Popular Anthropology, September 2010 by eric o'connell

Popular Anthropology Vol. 1 No. 3

September 2010

PLIOPITHECOIDS The “Other”Miocene Apes

Cowboys: East Germany

Featuring September 2010 Visual Anthropologist Eric O’Connell

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Vol. 1 No. 3

September 2010

Online ISSN 1949-3630

POPULAR ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATIONS

Publisher DAWN C. STRICKLIN Director, English Language Edition LAUREN FORSYTHE Managing Editor TAMIRA BRENNAN Archaeology Manuscripts Editor ADINA WISE Sociocultural Manuscripts Editor DANIELLE M. KUEHNEL The “Other” Department Editor SHANYN R. RONIS Social Science Across the Globe Editor ANNE PATTERSON General Editor (Photography) JESSICA A. HARDIN Book Review Editor KAMDEN SUMMERS The “Other” Department Proofreader POSITION OPEN Social Science Across the Globe Proofreader MARY-ANNE DECATUR, ADRIENNE DITOMMASO, JOAO FIGUEIREDO, ELLIOTT FORSYTHE, SHEILAH KAUFMAN, ANISHA KUMAR, ROBERT MUCKLE, MICHAEL SCHEN, and LAURA VIDAL Regular Contributing Columnists MANE ARRATIA, MATHIAS PELLACK, and ROMAN POROZOV Web Content Translators - FOREIGN LANGUAGE EDITIONS JOHANA KUNIN Director, Spanish Language Edition REVIEWERS

Archaeology: Helena Goncalves, Sheena Harris; Biological Anthropology: Anastasia Holobinko, Sonia Codinha; Cultural Anthropology/Sociology: Benjamin ChabotHanowell; Catherine Buerger, Christine Preble, Denice Szafran, Filippo Bertoni, J. Meryl Krieger, James N. Nyce, Karen Esche-Eiff, Linda M. Callejas, Sidonio Costa; Gender Studies: John Joseph Crandall, Persephone Hintlian; Indigenous Studies Julie Raymond-Yakoubian, Lanell Rae Matt; Linguistics/Linguistic Anthropology: Aaron H. Sonnenschein, Abdoreza Seyari, Alexandria Bozhidarova Bagasheva, Alan Michael Wallington, Brook Danielle Lillehaugen, Diego Pascual Y Cabo, Irena Gyulazyan, Jason Brown, Jean Ann, Jorge E. Porras, Manvender Kaur, Matthew Coler, Tometro Hopkins. Popular Anthropology Magazine seeks mansucripts from writers from a variety of fields, both in and out of academia. Please send submissions to Dawn Stricklin at dcstricklin@ popanthro.com

4 Popular Anthropology Magazine

Letter Photograph 2006 Patsy Lynch/FEMA

Popular Anthropology MAGAZINE

y old granny was the biggest packrat west of the Mississippi. When she died, our inheritance consisted of her genetic contributions, our many fond and loving memories of her, and the colossal, bottomless piles of paper that she was, unfortunately, unable to transport with her to the netherworld. As modern burial laws in the United States prevent surviving family members from ceremoniously interring (or, in the case of my granny, completely submerging,) the deceased with their worldly goods, I was elected to the task of organizing, classifying, and disposing of granny’s paper mountain. Eleven years and several acres of felled trees later, the peak has been considerably reduced, though the mountain remains at large. During those years, I freely admit that on several occasions I seriously considered discharging my duties. With a single match, I could have paved the way to my glorious emancipation. However, I made the choice to dismantle my granny’s unrecycled crimes against nature. Liberty is sweet indeed, but the struggle defines, refines, and distinguishes character. This issue is also characterized by struggle. In less than a month’s time, a series of tragedies befell my family, and in particular, my sisters. First, Maureen’s husband died unexpectedly. Shortly after, I received word that Mona’s son tragically passed on. Finally, my mother informed me that my sister Debbie had been hospitalized. The prognosis was not good, and I was advised to prepare myself and say my goodbyes. During this same time, several of the editors and columnists also suffered severe personal loss, dealt with numerous family emergencies, and successfully completed work despite travel abroad and spotty internet connections in distant lands. As the magazine continues to form a life of its own, it has also experienced loss. As is common with all publications, volunteers have come and gone. I admit, meeting the magazine’s deadlines and following guidelines are not always easy feats to accomplish considering the additional demands of both formal education and “real” work. Yet those that remain have made a conscious decision- forsaking a painless emancipation in favor of deconstructing a mountain of indeterminate size. The columnists continue writing, the editors keep editing, the proofreaders persist in proofreading, and I continue to be amazed and impressed by the staunch determination and gumption of my colleagues. Liberation is magnificent, but engaging in the struggle cultivates character. Progress Not Perfection.

Dawn C. Stricklin Although many of our volunteers are affiliated with a variety of different colleges, universities, associations, and organizations, Popular Anthropology Magazine is an independent publication. Volunteers for the magazine do not receive pay or donations for their time, effort, and expertise. Any opinions expressed in this publication is that of the author and does not reflect the opinons of the magazine staff volunteers or any college, university, organization, or association that staff members may or may not be affiliated with.

Popular Anthropology MAGAZINE

Table of Contents Vol. 1 No. 3

September 2010

FEATURES PAM Visual Anthropologist

Learn about an amazing cowboy subculture in the former East Germany. By Eric O’Connell....6

Pliopithecoids: The “Other” Miocene Apes

ON THE COVER

The Photography of Popular Anthropology Magazine’s September 2010 Visual Anthropologist, Eric O’Connell...6

Davis, a biological anthropologist and PhD candidate, introduces readers to an extinct species of primates that lived during the “Age of Apes” during the Miocene epoch. These fascinating mammals, whose remains are currently being studied by scientists worldwide, were found not only in Africa, but also Europe and Asia. Read about the Plipithecoids, and learn why they are considered the “other” Miocene apes. By Candace A. Davis....9

DEPARTMENTS Letter.............................................................................................4 News from Around the World.............................................8 Conference Alert...................................................................13 World Cuisine..........................................................................14 The “Other” Department Primate News.........................................................18 World Dance...........................................................20 Global Education..................................................22

Photograph 2010 courtesy PAM

Social Science Across the Globe Africa.........................................................................24 Europe......................................................................26 Middle East.............................................................28 North America.......................................................30 Southeast Asia.......................................................32 Book Review............................................................................34 Ethnophotography: Romania...........................................36 Czech Romany performing on the Charles Bridge, Prague September 2010

PAM September 2010 Visual Anthropologist

Eric O’Connell

ABOUT THE PHOTO Peter, a member of a “German cowboy” community living in the Vogtland region of Germany, has adopted the lifestyle and fashion of traditional cowboys of the American west. Here, Peter posed for photographer Eric O’Connell, who recorded many aspects of community member’s lives for the documentary film Cowboys: East Germany.

is a New York-based freelance Eric O’Connell photographer with a Masters of Visual Anthropology from the University of Southern California (2010)

and an undergraduate degree in Photojournalism and Cultural Anthropology from New Mexico State University (1990). He has worked variously as a graduate-level instructor at the International Center of Photography in New York City, a photojournalist in Atlanta, Georgia, an intern at Outside magazine, and a public school substitute teacher in New Mexico. His work has been featured in exhibitions across New York City, and in publications such as GQ, Forbes, New Scientist, and Newsweek. For over two years beginning in 2002, O’Connell visited the Vogtland region of Germany to photograph and document a unique subculture of German cowboys he had first learned about while growing up among ranchers in New Mexico. O’Connell drove through the 300-squaremile area occupied by the community, meeting residents and learning about the German cowboy lifestyle while taking photos with a 4”x5” camera, the same format that would have been used to document the American frontier in the early 20th century. Members of the community identify as cowboys, and have incorporated cowboy dress, activities, and mannerisms into their daily lives. From traditional cowboy hats, boots, and large belt buckles to “The Ranch,” a western-themed bar where cold American beer is served and patrons practice square dancing, line dancing, and traditional two-step, an exactingly interpreted version of the American West is a part of daily life. Rooted in the former East Germany, German cowboy subculture developed in response to cultural and social pressures from the communist regime. The freedom experienced by cowboys settling in the American West stood in stark opposition to the restrictive policies of the East German government, and the American “new frontier” became symbolic of the kind of freedom of lifestyle many East Germans felt existed beyond their borders. The popular slogan, “Go West,” emblematic of the mass migration of settlers to the Western reaches of North America, was adopted by a growing subculture of individuals who increasingly identified with the ethos of the American West. Adopting the dress and lifestyle of the American cowboy became an expression of both identity and politics. In the decades since the dissolution of East Germany, the subculture of German cowboys has continued to thrive. Today, their lifestyle is a unique expression of a specific identity strongly rooted in both the German past and the ethos of the American cowboy, although the political motivations that spurred the movement have passed into memory. Now, in the context of a post-socialist culture where many Germans are navigating the transition from a society molded by communist ideals, the values of the American West have taken on new meaning, especially in the face of capitalist emphasis on individualism. Identifying with cowboy culture has allowed modern German cowboys to preserve many of the positive aspects of communism, such as maintaining close ties to the community, and aiding one another when in need. In this way, they have reclaimed the cowboy lifestyle and ethos, and adapted it to a very specific and unique cultural identity. O’Connell’s series of photographs explores the diffusion of cowboy culture, and the performance of cowboy lifestyle within the context of shifting identities and cultural mores. For more information about his work and to view additional images from this series of photographs, visit his website at http://www.ericoconnell.com/. O’Connell’s two-part documentary film, Cowboys: East Germany can be viewed on his YouTube channel at http://youtube.com/emo404.

e wo th

CZECH REPUBLIC Medieval Torture Heading to Prague anytime soon? Located right next to the Charles Bridge is the Museum of Medieval Torture Instruments. Although the museum doesn’t have a website, you can see their extensive collection by heading to Křižovnické náměstí 194/1, Staré Město, PRAHA 1 Praha-Prague, Czech Republic +420-723-360-479.

exhibits, it does provide site visitors with extensive data on the Chachapoya people and their culture, including a downloadable PDF discussing the archaeology and history of these indigenous people. The website is available in both Spanish and English HERE. IRELAND Online Artifacts Database The National Museum of Ireland maintains a free, searchable online database featuring artifacts in their collections, many of which are not on display. In addition to breathtaking photographs, the museum also provides data on when the artifact was found and cultural and historical information. You can access this online database HERE. RWANDA Genocide Museums Rwanda has several different museums dedicated to preserving the history of the Rwandan genocide. One of these museums, the Kigali Memorial Centre, features testimony from survivors. You can visit the website HERE. CHINA The Palace Museum Take a tour of the Palace Museum online. Over 5,000 artifacts are available for viewing, including but not limited to textiles, furniture, and paintings. Several exhibitions are available online, including the pottery gallery, which provides beautiful high definition photographs and historical/cultural information on the artifacts. The website is available in English, Japanese, and Chinese HERE.

INDIA A History of Indian Currency The Reserve Bank of India’s Currency Museum provides site visitors with images of paper money and coinage from a variety of eras, including ancient, medieval, Mughal, and British India, in addition to interesting historical data on the history of the money of India. This educational site can be accessed HERE.

USA Native American Identity The National Museum of the American Indian in Washington, D.C. has an exhibit, Hide: Skin as Material and Metaphor, featuring multiple artists who, “... draw upon this subject in multi-faceted ways, using both the material and concept of skin as a metaphor for widespread issues surrounding identity and personal, historical, and environmental trauma and perseverance...“ Currently, artist Michael Belmore’s (Ojibway from Canada) work is being displayed from September 4th of this year to January 16th, 2011.You can visit this site HERE. PERU Peruvian Mummies The Museo Leymebamba in Chacapoyas, Peru, curates the remains of over 200 mummies of Peruvian origin. Although this museum does not have any online

8 Popular Anthropology Magazine

ou n d

d ne w l r

fr o m

UK Saudi Arabian Textiles The Mansoojat Foundation, a registered charity in the United Kingdom is passionate about Saudi Arabian textiles. The foundation provides visitors with a beautiful website, The Museum of Saudi Arabian Costume Online. The textiles featured on this site are absolutely breathtaking. A variety of different tribal costumes are represented from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. In addition to the high definition photographs of brilliantly colored textiles, the museum also offers patrons historical and cultural information on the geography, architecture, and natural history of tribal regions within the KSA. This excellent site

can be visited HERE. ITALY Food for Thought: Olives The Museo dell’Olivo in Italy features an online, guided tour of their museum. The online tour discusses the history and cultural significance of the olive tree which spans several centuries. In addition to discussing the Mediterranean diet, the tour also provides data and photographs on various artifacts associated with olive production and agriculture. The website, which is available in English, Italian, French, and German, can be found HERE. USA Groovy Monkeys At the online Sock Monkey Museum, you can look at vintage and new sock monkeys, and various advertisements from manufactures selling this toy. This super cool site even provides directions in both English and Spanish on how to make your own sock monkeys. You can view this site HERE.

PLIOPITHECOIDS The “Other” Miocene Apes

The Miocene geological epoch, which lasted from 23 million years ago to 5 million years ago (mya), was a time during which several adaptive radiations in primate evolution occurred. An adaptive radiation is the rapid evolution of many new species into empty niches left behind by extinct species (e.g., early mammals moving into living areas, left behind by extinct dinosaurs, and undergoing changes to adapt to their new lifestyles), and is important in evolution because it rapidly increases diversity of a major group. Primate fossils that shared many dental similarities with living apes have been found throughout the Miocene. Many of these fossils were from East Africa, but Miocene hominoids, which are ape-like primates of many sizes, were also widespread throughout Europe and Asia during this extended time period, especially during the middle to early late Miocene. In fact, these proto-apes (or first/original apes), were so widespread during this epoch that some researchers refer to the Miocene as the “Age of Apes.” However, other groups of catarrhine primates lived during the Miocene as well. Catarrhines, often referred to as ‘Old World’ monkeys and apes, are found in Africa and Asia, and include species such as colobus monkeys, baboons, gorillas, and also humans. They

also include some extinct superfamilies dating back to the late Eocene. One fascinating, but now-extinct, superfamily of catarrhines is the Pliopithecoidea (Begun 2002). These catarrhines cannot be classified with early apes or monkeys, but were something different. Pliopithecoids were widespread throughout much of Eurasia from the early middle to late Miocene with a few species occurring even earlier. A HISTORY OF THE PLIOPITHECOID DISCOVERIES

The following historical account of pliopithecoid discoveries closely follows Begun (2002): Knowledge of the pliopithecoids dates back to 1849, when Gervais named Pliopithecus antiquus from remains (isolated teeth and a mandible) that were discovered at Sansan, France by Lartet in 1837. They are one of the earliest groups of fossil primates to be recognized as such. Pliopithecoid fossils have been found to be widespread across Eurasia and date from 17 to 7 million years ago (Begun 2002:221). At one time, they were grouped with the early Oligocene family Propliopithecidae, from the Fayum, Egypt, because both families had low,

11.2 mya 16.4 mya 23.0 mya

Gibbons (Hylobates lar) rounded-cusped molar teeth (Fleagle 1999; Andrews and Delson 2000). Due to a sparser fossil record and incomplete understanding of evolutionary relatedness of fossils compared to what is known today, paleontologists from the 19th to the late middle of the 20th century looked for direct ancestor-descendent relationships between the living primates with similarlooking fossils (Benefit and McCrossin 1995). We now know that the evolutionary past is not so simple. It is tangled with multiple branching lineages, or clades, many of which went extinct and have no descendents today. Additionally, because fossil limb bones tend to be more scarce than teeth and jaws, paleontologists had not yet discovered that natural selection targets parts of the body at random, modifying organisms in mosaic fashion (Benefit and McCrossin 1995). In other words, this means that not all anatomical traits evolve at the same rate. For example, modern apes have specialized ball-and-socket shoulder joints adapted for arm hanging from trees; they allow rotational movement in almost all directions. The shoulder joint of African Miocene ape Kenyapithecus retained a generalized, non-ape-like shoulder joint that allowed fore-and-aft movement and limited rotation (such as most other primates have)--but had evolved a more intermediate, incipiently spooled, ape-like elbow joint. Because Pliopithecus teeth September 2010

