than the fact that no one knows who rules Kohala -Punjab or Kashmir? A dispute over lease struck during British era still remains unresolved. What is status of Kashmir on the Pakistani side of Line of Control? The experience of crossing over Kohala is an important part of this debate. On India side, at Lakhanpur taxes are collected, vehicles are levied but men are not counted; the money collected is added to the state's coffers. However, at Kohala taxation is not known to anyone, there is no such department no such infrastruc-

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ture. However, the men who counter are out to not only count but also identity check. The identity here refers to nationality. Everyone, whether a subject of Kashmir or citizen of Pakistan had to get down from the vehicles, queue up with their national identity cards in hands for clearance to enter 'Azad State of Jammu and Kashmir' as sign board along the check post points. For the foreign passport holders, there is a procedure, nearly identical to ports of entries to different countries. On the roadside, there is a shed inside which around half a dozen men in loose Khan suits take seats around a couple of archaic computers. Here your passports and travel documents are verified, a photograph is taken with small handy camera which usually rests in Kurta pocket of one of the officials. Your details are entered in a register and signatures are put before getting the go ahead for onward journey. "Look at Pakistan's commitment to the independent status of Kashmir", says a local politician as he argues that identity check at Kohala is an assertion of 'Azad Kashmir's identity is an independent country which is just enjoying temporary protection of Pakistan pending lasting settlement'. That is one view. Hear the other one! "Pakistan is extremely insecure about Kashmir and they want to keep a regular check on who is coming in and who is going out", says an activist in Muzaffarabad. He adds: "We (Kashmiris) are in a permanent state of confusion about our identity and nationality and Kohala reminds us of that every day". The independent viewpoint is closer to reality. Kohala is Pakistani's major political, diplomatic and strategic ploy over Kashmir. Through the identity check at crossing point, Pakistan intends to tell both the domestic and international community that Kashmir is a separate 'State' under temporary protection of Islamabad. Politics apart, this uncertainty is a daily life psychological and emotional burden on every subject of Pakistan administered Kashmir.

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Being in Muzaffarabad The politically overburdened and not-so-sleepy town on either side of Jhelum-Neelum confluence, Muzaffarabad struggles through a daily search for appropriation of its legitimacy as capital of not only a 'State' but also an idea

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Being in Muzaffarabad could be a good holiday experience for a tourist but for the natives it is an everyday political question of identity and idea. The bowel shaped breathtakingly beautiful town can be seen trifurcated into three -two parts on either side of Jhelum and third before Neelum (Kishenganga) pours in Jhelum at Domail. With Khyber Pakhtunkhwa on the west, Baramulla and Kupwara on the east, Punjab in south and Neelum in north, Muzaffarabad carries with dignity a true mosaic of cultures and languages. Drive atop a ridge, may be Lohar Gali or Chhattar, and Muzaffarabad is seen an architect's dream on palm of hand. Down back to the town, dust slaps you on the face as in deafening noise of horns vehicles struggle to find a way on the narrow potholed roads. In the markets, shopkeepers have their faces masked with polythene to escape the thick and sooty air that comes with loads of dust and vehicle smoke. Muzaffarabad has not been fully able to come out of the loss of October 2005 earthquake and locals tell us that things were not like this before that. The devastating earthquake had destroyed almost 50 per cent of the buildings and the infrastructure is still in various phases of reconstruction. Reconstruction work is still on with international aid and some of the best colonies, official buildings, university campus and a mosque with modern architecture have come up with support of Turkish and Saudi governments. Despite all the work that is going on, locals say pace is very slow and the planning element is still missing. "Don't look at Muzaffarabad with lens of Jammu or Srinagar", tells us a local as he says "comparison is always between contemporaries". His point is preventing a conclusion on why Muzaffarabad is far less developed than Srinagar or Jammu. But the logic that Muzaffarabad is relatively newer settlement than the twin capital cities of Jammu and Kashmir is incorrect in one way and correct in other. Known as Udabhanda for several centuries and served as capital of Shahi dynasty till ninth century, this place was named as Muzaffarabad after the name of Khandan-e-Bomba ruler Sultan Khan Muzaffar Khan in 1646. In later years, Muzaffarabad suffered double abandonment and disempowerment -first under Mughal rulers and second time under Dogra rulers. Position of Muzaffarabad is best understood in late 1930s when Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, as teacher, was sent there by Dogra government on punishment posting. Sheikh Abdullah had resigned in protest and returned to Srinagar. In Kashmir context, Muzaffarabad was an Indian equivalent of Kala Paani where British would send the nationalists on punishment. Muzaffarabad is projected as capital of a 'State' but why wasn't the city ever developed to that level? The older generation has a reason and the younger ones have remorse. After partition,

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Rawalakote had briefly become the Capital of 'Azad Kashmir' where administration took over under tents. However, Muzaffarabad was soon declared as Capital for a strong political reason closer geographical proximity to Kashmir valley. "In earlier years after partition, developing Muzaffarabad as capital was no one's imagination as we all believed that temporary arrangement was soon to be over and Srinagar would be the capital of Jammu and Kashmir", says an elder who has been a part of Muzaffarabad's life since 1947. "Even on this date we are fed on the same dream", says the disappointed elder as he pieces together decades of politics symbolising Muzaffarabad as 'capital and an idea of independence of Kashmir' and not really as capital of a 'State'. "63 years have passed, Muzaffarabad was a base camp (for independence of Kashmir) then and it continues to be now", says a student leader and follower of Maqbool Bhutt's ideology. He rues: "our fate is uncertain; the leadership of Azad Kashmir and Pakistan is in daily business of double speak. They (leadership) tell us that struggle is about independence and unification of Kashmir but they tell each other that it is about integration of Kashmir with Pakistan". In a measured and controlled manner, some groups have been recently holding protests against Pakistan's direct role in Kashmir affairs. There is a unique response to such protests. "We are often helped by people in local Police and administration who are opposed to Islamabad's rule in Muzaffarabad", says an activist. So, who (doesn't) live(s) in Muzaffarabad and who rules the people of Pakistan administered Kashmir? President and Prime Minister are titular heads of the 'Azad Government' of Jammu and Kashmir, as insignia and stationery reveals. "They stay in Islamabad for months together, important files are taken there in boxes, all important meetings are held there and they come

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to Muzaffarabad once in a while for some inauguration, public meeting or accompanying guests with power elites of Pakistan", says a retired bureaucrat who has remained a part of the local government for decades. Besides President and Prime Minister, the power elites, the freedom leaders and even the symbolic representatives of Hurriyat have their houses in Islamabad or Rawalpindi. Prime Minister Sardar Attique Ahmed Khan rebuts this opinion strongly but selectively. He told this writer: "Azad Kashmir is ruled by the one who is elected by people but then it depends upon persons to person. For example, Mujahid-e-Awwal (Sardar Qayoom Khan) and I have spent most of the time among our people in Muzaffarabad and elsewhere in the region but there have been other Prime Ministers and Presidents who lived and worked from Islamabad or Pindi". Howsoever politically correct Sardar Attique may sound but the people who actually live in Muzaffarabad with sense of duty and greater fear of accountability are the non-Kashmiri troika -the Chief Secretary, the Additional Chief Secretary (Finance) and the Inspector General of Police. There may be others in Army and ISI but these three men are the face of government in the public. When asked about decision making and implementation being directly in hands of Islamabad, the Prime Minister says, "it is an arrangement in interest of administration". With due respect to all logics and reasons offered by the 'elected head' and others, the government of Pakistan administered Kashmir is directly run by the Kashmir Council of the federal government of Pakistan, based in Islamabad. Prime Minister of Pakistan is its head and the Minister for Kashmir Affairs is the person who calls all the shots in Pakistan administered Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan. Even to this constitutional provision, Sardar Attique says, "it depends from person to person...I take all my decisions independently and so did Mujahid-e-Awwal".

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Being in Mirpur Home to hubris of operation Gibraltar and serving roots to Birmingham and Bradford in UK, Mirpur is different -it is better reconciled to realities and here economics prevails over politics. Interestingly, seeking to be a cousin of Jammu, Mirpuris say 'we are Kashmiris and that is only how we should be seen'

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As you get off the Lahore road and take a turn to Mangla, large sized billboards with smiling greet on the other side of bridge. The allurement is easy visa offers and cheap flights to UK and Middle East destinations. Put up dozens of Mirpur based travel agencies, these billboards offer first reflection of what this place is connected to. Other advertisements on the way are about luxury hotels and seemingly upmarket shopping arcades. Mirpur is mini Bradford or Birmingham of UK or the vice versa -say it whatever way, it would be correct. However, once in Mirpur there is another cue many locals have to offer. "How did you find Jammu's cousin", asks a journalist in Mirpur -the commercial capital of Pakistan administered Kashmir. He is not the one and this is not the only way this question is asked. "Isn't this market entirely like Jammu...don't you think we speak the same language". And "why was this recent fuss about Dogra identity issue in Jammu and Kashmir". These are just few of the many questions asked by many Mirpuris. In many ways -geography, topography, architecture, bit of culture and language -Mirpur is similar to Jammu. But it is dissimilar in many more ways than similar. Like Jammu, Mirpur boasts of star hotels, big shopping plazas, multi-story commercial complexes but that is all in the sky. However, the development on the ground, which is supposed to be government's business, is not complimentary to the kind of infrastructure people have raised at their own. Still Mirpur's overall development picture is far better than Muzaffarabad -in fact not worth of comparison. Some urban residential areas are hilly and sloppy but despite that town planning is on modern lines. The settlement that came up immersion of original town in nearby Mangla Dam is more or less on the pattern of Islamabad or, closer home, a bit like Chandigarh. So, not much of similarity with Jammu as being projected by the Mirpuris. A little later I get to understand the political connotations of linking Mirpur with Jammu ever and ever again. For stronger political reasons and some anecdotal backgrounds, the Mirpur's political elite seeks to be different from three potential neighbouring political entities in their imagination -Pakistan, Kashmir Valley and Muzaffarabad. When Mirpur is mini London then why do they seek link up their identity with Jammu and not with Bradford or Birmingham. Probably, it has more to do with politics than with emotions. Linking with Birmingham or Bradford does not hurt anyone. But seeking to be cousin of Jammu, which they smartly know is mostly pro-India, is directly hitting Pakistan and Muzaffarabad where it hurts the most. In entire Pakistan administered Kashmir, Mirpur is perhaps one such place where 'Kashmir Banega Pakistan' slogan has no currency. The veteran of Kashmir politics and locally known as

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Mujahid-e-Awwal, Sardar Qayoom Khan knows this better than anyone else does. The last time when Kashmir Banega Pakistan slogan was raised in Mirpur was in 1985 and the leader on the podium was Sardar Qayoom. While the echoes of the slogan were still in the air that audience pounced upon the veteran leader who was protected by a posse of Army and later driven to a safer location. The slogan in Mirpur is 'Kashmir Banega Azad'. This is why Mirpuris seek to distance from the discourse of Kashmir Valley, Muzaffarabad and, of course, Pakistan. Mirpur is not the only place in Pakistan administered Kashmir where are people are opposed to the idea of integration with Pakistan. There are many in Muzaffarabad also who are for unification and independence of Kashmir. But rest of the subjects of Pakistan administered they can't speak up, even on the local issues of development, for obvious reasons. Mirpuris are the only people with a strong agency of voice. They have the guts to talk to any powerful politician of Pakistani eye-toeye and their Pakistani audience do not have many options but to listen to Mirpuris with humility. This strength is drawn from the powerful Diaspora. Residents of Pakistan administered Kashmir constitute a majority of Pakistani Diaspora in Britain, other European countries, Middle East and some extent in US. Of them, residents of Mirpur and neighbouring Kotli are the most numerous and influential, of course. Not only is their numerical strength but economic affluence and political leverage is more important. Official estimates suggest that 36% of the Pakistan's total remittances are through the Mirpuris. They finance elections of many influential Pakistani politicians, they are a deciding factor vote bank in as many as 38 constitu-

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encies of British Parliament, and some of them actually sit in the British Parliament and many others Councillors Mayors and Lord Mayors in UK. Pakistan's any affront with Mirpuris could lead to a direct retaliation in UK and may trigger even foreign policy issues between Islamabad and London. Once they touched the extreme. Not very long ago, there was a slogan Kashmir Zindabad, Pakistan Murdabad. But that had to be dealt with carrot and stick policy. Pakistan knew stick alone would not help. Therefore, in terms of carrot, some immediate development plans were initiated around the Mangla area to address some grievances of Mirpuris. Interactions with a cross-section of Mirpuris gave a strong sense of Kashmiri nationalism there. At no cost would they like to be called as Pakistanis. Their language, Potohari, is much closer to Punjabi and far different from Dogri of Jammu proper or Gojri and Pahari of Rajouri and Poonch. Mirpur are encircled by Pakistani Punjab, their huge influence of Punjabi culture and language but Punjabi is the last thing a Mirpuri would like to be called as. "We are Kashmiris and that is our only identity". Who are these Kashmiris of Mirpur? In order of numerical strength there are Jats, Sudhans, Gujjars and Rajputs. "These biradaris (castes) are our personal identities but our collective identity is Kashmiri...let there not be any doubt about that", says a political politician. Kashmiris they are all, but there is another class of people in Mirpur who have a different set of grievances and different vision for future. Around 1.25 lakh people from Rajouri and Poonch migrated to Pakistan administered Kashmir during operation Gibraltar of 1965. The immediate outpouring was into Kotli district but later they moved to struggle with life in Mirpur. Once called as refugees, they are class one state subjects and most of them have risen to higher positions on local bureaucracy. "Whatever we are today is all due to dint of hard work and not through any largesse of Pakistan", says a prominent Mirpuri who was a leader of operation Gibraltar. He says, "we offered supreme sacrifices and left our families divided into many parts", neither do we find any place for ourselves in today's Kashmiri's political discourse and nor in Pakistan's negotiating scheme of things". A major demand which every Mirpuri appealed this writer to highlight at every available forum: "please don't restrict to Cross-LoC travel to divided families...make state subject as only condition for taking the peace bus across Line of Control".

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The 'Azad Govt' of Kashmir

This is how the government is known in official communications. A study of governance in Pakistan administered Kashmir makes an interesting case. It is understood that boss in Muzaffarabad is someone else but how government really works is both -best example of governance and worst as well

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Who exactly is the government in real sense in Pakistan administered Kashmir continues to be not only a dilemma but also a political trauma for the residents. Where is the Capital Muzaffarabad or Islamabad? There are no convincing answers even with those who run the system. If public access to the top representatives of government is anything to determine the quality of governance, then Pakistan administered Kashmir, perhaps, offers the best possible example. In Srinagar, someone having cellphone number of Omar Abdullah's private secretary can flaunt a status of privilege. However, in Muzaffarabad try an alternate passerby chances are that you get cellphone number of Sardar Attique Ahmed Khan. If the person is courteous enough, which is most likely, he may try a call for you. And don't get surprised if the Prime Minister recognised the caller at once. That is how accessible the government is. After a more than two-hour long interview this writer had with Sardar Attique in a Muzaffarabad hotel lobby, some officers of the local administration pulled chairs to join the lighter informal chat. Pointing towards Deputy Commissioner of Muzaffarabad district, the Prime Minister said, "see, we are just like a family...there are no protocol hassles involved". The DC nodded smilingly. As Prime Minister left for his residence, a Revenue Commissioner told this writer, "did you notice, we are in a real working democracy". The Commissioner who have had interactions with some of the bureaucrats in Jammu and Kashmir, further said, "even a clerk sometimes interrupts the Prime Minister to make a point and the Prime Minister takes it". Something like what is called as Awwami Mulaqat in Jammu and Kashmir, in PaK Sardar Attique has put in place a Friday audience system at mosques. "I, my cabinet colleagues and officers at all levels sit back in the lawns of different mosques every after every Friday prayer and ask people to share their grievances with us one-to-one", says the Prime Minister. "You won't find such vibrant democracy anywhere else", Attique adds with sense of pride. But there is something the Prime Minister seeks to cover up while displaying contours of 'finest democracy'. What do people actually get out of this instant access to the power elite? "Nothing...just a sense of satisfaction that they are close the powers", says a local intellectual who would not like to be named. "It is just a two-day hollow pride and pleasure", he says. "The power elite enjoys the pleasure of being followed by people and people enjoy the pride of having access to them", says this keen observer of government. "It is just that we write 'Azad Government' but in real sense the Government is Kashmir Council which sits in Islamabad...the local Govern-

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ment is more or less an agency of Islamabad", he says. When asked to comment, Prime Minister Attique described this as a perception and propaganda. He asks this writer, "do you know, I directly deal with internal donors and development agencies for projects in Azad Kashmir...I don't have to get clearance from Islamabad". "That's great sir", this author said in appreciation before asking a question, "sir, who makes your budget?" Attique says, "everything has a well laid down procedure and there is no crossing of lines". Then, the Prime Minister immediately jumps another piece of information: "I recently got the Carbon Sequestration pact inked without having gone through Islamabad". At the end of a two-day international conference on Kashmir held at Muzaffarabad, the participants were awarded with souvenirs and certificates of participation by University of 'Azad Jammu Kashmir'. The certificates had signatures of the Chancellor, the President of Pakistan administered Kashmir and the University's Vice Chancellor. At the farewell dinner that followed, a retired bureaucrat of PaK sarcastically asked as participant "does your certificate bear signatures of Mr Wattoo". As participant raised eyes, the bureaucrat added,