Original photograph 2005 by Håkan Svensson, artwork by Popular Anthropology Magazine; CC License

and body size had superficial similarities with the gibbon (a small, modern Asian ape), early researchers hypothesized that it was a direct ancestor of gibbons (Begun 2002:221). Additionally, primate paleontology has sometimes been biased toward finding “missing links” in human evolution. So while pliopithecoid fossils were plentiful throughout Europe, paleontologists lost interest in them during the early to mid20th century in favor of searching for human ancestors and ancient apes (Begun 2002:221). In the middle of the 20th century, Zapfe (1958) discovered at Devinska Nova Ves, Slovakia the skull and the first postcranial fossils of (Epi)pliopithecus vindobonensis. The postcranial fossils (which are all parts of the skeleton besides the skull) that were found, included limb bones, vertebrae, scapulae, and an ilium (Begun 2002:221). Zapfe noted their gibbon-like resemblance, but also noted primitive features that were more similar to platyrrhine bones. Platyrrhines, also known as ‘New World’ Monkeys, are found only in Central and South America, and include, for example, pygmy marmosets, howler monkeys, and spider monkeys. Thanks to Zapfe’s excellent book on the subject, other researchers became more interested in studying this unique superfamily. Following closely upon Zapfe’s finds were Bergounioux and Crouzel’s (1965; in Begun 2002) discovery of Plesiopliopithecus, a new species different enough from Pliopithecus to be placed in a new subfamily, the Crouzeliinae. Many more crouzeliines have been unearthed near Rudabanya, Hungary. In addition, China has yielded many pliopithecoid fossils. Some of these fossils came from the early Miocene, such as Dionysopithecus and Platodontopithecus (Harrison and Gu 1999), while other fossils date to the late Miocene, such as Pliopithecus zhangxiangi and Laccopithecus robustus, one of the youngest finds (Harrison, Delson and Guan 1991). Until very recently, researchers believed

The Oldest Pliopithecoid Lomorupithecus harrisoni is a relatively recent find of a partial face and juvenile half-jaw from the early Miocene of Uganda (~20 mya) that is the oldest known pliopithecoid and is the only known African member of this Eurasian clade of catarrhines (Rossie and McLatchy 2006).

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2.1.2.3. Dental Formula that the pliopithecoids were restricted to Eurasia. However, in 2002 at the early Miocene site of Napak IX in Uganda, a partial face (part was missing) and half the lower jaw of a small catarrhine was discovered. Rossie and MacLatchy (2006) described and named it Lomorupithecus harrisoni. Their phylogenetic analysis, which looks at a species through its evolutionary development and history, indicates that it, too, is a pliopithecoid. This pliopithecoid is one of the oldest found and the only known representative of this clade from Africa. WHAT DISTINGUISHES PLIOPITHECOIDS FROM MIOCENE APES OR MONKEYS?

Compared to Miocene apes or monkeys, pliopithecoids have a very conservative dental morphology. In other words, the pliopithecoids’ dentition lacks the special-

ized features that would make them either an ape or a monkey and have retained the molar traits found in even earlier species of extinct catarrhines. Pliopithecoids and other catarrhines share the same dental formula of 2.1.2.3. This means that they all had two incisors (front teeth), one canine tooth, two premolars, and three molars on each side of their mouth on both the top and the bottom. To be an ape, however, one must have a Y-5 arrangement of the cusps on the lower molars (5 cusps on one molar). To be a monkey, one must have squared off molars with “lophs”--ridges connecting the cusps. Pliopithecoids do not have either of these molar traits. Pliopithecoids retain many primitive dental traits that reveal they are the most unspecialized Miocene catarrhines known (Andrews and Delson 2000). Some primitive traits on the lower molars are similar to those in the even-older propliopithecoids (Oligocene catarrhines) and a few proconsulids (early Miocene apes) (Harrison and Gu 1999). For example, the upper molars (or hindmost grinding teeth in the mouth) have a cingulum (a raised enamel collar) completely surrounding the base of the tooth, which is a primitive dental trait; as for postcranial remains (bones below the head), the elbow-end of the humerus (the upper arm bone) appears somewhat platyrrhine in appearance. The bone appears to be like a platyrrhine’s because there is an entepicondylar foramen (a small perforation on the distal end of the bone near the elbow), and it has a smooth, instead of spool-like, connection to the radius and ulna (the two lower arm

bones). In addition, the thumb joint is hinge-like instead of the more typical saddle-shaped joint in Miocene proto-apes. A ‘hinge joint’ thumb can only move back and forth like the opening and closing of a door, while a ‘saddle joint’ thumb, which is what humans have, allows a species to grasp and manipulate objects easily. Because the pliopithecines had a ‘hinge joint’ thumb, their movements may have been more restricted than proto-apes. In some traits, such as the shape of the bony external ear, pliopithecines exhibit an intermediate morphology between platyrrhines and catarrhines. In other words, the bodily structure of the pliopithecines appear to include a combination of both platyrrhine and catarrhine traits. For example, the ectotympanic (the bone that holds the eardrum) is ring-like, which is similar to platyrrhine ears. However, pliopithecines also have a short, partially enclosed ear tube that appears to be transitional between a ring-like ectotympanic and a fully tubular one, which is a shared, specialized trait of all catarrhines, both modern and fossil. Two pliopithecoid species are known only by partial (incomplete) faces: Epipliopithecus vindobonensis (a pliopithecine) and Laccopithecus robustus (a crouzeliine). Both faces are short and broad with narrow, V-shaped palates (located on the roof of the mouth), while apes have a Ushaped palate. The frontal eye orbits are subcircular, with Laccopithecus having slightly more squared eye orbits than Epipliopithecus. In the latter, the lower orbital rims protrude and almost surround the eye. Compared to the face, the braincase appears relatively large and rounded, giving it a superficially gibbon-like appearance. PLIOPITHECOID TAXONOMY

The Superfamily Pliopithecoidea (Family Pliopithecidae) have been traditionally divided into two major subfamilies, Pliopithecinae and Crouzeliinae, based on lower molar morphology and dietary adaptations (Moya-Sola, Kohler, and Alba 2001:313). Pliopithecine molars had somewhat lower, more rounded cusps on their teeth than crouzeliine molars, so it was believed that the pliopithecines ate a varied diet of fruits, insects, and perhaps small birds. Crouzeliines, with their higher, sharper-cusped teeth, probably ate a diet of mostly leaves. However, Moya-Sola et al. (2001:313) believe that this is an oversimplification and have proposed three subfamilies instead: 1) Dionysopithecinae, to include the Chinese early Miocene genera Dionysopithecus and Platodontopithecus (because of differences in age and location, compared to the European Pliopithecinae); 2) Pliopithecinae, to include all five species of the genus Pliopithecus

Some Members of the Subfamily Pliopithecinae Pliopithecus antiquus: found from Sansan, France, through Central Europe; dating to ~15 to~10.5 million years ago (mya) in different localities. It is one of the smallest species of Pliopithecus and is represented by a lower jaw, part of a right canine, and a left lower second incisor crown. Pliopithecus piveteaui: found in the Loire Valley, France and dated at 17-16 mya. The size of the lower jaw fragment and teeth fall within the low end of the size range of P. antiquus specimens. Indeed, Harrison et al. 1991 and Andrews et al. 1996 prefer to lump P. piveteaui with P. antiquus for that reason. Begun (2002), however, prefers placing it in its own species because of some anatomical differences in shape, cusp morphology, and basin size. Yet he also acknowledges that these features may be primitive traits for pliopithecoids in general. Therefore, the designation of P. piveteaui as a separate species is still under debate. (Epi)pliopithecus vindobonensis: found at Neudorf Spalte, Slovakia; dating from 15-14 mya. This species is similar to P. antiquus, except it lacks distinct pliopithecine triangles on its molars and has higher-crowned incisors (Begun 2002:228). P. vindobonensis is known more completely than any other pliopithecoid, with partial craniofacial remains, partial palate, and parts of the postcranial skeleton. Pliopithecus platyodon: found at Elgg, Switzerland; dating from 16-15 mya. Known from one upper jaw with damaged, worn teeth (Begun 2002:227). This species is larger, with broader, lower first premolars and narrower lower molars than P. antiquus. Pliopithecus priensis (sometimes classified as Plesiopliopithecus priensis and placed within the crouzeliine subfamily; Begun 2002): found at Priav II, France, dated at ~ 11-10.5 mya). This species appears to be somewhat larger than most European pliopithecines, being somewhat closer in size to Pliopithecus zhangxiangi from Tongxin, China (Andrews et al. 1996:173). Pliopithecus zhangxiangi: found at Tongxin, China, dated at ~15.5-15 mya). This species is the largest within the genus Pliopithecus (Begun 2002:227). It is known from a partial cranium and face in addition to pliopithecine-triangle-bearing lower molars. These craniofacial remains reveal (as in P. vindobonensis) a short face, projecting orbital rims, low-set zygomatic arches, and restricted maxillary sinuses (Begun 2002:227). Pliopithecus sp.: found at Castel de Barbera from MN8 (~ 12 mya). Researchers disagree upon whether this small new species is Pliopithecus (Begun 2002) or a new crouzeliine similar to Egarapithecus, regarded as a crouzeliine by Andrews et al. (1996) and Moya-Sola et al. (2001). 3) Crouzeliinae, to include the genera Plesiopliopithecus, Crouzelia, Anapithecus, Laccopithecus, and their new genus, Egarapithecus. Harrison (2003:2 [Table 1]) has suggested that the pliopithecoids be divided into two families: 1) Family Pliopithecidae, including subfamilies Pliopithecinae and Crouzeliinae 2) Family Dionysopithecidae, in which the early Chinese genera are placed. Recent description and phylogenetic analysis of the Ugandan Early Miocene genus, Lomorupithecus by Rossie and MacLatchy (2006) has confounded pliopithecoid classification further. Until more is understood about early basal Afro-Arabian catarrhines, Rossie and MacLatchy (2006) have for the time being placed Lomorupithecus within the Superfamily Pliopithecoidea, but have postponed putting it in a family till more is known about it. Within

the

Subfamily

Crouzeliinae,

there are at least five species, according to Andrews et al. (1996), and seven or more species, according to Begun (2002). One species, Egarapithecus narcisoi, has recently been described by Moya-Sola et al. (2001). Crouzeliines have molars with sharper cusps, indicating they may have been leaf-eaters. Their molars are also more elongated than those of pliopithecines, and their premolars have more well defined crests (Begun 2002:233). TIME AND PLACE IN CATARRHINE EVOLUTION

Pliopithecoid fossils are representatives of a superfamily of primitive catarrhines that were distributed over a wide area of Eurasia (and possibly Africa) from ~20 mya (Africa) to ~8 mya (China). Catarrhines have only two premolars in each half of each jaw; platyrrhines (and prosimians) retain three. Other catarrhine (super) families that may shed light into their evolution are the Parapithecidae (late Eocene to early Oligocene [~34-35 mya]) and Propliopithecoidea (early Oligocene [~ 33-34 mya]) that occupied parts of AfSeptember 2010

ecus, based upon their morphological similarities. Shared specialized traits linking propliopithecoids with later catarrhines are the loss of the extra premolar (giving them a dental formula of 2.1.2.3), a canine/ first premolar honing complex (the canines sharpen themselves against the first premolar; this is called “honing”) and similar molar morphology (Harrison 2003:2). Because the propliopithecines retain primitive traits such as a ring-like ectotympanic and the entepitrochlear foramen in the distal humerus, they are probably stem catarrhines (Harrison 2003); thus, the pliopithecoids may have evolved from this superfamily.

rica and Arabia. The parapithecids include genera Parapithecus, Apidium, and Qatrania. Some parapithecids had already evolved one very odd, specialized trait: loss of both lower incisors in Parapithecus grangeri. As lost teeth do not re-evolve, they cannot be candidates for being pliopithecoid ancestors (Fleagle 1999). The parapithecids may instead be a specialized clade of basal anthropoids (Harrison 1987:53). (Basal anthropoids are primates that diverged from the tarsier-like prosimian primates in the late Eocene/Early Oligocene. For example, their eye sockets are completely enclosed in bone and their lower jawbone is a single bar of bone, two of several traits shared by all modern monkeys and apes. Prosimians (e.g., lemurs, lorises, tarsiers), the other large suborder of primates, have an orbital bar, leaving the eye socket open to the side, and a two-halved jawbone, fused by ligaments and cartilage.) The propliopithecoids may be better candidates for being basal catarrhines than the parapithecids and therefore may be ancestral to the pliopithecoids (Harrison 2003). Harrison (2003) notes that Simons (1995), Kay (1981), Fleagle (1986), Thomas (1991), and Rasmussen (2002) prefer to split the propliopithecoids into two to three genera: Propliopithecus, Moeripithecus, and Aegyptopithecus. On the other hand, as Harrison (2003) notes, Szalay and Delson (1979), Delson et al. (2000), Andrews (1985) and he have preferred to lump them into one genus, Propliopith-

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Although not ancestral to the pliopithecoids, there were other catarrhine superfamilies that overlapped in time with them. Two of the earliest superfamilies of proto-apes were the proconsuloids (large- to intermediate-sized proto-apes) and the dendropithecoids (small-bodied proto-apes). Most probably at ~18 mya, early pliopithecoids migrated out of Africa and into Eurasia, whereas the proconsuloids and dendropithecoids, two

widely diverse superfamilies of protoapes, appear to have existed only in Africa and Arabia (Harrison 2004:1). Harrison (2004:3) divides the proconsuloids into the subfamilies Proconsulinae, Afropithecinae, and Nyanzapithecinae. The superfamily Dendropithecoidea consist of small-bodied proto-apes Dendropithecus, Micropithecus, and Simiolus; Kamoyapithecus, Rangwapithecus, and Limnopithecus (Harrison 2004:3; Delson et al. 2000:xxvi). Harrison (2003:3) proposes an intriguing hypothesis: that the eventual decline of the more provincial proconsuloids and dendropithecoids (which co-evolved with creodont predators--an extinct carnivorous mammal) may have been caused by a faunal turnover in Africa during the early Miocene. Before the Afro-Arabian land bridge emerged, Africa had creodont predators that did not prey on tree-dwellers. After the emergence, big cats migrated into Africa. Unlike the creodonts, big cats could climb and proved very capable of preying on arboreal, or tree dwelling, primates! As the proconsuloids and dendropithecoids had not co-evolved with big cats, they were not adapted to avoiding becoming prey and eventually went extinct. Another early catarrhine group that overlapped in time with the pliopithecoidea was the Superfamily Hominoidea, true apes (Harrison 2003). The hominoid clade, first appearing at ~20.6-17.5 mya, remained relatively unimportant till the middle Miocene (~16-11 mya). Morotopithecus, described by Gebo, MacLatchy, Kityo, Deino, Kingston, and Pilbeam (1997) is at this time the oldest known hominoid genus, dating to either ~20 mya or 17.5 mya, depending on the author (Harrison 2003). The next oldest is Kenyapithecus (McCrossin and Benefit 1994), found at Maboko (K. africanus, a.k.a. “Equatorius” africanus as per Ward et al. 1999) and later at Fort Ternan (K. wickeri), dated at ~16-14 mya. Griphopithecus, who shares similar dental morphology with Kenyapithecus, migrated to Eurasia about 16-14 mya, shortly after the pliopithecoids (Harrison 2003:4). An adaptive radiation of Eurasian

Aegyptopithecus

A mandible from Pliopithecus antiquus

hominoids followed, including species of the Subfamilies Dryopithecinae and Sivapithecinae. Fossil dryopithecines are rarely found at pliopithecoid sites, so these two groups must have occupied somewhat different niches. Yet another early catarrhine group overlapping in time with (but not closely related to) the pliopithecoids is the Superfamily Cercopithecoidea, the first Old-World monkeys. The earliest known Old-World proto-monkey fossil, an isolated upper molar from Napak, Uganda, is dated to ~19 mya. Two fossil genera considered early cercopithecoids, Victoriapithecus and Prohylobates, are found from the late early Miocene to the late Miocene in Kenya, Libya, and Egypt and have been dated from ~17.5 -12.5 mya (Benefit and McCrossin 2002; Hill, Leakey, Kingston and Ward 2002). Later cercopithecoid molars exhibit specialized traits, such as the evolution of bilophodonty, where two transverse ridges appear on the tops of the teeth (18). Victoriapithecus molars show a transitional morphology (Benefit and McCrossin 2002). Old-World monkeys underwent an adaptive radiation in the late Miocene to early Pliocene, somewhat later than that of the early hominoid radiation. SUMMARY

The Pliopithecoidea were a superfamily of early catarrhines that originated about 20 mya, probably in Africa. The last relict genus of the pliopithecoids, Laccopithecus, was found in Asia, dating to about 8 mya. These catarrhines had a very conservative dentition and postcranial remains, compared to their contemporaries, the Proconsuloidea, Dendropithecoidea, Hominoidea, and Cercopithecoidea and probably evolved from one of the earlier African propliopithecoids late in the Oligocene or earliest Miocene. Pliopithecoids occupied a vast range of habitats throughout Eurasia, and their skulls, teeth, and skeletal elements indicate they were arboreal and had a generalized diet, with crouzeliines being slightly more adapted to leaf-eating than pliopithecines. It is possible that once the earliest pliopithecoids (which may have evolved in Africa) had spread as far as Asia, the crouzeliines may have evolved from an Asian pliopithecoid, reentered Europe, and occupied a more folivorous niche, an area filled with leafy trees, not occupied by the pliopithecines. However, more fossils are needed to confirm or debunk this hypothesis. REFERENCES CITED

Andrews P, Harrison T, Delson E, Martin L, and Bernor R. 1996. Systematics and biochronol ogy of European and Southwest Asian Miocene catarrhines. In: Bernor RI, Falbusch V, and Mittman HW (eds.), Evolution of West ern Eurasian Late Neogene Mammal Faunas, pp. 168-207. New York: Columbia U Press. Andrews, P and Delson E. 2000. Pliopitheci dae. In Delson E, Tattersall I, VanCouvering J,

and Brooks A (eds.), Encyclopedia of Human Evolution and Prehistory, 2nd Ed., pp. 576578. New York: Garland. Begun D. 2002. The Pliopithecoidea. In: Hartwig WC (ed.), The Primate Fossil Record, pp. 221-240. Cambridge: Cambridge U Press. Benefit B and McCrossin M. 1995. Miocene hominoids and hominid origins. Ann Rev Anthrop 24:237-256. Benefit B and McCrossin M. 2002. The Victo riapithecidae, Cercopithecoidea. In Hartwig W (ed.), The Primate Fossil Record. Cam bridge: Cambridge U Press, pp. 241-253. Delson E, Tattersall I, Van Couvering J, and Brooks A. 2000. Encyclopedia of Human Evolution and Prehistory. New York: Garland. Fleagle J. 1999. Primate Adaptation and Evo lution, 2nd Ed. New York: Academic Press. Gebo D, MacLatchy L, Kityo R, Deino A, Kings ton J, and Pilbeam D. 1997. A hominoid genus from the early Miocene of Uganda. Science 276:401-403. Harrison T. 1987. The phylogenetic relation ships of the early catarrhine primates: A review of the current evidence. J Hum Evol 16:41-80. Harrison T. 1991. Some observations on the Miocene hominoids from Spain. J Hum Evol 20:515-520. Harrison T. 2004. The zoogeographic and phylogenetic relationships of early catar rhine primates in Asia. Anthrop Sci :1-9. Harrison T, Delson E, and Guan J. 1991. A new species of Pliopithecus from the Middle Miocene of China: Its implications for early catarrhine zoogeography. J Hum Evol 21:329-361. Harrison T. and Gu Y. 1999. Taxonomy and phylogenetic relationships of early Miocene catarrhines from Sihong, China. J Hum Evol 37:225-277. Harrison T, van der Made J, and Ribot F. 2002. A new middle Miocene pliopithecid from Sant Quirze, northern Spain. J Hum Evol 42:371-377. Hill A, Leakey M, Kingston J and Ward S. 2002. New cercopithecoids and a hominoid from 12.5 Ma in the Tugen Hills succession, Kenya. J Hum Evol 42:75-93. Kohler M, Alba D, Moya Sola S, and MacLatchy L. 2002. Taxonomic affinities of the Ep pelsheim femur. Am J Phys Anthrop 119:297-304. Moya-Sola S, Kohler M, and Alba D. 2001. Egarapithecus narcisoi, a new genus of Pliopithecidae (Primates, Catarrhini) from the Late Miocene of Spain. Am J Phys An throp 114:312-324. Pilbeam D. 1997. Research on Miocene hominoids and hominid origins. In: Begun DR, Ward CV, and Rose MD (eds.), Function, Phylogeny and Fossils. New York: Plenum. p. Rossie J and MacLatchy L. 2006. A new plio pithecoid genus from the early Miocene of Uganda. J Hum 50:568-586. Ward SC, Brown B, Hill A, Kelley J, and Downs W. 1999. Equatorius: A new hominoid genus from the middle Miocene of Kenya. Science 285:1382-1386. Zapfe H. 1958. The skeleton of Pliopithecus (Epipliopithecus) vindobonensis Zapfe & Hurzeler. Am J Phys Anthrop 16:441-455. y

CONFERENCE ALERT Closing the Gap in Urban Indigenous Communities Date: October 19-20, 2010-10-01 Place: Sydney, Australia Proposal Due Date: Not listed Event Website: http://www.theurbanaboriginal.com/ Meaning, Identity, and Culture Date: December 28-30, 2010 Place: Kolkata, India Proposal Due Date: Not listed Event Website: http://legacy.lclark. edu/~sipr/IIC/KolkataCFP.html Music, Gender, and Globalization Date: April 1-2, 2011 Place: Ithaca, New York, USA Proposal Due Date: 07 January 2011 Event Website: http://www.musicgenderglobalization.org/ Materiality, Memory, and Cultural Heritage Date: May 25-29, 2011 Place: Istanbul, Turkey Proposal Due Date: 17 December 2010 Event Website: http://www.materialitymemoryculturalheritage.com Advancing the Social Science of Tourism Date: June 28-July 1, 2011 Place: Guildford, UK Proposal Due Date: 15 December 2010 Event Website: http://ocs.som. surrey.ac.uk/index.php/tourism/tourism2011 3rd Global Conference: Evil, Women, and the Feminine Date: May 13-15, 2011 Place: Warsaw, Poland Proposal Due Date: 26 November 2010 Event Website: http://www.interdisciplinary.net/at-the-interface/evil/ evil-women-and-the-feminine/callfor-papers/ Vampires: Myths of the Past and the Future Date: November 2-4, 2011 Place: London, UK Proposal Due Date: 30 April 2011 Event Website: http://igrs.sas.ac.uk/ index.php?id=496

September 2010

World Cuisine Turkey

Over the centuries, portions of what is now known as Turkey have been under the control of various cultural groups including early Stone Age settlers in 7500 BC., to the Hittites, the Persians, the Romans, and finally, the Ottoman Turks. This fascinating part of the world often played critical roles in world history. For example, part of Turkey’s southwestern shore was a wedding gift that Mark Anthony gave to Cleopatra. Many people are surprised to learn just how much Old Testament history occurred in this region. In fact, some even believe that the Garden of Eden is situated in Turkey where the Tigris and Euphrates rise in the Taurus Mountains. According to legend, Noah’s Ark landed in this very spot on Agri Dagi (Mount Ararat) and the last meal that was served aboard the vessel was a pudding containing nearly twenty ingredients. This pudding, still served throughout Turkey today, is known as Asure or Noah’s Pudding. It is said there are four major cuisines in the world: Italian, French, Chinese, and Turkish with each based on local ingredients and flavors. While many well-known national cuisine’s rely on one basic element (i.e. French cuisine is based on sauce, and pasta forms the essence of Italian cuisine), there is no single dominant culinary feature in the Turkish kitchen. This is due not only to the country’s unique location as the center of trade routes, Turkey’s climatic and geographical variation, and military conquests, but is also a result the sumptuous lifestyles of the Ottoman sultans and the lavish traditions maintained by the palace chefs.

variety of ingredients and the creativity of the Turkish housewife is the hallmark of the Turkish kitchen. Usually, everything used is fresh and seasonal, but many foods such as eggplant, peppers, and tomatoes, are dried and reconstituted for later use. Today there are seven regions in Turkey: Black Sea, Marmara, Aegean, Mediterranean, and Central, Southeast, and Eastern Anatolia. Each region produces its own unique agricultural products, culture, customs, traditions, and local specialty dishes. As a result, a dish eaten in one re-

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gion of Turkey might not exist in another region, or it may be made with different ingredients. For example, in one part of Turkey baklava is made with pistachio nuts, while in another it is made with hazelnuts.

Turkish Fusion Cuisine

arly Turkish culinary history began with nomadic people who migrated from the Altay Mountains in Central Asia. Traveling towards Anatolia in Asia Minor, they encountered different culinary traditions that they assimilated into their own cooking. Later, the early Turks became agriculturists in addition to breeding domestic animals such as lambs, goats, and beef cattle. Mutton, chevon (goat meat), and beef was often prepared in a tandir, an underground oven, or was grilled over an open wood or charcoal fire as kebabs. Kavurma was another favorite meal, especially in the winter months. To make kavurnma, small cubes of meat cooked in its own fat, then was salted and stored in large earthenware containers.

Pastirma, another preserved meat, was salted, spiced, and then dried in the sun. These foods are still a very popular part of Turkish cuisine. Interestingly enough, most Turkish food is prepared on top of the stove, and the oven is used only occasionally. As breeders of domestic animals, milk and other dairy products played an important role in their diet. Mare’s milk, high in vitamin C, was valued over sheep or cow’s milk. The milk was simmered in large shallow pans over an open fire. When the cream rose to the surface, it formed a crust that was eaten immediately, while the remaining milk was dried in the sun and stored as a powder for later use. Although milk and thick cream were the basic elements of their breakfast, the queen of the dairy products was yogurt, a very important component of the early Turkish diet and now regarded as one of the most famous Turkish culinary contributions to the world. Rounding out their basic foods were grains, primarily wheat and barley. Boiled, dried, and cracked wheat, called bulgur, is still an important cereal in the nutrition of Turkish people. Yufka ekmek (yufka bread), made with flour, salt, and water, was rolled into round layers and browned on a thin iron plate, is still made in Anatolia today.

oth the Chinese and Mongolian cultures influenced Turkish cuisine in the form of homemade noodles and manti (similar to very small ravioli). The Uyghurs who migrated to Turkey were themselves strongly influenced by the Chinese culinary palate, and it is probably through them that manti became part of the Turkish diet. At the same time, the Chinese borrowed from the Turks, incorporating the use of stuffed dishes into their cuisine. Many other cultures left their mark on Turkish cuisine. Arab influences, especially in the south and southeastern parts of Anatolia, introduced many spices. The Persian, Hittite, and Byzantine Empires

Photograph courtesy 2010 PAM

ocated between Europe and Asia, Turkey occupies a unique geographic location. Although modern maps give the impression that this diverse country straddles, and separates, the east from the west, Turkey is in fact a prime example of the infusion and intermingling of cultures and cuisines. The Turkish people are the inheritors of an extensive and opulent history, including one of the most powerful and longest lasting empires. Enduring for over 600 years, the Ottoman Empire remained intact until 1923 when the current boundaries of modern Turkey were drawn.

The Seven Regions of Turkey provided different vegetables of Mediterranean origin, such as cabbage, cauliflower, and parsley. As each group of peoples- Hittites, Romans, Byzantines, Arabs, Mongols, and the Crusaders- crossed Anatolia, they augmented the culinary pool, enriching the indigenous Turks’ own culture and cooking techniques. Settling in Anatolia, Arabs cuisine (with their adoption of Islam), added dishes based on wheat and mutton, as well as seafood dishes. During the 10th century, the Turks came into contact with the Irano-Islamic culture of Western Asia. While learning pilafs (rice dishes) from the Persians, the Turks also created a great variety of their own rice dishes. A list of deliveries to the palace in 1660 notes the arrival of 2,000 lbs of cloves and nutmeg and 206 lbs of saffron, which were probably intended to flavor the fragrant pilafs that were the favorite food of the sultans.

man Empire and the reign of Mehmet II, who conquered Istanbul in 1453. From this point forward, the culinary arts played a significant part in court life, with the richest and most diverse flavors found in dishes prepared during Mehmet’s reign.

uring the 16th and 17th centuries, the Ottomans traded with the Spaniards who introduced them to many new products from the New World including chili peppers, tomatoes, and maize. These new ingredients were quickly absorbed into the Palace cuisine and, consequently, into the rest of the empire. As new products were introduced, the sultan’s kitchen staff also grew, with a workforce swelling to over 1,300 people, each

The most significant impact on Turkish cuisine came during the rise of the Otto-

At the height of its glory in the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire spread across the country from Baghdad to Tripoli and north to south from Budapest to Cairo. The Ottoman Turks were “culinary plunderers” taking the best ingredients and recipes from their territories, and incorporating them within their own culture, creating a fusion cuisine unique to Turkey. y

Did you know...

n Anatolia, the Turks were neighbors of the Greeks. Greece’s close proximity to Anatolia resulted in the baking of round loaves of bread as opposed to the flat breads of Central Asia. In addition, from the 11th to the 14th centuries, many words of Greek origin were applied to fish and seafood dishes. A true development of the culinary arts began with the Seljuk Empire, before the arrival of the Ottomans. New foods introduced in Anatolia included fruits, vegetables, and herbs that had been nonexistent in Central Asia, as well as new sources of olive oil and seafood. It was not long before these ingredients were combined with already established foods like kebabs, breads, and other dough products to yield many new dishes.

of them responsible for different culinary duties. During this time, culinary complexity also intensified. Numerous recipes featuring a single item began to appear, and even vegetables such as eggplant were the main ingredient in over forty different recipes.

• Turkey is a land with a timeless history (over 10,000 years) best described as a mosaic? • Turkey, is a country that is located on two continents? • Turkey in Europe comprises an area about equal to the state of Massachusetts. Turkey in Asia is about the size of Texas? • Turkey is where Homer and Aesop were born? • Anatolia or Asia Minor was producing wine as early as 4000 BC.? • Turkey gave the Dutch their famous tulips? • Turkey provides 70% of the world’s hazelnuts; the nut in your chocolate bar was most probably grown in Turkey? • One of Turkey’s greatest gifts to the world was yogurt? • Turkey introduced coffee to Europe? • The original Santa Claus was from Turkey.

September 2010

This recipe is an excerpt from “The Turkish Cookbook: Regional Recipes and Stories” by Nur Ilkin and Sheilah Kaufman, published 2010, $35.00, Hardcover, 347 pgs., English, ISBN 9781566567930. Available from Interlink Publishing HERE and other fine book stores.