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"nothing in this region is valid without Wattoo's stamp of approval". He was referring to Mian Manzoor Ahmed Wattoo, Pakistan's Federal Minister for Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan. For two days that Wattoo spent in Muzaffarabad he was treated to a lifetime of hospitality and protocol by the PaK government but every local eye had an element of contempt for him. Wattoo is a refined, seasoned, articulate and widely respected Pakistani politician with shrewd strategic acumen. Residents of PaK have nothing personal against him but it is his present position as 'Federal Minister for Kashmir Affairs' which makes him a much hated 'Company Bahadur' equivalent of British India parlance who is received with a compulsive respect but looked at with natural abhorrence. Peoples of Pakistan administered Kashmir feel very strongly about the control of Kashmir Council in every sphere of life. Pakistan administration Kashmir's annual budget is framed in Islamabad on desks of Kashmir Council and then the PaK Finance Minister reads it out at Assembly in Muzaffarabad. Strange it may sound but the PaK Legislative Assembly is not empowered to amend the constitution or make any laws. "Legislative Assembly is supposed to be a law making body; what is the relevance without those powers", asks a Kashmiri scholar. The common refrain in the Capital and among the power elite is very interesting: "every decision in matters of Azad Kashmir is sole prerogative of Kashmir Council and the decision, if any, taken in Muzaffarabad has to be got approved from Islamabad for implantation". Facts are known to everyone from Muzaffarabad to Islamabad but it sounds like music when Prime Minister of Pakistan Syed Yusuf Raza Gillani addresses Raja Zilqarnain Khan and Sardar Attique Khan like this: "Honourable President and Prime Minister of Azad Government of Jammu and Kashmir". But there is a simultaneous paradox. In warrant of precedence, the Kashmir Affairs Minister Mian Manzoor Wattoo is superior of Raja Zulqarnain Khan, the President of 'Azad Government of Jammu and Kashmir".

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Khakis in Civvies A contradiction of sorts -Pakistan and PaK are believed to be run by Army but not many uniformed men are seen. Talk to the locals and they talk naturally about ISI and host of other agencies as part of their daily life. From political and administrative decisions to getting properties freed from occupants, agencies have a role legitimised by government as well as peoples

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We have grown up hearing what world knows well that from politics to governance, foreign policy to economic policy and social order to cultural life Pakistan is always steered by the Army in every manner. Same has been suggested to be much worst about Pakistan administered Kashmir. In local parlance, the Kashmiri nationalist constituency refers to two entities the most -Islamabad and Murree. Islamabad is jeered at for political and administrative control over Kashmir and Murree for the military noose. The largest Military corps charged with affairs of Line of Control is based at the picturesque Murree -part of administrative province of Punjab and overlooking Pakistan administered Kashmir, not only strategically but also geographically. For a journalist living through daily discourse of 'militarisationdemilitarisation', looking for numerical strength of camouflaged men in the civilian areas in other lands is a natural inquest. Whether it is insurgency torn Sri Lanka or the most peaceful land of Turkey, the influence of military on life of locals has always remained a principal quest of this writer. While travelling through Pakistan administration Kashmir military presence -control and influence -is the first prod. In first class of journalism we are taught that news is when 'man bites and dog' and not when 'dog bites the man'. It looks like a white lie but the fact was really unbelievable. Not even a single military formation or post seen anywhere in PaK. Travelling across two of the three administrative divisions of PaK over a period of almost one week, we could find only three men in uniform. One of them Aide De Camp to the President Raja Zulqarnain Khan and the other Military Officer to Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gillani while he was briefly on tour of Muzaffarabad. Where is your Military? "Our soldiers are where they out to be", says PaK Prime Minister Sardar Attique Ahmed Khan pointing to their presence on the frontiers and not the civilian areas. But that is hard to believe, this writer insisted. A big smile and polite gesture with both hands raised apart, the Prime Minister says, "see it for yourself". Absence of informed men from the civilian areas is always a psychological and visual delight. Prime Minister's claim can be dismissed for being political. But what to believe -what eyes saw or what ears heard. Account of eyes reiterates many times over that except three soldiers listed above no men was seen in uniform anywhere. But what about the stories ears have gone through? Every living culture has numerous folklores and tales associated with it which offer a glimpse of its life. A number of tell tales and personal stories make us to believe that life around Military and intelligence agencies is the most dominant culture in Pakistan administered Kashmir. Engage with anyone in discussions, may be on education, business or transport,

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chances are that in ten-minute conversation you hear about Military or Intelligence Agencies at least thrice. One doesn't really need to ask about the role of Military and Intelligence Agencies in the local life. In any conversation there are enough references to understand that. Initially it is difficult to make out what are they talking about. Look at these characters: Farishte, Babe, Pappe and Mamme. If you insist on asking, without feeling embarrassed, 'what is that', it comes out: Farishte stands for Inter Services Intelligence spies, Babe are the other intelligence agencies' men, Pappe are Military men and Mamme or Mujahideen is for militants. There may be a mismatch in one or two cases as taking down notes during information conversations could have been awkward. "What does Omar Abdullah do when he has a point to make with a Brigadier", asks a University teacher. It is unlikely that Jammu and Kashmir and Chief Minister would ever need a Brigadier to discuss anything but if there is an issue the Corps Commander or even the Chief of Northern Command would be pleased to drop by the Chief

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Minister's residence, the teacher was told. This had him excited to ask few more questions. "And, what happens when a Brigadier comes across the Chief Minister"? The man in uniform, whether Brigadier or Corps Commander would salute the CM and greet him from a distance before shaking hands, he was told. Unbelievable! As conversation proceeds, it is now known that why this man is placing every military example or comparison around Brigadier. The senior most uniformed military officer that sits in Muzaffarabad is a Brigadier and rest of the stock is at Murree. A senior politician who was a Minister not very long ago has an interesting story to tell. He had a timber dispute with relative of a Colonel which was getting ugly by the day. "Even as I had never imagined to have been in a position to have the Colonel at my place to resolve issue but I always thought of meeting at a third place", says the former Minister. Meanwhile, the former Minister says, "the Colonel called me up to say that he wanted to see me at his place...I did go". Was he courteous enough? "Yes, he was warm enough and the matter was amicably resolved though he made me to wait for 25 minutes", concludes the senior politician. A visitor might stop by to reflect whether it is real or imaginary but locals are not surprised to see graffiti on the walls: "Awwam ke aman aur hifazat ke zamin, Pakistan fauj aur ISI". Take a walk through the lanes of Muzaffarabad. The Farishte are seen everywhere around. In one of the rich and well cultured shopping are, the Madina market, a lean man in fashionable pants and black shirt, with three top buttons open is walking down with two armed men in civvies. They are wielding Klashionkovs. A local man introduces the man as 'sector officer'. Is he something equivalent to Station House Officer? "No, they are different people". Military may not be the visible force in PaK but Intelligence Agencies are havoc, one can easily conclude. They are into everything. From political deals to land deals...buying and selling properties, fixing up contracts, acquiring or vacating possessions. Is it ISI which does it all? "No, ISI is just one, there are many agencies and their sub groups", says a local but then he assertively asks: isn't the absence of uniformed men a visual delight? Yes, of course it is but about psychological agony?

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The Kashmir Studies in vacuum What do the scholars, researchers, analysts and economists of 'Azad Kashmir' know about their land? Nothing! Everything in Kashmir studies, whether in PaK or the mainland Pakistan, means study about roots of Kashmir conflict and events of last 20 years in Kashmir Valley. What is per capital income or expenditure in PaK is no one's domain but experts have dates and numbers of United Nations resolutions on their finger tips

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Studies, research and writing on Kashmir is not only a scholarly pursuit but also a passion in Pakistan administered Kashmir and main Pakistan as well. Many Universities, particularly in Punjab province and in National Capital Region of Islamabad have well established departments, centres and institutes of Kashmir Studies. The Muzaffarabad based Azad Kashmir University, PaK's largest University, has an institute of Kashmir Studies which offers Masters Degree programmes. Majority of the most brilliant and promising youths of Pakistan administered Kashmir who secure places in best of the foreign Universities and research centres have Kashmir as their major area of scholarly engagements. Independent think-tanks, research centres and advocacy institutes have special focus on Kashmir. So, what these studies are all about? Despite hundreds and hundreds of scholars, researchers, academicians and experts engaged in Kashmir studies there is not even an iota of information available in public domain on life in Pakistan administered Kashmir. Even the census data is not published by the government. No one knows the basic social and economic statistics. The only vital information in public domain is the total population figure and its further distribution in the districts. As biradari (social castes) is a major identity pattern in PaK, even the caste and ethnic columns are not included in the census data. Talk to anyone about the basic details and the answer begins with 'Andazn', which is approximately. And, what about exact figure? They say, "it is privileged information". In view of complete absence of any basic data, one wonders what do the 'Kashmir specialists' specialise in! The focus of Kashmir specialists is entirely on the Kashmir Valley, human rights situations, historical developments, Jammu and Kashmir's constitutional relations with India, the United Nations Resolutions and the history of Indo-Pak peace process. During some frank discussions most of the experts admit that their researches are in vacuum. On their part of Kashmir, either they do not work or they are not encouraged to work. And on Indian side of Jammu and Kashmir their inputs are usually based on hearsay. A glance at the paragraph below suggests that clearly. An 'acclaimed expert on Kashmir' and head of the department of International Relations at a National University in Islamabad shocked his audience at a seminar when he said that 9000 women have been raped by the security forces in Kashmir Valley in the recent years. Presenting his 'research paper' on Kashmir, the expert further said that Kashmiris are penalised under draconian laws like TADA (Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Act, that lapsed in early 2000s) and POTA (Prevention of Terror-