Yogurt

(Made all over Turkey) Considered Turkey’s gift to the world, yogurt (an ancient food) is made from milk fermented with living bacterial cultures. Yogurt plays an important part in Turkish cuisine and is used in everything from sauces to soups to dessert and drinks. Yogurt can be made from almost any full fat, low fat, or fat free milk including goat’s milk, cow’s milk, sheep’s milk, or soy milk, although yogurt made from whole milk yields a sweeter, thicker, creamier yogurt. 1 quart milk 3 tablespoons plain yogurt, at room temperature (yogurt starter) Take two bath towels, one on top of the other, and place in the corner of a kitchen counter, or fold over a blanket. This is going to be a “a nest” for your yogurt. Take a large glass or ceramic bowl and set it in the middle of the towels or blanket. Place the milk in a pot and bring to about 190F to about 208F, just under boiling (about 5 to 10 minutes). The milk will be gently bubbling around the edges and a film or skin will form on the top. This temperature destroys undesirable organisms which may prevent coagulation. Remove the pan from the heat and carefully pour milk into the bowl. Let it sit uncovered so it can begin to cool down. Let the milk cool to 110F to about 115F (when you place your little finger in it, it feels hot to the touch but not burning). This is the ideal temperature for adding the yogurt starter. If the temperature is less, the bacteria in the starter becomes less active, and takes longer to grow, and temperatures over 120F will destroy the bacteria needed for growing. Stir a little of the warm milk into the yogurt to thin it down, making it easier to blend into the milk. Use a wooden spoon to make a hole in the center of the milk. Pour the yogurt mixed with milk into the hole and stir well. Cover the bowl with plastic wrap and then cover the top of the bowl with both sides of the towels and tuck in the sides and let the mixture sit at room temperature for at least 12 hours or overnight. Do not move it or stir it. Because it sits at room temperature the yogurt will develop a slightly sour or tangy (lemony) taste. When the time is up, place the yogurt in a container, and refrigerate. If desired, you can cover yogurt gently with 4 layers of paper towels (to absorb excess whey/moisture), and change the paper towels often the first few days. This helps it thicken faster. Alternately, see below for drained yogurt. Use as needed. Makes 1 quart. DRAINED YOGURT Drained yogurt is sometimes referred to as Greek yogurt or labaneh in the stores or ethnic markets. 32 ounces of good, plain yogurt

This recipe is an excerpt from “A Taste of Turkish Cuisine” by Nur Ilkin and Sheilah Kaufman, published 2002, $24.95, Hardcover, 300 pgs., English, ISBN 9780781809481. Available from Hippocrene Books HERE and other fine book stores.

Carrots with Garlic and Yogurt Carrots will never be the same after you’ve eaten this dish! Turkish zucchini can be used instead of the carrots, but a teaspoon of dried mint needs to be added to the dish. 7 tablespoons extra virgin olive oil 1 medium onion, finely chopped 1 pound carrots, peeled and coarsely grated 3 to 4 garlic cloves 1/ 2 teaspoon Kosher salt 1 1/ 2 cups Drained Yogurt or Greek Yogurt 2 teaspoons Aleppo pepper or paprika with a pinch of cayenne added In a 3-quart pot, heat 5 tablespoons of the oil and sauté the onions, stirring over medium heat for 5 minutes. Do not let them brown or burn. Add the carrots, stirring to mix well, and continue cooking for 8 to 10 minutes. Remove from heat and let cool.

To make drained yogurt/yogurt cheese, place a fine colander or strainer lined with a double layer of cheese cloth, with all edges hanging over the sides of the colander, over a large bowl. If you add 32 ounces of yogurt and let it sit at room temperature for 5 to 6 hours, draining the whey as it accumulates in the bowl, you will end up with 1 1/2 to 2 cups of drained, thick yogurt. If the cheese cloth hangs about 8 to 10-inches over the edges of the colander, it can be gathered over the draining yogurt, and twisted into a loose knot on top of the yogurt. Sometimes it is pressed with a heavy weight or cans.

Chop the garlic and salt together then crush the garlic and salt in a mortar and pestle, or with the flat part of a large chef ’s knife, until a paste is formed. Place yogurt in a bowl, stir paste into yogurt, and mix well. Place the cooled carrots and onions in a bowl, add the yogurt mixture, mix well, and place in a serving dish.

Check periodically to make sure the draining yogurt is not touching the whey in the bowl. If desired you may gently squeeze the cheesecloth bag to get rid of more whey. The longer the yogurt drains the dryer and thicker it will become. When you are satisfied with the consistency, place the drained yogurt into a container, cover, and refrigerate until you are ready to use it.

Combine the remaining 2 tablespoons of olive oil and the Aleppo pepper/paprika and drizzle in a design over the top of the carrots and onions. Serve at room temperature or chilled. Serves 8.

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This recipe is an excerpt from “The Turkish Cookbook: Regional Recipes and Sstories” by Nur Ilkin and Sheilah Kaufman, published 2010, $35.00, Hardcover, 347 pgs., English, ISBN 9781566567930. Available from Interlink Publishing HERE and other fine book stores.

The Imam Fainted Imam Biyaldi There is a story that tells of a famous Turkish priest or imam who was so delighted with his wife’s eggplant creation that he fainted from pure pleasure. There are many versions of this dish. If possible prepare this a day or two ahead so the flavors can mellow. This is one of Turkey’s most famous dishes. 8 Italian eggplants, about 6 inches long 5 teaspoons salt, divided 1 cup canola oil for frying 3/ 4 cup extra virgin olive oil 4 medium onions, cut into thin semi-circles 8 garlic cloves, finely chopped 3 medium tomatoes, peeled, seeds removed, and finely chopped 2 teaspoons finely chopped Italian parsley 2 teaspoons sugar 1 cup water 1 large tomato, sliced 1 green bell pepper, seeded, ribs removed, sliced into 1/2-inch strips Wash the eggplants and remove the leaves from around the stem, but leave the stem on. With a sharp knife, leaving a 1 1/2-inch border of peel around the tops and bottoms of the eggplants, peel off a half- inch wide strip of skin lengthwise, leaving the next half inch with the skin on, repeat until you make a striped effect. Cut a very thin slice horizontally off the side of the eggplants so they sit flat. With a small sharp knife make a deep slit lengthwise, from the top of the peeled area to the bottom of the peeled area, almost completely through the eggplants( do not pierce the outside) and leaving 1-inch un-slashed around both ends. Sprinkle the eggplants with 4 teaspoons salt and let them stand for 30 minutes. Rinse with cold water and dry them on a kitchen towel. Heat the canola oil in a 5-to 6-quart pot or deep fryer and on high heat for about 10 minutes. Cook 2 to 4 eggplants at a time, depending on the size of the pot. Roll them frequently so they will lightly brown on all sides and cook evenly (about 4 to 6 minutes). Remove them from the oil when soft and let them drain in a fine sieve or colander or on a jellyroll pan lined with paper towels. Repeat with remaining eggplants. Heat the olive oil in a 2 quart pan or skillet, add onions, and saute for 10 minutes over medium heat. Add garlic, mix well, and cook another 3 to 5 minutes, stirring from time to time. Lower heat slightly, add the chopped tomatoes, mix well and cook for 10 minutes. Turn off the heat and add 1 teaspoon salt, sugar, and parsley. Mix well and let cool. Preheat oven to 400F. Lay the cooked eggplants side-by-side, slitside up in a large Pyrex serving dish, leaving some space between them. Using a spoon, open the slits in the eggplants and stuff the onion mixture into the long slash of the eggplants. Press mixture down gently as you fill the eggplants. Pour 1 cup water around the sides of the eggplants in the pan. Garnish each eggplant with a slice of tomato and strip of green pepper on top. Cover with aluminum foil and bake for 30 minutes, removing the foil after 20 minutes have passed. Let cool and serve as an appetizer, or cover and chill. Serves 6 .

Bazlama Bread

(Central Anatolia) Bazlama is a type of round bread traditionally baked in a tandir or between two thin hot iron plates. Bread is the “staff of life,” and this is a tasty, easy basic bread. In Turkey, bread is very important and served at every meal. 2 packages (1/ 4 ounce each) of active dry yeast, room temperature 1 teaspoon sugar 2 cups warm water (about 105F to 115F) Do not make water too hot or it will kill yeast 3 tablespoons canola oil plus oil for greasing the bowl 2 teaspoons salt 5 1/ 2 cups sifted all-purpose or bread flour, divided Place yeast and sugar in a large bowl and add water. Mix well to dissolve yeast and sugar and let stand for about 10 minutes to “proof,” or until foam forms on the top. If you do not get foam your yeast may be dead and the recipe will not work. Whisk in the oil, salt, and 2 cups of flour and mix until blended and smooth. Add another cup of flour, blending well, then another cup, blending well until mixture is smooth. Using your hands, mix in the last 1 1/ 2 cups of flour. Dough may be somewhat sticky - if it is, add extra flour by the tablespoon as you knead the dough. On a lightly floured work surface, knead the dough until you have a ball of dough that is smooth and elastic, about 8 to 10 minutes. Lightly grease a large bowl and place the ball of dough in the greased bowl, turning the ball so all sides are lightly greased. Cover bowl with a clean kitchen towel and let dough rise for an hour in a warm, draft-free place. Dough will double in bulk (about an hour). Punch down the dough and using floured hands, divide dough into 16 to 18 balls. Place a ball on the lightly floured surface, pat ball down, then pat back and forth between the palms of your hands a few times, stretching the dough. Take your thumb and index finger and go around the outside of the flattened dough stretching from the center out until dough is a circle about 5 inches across. Dough should be about 1/4 inch thick. Continue until all balls of dough are stretched. * Lightly spray a large non-stick skillet and fry as many “pitas” as fit (without touching each other) in the skillet. Cook over medium heat until puffed and lightly golden brown on the bottom. Turn over and cook until top is just lightly golden. Remove from pan and continue until all pitas are cooked. Serve warm with jam, olives, yogurt, or your favorite dip. Makes 16 to 18 pitas. *Variation: If desired, bread can be placed on a lightly greased baking sheet, covered with a clean kitchen towel, and in a warm, draft-free place let them rise again for another hour. Preheat oven to 500F, remove towel, and bake pitas for about 7 minutes or until puffed and brown. Adapted from a recipe by Gilda Angel Sephardic Holiday Cooking Decalogue Books, Mt. Vernon, NY. September 2010

The “Other” Department

Primate News

Behavioral Diversity, Genetics, and Culture by Elliott Forsythe Edited by Danielle M. Kuehnel Proofread by Kamden Summers

reetings Popular Anthropology subscribers, and welcome back to another exciting installment of Primate News. On the chopping block this issue is what I am sure will be a controversial, and therefore extremely intriguing, topic: culture. Of course, culture is not a particularly controversial topic in and of itself, though I am sure we could stir up some hullabaloo if we were so inclined! What makes it controversial in the current context is of course the group to which the concept of culture is being applied: the non-human primates. A tremendous amount of work has been put into documenting the great diversity of behaviors exhibited by our closest living relatives—the chimpanzees—both in the wild and in captivity. Most people have certainly heard of the amazing abilities of chimps to use sign language to communicate their ideas (Fouts and Waters 2001), to hunt in a coordinated fashion to obtain meat (Newton-Fisher 2007), and to manufacture and use tools for a great diversity of different tasks (Koops et al., 2010). And I am sure many readers were as impressed as I was to hear about the recently documented use of spears by wild chimpanzees to hunt other primates (Pruetz and Bertolani 2007)! There can be no doubt that chimps are behaviorally complex critters with very complex cognitive, manipulative, and creative skills. But complexity is only half of the equation.

What makes chimpanzee behavior so

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exciting to anthropologists is not so much the complexity of a particular behavior in and of itself; it’s the diversity of behaviors and their distribution among chimpanzee populations that makes them particularly noteworthy. While many people think of chimpanzees in a generic sense as “the chimpanzee,” primatologists have for decades known that chimp populations from different areas of Africa exhibit quite divergent behavioral patterns (Whiten et al. 1999). Nut-cracking behaviors, for example, are not characteristic of chimps in general, but of a specific group of chimps on Africa’s west coast. The same can be said of other behaviors, such as termite fishing, projectile throwing, fly whisking, and numerous other behaviors, most of which are patchily distributed across the many chimp populations inhabiting the diverse ecosystems of the African landscape. However, the distribution of the many complex behaviors exhibited by chimps is by no means random; quite the contrary, the behavioral variants are very clearly patterned in their distribution. The question that naturally arises is, of course, What factors underlie the patchy, nonrandom distribution of behaviors among chimp populations? Three notable possibilities immediately present themselves as candidates for determinants of chimp behavioral diversity: genetics, ecology, and learning (or, what some have called “culture”). In a ground-breaking article that systematically scored behavioral variants at every notable long-term chimpanzee research site, Whiten et al. (1999) found that of the dozens of behaviors for which sufficient data were available, a large proportion had no clear ecological explanation. For example, many well-known and iconic chimpanzee behaviors,

such as nut cracking or termite fishing, seem to be absent at many sites where all the appropriate materials (both the foodstuffs and the requisite tool material) are available for use by the chimpanzee populations. Through their extensive survey, Whiten et al. (1999) documented no fewer than 39 behaviors that are exhibited by some, but not all, chimp populations for which ecology seems an ineffectual explanation for the behaviors occurrence. A variety of other behaviors may appropriately be added to this list, but the general point that there are many behaviors that are patchily and non-randomly distributed among chimpanzee populations, but for which there is no obvious ecological explanation, means that one of the two other potential explanations (genetics or learning) must be invoked to explain the behavior’s distribution. To date, it has been very difficult to tease apart the influence of genetics and learned behaviors on chimpanzee behavioral diversity. In years gone by, authors have relied on taxonomic differences as proxies for genetic relatedness, but of course there is no infallible relationship between taxonomy and genetics (no matter how much we wish there were). However, with recent advances in genetic sequencing techniques, statistical models for interpreting genetic data, and the increasing ease of obtaining appropriate genetic samples from wild chimpanzee populations, it has become increasingly possible to isolate the genetic component of between-population behavioral variations. Indeed, the genetic relation-

Lycett et al. (2010) predicted that if the behavioral variants that lack ecological explanations reported by Whiten et al. (1999) were genetically determined, then there should be clear congruence between the distribution of genetic haplotypes and behavioral variants. To test this hypothesis, the authors generated cladograms (simple depictions of relationships between populations) using the most upto-date behavioral data and compared these to cladograms based on genetic data. The congruence between these data sets can easily be determined using a variety of statistical techniques that can compare cladograms generated using genetic and behavioral data. The results clearly show that the genetic data and the behavioral data result in quite divergent cladograms, implying that genetic differences between chimpanzee populations are not sufficient to explain the behavioral differences between the populations. Thus, Lycett et al. (2010) have effectively ruled out genetics as the determinant of chimpanzee behavioral diversity. So we are left with learning as the only remaining realistic explanation for the notable difference in behavior between chimpanzee populations. Another way of stating this is to say that there are shared and learned differences in behavior between chimpanzee populations. This rather non-controversial statement has become a point of fierce contention among anthropologists in recent years, as many take this statement to mean that chimpanzees have culture. Of course, that depends on exactly how we define culture, and there seems to be two schools of thought on this issue; some scholars seem to be content with defining culture as shared and learned behavior, in which case the behavioral variants observed among chimpanzees seem to qualify. Indeed, authors in this camp (Whiten et al. 2003) have even proposed a new field of research: cultural panthropology (Pan, of course, is the genus to which chimpanzees belong). However, others point toward the need for linguistic mediation in learning, or the need for cumulative cultural growth, in which case chimps

Meet Stephen Lycett and the Common Chimpanzee

ÂŠ 2006 Alain Houle

ships between chimpanzee populations across Africa are now fairly well-known, and perhaps the most finely documented among the primates (e.g., Gonder et al. 2006). A recent publication in the American Journal of Physical Anthropology (Lycett et al. 2010) has taken these advances and utilized them to tackle this thorny genetic/learning issue using the latest and greatest, state-of-the-art analytic techniques available for comparing genetic and behavioral data. Their results have, in my opinion, finally put the issue to rest.

Chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) are endemic to Africa, where they are patchily distributed across the equatorial region of the continent. They are considered an endangered species, with small effective population sizes. Common chimps are characterized by a great diversity of locomotor and postural modes, including suspensory, quadrupedal, and bipedal behaviors. They are among the largest and most frugivorous (fruit-eating) of living primates. Chimps have been the subject of some of the longest research projects in the history of primate studies, and are therefore among the best-known primates. One of the most notable features of chimpanzees is their use of numerous tools to solve problems. As featured in this column, they are characterized by great amounts of interpopulation variability in behavior, and these differences appear to be learned and transmitted from generation to generation (Cawthon Lang, 2006). Stephen Lycett received a PhD in biological anthropology from the University of Cambridge. His research focuses on the interface of primatology and paleoanthropology, with a special focus on tools and technology. He has dozens of scholarly articles, edited books and conference presentations focused on technology and culture among primates and humans ancestors. A list of his work, along with links to available reprints, is available at http://sites.google.com/site/sjlycett. seem to lack the requisite materials to have culture. I certainly am not going to resolve this issue here, but it is safe to say that with genetics and ecology ruled out as the sole explaining factors for behavioral variation between chimpanzee communities, we are left with a great diversity of behaviors that seem to at least be worthy of entertaining as possible examples of what early human culture might have looked like. Whether we call these nongenetic, non-ecological, learned behavioral differences between chimpanzee populations cultures, traditions or some other term seems to be a matter of taste, but, in my opinion, it is the diversity of behavior that is really interesting, not what we call it. Send your questions and comments to eforsythe@popanthro.com REFERENCES CITED

Cawthon Lang, K.A. 2006. Primate Factsheets: Chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes) Taxonomy, Morphology, & Ecology. HERE Fouts, R. S., and G. S. Waters. 2001. Chimpan zee sign language and Darwinian continuity: evidence for a neurological continuity for language. Neurol Res 23(8):787-94. Gonder, M. K., T. R. Disotell, and J. F. Oates. 2006. New genetic evidence on the evolution of chimpanzee populations and impli-

cations for taxonomy. Int J Primatol 27(4):1103-1127. Koops, K., W. C. McGrew, and T. Matsuzawa. 2010. Do chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) use cleavers and anvils to fracture Treculia africana fruits? Preliminary data on a new form of percussive technology. Primates 51(2):175-8. Lycett, S. J., M. Collard, and W. C. McGrew. 2010. Are behavioral differences among wild chimpanzee communities genetic or cultural? An assessment using tool-use data and phylogenetic methods. Am J Phys An thropol 142(3):461-7. Lycett, S. J. 2010. The importance of history in definitions of culture: Implications from phylogenetic approaches to the study of social learning in chimpanzees. Learn Behav 38(3):252-64. Newton-Fisher, N.E. 2007. Chimpanzee hunt ing behaviour. In Handbook of Paleoanthropology. W. Henke and I. Tattersall, eds. Pp. 1295-1320. Germany: Springer Verlag. Pruetz, J. D., and P. Bertolani. 2007. Savanna chimpanzees, Pan troglodytes verus, hunt with tools. Curr Biol 17(5):412-7. Whiten, A., et al. 1999. Cultures in chimpanzees. Nature 399(6737):682-5. Whiten, A., V. Horner, and S. Marshall-Pescini. 2003. Cultural panthropology. Evol. Anthro pol. 12(2):92-105. y

September 2010

The “Other” Department

World Dance

Bharatanayam, originating from the Southern state of Tamil Nadu, is one of the eight classical dance forms of India. In technique, Bharatanatyam combines two basic elements: Nritta (pure abstract dance emphasizing footwork) and Nritya (interpretive and narrative elements). The music employs variations in melody and meter in the South Indian Carnatic music style. The live orchestra that accompanies the dancer consists of Nattuvangam (syllabic rhythm setting), the mrindangam (percussion drum), and the vocal singer. Other instruments such as the violin, Veena, and bamboo flute contribute to the melody. In the 17th century, Bharatanatyam prevailed in the southern states of India under the devadasi system. Devadasi, or a “servant of God,” was a class of females who dedicated themselves to the temple deities. Only the devadasi danced the form of Bharatanatyam known as sadir (solo, graceful variation), and the devadasi performed in the temple and in the homes of wealthy patron men. The devadasi would remain unmarried while dancing and performing duties for the temple, and she was often expected to attain the patronage of upper-caste married men in the community, who would financially support her and the temple while main-

20 Popular Anthropology Magazine

ried life while the temple benefitted financially and the upper-caste patriarchy benefitted as patrons of the art. However, in the late 18th century and early 19th century, the colonial British influences and Indian communal reformers heavily criticized the devadasi system and the affiliated prostitution that seemed to be condoned by the leaders of those communities (Rangashree 2010). In 1947, the Indian government banned all ceremonies where young girls were dedicated to temples (Srinivasan 1985:1870).

The state of Tamil Nadu in India taining sexual relations with the devadasi (Srinivasan 1985). The devadasi system was instated to benefit the society rather than the dancer as an individual. Though she was respected in the community, the devadasi lost the right to a secure, mar-

The art of Bharatanatyam was almost completely wiped out until reformists such as Balasaraswati and Rukmini Devi, advocated the need to preserve the ancient art form while emphasizing different aspects of the devadasi traditions— such as the spirituality, the local regional influences, or the style of performance. Because Bharatanatyam was revived by several distinct individuals with unique backgrounds and goals, the art form was developed in different directions as it was carried beyond the Indian subcontinent to other parts of Asia and to the Western

A Bharatanatyam dancer from Kalaa, a Princeton University dance troupe.

he hears the curtains drawn open as she waits backstage. From the side of the stage, the accompanying orchestra members hold their respective instruments in proper position. In a loud, clear voice, the singer begins the invocation hymn, and the audience is silent. The dancer, dressed in a tailored silk sari and adorned with jewels and flowers, gracefully walks onto the stage. After approximately 10 years of continuous training, this Bharatanatyam dancer ascends the stage for her arangetrum, a two-hour-long solo debut performance where the dancer exhibits her mastery of various dance repertoires. This dancer is a 20-year old young woman living in Chennai, India, in 1935, and this dancer is also a 12-year old girl living in New York, United States, in 2002. This dancer is timeless, but her style of dance, her reasons to dance, and the impact of dance in her life have evolved during the centuries that Bharatanatyam evolved in South Indian civilization.

performs the grand finale of her Bharatanatyam arangetrum known the “Thillana.” She begins the piece in an aesthetic pose similar to the hand-carved statues in South Indian temples. In a display of intricate footwork, the dancer coordinates her body and eye movements as the tempo quickens and the melody gradually builds up to a brilliant crescendo. All of her physical and mental training have prepared her for these final moments. She closes her eyes as her body moves—almost by instinct—and her breathing synchronizes with the beat of the drum. As the devotional verse marks the completion of the arangetrum, that same dancer opens her eyes as an individual transformed by this

experience—an individual whose identity is shaped by this ancient art form. REFERENCES CITED

Meduri, Avanthi. 2004. Bharatanatyam as a Global Dance: Some Issues in Research, Teaching, and Practice. Dance Research Journal 36(2):11-29. O’Shea, Janet. 2003. At Home in the World?: The Bharatanatyam Dancer as Transnational Interpreter. The Drama Review 47(1):176-186. Rangashree. 2010. Dances of India: History of Bharatanatyam HERE Srinivasan, Amrit. 1985. Reform and Revival: The Devadasi and Her Dance. Economic and Political Weekly 44(2):1869-1876. y

Rukmini Devi, circa 1940. Hemisphere. For example, Balasaraswati sought to preserve the art form within the devadasi community in India; on the other hand, Rukmini Devi reformed the costumes and the underlying content of the dances while shaping her style of Bharatanatyam through her training in ballet (Meduri 2004). Ultimately, the numerous pioneers in the revived field of Bharatanatyam contributed to the concept that the art form was not only for the benefit of the society but also for the aesthetic creativity and development of the individual dancer. For young adults around the world, Bharatanatyam has become more than a mere extracurricular activity—it has been a decisive factor in shaping the dancer’s life. I began learning Bharatanatyam at the age of five, yet only as a young adult did I realize its importance in my life. Bharatanataym has allowed me to enter a world of detail and precision, self-discipline, and spirituality. Furthermore, this dance form has engendered great respect for my culture and encouraged my desire to share its meaning with the greater community.

Every Bharatanatyam dancer, including myself, learns the following Sanskrit verse: “Yatho hasta thato drishti, yatho drishti thato manah, yatho manah thato bhaava, yatho bhaava, thato rasa” [Where the hand goes, the eye follows; where the eye goes, the mind follows; where the mind goes, the expressions follow; where the expressions go, there arises emotion]. Remembering these words, the dancer September 2010

The “Other” Department

Global Education

ducating girls has (finally) become a major goal for development according to international organizations. After years of visible struggle and centuries of both silent and scandalous domination, world leaders have agreed that opening the door of knowledge to women will be a way to improve society as a whole. For so many still attached to conventions that have little to do with nature, it is useful to underline that this is not only a matter of equality (which has astonishingly been an idea so difficult to understand for generations), but also for practical reasons: Educating women would mean making half of the world’s population active and informed actors for development. Essentially, educating women is a lowcost inversion with a long-lasting profit. Nevertheless, according to UNESCO, 60 percent of the 113 million children out of school are girls. The call for solutions is critical; otherwise, these children will join the half a billion women in the world who are already illiterate. One of the most interesting initiatives to push us all toward the goal is the informative channel Queen Rania of Jordan created to promote education and intercultural understanding. For the International

Queen Rania of Jordan

2008 Samantha Appleton/White House

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Women’s Day, the Queen extensively summarized the facts, the advantages, and the urgencies. Educating girls would mean they would be less likely to be victims of violence and exploitation and more likely to be empowered—to be actors of change. Also, women would be less likely to marry at an early age and more likely to be able to study formally. If that was not enough, let us think about how educated women would fall much less often into early motherhood and would be able to educate her children better. Finally, an idea that calls for a deep exercise of thought: “We have the ways, but not the will.” To so many of us, education seems like a natural thing to have and to promote. Nevertheless, all around us there are millions of people who need not only the means to be able to access education, but also the understanding of an equal education for all, girls and boys, women and men. After the big revolution of the ’60s and the possibilities of controlling motherhood, the numbers of women participating in the (paid) field of work and universities exploded. It is important to remind ourselves, however, that the women’s rights movement happened in

countries where resources were available. The drama of poverty and family education keeps preventing women from exploring their intelligence. Silent male domination still makes it difficult for women to arrive at real gender equality, to study and practice certain careers, or even want these things for herself. The Cinderella complex is alive and still very well nourished by many. The little detail they forget to tell girls most of the time is that it won’t be only the dress and carriage to disappear at midnight, but also Prince Charming himself, and the whole package that comes attached. Interpretations of nature and role divisions have not made life any easier for men or for women, but there are still some ways out. We already know education is one way out, and, as some groups have demonstrated, when resources fail, new alternatives start to grow. Right now, I have two good examples that have worked very well: non-formal education and technology (both mixed and separate). Non-formal education consists mainly in groups that don’t belong to the academic formal system (like primary school for example) but provide education in a flexible yet organized fashion. Most of us have been surrounded by many incarnations of non-

formal education: short courses, Sunday school, dance classes, and other extracurricular activities that take place outside of the traditional school setting. On the other hand, technology and its many uses have been an advantage for encouraging gender equality. As so many societies consider computers and the Internet to be a male-dominated field, many women’s organizations try to advocate for women’s rights and education have used technology as their main tool for empowerment. From initiatives like the Indian Blank Noise Project, which defends the rights of women against abuse and stalking, to the Egyptian project Women of Minya Day by Day, which fights taboos that keep women subjected to men at work and at home; advocacy for women’s rights and empowerment are present around the web. Projects mixing non-formal education adapted to women’s needs have been seen, for example, in Bangladesh and Venezuela. The wonderful Nari Jibon (‘Women’s life’ in Bangla) have given some women from Dhaka the chance to have a space to learn how new technologies work for different uses. Training in tailoring, hardware reparation, blogging, English, and Bangla for those that don’t know how to read and write, opened the door for better jobs, more money for the families, less violence at home, and more decision-making based on intellectual and economic independence. This project has seen its ability to continue challenged, but the knowledge and empowerment of these women remain and is seen, in some cases, through the writing of

bloggers. In Venezuela, the project Aliadas en Tecnología stands for the same goals, motivating women to explore their attitudes, gain independence, and reinvent themselves beyond the traditional role of wife and mother. Fortunately, the examples of advocacy are not few. Unfortunately, these efforts are small in front of the immense challenges. Collaborating, spreading information and supporting ideas like this one could be a beginning. Nevertheless, one of the most important steps is to actually be aware of the lack of equality that still surrounds us. To stand against the inequalities imposed by boys over girls at school, as subtle as they might be, as well as the roles and ideal images of men and women dictated by social conventions and mainstream media. Seeing numbers of women increasing in Western (and western-like) universities is not enough to know that the goal has been achieved. Being able to think, to question, and to point out, although not always easy or simple, are the first steps to disarm the failure of imagination brought by domination— not only male, but any female domination of any kind.

WEBSITES

Blank Noise Project Blog HERE Women of Minya Day by Day Blog HERE New Women Foundation Website (in English and Arabic) HERE Orzqyat El Said Website (in Arabic with some English) HERE Nari Jibon Development Foundation HERE “Bangladesh from Our View” Nari Jibon Blog (in English) HERE “Amader Kotha” Nari Jibon Blog (in Bangla) HERE Jordan River Foundation (in English and Arabic) HERE Aliada en Tecnologia (in Spanish and English) HERE

REFERENCES CITED

Fortson, C. 2003. Women’s Rights Vital for Developing World. Yale News Daily. Dowling, C . 1982. The Cinderella Complex: Women’s Hidden Fear of Independence. New York: Pocket Books. UNESCO. 2003. Gender and Education for All: The Leap to Equality. Paris: Graphoprint. UNESCO. The Millennium Development Goals and Water. HERE y

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Aliada en Tecnologia Website September 2010

Social Science Across the Globe africa

The Post-Colonial Angolan State and the Angolan Women, Part II: The Dilemmas of an Open Society

The last issue of Social Science Across the Globe: Africa featured the first installment of a two part series dedicated to the relation between the Angolan post-colonial State and Angolan Women. It was explained how such an over-enclosing category is in fact one of the many heritages of the colonial period. Furthermore, it was made plain how the set of values associated with the category of the population thus defined suffered a continuous metamorphosis until the present day. From being seen as the privileged partners of the Portuguese colonization to the rearguard of the Angolan revolution, women in Angola for over a century now have been considered by the subsequent central administrations as a coherent whole. The obvious exception to this rule is to be found in the work of the colonial anthropologists that dealt with specific groups within the ethnic patchwork that is still being melded by the Angolan nationalists into a single national identity. In their ethnographies new categories were created, such as Bakongo Women, Tchokwe Women or !Khũ Women,2 each one associated with the new ethnic communities being shaped. In their works, nevertheless, the main focus is on male costumes and male-dominated institutions, and as such the pictures drawn of women are more or less in compliance with the western-informed State discourse.3

in Angola about women, to create a new monolithic vision of women as universal caretakers: citizens4 as long as they promote the physical well-being, literacy and nourishment of their offspring and male relatives.5 But the opening to neoliberal principles also entailed the promotion of freedom of speech and an open civil society, and thus new discourses about Angolan Women emerged. The new points of view expressed in this newfound freer time are so distant from the official ones that the post-colonial State hesitates between its commitment to liberty and the urge to censor or control them. Two recent events stirred up the popular opinion, leading to a grassroots debate about the legitimacy of some representations of the Angolan Women. Arguments about the burden of the colonial heritage and the worth of the traditions passed on from pre-national cultures versus the

Nowadays, Angola is becoming more and more committed to the adoption of neoliberal principles as a way to keep up with the demands of its foreign investors and donors. The state hesitates between enforcing its own official discourse about Angolan Women and allowing the civil society to produce unaligned discourses of its own. Because of the opening of the Angolan State towards the international community, the official discourse about women in Angola is currently informed not only by the colonial legacy and the internal debate about which traditions to maintain, but also from new externally imported models promoted by international agencies and the United Nations. The discourses shaped by the Division for the Advancement of Women of the Secretariat of the United Nations, as well as by the United Nations Development Fund for Women, merged with the ongoing one

newly imported neoliberal values were drawn into this root level debate.