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Epilogue July 2011

ist Activities Act, that was frozen in J&K in November 2002 and repealed in entire country in 2004). His research findings would have become part of the record had a journalist from Kashmir Valley not strongly rebutted the claims. Another Indian Human Rights activist who is bracketed by the State in category of Gautam Navlakha (the editor and activist who was recently pushed back from Srinagar airport) politely flagged the expert that even a single rape is as terrible as thousands and therefore suggested him against playing with figures. The expert refused to cut the sorry figure. Another speaker on 'languages of Kashmir region' refused to take any questions from the floor as he said that all he knew about the subject has already been read out from 'the research paper'. At the end of the day the Kashmir experts end up knowing nothing about Kashmir except glorification of the pain of partition and overwhelming projection of a sense of victimhood. The culture of positive thinking is, however, gradually picking up and being appreciated too. Some of the institutes and scholars seem to have struggled hard to do some basic work on Pakistan administered Kashmir but those studies are not easily available for public access. The Pakistan Journal of Life and Social appears to have encouraged some scholarly work on PaK -a study on child labour and poverty another on milk supply marketing in Muzaffarabad and few more bio sciences and earth sciences give some basic information. Perhaps the only comprehensive study on human resources development is done under the aegis of the faculty of Advanced Integrated Studies and Research at National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad. This is a PhD thesis of Sabahat Akram and is very recent in nature as it discussed the developments in con-

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text of foreign aid following 2005 earthquake. Another short study by Attique-ur-Rehman of National Islamic University, Islamabad on "Impact of Hydro-power Projects on Economic Growth of Azad Jammu Kashmir" is first of its kind and something worth looking at serioudly. "Researches and studies on PaK are strongly discouraged which is why the world know very little about us", says a local scholar. He said that Baroness Emma Nicholson was doing a report on Kashmir for European Parliament she was not allowed to visit PaK. "She did a comprehensive study on Indian side and then wrote whatever she felt suitable about Pakistani side", the scholar says. Among few credible studies which give some picture of local state of affairs is the one done by Teresta Schaffer on Cross LoC economic potential. Another is very recent one by Conciliation Resources, UK, on CrossLoC education scenario. This study throws to public domain first, time ever, the state of education in Pakistan administered Kashmir. The survey has been conducted and written by Ambassador Arif Kamal who partnered with Prof Siddiq Wahid on the Indian side. Some pragmatic thinkers see these studies as a huge favour on them in terms of getting to know about their own place first time ever. Two natives of PaK with exceptionally enterprising ideas -a policy analyst Ershad Mehmud and a businessman Zulfikar Abbasi -have recently partnered with some other likeminded people to float a local policy research and advocacy institute by the name of Centre for Policy Research and Dialogue. There is another positive development, feel the locals. The University of Azad Kashmir at Muzaffarabad has recently decided to launch the faculty of Social Sciences. Until now the largest University of the region was not encouraged to have the departments of Social Sciences. This reflects a phenomenal discouragement to research and thinking on social, political and developmental life of Pakistan administered Kashmir.

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Missing in the fine print From no newspaper until a decade ago to 32 titles today, the Press in Pakistan administered Kashmir owes a lot to General Musharraf. However, there is very little the local newspapers tell us about the land and the people. And look at the Pakistani mainstream Press, 'Azad Kashmir' is completely out of print

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"Until recently it would be a huge embarrassment when asked by outsiders about the state of Press in the region", says a senior journalist at Muzaffarabad as he informs us that there was no newspaper in Pakistan administered Kashmir till late 1990s. "It was in 1998 when first two local newspapers came up in Muzaffarabad and today we have some four", the journalist tells us. Perhaps he did not that Pakistan administered Kashmir is today producing 32 newspapers every day. "Are you crazy", asks a voracious reader of Pakistani mainstream newspapers in Muzaffarabad as doubts that large number of papers coming up in the region. A good newspaper, as they say, is a nation talking to itself! So which is the good newspaper in Pakistan administered Kashmir and in which languages it talks to its readers. After a look at the collage of newspapers at a newsstand, the question of which one is better is not any relevant. It is more important to know why there weren't any newspapers in 50 years and how as many as close to three dozen came about in less than 30 years. There are no easy and convincing answers to this. As we discussed couple of other issues earlier in this series, publication of newspapers was also systematically discouraged in Pakistan administered Kashmir over many decades. The authorities in Islamabad never wanted the Kashmiris to talk about their issues in the Press. Some locals we interviewed had different but not so convincing reasons to offer. "Since every city of Azad Kashmir is just two to three hours drive from Islamabad or the neighbouring Rawalpindi, so need was never felt to have newspaper published in Muzaffarabad or Mirpur", says a local politician. Pakistan administered Kashmir never had Press and culture of journalism of its own. Despite a visible flaunt of 32 local newspapers that culture has yet to come up. These were the Pakistani newspapers which catered to readership of PaK over the decades. Of late some of the prominent newspapers -like Jang, Nawa-e-Waqt and Khabrien -published from Rawalpindi and Islamabad started bringing out their 'Kashmir editions'. Following, in some measures, the model of Times of India and Tribune for Jammu and Kashmir, these three newspapers have two to three dedicated pages for the Pakistan administered Kashmir while keeping front, editorial, oped and other pages intact. The 'Kashmir edition' is only in three Urdu newspapers and no English news-

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Epilogue July 2011

paper ever allotted a dedicated space to PaK. Even a cursory look at Pakistan's most vibrant and thinking newspapers like Dawn, the Nation and Express Tribune would reveal that PaK does not fit in the editorial priorities of country's mainstream media. From coverage of Kashmir, they simply mean the Valley of Kashmir. A road accident near Muzaffarabad on May 25, killing 35 persons, mostly children, and another accident near Mirpur on June 10 killing 13 persons could not make it to front pages of mainstream Pakistani newspapers. On May 23 when Pakistan Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gillani was in Muzaffarabad where he spoke on Kashmir 'conflict', the event didn't get any significant space in mainstream Pakistani newspapers. For example, Dawn, which a special 'north section', reported the event on third page of its little read additional pullout. Except few newspapers no Pakistani media house has a bureau office on in any part of Pakistan administered Kashmir. Admits a senior editor in Islamabad: "our entire imagination about Kashmir has always been the Valley of Kashmir....Azad Kashmir was never really on agenda of the Pakistani press". However, says the editor, "eve the coverage of Indian Kashmir has undergone a drastic trimming over the recent years and the entire idea of reporting, analysis and comment is about Indo-Pak developments and Kashmir may just be a reference". Why? Pakistan is now badly embroiled in an array of internal problems, terrorism the most challenging among them. Therefore, Kashmir no more a grind for Pakistani Press as much as their internal issues are. So, what brought local newspapers to Pakistan administered Kashmir? "There was always an eagerness among the locals to have their own newspapers but circumstances never permitted", says a journalist. Indeed, a blessing in disguise

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-during his post-uniform era, General Musharraf wanted to democratise the institutions in a bid to hang on for a longer while. He encouraged many things that would fit in the realm of democracy. Press was one of them and PaK availed the opportunity. Based on limited success of two newspapers that arrived in 1998, the real race began after 2002 taking the tally of local newspapers to 32 in 2010. All these newspapers are in Urdu and they follow a different procedure of title registration than the mainland Pakistani newspapers. The registration request has to be filed before the local Deputy Commissioner but final approval is given by the Kashmir Council based in Islamabad and not by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. A small strip of land with less than four million population, out of them over a million living or working abroad, does not need three dozen newspapers. Interestingly, the number reflects diversity in the region. There are three newspapers brought out of Rawalakote, five from Mirpur, few from Kotli, around ten from Muzaffarabad. Except two papers from Muzaffarabad city, all are printed, published and edited out of Islamabad or Rawalpindi. There is no coloured printing press or a press with technical capacity to print more than four-page paper anywhere in PaK. For technical reasons, all newspapers, except two, are in the name of some place in PaK but their entire operation is based in Islamabad or Rawalpindi. Another reason is distribution. PaK papers have not developed distribution chain of their own. They depend on the distribution network of mainstream Pakistani newspapers. Most of the newspapers are understaffed and they rely on news agencies which again have no priority reporting in PaK. Since news agencies do not have tailor made editorials and op-eds for different newspapers, therefore the thinking section is missing in the PaK press. There are a couple of exceptions. 'Jammu Kashmir' is perhaps the most professionally producing and largest selling newspaper of PaK. It is edited and partly owned by Amir Mehboob of Mirpur. A journalist associated with 'Jammu Kashmir' claimed its circulation at 10,000. Another prominent newspaper is Dharti published from Rawalakote. This newspaper may have limited print circulation but its online reach is amazing. Ershad Mehmud, a Kashmiri commentator prominence which has extensively written in Pakistani newspapers, says that he never got as much cumulative feedback from all the mainstream newspapers put together as he got about his columns in Dharti. Almost every newspaper has a website and this is where the Diaspora finds information about their region and relatives. Another relatively better newspaper is Chinar. The big number -32 -notwithstanding, Pakistan administered Kashmir is still missing from the press. For their entire production in mainland Pakistan, the PaK newspapers end up telling us almost nothing about the region.