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“...in a country where everyone knows firsthand the tragic reality of landmine mutilation, the claim that the pageant would sensitize Angolans to the values needed to cope with the hard life that comes after the disaster is preposterous: witnessing the daily life of the survivors is a much more pungent, albeit banal, way of doing so.”

One event that stirred the public opinion in this new era was the Miss Landmine Angola contest, first held in 2007.6 The pageant was the creation of a Norwegian artist Morten Traavik. Financed by the Norsk Kulturråd (Arts Council Norway) and with the support of the National Intersectorial Commision for Humanitarian Demining and Assistance of Angola (CNIDAH), it seemed that the project had everything necessary to be considered a success in the new political era.7 But the discussion around it soon became bitter. Although the Angolan Government supported the event, and the First Lady of the country was present at the awarding ceremony in the second edition (2008), in the discussion that ensued the event some ghosts from the past surfaced, in the form of

neo-colonialism accusations.8 Traavik dismissed the criticism coming his way by claiming that it resulted of the misplaced anger of old-school feminists that cannot accept beauty-pageants tout court.9 Nevertheless the polemic created by the contest ran quite deeper than that. Once again in 2007, Angolan Women were being shown to the world, pictures taken of/from them to become icons, Traavik claimed, of strength, resilience and determination.10 The pageant was obviously meant for external consumption since Angola has thousands of landmine survivors scattered across the country, men and women of all ages, and the shock it intended to cause has no internal impact whatsoever. On the other hand, in a country where everyone knows firsthand the tragic reality of landmine mutilation, the claim that the pageant would sensitize Angolans to the values needed to cope with the hard life that comes after the disaster is preposterous: witnessing the daily life of the survivors is a much more pungent, albeit banal, way of doing so. So the question came up: is this novel way of representing Angolan Women just a new take on an old way of exploiting women in Angola? Taking into account the pictures of these women being dressed and processed like mannequins and the fact that they would never be so much as able to buy the magazines where their images will be showcased then the answer seems to be yes. The prize of the pageant in the 2008 edition also points in this direction. It consisted of an orthopedic prosthesis, $4500 USD, a television set, a motorbike, a stove, a fridge, a blanket and a bed sheet.11 Morten Traavik tried to showcase Angolan Women according to the new neoliberal set of values, but ended up exploiting them in order to export pictures whose shock value would only have currency abroad, turning them once more into commodities for external consumption. One other contest, this time with the considerable final prize of $20,000 USD, was to cause an even more heated debate.12 In June of 2009, while I was still conducting fieldwork in Luanda, the final competition of the Bumbum Dourado (Golden Buttocks) pageant was to take place there.13

conducted in Angola before the independence, claiming that in traditional societies the lack of a taboo associated with the female body would render this kind of competition absurd. As such, this fetishisation of a female body part is portrayed as a foreign import and a threat to the national identity.22

At the last minute the competition was prohibited by the Direcção Provincial da Cultura de Luanda (Provincial Direction of Cultural Affairs of Luanda), urged by a group of women from Luanda, under the claim that the event would be a harsh humiliation of Angolan Women.14 The semifinals of the competition had already taken place in other Angolan provinces, such as Benguela, Namibe and Huila, where the prizes consisted of $10,000 USD.15 The only rule of the pageant: contestants would exhibit their buttocks in the most “alluring way.”16 After the pageant’s prohibition advocates of the recently acquired freedom of speech found themselves in a hard spot: while condoning a competition they saw as culturally debased some defended that, even lacking in any merit whatsoever, the pageant should have been allowed to take its due course.17 The event was legal in every sense, and the interference of the State to protect an ideal of Angolan Women was seen as a dangerous slippery slope.18 The age when the State could dictate its official discourse on women taken as a whole was over, they claimed, so the civil society had to be allowed a sporting chance to promote or discourage democratically all the competing discourses that stream from its members.19 Significantly, in the provinces where the pageant was allowed that democratic process was precisely what transpired. In local medias different opinions where expressed. Some people saw the whole affair as a legitimate business operation rightly aimed at earning profits.20 Others tried to convince their fellow Africans not to participate in the continuation of myths externally produced concerning their own sexuality.21 The last ones often base their claims in anthropological work

These two events marked the opening of a debate that was for too long postponed: is it legitimate for the State to maintain an official discourse about a monolithically reified section of the population, such as Angolan Women?23 In the coming years the Angolan civil society has the arduous task of answering this question and taking the due illations. Such an official discourse will certainly influence the way the state regulates wages, taxation, social security benefits and access to healthcare and education, so it is only fair that the main interested can organize in nongovernmental organizations and have their opinions heard. In the debate that will surely ensue, the contribution of historians, anthropologists and social scientists will be vital. Be it in the questioning of colonial and post-colonial myths (women as partners of the colonization or rearguard of the revolution), or in the deconstruction of the male centered anthropological discourses about women produced during the colonization. New discourses, finally produced in a plural and democratic society, will surely count with the opinion of women that for so long were deprived of any agency whatsoever. ENDNOTES

1. Oyěwùmí, Oyèrónké. 1997. The Invention of Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourses. University of Minnesota Press, Mineapolis. Page IX. 2. For the bibliographic references of the most important colonial anthropologists working in Angola consult the June issue. 3. For an early critique of the representation of women in classical or colonial anthropology consult one of the classics that marked the dawn of the new “anthropology of women” in the early seventies: Edwin Ardener’s “Belief and the problem of women” part of the work “Perceiving Women”, edited by Shirley Ardener. In it Edwin claims that women in classical anthropology were “effectively miss-

ing in the total analysis or, more precisely, they were there in the same way as were the Nuer’s cows, who were observed but also did not speak”. 4. As opposed to male citizenship, that usually comes with no strings attached. For a brief commentary on the historical nature of dual citizenship requirements consult Oyèrónké Oyěwùmí’s The Invention of Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourses. 5. Illustrative of this point of view is a recent interview with Isabel Massocolo, the director of the Central Hospital of Luanda. In it she is asked a series of questions, dealing with her own experience as a woman in a top position, and with the need to provide good health care for women. Although being quite acute in her analysis of the main obstacles to gender equality in Angola, she still considers that it is essential to provide good healthcare and education to women not only because they are equal citizens, but because being healthy and alphabetized they can better provide for their husbands and children. This expectation is not symmetrical, and men are expected to partake of the benefits of the social state just because they have the right to. Jornal de Angola on-line, 2010, Mulher é crucial para o progresso. HERE 6. Orato, 2007, Miss Landmine: Angolan Women Disfigured by Landmines Reclaim Their Bodies. HERE 7. Miss Landmine Angola 2008, Partners. HERE 8.Angola Xyami, 2008, Miss Landmine: Augusta Hurica vence Miss Sobrevivente de Minas-2008. HERE; História em Projectos, 2007, Um concurso que merece reflexão: Miss Landmine.HERE 9. Miss Landmine Angola 2008, Press Articles In English. HERE 10. Miss Landmine Angola 2008, The Project. HERE 11. Miss Landmine Angola 2008, Press Articles In English HERE ; Angola Xyami, 2008, Miss Landmine: Augusta Hurica vence; Miss Sobrevivente de Minas-2008. HERE 12. O País, 2009, GPL “bate” no bumbum dourado – A governadora de Luanda mostrou-se indignada com a iniciativa. HERE 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. Belarmino Van-Dúnem, 2009, Proibir o concurso “Bumbum Dourado” é contra a liberdade de reunião. HERE 18. Ibid. 19. Ibid. 20. Notícias Angola, 2009, Viagem Dourada. HERE 21. Angola, Debates & Ideias 2008, Opinião: Quando o volume das nádegas tende para identidade nacional. HERE 22. Ibid. Belarmino Van-Dúnem, 2009, Proibir o concurso “Bumbum Dourado” é contra a liberdade de reunião. HERE 23. For a comparison between the situations of Women versus the State in different forms of State organization see chapter 5 of Henrietta Moore’s Feminism and Anthropology, entitled Women and the State. In it the author also does a brief reprisal of the history of the anthropological analysis of the State. y

September 2010

Social Science Across the Globe Europe

Human Dimensions of Climate Change: Construction and Dialogue in Climate Change Discourse by Adrienne DiTommaso Edited by Shanyn R. Ronis Worldwide discussion of the climate change phenomenon has approached a grim consensus: global temperatures are indeed rising. While popular media often focuses on research and developments in the hard sciences, social scientists are conducting revealing research about the human dimensions of climate change. European social scientists specifically have been at the forefront of this research that has revealed a detailed web of cognition that varies throughout the local, regional, and global domains. Recent research has produced much on the topic of human comprehension and construction of climate change discourse. Exploring the issue of social relevancy, Todor N. Hristov and Dan Balteanu, using Central and Eastern Europe as an example, state that popular perception is that there are more urgent, impactful problems currently being faced by the European continent: “People (in Central and Eastern Europe) may not see climate change as significant a threat as more immediate problems of family wellbeing, safety, health, and economy,” (Hristov et al. 2002: 113). Climate change, then, may not be perceived by some groups as a phenomenon with immediately tangible sociological impacts. This may explain why some consider it to be secondary to pressing issues of “basic necessity”. Thus, local and regional comprehension of climate change, and the resulting construction of discourse amongst these actors, may appear non-existent partially because the problem hasn’t been framed in a locally relevant context. The dissonance between sociological, cultural, and philosophical interpretations of climate change as well as differences in interpretation at local, regional, and global levels further complicate the presentation of the topic. “Today’s dominating construction of climate change as a physical phenomenon has increasingly allowed its appropriation in support of various ideologies, its de-culturalising (Hulme 2007). In this sense, climate change is increasingly stripped of its cultural meaning, while recommended adaptation and mitigation assessments and strategies often become uniformed technocratic exercises, at best irrelevant to local contexts,” writes Andrei

26 Popular Anthropology Magazine

2009 Global Day of Action for Climate, Copenhagen, Denmark. Marin (2009). In policymaking and popular dialogue, “the environment is placed as an entity beyond the person, something that is external to them rather than a constructed category related to a range of discourses that are bound up with political, social and economic concerns,” elaborates James Moir (2009). “What is required is the problematisation of the constructed relationship between self and environment if climate change is to be tackled as a global politico-economic matter rather than located in local psychological discourses”, (Moir 2009; my emphasis). Nearly all social scientists studying the human dimensions of climate change agree that the “de-culturalising” of climate change, and to a great extent the “de-normativising” of climate change, makes the problem harder to solve. “People’s sense of global environmental climate change and damage is located within a range of discourses that trade upon notions of personal opinion, sense of responsibility and behavioral change. In effect this turns such matters into lifestyle choices and preferences based upon appeals to people in terms of attitude change and normative pressure and influence,” explains James Moir (2009). Moir’s and Marin’s research suggests that people’s values and worldviews are, to a large degree, synthesized through their direct relationship to the natural environment. Removing Culture

(humankind’s cumulative knowledge sets which are employed as adaptive strategies for survival on the Earth) from the global warming equation exhibits a warped relationship, essentially half complete. We see two static, isolated concepts (“Culture” and “The Environment”), when in fact, they are constantly interacting, both in a state of flux. Moir and Marin stress that these interactions consequently impact the extent of human beings’ adaptation opportunities and constraints. This is often lost in the consideration of climate change as a solely biological phenomenon which, lacking the essential human element, seems to exclude it from the rigors of social science analysis. Some researchers are beginning to examine these shortcomings in studying adaptation to climate change. “Limits are traditionally analyzed as a set of immutable thresholds in biological, economic, or technological parameters” says Adger et al (2009:1). “Limits to adaptation are endogenous to society and hence contingent on ethics, knowledge, attitudes to risk, and culture. . . It all depends on goals, values, risk and social choice. These limits to adaptation are mutable, subjective and socially constructed,” they explain (Adger et al. 2009:1). In consensus with the authors, many social scientists are beginning to stress that the manner in which limits to adaptation are constructed, rath-

the environment; a person’s morals and ethics directly influence their relationship to the natural world. These various ethical perspectives , in turn, fuel how climate change discourse is constructed and debated in the political arena. Therefore, This shift in focus mirrors a paradigm shift the resulting political dialogue often cenin international climate change discourse ters on “doing the right thing”, a concept from means of mitigation to strategies of that in politics is inadaptation. As this herently power laden. shift occurs, research“Removing Culture, Understanding these ers and politicians humankind’s adaptive relationships between must concentrate on normative beliefs, strategy for survival on the social and cultural power, and politics can the Earth, from the global construction of these encourage citizens to problems (Ellerman warming equation exhibits engage in the political and Mayer 2009). In a warped relationship, process and push for a paper presented at essentially half complete: effective, efficient legthe IPCC conference we see two static, isolated islative change. in Copenhagen, Denentities (“Culture” and “the Scores of social scimark, Andrea Nightenvironment”), when in ingale highlights entists across Europe the critical need to fact, these two entities are corroborate the reunderstand the co- constantly interacting, both search presented evolution of climate above. The removal in a state of flux.” change and the politiof culture, sociology, cal process. “We need and philosophy from to take account of how social and eco- the climate change debate leaves us with logical systems co-emerge, and under- a static picture of global warming, bereft stand adaptation as a contested, negoti- of the nuances imparted by human inated, power laden process,” Nightingale teraction with and understanding of the stresses (2009). This becomes particularly environment. By depending on the “anarelevant as normative labels become a lytical functionality” of research based on part of the dialogue. Bringing a philoso- economic, technological, and biological pher’s perspective to the table, Marius changes, we disable ourselves from exChristen questions whether a subjectivist ploring critical components of climate or contractarian theory of values, which change, such as how people comprehend promote values of individuals or the ma- and construct climate change discourse. jority respectively, is adequate for climate As researchers continue to reveal the imchange policymaking (Christen 2009). Be- portance of socio-cultural components to cause climate change is a collective prob- the global discourse on climate change, lem, belonging to a group rather than an social science research on the human diindividual, Christen believes that a nor- mensions of climate change will no doubt mative theory which compels all mem- become a more critical component to mitbers of a group to act in accordance with igating and living with a warming climate. a set of environmentally friendly ethics Enhancing the knowledge base of climate could solve the ethical dilemna. Though change through social science research is at first blush value-based theory seems absolutely necessary for efficient and efirrelevant, it is in fact critical to climate fective political, economic, and social adchange discourse because it reveals how aptation to the shifting environment. people view their responsibility towards

2009 Pete Souza/White House

er than how they are discovered, is of key concern. This type of knowledge enables concerned citizens and lawmakers to be more efficient and effective in mitigating and adapting to climate change.

U.S President Barack Obama meeting with European leaders during the 2009 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen.

Social Science Resources on Climate Change and Global Warming Adger, W. Neil. 2003. Social Capital, Collective Action, and Adaptation to Climate Change. Economic Geography 79 (4):387-404. HERE Batterbury, Simon, et al. 2008. Anthropology and Global Warming: The Need for Environmental Engage ment. The Australian Journal of Anthropology 19(1):62-65. HERE Crate, Susan A. 2009. Gone the Bull of Winter?: Grappling with the Cultural Implications of and Anthropology’s Role(s) in Global Climate Change. Current Anthropology 49 (4):569-595. HERE Faris, Stephan. 2007. The Real Roots of Darfur. The Atlantic Monthly 1-3. HERE Henning Annette. 2005. Climate Change and Energy Use: The Role for Anthropological Research. Anthropology Today 21 (3):8-12. HERE Lever-Tracy, Constance. 2008. Global Warming and Sociology. Current Sociology 56 (3):445-466. HERE McCright, Aaron M., and Riley E. Dun lap. 2000. Challenging Global Warm ing as a Social Problem: An Analysis of the Conservative Movement’s Counter-Claims. Social Problems 47 (4):499-522. HERE Urry, John. 2010. Sociology Facing Climate Change. Sociological Research Online 15 (3):1. HERE REFERENCES CITED

Adger et al. 2009. Are There Social Limits to Adaptation to Climate Change? Climatic Change 93: 335-354. Christen, Marius. 2009. What Type of Values Does an Adequate Climate Change Policy Require? IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 6 (57). Ellerman, Christian and M. Mayer. 2009. Climate Change with Chinese Characteristics: A Study of Discourse. IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 6 (57). Hristov, Todor N., et al. 2002. Climate Change in Central and Eastern Europe: Introduction. GeoJournal 57: 113-115. Marin, Andrei. 2009. Angry Spirits of the Land: Cultural and Ethical Elements of Climate Change AdaptationaAmong Mongolian Pastoralist Nomads. IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 6 (57). Moir, James. 2009. Moving to a New Climate of Opinion. IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 6 (57). Nightingale, Andrea. 2009 Warming Up the Climate Change Debate: A Challenge to Policy Based on Adaptation. IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 6 (57). y

September 2010

Social Science Across the Globe t Middle Eas

Opening the Doors to the Ottoman Harem by Michael Schen Edited by Shanyn R. Ronis

There is an undeniable allure to the unknown. In the darkness of secrecy, forbidden fruits swell and ferment into fantasies. The Ottoman Imperial Harem, the private quarters of the Sultan and his family, was off limits to all but the most powerful of state administrators. The secluded nature of this space and its inhabitants has given rise to romance novels, Orientalist paintings and at least one opera. Contrary to the submissive concubines depicted in such works, Ottoman women ruled the private world of the harem. In recent decades, social scientists have shed new light on the role of women in Ottoman politics and society (Frierson 2005, Peirce 1993, Goodwin 2006, İyigün 2010). Alev Baysal (2009) continues this trend with her article: “The Harem through the Eyes of the Europeans: Reality and Fantasy.” With her research as an entry point, a picture of life in the harem emerges that is quite different than the stereotypical image of dancing girls lounging in lush gardens. In this article, we will explore the harem she describes and attempt to place it in the context of Ottoman models of kinship, motherhood and political power. The word harem entered Turkish from Arabic, and in Ottoman times also applied to sacred or taboo spaces (Peirce 1993:5). In general usage, the word referred to

the private quarters of any household, which were typically situated to the rear of the home and off limits to visitors. The most famous and impor tant harem in the Empire was the Imperial Harem, located after 1541 in Topkapı �� Palace in Istanbul. Baysal introduces three documents that describe this most private arena during the last two centuries of Ottoman society. She begins with Alev Croutier’s book, Harem, the World Behind the Veil, a description of life in the harem based in part upon the reminiscences of the author’s Ottoman grandmother. The diary of Leyla Hanim, a musician tutoring the women of the palace harem in European and traditional Turkish music, also provides details of daily life and educational curriculum. Perhaps the most widely known primary source in Baysal’s article are the letters of Lady Mary Wortley Montague, the wife of an English ambassador to the Ottoman Empire. During her travels through the Empire between 1716 and 1718, Lady Montague was entertained in the harems of high-ranking officials and recorded her impressions with a remarkable amount of cultural relativism (Lewis 2004:13). Through her friendship with the mother of a recently deposed Sultan, Lady Montague gained an unprecedented perspective on the lives of the women in the palace harem.

Library of Congress LC-B2- 3736-9

28 Popular Anthropology Magazine

Out of these writings, a schematic of harem society can be reconstructed. The women lived in a strict hierarchy with distinct and unbending roles. Life in this sequestered world was “neither easy or comfortable1

Interior of the Harem, watercolor by Amadeo Preziosi, ca. 1850-1882 (Baysal 2009:594).” Luxury �� was directly linked to status (Akşit 2007:77), with novice concubines living in dormitories while higher ranking members were given their own quarters and slaves. At the bottom of this hierarchy were the concubines, or cariye, who entered the Imperial Harem as slaves from the Ottoman’s Slavic and Balkan territories (İyigün 2010:11). Slaves chosen to serve the inner circle of the palace harem were promoted to the rank of odalisque (odalık). These odalisques were divided into specific tasks such as “jewel keepers,” “Qur’an readers,” “store room porter,” or “heads of table service” (Baysal 2009:595). Especially talented odalisques achieved the status of Ikbal, or “Fortunate” and it was from this rank that the Sultan’s wives (Kadın Efendi) would be chosen. At the top of this pyramid was the Queen Mother, or Valide Sultan. She was the undisputed ruler of the Harem and both the men and women within. Ultimately, it was upon her discretion that concubines were moved up through the ranks towards potential marriage to her son. In this competition it was not the bachelor but his mother who had the authority to pass out roses (2009:597). As the most powerful woman in the Empire, she was both master of the Harem and a product of it. As the women moved through the ranks, they were educated according to a broad

curriculum that included the arts and sciences of the day. This education made the harem “a place where women were trained to become high ranking administrators of the state. The main courses, writing, reading, dance, protocol, painting and fine arts were created for this purpose (Baysal 2009:593).” The importance of education extended beyond the palace, as those members of the harem who did not become part of the Sultan’s family could marry viziers and generals.

far less titillating than what was imagined by Mozart and other travel writers of Lady Montague’s day. As a center for education, the harem resembled a finishing school more than a golden cage or pleasure garden. The sexual aspect is not to be ignored, but must be understood in the context of procreation and its cultural manifestation, kinship. The women of the harem derived their power through motherhood, in both its biological and cultural aspects.

Although directly related to the reproductive needs of the Imperial lineage, “the concubines were not the Sultan’s sexual entourage. According to a tradition going back to the time of Sultan Mehmet Fatih [Mehmed II], Sultans choose their wives from among the harem girls, but were not allowed to have intercourse with current concubines (2009:598).”

REFERENCES CITED

Of course, the Harem, as the private world of the Sultan’s family involved sexuality, but as a prerequisite to the necessarily political act of dynastic reproduction (Peirce 1993:3). Ottoman inheritance patterns therefore shaped the Imperial Harem which produced the dynasty’s royal heirs.

Akşit, İlhan. 2007. The Mystery of the Ottoman Harem. Akşit Kültür ve Turizm Yayınları, Istanbul. Baysal, Alev. 2009. “Batılılar Gözüyle Harem: Gerçek ve Fantezi (The Harem through the Eyes of the Europeans: Reality and Fantasy).” Turkish Studies, Vol. 4, No. 1. pp 591-603. HERE Fischer, Sydney and William Ochsenwald. 1997. The Middle East: A History. Vol 1.

McGraw-Hill, New York. Frierson, Elizabeth B. 2005. “Women in Ottoman Intellectual History,” in Late Ottoman Society: The Intellectual Heritage, ed.Ozdalga, Elisabeth. London: Routledge. Goodwin, Godfrey. 2006. The Private World of Ottoman Women. Saqi, London. İyigün, Murat. 2010. “Lessons from the Ottoman Harem (On Ethnicity, Religion and Conflict),” IZA Working Paper No: 3556. HERE Lewis, Reina. 2004. Rethinking Orientalism: Women, Travel and the Ottoman Harem. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick. Peirce, Leslie. 1993. The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Peirce, Leslie. 2003. “The Sultanate of Women.” HERE Soucek, Svat. 2000. A History of Inner Asia. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. ENDNOTES

1. Translations from Turkish. y

The Ottoman Empire

In contrast to European models of primogeniture, the Turco-Mongol tradition invested the right to rule in the entire dynastic kin group (1993:17). Not only were all of a ruler’s son’s possible successors, but potentially any of his surviving brothers or nephews. For other Turco-Mongol empires, the result of this inheritance pattern was the quick collapse of a dynasty following a founder’s death or the gradual division of the territory into smaller and smaller parcels with every generation (Soucek 2000:107-108). From its earliest days, the Ottoman state avoided fragmentation through a practice of fratricide in which rival claimants were killed by the victorious heir. In this way, princes with the popular support of the elites and the capacity to seize the throne ascended to power while avoiding generational dynastic struggles and eliminating potential pretenders. The custom of fratricide was abandoned in the seventeenth century, after which the throne passed to the oldest male relative of the former Sultan. During this transitional period, the women of the Harem often served as regents, advisers and power brokers (Fischer and Ochsenwald 1997:232). Known as the “Sultanate of Women,” this period was distinguished by powerful Valide Sultans who “appointed grand viziers, wrote daily letters with instructions about war materiel, taxes and other matters of state, and continued to endow public institutions” (Peirce 2003:20). What we find upon throwing open the shutters and doors to the harem may be

Sultan Osman I

The origins of the Ottoman Empire can be traced to a small Turkic principality in modern day northwestern Turkey. Following the defeat of Byzantine armies by the Seljuk Turks at the Battle of Manzikert in 1071, Anatolia was opened up to settlement by Turkic speaking nomads and divided into numerous feudal principalities. These so-called beyliks formed a buffer zone between the Turkic Seljuk Empire and the remnants of the Byzantine Empire and contributed to the transformation of Anatolia into a Turkish Muslim land. Starting around 1300, the eponymous Sultan Osman and his son Orhan began consolidating territories in both Anatolia and the Balkans into their beylik through conquest and alliance. The fledgling empire was destroyed by Timur (Tamerlane) in 1402, but reunited in 1413 by Sultan Mehmed I. His grandson, Mehmed II, destroyed the last vestige of the Eastern Roman Empire with the conquest of Constantinople in 1453. Following the establishment of the royal family in Istanbul, later Sultans incorporated both Christian and Muslim lands into the Empire, besieging Vienna twice, and conquering Egypt in 1517. The Treaty of Karlowitz in 1699 forced the first significant territorial concessions. From this point on the Ottomans would remain on the defensive, losing territories to rivals Austria and Russia, as well as to rebellious provinces in Africa and the Persian Gulf. The Empire was finally dismantled following World War One I. If you are interested in learning more about the Ottomans, the University of Michigan Turkish Studies Department maintains a list of online resources pertaining to both history and culture: http://www.umich.edu/~turkish/ottemp.html. September 2010

Social Science Across the Globe rica North Ame

The diversity of contemporary interests among anthropologists and other social scientists in North America is enormous. This column highlights some of this diversity, ranging from the study of Native Americans in the popular music industry; to the recognition of problems with making generalizations about humankind based on research focussing on those from Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic (WEIRD) societies; to a specific focus on the American energy industry. Each of these topics has received media attention over the past few months. Native Americans in the Popular Music Industry Considering that about four million North Americans claim “Native American” ancestry, it should be no surprise that they are found in hundreds of different occupations, including that of musician. I was reminded of this recently when receiving promotional materials for a current exhibit at the Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of the American Indian (NMAI) called “Up Where We Belong: Native Musicians in Popular Culture”. Besides the tangible exhibit in Washington, DC, the NMAI has been using Facebook to inform, educate, link to performances via YouTube, and provide a forum for discussion. The NMAI is celebrating the contributions of those with Native American ancestry to various genres of popular music in recent times, including such luminaries as the legendary Jimi Hendrix (Cherokee), jazz artists Mildred Bailey (Coeur d’Alene) and Oscar Pettiford (Chocktaw/Cherokee), singer/songwriter Robbie Robertson (Mohawk), folk singer Buffy Sainte Marie (Cree), and heavy metal drummer Randy Castillo (Islet Pueblo). A common theme of on-line comments was along the line of “I didn’t know they had Native American heritage,” which is understandable considering that some Native American musicians have not promoted their Native ancestry. For others the link is tenuous, such as with pop/ country singer Shania Twain who was adopted by an Ojibway. There are often conflicting reports about the legitimacy of the Native heritage

30 Popular Anthropology Magazine

among celebrities, including Johnny Cash who is widely accepted to have had Cherokee ancestry. One web site (CBC Radio Canada www.cbc.ca/radio/) states Cash long thought it was true, but he recounted those claims in the 1990s when he learned it was false. A high percentage of Native American musicians are identified as Cherokee on web sites such as Wikipedia.org and nativemuscianlinks.tripod.com. . One list (Wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Native_American_musicians), for example, identifies Cherokee for a full 30 percent of the Native musicians. Besides Johnny Cash, well-known musicians identified (but rarely substantiated) as Cherokee on web sites include Elvis Presley, Cher, Anita Bryant, Tori Amos, Rita Coolidge, Billy Ray Cyrus, Miley Cyrus, Crystal Gayle, Eartha Kitt, Loretta Lynn, Willie Nelson, John Phillips, Tiffany, James Brown, Jonas Brothers, Wayne Newton, Tina Turner, and Waylon Jennings. That 30 percent of Native American musicians are identified as Cherokee is surprising. Although they are one of the largest North American tribal groups, the Cherokee certainly do not comprise 30 percent of the Native population, and are but one of more than 1,100 federally recognized tribal groups or nations in the United States and Canada. There are currently a few hundred thousand enrolled members of the Cherokee Nation who can prove lineal descent from a Cherokee ancestor. However, there are hundreds of thousands more who selfidentify as having Cherokee heritage but cannot prove it, and are not recognized

by the Cherokee Nation or federal government as being Indian. I suspect that most (and perhaps all) of those musicians identified as Cherokee on internet sites either belong to the “self-identify, but can’t prove it” category, or are put on the lists because of rumour or by someone thinking it might be good for their career. Weird People “The Weirdest People in the World?” is the title of an article authored by University of British Columbia professors Joseph Henrich, Steven J. Heine, and Ara Norenzayan, published in a recent issue of Behavioral and Brain Sciences (volume 33, pp 61-83, June 2010). The article critiques the practice common in psychology and other behavioral sciences of researchers making generalizations about humans based on research done entirely on those from WEIRD societies, which is an acronym the authors coined to stand for Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic. Besides developing a clever acronym and attention-grabbing title, the article is an interesting read. It provides a stark reminder that not all social scientists think like anthropologists, whose knowledge of the long history of humankind and contemporary diversity tends to frame thinking, and where the comparative approach to understanding humans is firmly embedded. The authors, who are professors of economics and psychology, are particularly critical of research studies in psychology, where research on people solely from WEIRD societies, particularly American

The Nacirema

The Nacirema are one of the WEIRDest cultures living in North America. Anthropologist Horace Miner spent a great deal of his time studying these people. In 1956, he finally published the results of his research, “Body Ritual Among the Nacirema,” in the American Anthropologist, the journal of the American Anthropological Association. You can read that short article HERE. In 1972, Neil B. Thompson conducted his own research on the Nacirema, particularly regarding that culture’s Cult of Elibomotua. You can read that article, which was published in Natural History, HERE. (Hint: some of the words in both articles are spelled backwards.)

undergraduate students, is often used to make inferences about people or humanity in general, which are then published in leading scholarly journals and textbooks. The article reports that a review of scholarly articles in psychology journals revealed that 96 percent of research subjects came from countries with only 12 percent of the world’s population, with 70 percent of those coming from the United States; and that an American undergraduate student is 4,000 times as likely to be involved in a research study than someone from a nonWEIRD society. I expect that most students of anthropology would recognize the ridiculousness of the very idea of making generalizations about human behaviour based on such a limited sample of humanity, and was somewhat surprised to learn that it is still common in some other social sciences. I think most anthropologists would agree that in order to draw conclusions about humanity in general researchers should draw from a wide variety of societies. As the authors point out, members of WEIRD societies, including American undergraduates, are among the least representative populations that one could choose to make generalizations about humans. Insight into the Energy Industry Laura Nader is an anthropologist who

has been teaching and researching at the Berkeley campus of the University of California for more than 50 years. An older sister of the more widely-known consumer advocate and presidential candidate Ralph, Laura Nader is a well-known and highly respected anthropologist in her own right, with many research interests including the American energy industry. I heard her speak passionately and at length on the energy industry at an anthropology conference earlier this year, which I followed up with a reading of her book The Energy Reader (Wiley-Blackwell, 2010). The book is comprised of a selection of 36 previously published articles, book chapters, essays, and commentaries by a variety of authors, providing views of American energy policy and practices through the lenses of history, business, anthropology, and other social sciences. In addition to the Preface and Introduction, Nader wrote or co-wrote six of the 36 contributions, offering insights into the American energy industry from clearly anthropological and critical perspectives. The opening sentence of the preface sets the tone: “The inspiration for this reader arises from frustrations after four decades watching, listening, and participating with US energy experts – each with a piece of energy policy, each claiming his or her technology was all we needed to produce