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Anywhere to Kashmir, only via Islamabad Terribly zigzagged driving through gigantic mountains across different regions of Pakistan administered Kashmir is as jerky an experience as the politics associated with it. Literally, all roads to PaK either leave from or mostly pass through Islamabad -there is no other way out. It is good in terms of naturally easy access to the economic and political power of Pakistani capital but bad in terms of compulsory dependence, this is how opinion of the natives is split

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Muzaffarabad, Mirpur and Rawalakote (Poonch) are three most important regions of Pakistan administered Kashmir. For administrative convenience these regions are designated as divisions manned by the Divisional Commissioners and the police chiefs for each region are the officers of the rank of Deputy Inspector General and not the Inspector General as in our case. Inspector General is the top police officer of PaK. Driving from one division to another (and in case of some districts too) one has to make a compulsory about turn through Pakistani capital Islamabad. There are some roads connecting divisions and districts without having crossed the territorial jurisdiction of PaK but the shorter and 'relatively easier' routes are through Islamabad. 'Relatively easier': because no road is easy enough to drive through. "Once in Muzaffarabad I never think of going to Islamabad and vice versa unless the circumstances are unavoidable", PaK's top bureaucrat was quoted as responding when a friend of him known to this writer talked about the condition of roads. There are two major issues of surface transport (the only means of transport there) one that roads are too bumpy and highly unreliable and second why every destination has to be reached via Islamabad. Before being there, it appeared a case of Pakistan's blatant discrimination and injustice against the people of PaK -first, in not facilitating good roads in the region and second through creating irreversible Islamabad-Rawalpindi dependence. Some vocal locals feel and talk very strongly about it. However, driving through most of these roads with a map in the hand and eye on the passing by terrain, testify most of these views more as propaganda and less of logic. Particularly, when our visit was in the middle of election time, the propaganda had natural chances of better prevalence. The logic, however, points us to two permanent disadvantages -one through geography and other through partition of Jammu and Kashmir. Pakistan administered Kashmir is essentially a slice of difficult land mass placed against all geographical odds. A crude look at the map of Pakistan administered Kashmir shows us the territory as an unhealthy earthworm. It runs in length along Pakistan on one side and Indian part of Jammu and Kashmir on other side. Imagine the earthworm and, the geographical disadvantage of width almost nothing in proportion to length gives a fair idea of why taking a turn from Islamabad is the most convenient way of travelling between two parts of Pakistan administered Kashmir. Geographical disadvantage, how-

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Epilogue July 2011

ever, does not fully absolve the Government of Pakistan as well as that of Pakistan administered Kashmir of their criminal ignorance of local transport communication needs. "The Kohala road has not undergone much of improvement since it was built for the British", says a former bureaucrat. But he hastens to ask: "Jammu-Srinagar National Highway is no better than the Kohala-Muzaffarabad road". He is not entirely wrong in asking this. The problem of shooting stones and landslides on Kohala road is exactly akin to Painthal or Nashri on Jammu-Srinagar highway. With road density of almost 0.40 Kilometres per square kilometre of regional territory, the overall connectivity scenario is not that bad. PaK has a total road network of 10968 Kilometres out of 5500 Kilometres stretch is well metalled while driving on the rest needs a better sense of weather forecast. In absence of any major federal financial support, the local government is reported to have conceived a major road highway plan involving tunnels to shorten the distance and ward off frequent weather related damages to roads. This ambitious project named as Kashmir Trunk Road (KTR), conceived on 'Built, Own, Operate, Transfer' (BOOT) mode runs from Taubutt in Neelum Valley in north to Iftikharabad in district Bhimber in the south traversing about 600 Kilometre passing through all districts of Pakistan administered Kashmir. Government is eyeing international investors for this project. An outsider might want to accuse the Government of Pakistan and that of PaK for poor road infrastructure and Islamabad dependence but for locals it is not a big issue. Even as some locals, mostly the 'Kashmiri nationalists' talk strongly about roads but a majority is not comfortable with 'via Islamabad arrangement' but also strong advo-

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ROAD LENGTH (KMs) 1947

2009

Metalled

100

6382.12

Fair-weather

165

6197

Total

265

11591.12

Road Density

0.33

0.48

With road density of almost 0.40 Kilometres per square kilometre of regional territory, the overall connectivity scenario is not that bad. PaK has a total road network of 10968 Kilometres out of 5500 Kilometres stretch is well metalled while driving on the rest needs a better sense of weather forecast. In absence of any major federal financial support, the local government is reported to have conceived a major road highway plan involving tunnels to shorten the distance and ward off frequent weather related damages to roads. This ambitious project named as Kashmir Trunk Road (KTR), conceived on 'Built, Own, Operate, Transfer' (BOOT) mode runs from Taubutt in Neelum Valley in north to Iftikharabad in district Bhimber in the south traversing about 600 Kilometre passing through all districts of Pakistan administered Kashmir. Government is eyeing international investors for this project. cate of this connectivity. "It is an advantage and we must look at the benefits", says Zulfikar Abbasi, a PaK native who is counted among top businessmen of Pakistan. Abbasi has been twice to Jammu and Kashmir in recent years had a better appreciation of what it means from the people of Jammu and Kashmir, on both sides, being closer to the Delhi and Islamabad.

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Epilogue June 2011

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Few Questions About 'Azad Kashmir' A Karachi based columnist GIBRAN PESHIMAM writing for Pakistan's leading and one of most modern English dailies, EXPRESS TRIBUNE asks few key questions about identity and constitutional status of Pakistan administered Kashmir.

Where is 'Azad' in Azad Kashmir?

hey have Pakistani identity cards and passports - but are not quite Pakistani. Their homeland is autono mous, but not quite so. It has a Constitution - but one that is perpetually interim. They have a government and an assembly, but both of which are effectively powerless. It is a land and a people with a past, and perhaps a future - but with no present. Welcome to Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK): A virtual noman's-land, which will go to the polls this Sunday - but it is not quite clear what for. A majority of (Azad) Kashmiris see the current political and constitutional status of the area as a joke. Most prominent among such residents of this area is Justice (retd) Manzoor Hussain Gillani, a former acting chief justice of AJK and its former chief election commissioner, who calls the current situation a "paradox".

Identity(less) This "paradox" has led to the systematic disenfranchisement of millions who live not only within its borders, on both sides of the LoC, but those who have migrated due to years and years of being in limbo. Sixty-three years on, a UN-backed plebiscite is yet to take place, and AJK has stood in virtual limbo - as far from 'Azad' as can be possible. It is a territory that has been forced into a comatose state of identity-lessness. Given that Pakistan does not want to 'harm' its claim over the rest of 'occupied Kashmir' by recognising the LoC as a legitimate border (which it does not, to-date), AJK has been governed by all sorts of strange and painfully euphemistic laws and acts. Azad Kashmiris, even those who want to join their land with Pakistan, cannot technically call themselves Pakistanis - but, by law, have to wait and swear that, when the time comes, they will say they want to join Pakistan. Unlike other 'autonomous' areas under the purview of Pakistan, such as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas

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(FATA), AJK is not even mentioned in the Constitution of Pakistan. It is referred to in Article 1 (2)(d) as "such states and territories as are or may be included in Pakistan, whether by accession or otherwise." That's it.

The AJK govt For now, AJK is governed by an amended version of the Interim Constitution Act of Azad Jammu and Kashmir 1974. Under this Act, AJK is a parliamentary democracy, with the prime minister as the head of the government. It also has its own judicial system, with a High Court and a Supreme Court of AJK. Muzaffarabad is the capital of AJK and the seat of power. It has a 49-seat Assembly, with 41 members elected directly - 29 by AJK residents and 12 by 'Kashmiri Diaspora' across Pakistan. Five seats are reserved for women, one for an Ulema, one for a technocrat and one for an overseas Kashmiri. But the powers of the government and its legislative domain are next to negligible. One political activist, Afzal Solehria, described its powers as those of a "municipality". The real power lies above. Kashmir's constitutional system also has what is called 'The AJK Council' - which is effectively the supreme body of the land. The 14-member body controls almost all domains of legislation under the 'Council Legislative List'. Strangely enough, its chairman is the Prime Minister - not of AJK, but of Pakistan. He elects five other members, who are sitting Parliamentarians of Pakistan. Other members include the President and Prime Minister of AJK, and six other indirectly elected members who are chosen by the AJK legislative assembly. But, at the end, it is the Pakistani prime minister

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who exercises the executive power of the Council. Above the council, completing AJK's strange threetier power structure, is, of course, the government of Pakistan, which has the final say on virtually everything - aside from the basic responsibilities of the Centre in any federal set-up - i.e. Defence, currency and foreign affairs (in AJK, the fourth untouchable central responsibility of Islamabad is "responsibilities of the government of Pakistan under UNCIP Resolutions").

Limits of the AJK govt The Interim Constitution Act 1974 is loaded with sweeping disclaimer clauses, such as Article 19: "(2) The executive authority of the government [of AJK] shall be so exercised as: "(a) not to impede or prejudice the responsibilities of the Government of Pakistan "(b) to secure compliance with the laws made by the [AJK] Council." Also, because it is not a province, it does not have any intrinsic right to a share of revenue from Islamabad even from massive power projects, such as Mangla Dam, that are set up on its territory by Pakistan. Justice Gillani points out that AJK is subject to all the liabilities (and more) of provinces, but has no rights and privileges. The double-whammy is that the AJK cannot set up its own power projects, because it is not in the government's domain. To rub salt on its wounds, AJK's most important bureaucratic positions - the chief secretary, chief secretary (development), inspector general of police, accountant general, finance secretary and even the health secretary - are held by bureaucrats directly appointed by Pakistan from its own civil service. In Sulehria's words: "where exactly is the 'Azad' in 'Azad Jammu and Kashmir'?"

Pak itself contravening UN resolution

sweeping declaration, locally referred to simply as "The Shik" (The clause), must be signed by all electoral candidates in the AJK, which demands their allegiance to Islamabad. However, according to the region's best known and widely-respected jurist, Justice (retd) Manzoor Hussain Gillani, a former acting chief justice of AJK

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and its former chief election commissioner, 'the clause' is totally against the UN resolution. Even though the retired justice is in favour of the unification of Kashmir and merger with Pakistan, he, on his part, maintains that the spirit of choice is clearly undermined by 'the clause', even if the choice to be made would be in favour of Pakistan. All interviews conducted with the bureaucracy and political leaders suggest the same: It is in contravention of the UN resolution. Of course, they won't come on the record to state it - no matter how many cups of tea you have with them. Leaving aside the rhetoric of self-determination historically raised by Islamabad, there is an anomaly, to put it mildly, in AJK's laws - one that not only causes resentment in AJK, but is also effectively in contravention to a United Resolution on Jammu and Kashmir that gives its population the right to choose between India and Pakistan. While AJK now has its 'own' elected legislature, however impotent, candidates applying to run are made to sign the declaration beforehand. It reads: "I solemnly declare that I believe in the Ideology of Pakistan, the Ideology of State's Accession to Pakistan and the integrity and sovereignty of Pakistan." Under the 1948 UN resolution, accepted by both India and Pakistan, the people of Jammu and Kashmir (Indiaand Pakistan-administered) are mandated to decide which way they want their state to accede to through a plebiscite. Though the plebiscite is yet to happen despite the passage of 63 years, on its own, the UN resolution is widely perceived to be favouring Pakistan, the general notion being that, given that a majority of the people are Muslim, they would want to accede to Pakistan - since there is no provision to choose independence or self-determination. But the notion is unanimous: Pakistan is effectively sabotaging its own claim over the entire Jammu and Kashmir, both amongst its local supporters and in the UN. In fact, to not mince words, the clause is, effectively, illegal. There are many elements in AJK that refuse to take part in elections based on 'the clause', according to officials of the AJK election commission. If you don't sign the 'the clause', your application is invalidated and is not accepted. Their disqualification means that a political process already short on credibility, which results in a toothless representation of Azad Kashmiris, is even more under

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Epilogue June 2011

INSIDE OTHER KASHMIR ELECTIONS : ANALYSIS

PaK Elections

Islamabad's prototype returns in Muzaffarabad EPILOGUE BUREAU Results of Pakistan administered Kashmir Assembly elections are out. Pakistan's ruling party the Pakistan People's Party -is all set to establish Islamabad's traditional prototype in Muzaffarabad. As a trend, Pakistan's ruling parties, from time to time, have been assuming power in Muzaffarabad or installing governments of their own choice since 1970. A new entrant in PaK, the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) has emerged the second largest party and therefore a formidable opposition. Hitherto ruling Muslim Conference has been reduced to an insignificant four-seat position in House of 41.

Only the naive had to wait for Pakistan administered Kashmir Election Commission's announcement for final results of July 26 Assembly elections. Pakistan Peoples Party's (PPP) coming to power in Pakistan administered Kashmir was foregone conclusion right from the day the party decided to jump the fray. This has been a trend with no ex-

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ception that the ruling clique in Islamabad gets to rule in Muzaffarabad as well -through mandate or else! In an election marred by violence forcing suspension or countermanding of elections at four places, mostly on refugees' seats in Punjab and Sindh provinces, the Pakistan Peoples' Party has emerged victorious on 20 of 37 seats

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that could actually go to polls on July 26. The opposition Pakistan Muslim League -Nawaz (PML-N) has been returned as second largest party clinching nine seats. In the 49-member house, the voters elect 41 members, and the remaining eight seats reserved for women and technocrats are elected by the house. Until 2006 the Assem-

Epilogue July 2011

bly elections in PaK would be usually a straight contest between the local right-wing Muslim Conference (MC) and the PPP. However, the launch of PaK chapter of PML-N, mostly with support of MC dissidents made the 2011 contest triangular and rather tough. History is replete with the facts that since 1970s when people of PaK were given right to elect their government on the basis of adult franchise, the governments in Islamabad have been able to establish their prototypes in Muzaffarabad. Since between 1970 and 2011 Pakistan remained under military rule and dictatorship for a long time, therefore, at those occasions the Army would make the Muzaffarabad choice. During spells of military rule in Pakistan, the Muslim Conference got the most opportunities to rule in PaK. The right-wing native party Muslim Conference is believed to be a favourite of the GHQ or the General Headquarters as the military top office is known in Pakistan. First Assembly elections in PaK were held shortly before arrival of Zulfikar Ali Butto at the helm in Islamabad. Therefore the GHQ picked up MC for the job in Muzaffarabad. Even though there were elections but locals politicians say that the Army played its cards. But by 1975 Bhutto was able to have his party PPP's government in PaK. However, in 1977 when General Zia-ul-Haq toppled the elected government in Islamabad, he did the same in Muzaffarabad as well -the assembly was dissolved. Two retired Army officers -Major General Abdul Rehman, Brigadier Mohammad Hayat Khan and again Major General Abdul Rehman ruled PaK between 1977 and 1985 as Chief Executives of General Zia's regime. When General Zia installed a Muslim League government in

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Islamabad, the return of Muslim Conference in Muzaffarabad was but natural. Sardar Mohammad Abdul Qayoom Khan, also known as Mujahid-e-Awwal or the first militant, returned as President while Sardar Sikandar Hayat Khan became the Prime Minister. When Gen Zia sacked the Junejo ministry in Islamabad in 1988, the Qayoom Khan - Sikandar Hayat arrangement in Muzaffarabad was spared. Next, PaK went to polls in 1990. By that time Benazir Bhutto had come to power in Islamabad. The PPP's PaK chapter got into action and Mumtaz Hussain Rathore took over as Prime Minister in Muzaffarabad in June 1990. Within a year Rathore did the most controversial thing and virtually wrote himself off from the political scene. Soon after PPP was dethroned in Islamabad, Rathore received Benazir in Muzaffarabad with ceremonial guard of honour. He had to step down in May 1991. Assembly was dissolved and fresh elections announced. The duo of Sardar Qayoom and Sikandar Hayat returned in July 1991. Benazir returned to power in Islamabad in 1996. Same year the PaK also got the new PPP government. Sardar Mohammad Ibrahim Khan took over as President and Sultan Mehmood Choudhary became the Prime Minister. This was also the fourth time when Sardar Ibrahim was becoming President. He was first President as well in 1947. Electoral democracy, by whatever degrees and strengths, has been in continuity in PaK since 1985 even as Pakistan again came under military rule of General Musharraf. Musharraf has dissolved the Pakistan Parliament in 1999 but he spared the PaK assembly. Even as Musharraf did not scrap the PaK government but since military was power in Islamabad, it was

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natural for them to have a favourite in Muzaffarabad. Therefore, in 2001 elections Sardar Mohammad Anwar Khan and Sardar Sikandar Hayat Khan of Muslim Conference returned as President and Prime Minister, respectively. In 2006 elections also Muslim Conference stayed on but faces were replaced. Raja Zulqarnain was installed as President while Sardar Qayoom's son, Sardar Attique Ahmed Khan became the Prime Minister. As PaK couldn't have remained immune to the political developments in Pakistan, the post-Musharraf upheavals were felt in Muzaffarabad as well. When Gillani-Zardari duo of PPP replaced Musharraf in Islamabad they couldn't immediately see the change in PaK. Instead, they engineered a vertical split in the Muslim Conference. A dissident, Sardar Farooq Haidar Khan of Muslim Conference joined hands with PPP to overthrow Sardar Attique government and subsequently Sardar Yaqoob Khan was sworn in as Prime Minister in January 2009. Attique nursed a grudge and so did Haidar who was the actual architect of coup. The duo joined hands for another coup and Yaqoob Khan was out within nine months. Farooq Haidar took over as new Prime Minister in October 2009. As three Prime Ministers changed in as many years, Attique didn't sit silent. He engineered yet another coup and returned as Prime Minister in July 2010. While all these intrigues were happening in Muzaffarabad, the Islamabad's ruling clique PPP was throwing its net to capture power in PaK. The Muslim Conference got further weakened when a large number of its dissidents joined Nawaz Sharief's camp making PMLN a major power in 2011 elections. As the results unfold, the Islamabad- prototype pattern has returned in Muzaffarabad.

Epilogue June 2011

INSIDE OTHER KASHMIR ELECTIONS : ANALYSIS

Pak Elections

Predictable Outcomes PRIYANKA SINGH

The so called AJK or Azad Jammu and Kashmir (part of PoK) has been conceived as a separate entity and hence has its own President, Prime Minister, judicial system, administrative framework and a flag. Currently, it is ruled under the AJK Interim Constitution Act of 1974 which apparently provides a parliamentary form of democracy. The legislature is divided into an assembly and a council. The state assembly has a total of 49 members out of whom 41 are directly elected. According the AJK government website, out of 41 seats that undergo direct election, 12 are elected by Kashmiri refugees residing outside AJK in several parts of Pakistan. In addition, there are 8 reserved seats: 5 for women, 1 for overseas Kashmiris and another one for a technocrat. The AJK council is a 12 member body headed by the Prime Minister of Pakistan and is considered more powerful than the commonly elected members in the legislature. It is also noted that actual powers are vested in the Federal Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and Gilgit Baltistan Affairs which act as a bridge between the federal government of Pakistan and the government in AJK. The AJK has been under martial law during the stints of military rule in Pakistan and this raises serious doubts on its independent nature of the entity. Elections for the ninth assembly in the so called Azad Kashmir in Pakistan occupied Kashmir were held on June 26, 2011. These assembly elections are held at an interval of

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every five years. Elections being announced a couple of months back, there was in the beginning a great deal of uncertainty regarding the actual schedule. The last day for filing the nomination papers was May 26th and after initial scrutiny the first list of approved candidates was released on May 30th. Earlier reports hinted that at least 2.9 million people were slated to exercise their franchise in the AJK elections (there may be variation in the total numbers of voters who actually exercised their voting rights during the elections). Almost all mainstream political parties from Pakistan have a presence in the so called AJK. In addition to the PPP, the PML-N, the Muslim Conference and the MQM, regional political groups include United Jammu and Kashmir Peoples' National Party, International Kashmir Alliance, JK National Party, All Parties National Alliance (APNA), Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front and Peoples' United Action Committee. Politics in AJK has been largely unstable and constantly under heavy influence of Islamabad even though Pakistan has no legal authority to do so. In the controversy surrounding the appointment of Chief Justice of AJK in 2010, the Supreme Court of Pakistan passed a historic judgment which challenged the jurisdiction of Pakistan over AJK. The Supreme Court order read that since AJK is not mentioned in Article 1 of Pakistan's constitution, Pakistan has no right to extend its authority there.

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Run up the AJK elections 2011 The days preceding the elections witnessed hectic parleys between several parties from Pakistan and some local groups to form alliances. There were instances of parties deciding to field joint candidates in order to accrue maximum votes. The PML-N parted ways with Muslim Conference and joined hands with the Jamaat I Islami (JI). The Kashmir Labour party (KLP) has also jumped in the AJK electoral fray hoping to make some gains there. The PPP launched its election campaign with Prime Minister Gilani's visit to Muzaffarabad. The Elections Commission of AJK announced a code of conduct and made an appeal to all political groups to adhere to it. The code of conduct besides imposing several other restrictions barred candidates and their parties to take out processions and carry arms. Debarring the use of arms is understandable as essential to ensure peaceful and smooth democratic process. However, imposing precincts on meetings, posters, banners and loud speakers which normally is the essence of electoral campaigning in a democratic system is difficult to comprehend. The sense of over cautiousness brings to the fore the insecurities Pakistan has viv a vis its unlawful control over AJK. The farcical nature of the entire practice of holding a so called free and fair election is evident in the very fact that those who do not pledge allegiance to Pakistan are either marginalized or thrown out com-

Epilogue July 2011

pletely from the political fray. Political insecurities exist even at the local level. When Pakistan's President Asif Ali Zardari formed a three member committee to steer the PPP campaign in AJK,(consisting of the Central Secretary Information of PPP, Qaman Zaman Kaira, Raja Pervez Ashraf and Chaudhury Abdul Majeed), there was a big uproar from the PML-N quarters alleging that this was done with the aim of rigging the polls. There were further allegations that false voter lists and forged voter cards were issued and hence a complaint in this regard was registered to the AJK Election Commission. Very often, political groups contesting polls in AJK are noted to fear foul play of the parties in power at Islamabad. Politics in AJK is not stable and in the last three years they have been three prime ministers. Two prime minters from the Muslim Conference were made to leave office. This is because office bearers in AJK stay in office during the pleasure of the government in Pakistan. The greater the compliance, more chances that that a person can holds onto his office for long. There are instances on defection where former prime ministers have joined mainstream political parties of Pakistan such as PML-N and the PPP to serve political objectives and make short term gains. On the lighter side, there was this very interesting aspect of 'Mango Politics' reported during the pre electoral campaigns. As is known, this is the season of ripened mangoes in the subcontinent. Thus, candidates distributed mangoes as a token to impress the voters in the AJK assembly elections. This was mainly in Sialkot in Punjab which due its proximity to the AJK and presence of the refugee Kashmiris there is involved closely in the AJK

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INSIDE OTHER KASHMIR ELECTIONS : ANALYSIS

electoral process. The Elections Results Out of the total 36 legislative seats for which polling could actually be held, PPP won 19, PML-N got 9 and the MC managed to win only four seats. This was a huge setback for the Muslim Conference which was in power in AJK until recently. In fact the estrangement between the PML-N and the MC was a blessing in disguise for the PPP which was able to secure all the left wing votes with the so called right wing votes being divided between the PML-N and the MC. PPP is reportedly considering MC for a coalition partnership (keeping in view its separation from the PML-N) even though it has the required numbers to form the government on its own. Polling for some of the legislative seats (at least 5) was postponed at the last moment citing law and order problems. There were reports of violent clashes between the PPP and the PML-N workers which compelled the Election Commission to defer polling in the sensitive areas. PPP's sweeping victory in the AJK elections is surrounded in controversy. The Muthahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) has been alleging even before polling took place that there is possibility of these elections being rigged by PPP. It is believed whichever party is in control of the federal government exercise influence in the AJK elections. Amongst the important candidatures were at least of 3 former prime Ministers: Barrister Sultan Mehmood, Sardar Muhammed Yaoob Khan, Raja Farooq Haider Khan. Prime Minister Sardar Attique Ahmed Khan of the Muslim Conference was able to secure victory even though his party suffered big losses. Notably, sons of former Presidents and prime ministers also contested in these

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elections but not won in their respective constituencies. PML-N having won 9 seats is said to draw the victory mainly from its vote bank in the Kashmiri Diaspora in Punjab, a stronghold of the party and where presently it is in power. On the other hand, the Muslim Conference (MC) parted ways with the PML-N and this proved fruitful to the Pakistan Peoples' Party in terms of the number of won seats. PPP and PML-N pitched their candidates against each other. Way Ahead It is almost certain that the PPP will form a government in the AJK (with or without the support of the MC and independents is still to be confirmed). Ex Prime Minister Barrister Sultan who re joined PPP earlier this year may be a probable candidate for the prime job. He contested from his home constituency of Mirpur and won by a comfortable margin. The shape and constituents of the government will be known in the days to come. What could be hoped is some amount of political stability in the so called AJK- where the word Azadi does not really translate beyond the nomenclature of the entity. Recently, the Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency (PILDAT) organized a forum on the "Proposed Constitutional Amendment in the Constitution of Pakistan 1973, for Empowerment of Azad Jammu And Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan" which reiterated the absence of political identity and status of PoK. Since its occupation in 1947, the political fate of PoK has been kept in a suspended animation and it is neither a province of Pakistan nor an independent entity in the virtual sense. *The views expressed are personal.

Epilogue June 2011

INSIDE OTHER KASHMIR ELECTIONS : TRIVIA

PaK Legislative Assembly is comprised of 49 seats with following breakup: ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦

Direct Election within PaK -29 seats 12 seats reserved for refugees of two categories (a) Jammu and others -6 seats (b) Kashmir Valley -6 seats Reserved for women -5 seats Reserved for J&K State Subjects residing aboard -1 Reserved for Technocrats & other professional -1 Reserved for Ulema-e-Din or Mushaikh -1

THE PRIME MINISTERS Abdul Hamid Khan June 1975 to August 1977 Sardar Sikandar Hayat Khan June 17 1985 to June 28 1990 Raja Mumtaz Hussain Rathore June 29, 1990 to July 5, 1991 Sardar Muhammad Abdul Qayyum Khan July 29, 1991 to July 29, 1996 Barrister Sultan Mehmood Chaudhry July 30, 1996 to July 24, 2001 Sardar Sikandar Hayat Khan July 25, 2001 to July 23, 2006 Sardar Attique Ahmed Khan July 24, 2006 to January 6, 2009 Sardar Muhammad Yakoob Khan January 7, 2009 to October 22, 2009 Raja Muhammad Farooq Haider Khan October 23, 2009 to July 28, 2010

Pakistan's political parties cannot participate in PaK elections without registration as separate political party. PaK has its own Election Commission and the Pakistan based political parties are required to get themselves registered as separate political parties before it for political activities and participation in electoral activities in the Pak administered Kashmir. The PaK Election Commission, however, has its central office at Poonch House, Rawalpindi.

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Epilogue July 2011

INSIDE OTHER KASHMIR ELECTIONS : TRIVIA

As many as 25 political parties took part in June 26 elections

5,335 polling stations were set up for 2.9 million registered voters for 41 seats of legislative assembly. 461 polling stations for four constituencies of Mirpur district 429 polling stations for three constituencies of Bhimbher district 857 polling stations for five constituencies of Kotli district, 458 polling stations for three constituencies of Bagh district 172 polling stations for Kahota (Haveli) District, 589 polling stations for Sudhanoti (Poonch) district 355 polling stations for Poonch district 180 polling stations for Neelam valley district 850 polling station for Muzaffarabad district 888 polling stations for five out of all six electoral constituencies of Jammu & others meant for Pakistan-based Jammu refugees 96 polling stations for five out of all six constituencies of Pakistan-based Kashmir valley refugees

A total of 421 candidates were in fray for 41 seats to be filled by direct elections. According to the Election Commission (EC) of PaK 113 contestants were running for the 12 constituencies spreading over four provinces of Pakistan, reserved for refugees of Jammu and Kashmir Valley while the total number of candidates contesting from 29 constituencies located in Pak administered Kashmir was 308

Only one woman in this political land Of over 400 candidates who vied for 41 Assembly seats, there was only one woman candidate -Naureen Arif of PML-N from Muzaffarabad. Strange it may sound, there were only 1,260,766 registered women voters among 3,017,816 registered voters: the percentage of women is far lower in electoral rolls than population and demographic statistics showed. Population census figures showed that the ratio of women was more than their male counterparts. "People mostly avoid registering their women family members as voters. Things are changing now but this is still an issue," a senior official of the PaK Election Commission was quoted in the press. Naureen Arif contested from LA-24 Muzaffarabad-1 on Pakistan Muslim League-N ticket. However, she lost the election. She was earlier elected as MLA for outgoing assembly and became first women elected on a general seat in 2006. Elected as independent she later joined ruling Muslim Conference before recently joining PML-N. "There are certainly some social pressures on women here as well, like the rest of Pakistan. We have a male dominated society and the same is the case here," said Nasreen Aziz, a leading women activist who belongs to Bagh district. Rizwana Attique, the wife of incumbent AJK Prime Minister Sardar Attique Ahmed Khan, said women in Azad Kashmir were facing some limitations mainly because of the conservative nature of society, adding that the government had always encouraged women to enter into mainstream politics.

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Epilogue June 2011

INSIDE OTHER KASHMIR ELECTIONS : TRIVIA

THE democratic setup in PaK was introduced in 1970 under the presidential system on the basis of adult franchise when Sardar Mohammad Abdul Qayyum Khan took over the charge of first elected President as the head of the Government and head of the State as well. For the first time the people of PaK and the refugees of Jammu and Kashmir settled in Pakistan elected the Legislative Assembly as well as President on the basis of adult franchise. The Assembly consisted of 24 members and one co-opted lady member. The Presidential system worked for four years. LATER on in 1974, some major constitutional changes were made when the interim constitution - Act, 1974, was adopted and Parliamentary system of democracy was introduced in the State. The first elected Assembly completed its tenure and approved 56 bills, which were of religious as well as of public importance. This Assembly also passed many resolutions of public importance. THE second Assembly came into existence in 1975 under the Interim Constitution Act, 1974, which has undergone 11 amendments so for. For the first time in the history of AJ&K Parliamentary system was introduced and Prime Minister, as the executive head of the State, was elected by the majority of the votes of the Assembly. KHAN Abdul Hameed Khan was elected as First Prime Minister and Sardar Muhammad Ibrahim Khan was elected as President. The Assembly consisted of forty two members, among them 40 members were elected by the people of PaK and refugees settled in Pakistan, and two co-opted women members. This Assembly worked for two years and was suspended in August, 1977, due to the enforcement of Martial Law in Pakistan. This Assembly, in very short span of two years approved 51 bills and passed the resolutions on Kashmir issue and on many other matters concerning public. ON the dissolution of the Assembly Brigadier Muhammad Hayat Khan was appointed as Chief executive on 31-10-1978. He remained in office up to 31-1-1983 with the exclusive power of Chief executive and president of Azad Jammu and Kashmir. Later on Maj. General Abdul Rehman was appointed as President/ Chief executive on 1-2-1983. He remained in the office up to 30-9-1985. THE democratic system remained suspended up to 1985, when the Martial Law was lifted and civil setup was established in Pakistan. The election of Legislative Assembly were held and Sardar Sikander Hayat Khan took over the charge as Prime Minister and Sardar Abdul Qayyum Khan as the President of the State. This Assembly was elected for five years and worked till 1990. This Assembly approved 109 bills and passed resolutions on various subjects. The constitution was amended and six more seats of the Assembly were approved. It contained 48 members out of which 40 members were elected and 8 seats were reserved for the members elected by the Assembly. Five seats were reserved for women, one for technocrats, one for Overseas Kashmiris and one for Ullmah and Mashaikh.

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Epilogue July 2011

INSIDE INSIDEOTHER OTHERKASHMIR KASHMIR ELECTIONS ELECTIONS: :TRIVA TRIVIA

Where are J&K Refugee Constituencies Located JAMMU & OTHERS 30 LA- XXX, JAMMU & OTHERS-I 1. Bluchistan Province.2. Sind Province. 3. Bahawalpur Division. 4. Multan Division .5. Dera Ghazi Kahn.Division. 6. Faisalabad Division. 7. Sargodha Division. 8. Lahore Division. 31 LA- XXXI, JAMMU & OTHERS-II 1. Gujranwala Distt except Waziabad Tehsil. 2. Hafizabad District. 3. Daska Tehsil of Sialkot Distt. 4. Pasrur Tehsil of Sialkot Distt. 32 LA-XXXII JAMMU & OTHERS-III The whole of Tehsil sialkot. 33 LA-XXXIII JAMMU & OTHERS-IV Narowal District. 34 LA-XXXIV JAMMU & OTHERS-V 1. Tehsil Wazirabad of Gujranwala Distirct, 2. Gujrat Distirct. 3. Mandi- Bahaw-ud-Din District. 35 LA-XXXVJAMMU & OTHERS-VI 1. N.W.F.P. 2. Rawalpindi Division. 3. Islamabad Capital Territory. KASHMIR VALLEY

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36 LA- XXXVI Kashmir Valley -I 1. Baluchistan Province. 2.Sindh Province 37 LA- XXXVII Kashmir Valley -II .Lahore Division 38 LA -XXXVIII Kashmir Valley -III 1. Bahawalpur Division. 2. Multan Division. 3Gujranwala Division. 4 Dera-Ghazi Khan Division 5. Faisalabad Division. 6 Jehlum District. 7. Chakwal District 39 LA -XXXIX Kashmir Valley -IV 1. Ward Nos. 15 to 50 with in the limits of Rawalpindi Muncipal Corporation (As these wards existed in 1985) 40 LA -XL Kashmir Valley -V 1. Ward Nos. 1 to 40 with in the limits of Rawalpindi Muncipal Corporation (As these wards existed in 1985) 2. Contomment wards Nos 1 to 10. 3. Rawalpindi District out side the limits of Rawalpindi Muncipal Corporation. 4. Islamabad Capital Territory .5. Attock District. 41 LA -XLI Kashmir Valley -VI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

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Epilogue June 2011

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Epilogue July 2011