Test Your Native American Music Knowledge How familiar are you with Native American musicians? Match each artist or group with their respective tribe(s) and find out! Answers are listed below. ARTISTS

1. R. Carlos Nakai 2. Tommy Wildcat 3. Mary Youngblood 4. Robbie Robertson 5. John Around Him 6. Walela 7. Litefoot 8. Caspar Loam-Da-Wa 9. Arvel Bird 10. Jana Mashonee 11. Joanne Shenandoah 12. Kevin Locke 13. Black Lodge 14. Sharon Burch 15. A. Paul Ortega 16. Robert Mirabal 17. Buffy Sainte-Marie 18. Joseph Fire Crow 19. Ulali 20. Joy Harjo 21. Nakoa Heavy Runner 22. Ed Lee Natay 23. Andrew Vasquez 24. John Trudell

TRIBES

_____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____

a. Dine b. Mescalero Apache c. Lumbee/Tuscarora d. Hopi/Dine e. Muscogee Creek f. Dine g. Santee Lakota h. Jewish/Mohawk i. Dine/Ute j. Taos Pueblo k. Northern Cheyenne l. Oglala Lakota m. Cherokee/Chichimecca n. Cherokee o. Blackfeet p. Blackfeet q. Cherokee r. Hunkpapa Lakota/Anishinabe s. Tuscarora/Mayan/Apache/Yaqui t. Oneida u. Paiute v. Cree w. Kiowa/Apache x. Aleut/Seminole

Answers: 1. i; 2. n/q; 3. x; 4. h; 5. l; 6. q/n; 7. m; 8. d; 9. u; 10. c; 11. t; 12. r; 13. o/p; 14. f/a; 15. b; 16. j; 17. v; 18. k; 19. s; 20. e; 21. p/o; 22. a/f; 23. w; 24. g

as much energy as we want, mostly without negative consequences.” As most are aware now of course, most of these claims were bunk. Nader’s research into the energy industry began in the 1970s when she was part of a group of approximately 300 scientists chosen to assist the government form energy policy. She was the only woman and the only anthropologist. She entered the culture of the energy experts as a kind of fieldwork, keeping a journal. Words that frequently appeared in her journal include “bizarre”, “out of touch”, “impervious to evidence”, and “unscientific.” She describes her experiences as ‘culture shock.’ She writes that she “found a strange field, one characterized by innocence and ignorance, by idealists and impresarios, by pessimists and optimists, by secrecy and wild predictions, by an ethic of waste and recklessness, and across the board by a truncated time perspective.” Nader makes it clear that anthropology has much to offer the energy industry, but there is strong resistance by so-called energy experts. Barriers include ideas long discredited by anthropologists but entrenched in industry thinking, such as the out-dated view that technological progress leads to social progress, and that large scale energy initiatives such as nuclear are better than alternative sources. Concluding Comments The topics covered in this column provide a small sample of the diversity of interests among North American social scientists. They also illustrate the diversity of target audiences and the ways in which information is disseminated. The National Museum of the American Indian’s promotion of Native Americans in the popular music industry, for example, is targeted to a general audience and includes social media such as Facebook. The article on WEIRD societies, on the other hand, is targeted towards an academic audience, using a scholarly journal; and the work on the energy industry is targeted towards an audience of anthropologists and anthropology students, using a conference and reader designed for anthropology students. Each of the topics can be situated within many larger areas of interest. Native Americans in popular music, for example, may be situated in studies of contemporary Native Americans in general or specific issues of Indian identity. Understanding the problems of making inferences about humankind based on a limited research sample can be placed within the context of recognizing and understanding bias; and studies on the energy industry may be framed within applying anthropology to non-traditional areas of interest and helping to solve some problems of living in North America in the early 21st century. y September 2010

Social Science Across the Globe southeast

asia

Veiling and the Public Sphere in Indonesia by Mary-Anne Decatur Edited by Shanyn R. Ronis In Java, Indonesia, the practice of women ‘veiling’ has become a modern symbol of Muslim identity, political activism, morality and consumerism. This practice of veiling encompasses a variety of different styles of women’s clothing designed to cover all parts of the body, known as aurat, that should be concealed according to Islamic teachings (Warburton 2008:5; Brenner 1996:691). In Indonesia, clothing designed to cover a woman’s aurat is called by the general term busana Muslim (Muslim clothing) and can range from a long black veil that reveals only the eyes (a niqab) to a brightly colored headscarf (jilbab) worn with an elaborate beaded tunic, jeans and high heels (Rinaldo 2008:30). This article will explore the significance of busana Muslim for Indonesians from the 1980’s to the present day and examine how this practice has taken on so many seemingly contradictory symbolic meanings. Busana Muslim, Political Activism and Muslim Identity The practice of veiling was not common in Indonesia until the 1990’s. At Gadjah Mada University, for example, in the 1970’s fewer than 3% of female students practiced busana Muslim, but now over

Photograph 2003 Nitin Madhav (USAID)

Women wearing burkas.

60% of the female students wear Islamic dress (Smith-Hefner 2007). This rapid rise in the popularity of veiling in Indonesia is known as the jilbabisasi phenomenon

32 Popular Anthropology Magazine

(Warburton 2008:3). The jilbabisasi phenomenon can be understood as part of a larger Islamic movement in Indonesia and across the globe. This Islamic movement in Indonesia began largely as a student movement linked with demands for democratization. In the 1980’s, Indonesian students studying in the Middle East became influenced by groups like the Muslim Brotherhood, the largest and most influential Islamic organization in the world (Rinaldo 2008:28; Leiken & Brooke 2007:107). These students emphasized Islam as a way of life and were critical of any separation between religion and politics. In addition, the ideas of revolutionary Islam from Iran spread to Indonesia through books by prominent Shiite figures, such as Ayatollah Khomeini and Murtada Mutahhari. Female student activists in this movement began to wear the long black chador associated with Iranian women (Hasan 2009:233; Brenner 1996:677). The important influence of Islamic movements from the Middle East on the Indonesian Islamic movement elucidates why Busana Muslim styles today have more in common with Middle Eastern clothing styles than with indigenous Indonesian clothing (Brenner 1996:675). Indeed, the Indonesian Islamic movement was seen by many as a very modern rupture from the past. Indigenous customs were perceived to be one of the greatest threats to contemporary Islam and many activists felt that their parents did not properly comprehend or follow Islam. This rejection of Javanese culture and parental authority may explain why many female activists’ parents were dismayed and threatened by their daughters’ choice to dress in busana Muslim. Parents feared that wearing Islamic dress like the jilbab would prevent their daughters from finding employment, negatively affect social interactions and brand them as fanatiek (fanatical). Being seen as fanatical could be dangerous. In the early 1990’s, rumors were spread alleging that women wearing jilbab in public spaces were concealing poisons and in a series of incidents young men threw stones at veiled women (Brenner 1996:680-2). The practice of veiling was thus seen as socially marginal and politically radical prior to the mid1990’s and this marginality was perceived

Photograph 2005 John. D. Yoder, US Navy

Indonesian woman wearing a jilbab. Commonly called a hijab in other areas of the world, Indonesian women redefined the word.

as dangerous to the general public. Busana Muslim and the Creation of Moral Publics Despite this initial prejudice and suspicion toward busana Muslim, the practice of veiling has now become very much a component of mainstream Indonesian society. Several provinces have instituted legislation based on Sharia law that requires Muslim women to wear a jilbab when in public (Rinaldo 2008:27). Furthermore, wearing the jilbab in school was once banned, but has become mandatory on Muslim university campuses, such as Universitas Islam Indonesia in Yogyakarta. Dressing in busana Muslim is now perceived to demonstrate the moral character of the community and individual. Conversely, not dressing in busana Muslim is believed to indicate a lack of moral character (Warburton 2008:2,7). Busana Muslim has thus become a symbol not only of Muslim identity and activism in Indonesia, but also of individual and social morality. In contrast to Java’s urban centers, the practice of dressing in busana Muslim is still essentially non-existent in rural Cen-

tral Java. This dichotomy in the practice of dressing in busana Muslim from urban to rural areas highlights that perceptions of morality and dress are not universal across Java. Nonetheless, in rural Central Java, state-appointed village midwives, often from urban areas or with urban training, dress in busana Muslim as a way to reaffirm their moral piety and religious knowledge when dealing with the morally contentious issue of birth control (Stein 2007:70). The ability of village midwives to effectively utilize busana Muslim to establish their own morality implies that the practice is not without meaning in rural areas. Busana Muslim and Consumerism The busana Muslim trend, however, is not popular for purely religious reasons. In the mid-1990’s, women began writing to magazine editors to demand that busana Muslim fashion be better represented in these publications. This lack of Islamic fashion coverage made the women feel left out of the national fashion scene (Jones 2007:223). The magazines quickly adapted to this consumer demand and even expanded the market for busana Muslim. Islam in Indonesia has become a symbol of elitism. It is seen as a path to social and financial success in a society that has become saturated with concern for self-improvement (Hasan 2009:229; Jones 2010:270). It is perhaps not surprising then that the busana Muslim trend has largely centered on middle and upper-middle class urban women (Hamdani 2007:2; Jones 2007:211). Popular fee-based seminars designed to educate women in respectable behavior emphasize that social and economic advancement has become increasingly influenced by personal fashion choices (Jones 2010:276). Busana Muslim has become an important component of that fashion landscape and therefore an important

component of consumerism and social mobility. The consumer aspects of busana Muslim trends, however, are not purely secular. In 2002, Muslimah magazine was founded with the goal to promote Islamic teachings through fashionable clothing. Before Muslimah, typically only adult married women dressed in busana Muslim. The magazine spread the trend of Islamic dress to teenagers by emphasizing that busana Muslim fashion can be ‘cute’ and ‘funky’ (Hamdani 2007:114-5). The consumer activity of purchasing (and selling) magazines and clothing in Indonesia has thus become framed as an issue of morality and religion. Conclusions The practice of veiling in Java, Indonesia has become seen as a both a religious and political act, as well as a consumer choice. These varying forces fueling the jilbabisasi phenomenon in Indonesia have led it to take on multiple and seemingly contradictory symbolic meanings. However, the trend of busana Muslim in Java, Indonesia reveals that political activism and fashion are not necessarily distinct spheres of practice and meaning from religion. REFERENCES CITED

Brenner, Suzanne. 1996. Reconstructing Self and Society: Javanese Muslim Women and “the veil.” American Ethnologist 23 (4):673697. Hamdani, Deny. 2007. The Quest for Indonesian Islam: Contestation and Consensus Concerning Veiling. PhD thesis, The Australian National University. HERE Hasan, Noorhaidi. 2009. The Making of Public Islam: Piety, Agency, and Commodification on the Landscape of the Indonesian Public Sphere. Cont Islam 3:229-250. Jones, Carla. 2010. Better Women: The Cultural Politics of Gendered Expertise in Indonesia. American Anthropologist 112 (2):270-

Magazines geared towards fashion-conscious Muslim women and girls can now be found everywhere, such as Muslim Girl Magazine, which is published in the United States. 282. Jones, Carla. 2007. Fashion and Faith in Urban Indonesia. Fashion Theory 11 (2/3):211-232. HERE Leiken, Robert S. & Steven Brooke. 2007. The Moderate Muslim Brotherhood. Foreign Af fairs 86 (2):107-121. HERE Rinaldo, Rachel. 2008. Muslim Women, Middle Class Habitus, and Modernity in Indonesia. Cont Islam 2:23-39. Smith-Hefner, Nancy J. 2007. Javanese Women and the Veil in Post-Soeharto Indonesia. The Journal of Asian Studies 66:389-420. Stein, Eric A. 2007. Midwives, Islamic Morality and Village Biopower in Post-Suharto Indonesia. Body & Society13 (3):55-77. Warburton, Eve. 2008. Regulating Morality: Compulsory Veiling at an Indonesian University. Talk presented at the 17th Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia in Melbourne. HERE y

September 2010

BOOK REVIEW

From Boys to Men of Heart: Hunting as Rite of Passage Randall L. Eaton. OWLink Media, Shelton, Wa. 2009. ISBN: 978-1-57994-026-3. 280 pages. Softcover, $24.95.

his book poses many of the same questions that environmental anthropologists are asking, and certainly questions that I am asking within my own work: What is the human relationship with the “natural” world? Precisely, what do different people mean when they say nature? Have humans become so detached from “nature” that our relationship has fundamentally changed? Is this literal and figurative distance responsible for damage to our environment and the indefinable longing and unrest within our societies? Or as Eaton states, “Exactly what are we missing?” (xlvii). Eaton’s answer to this question revolves around s o c i e t y ’s connection, or lack of connection, with “nature.” (Although almost every person you ask defines the word “nature” differently, Eaton uses nature as an idealized counter to civilization). This disconnect, according to Eaton, is the result of the “ego-intellect” (the combination of the human sense of self and the mind). According to Eaton, this human force is paradoxically both trusted to fix societal and environmental problems, and at the same time is the cause of many of our misfortunes (warfare, materialism, and greed to name a few of those that Eaton lists, xlvii). According to Eaton, trusting the ego-intellect is not the answer; the answer lies in the bonding of boys and men to nature

aton submits that hunting can, and should be, the basis of this bond, and a rite of passage (a ritualized movement of a person from one life stage to another); Eaton writes that ritualized initiation to manhood can and should be a mechanism for attaining this connection. The lack of rites of passage or even the passing on of traditions in our society has confused our boys

and made it more difficult for them to become “men of heart” (109). Eaton claims that learning to hunt through a rite of passage would fill this void. He bases this claim on his own experiences with hunting, a review of manhood rites of passage, and a questionnaire survey of U.S. recreational hunters. He also contends that hunting must be taught “correctly,” with compassion and respect, in order to instill a conservation ethic in its practitioners. By conservation ethic, Eaton is alluding to protecting the environment as a value that is passed from generation to generation. This book focuses on the role of boys and men; however, Eaton does offer his idea that women have not lost their corresponding rite of passage, their corresponding connection to nature, which is childbirth. He states that throughout history the role of women was to bring life into the world and the role of men was to take life. “Hunting and killing are as fundamental to male development as birthing and infant care have been to women” (xlix).

hile I agree that there is a fundamental disconnect between many modern Americans and “nature,” there are many points at which I disagree with Eaton’s treatment of the subject. This book attempts to offer a simple solution to very complex problems, such as environmental degradation and societal inequality found within American society. There are many issues that Eaton does not address at all, such as how respectful and spiritual initiation to manhood through hunting would be taught to boys. How would he instill the sense of compassion, on which his idea rests, to adult hunters who have been hunting for sport or trophies all of their lives, and sometimes for generations, in order for them to pass this sense of compassion down to their sons? Considering the variability in hunting traditions and experiences within the United States, it seems unlikely that Eaton’s goal is attainable. For example, Eaton’s idea of the hunt as a

spiritual pursuit is not necessarily prolific among hunters in the United States. While I agree that many hunters feel a sense of stewardship towards the land and do feel a connection to nature, many do not. Just as all environmentalists are not antihunting, all hunters are not environmental stewards. Some do hunt for the trophies, and some hunters simply need the meat. For example, I live in an area of Southern Illinois where hunting is not only a popular family tradition, but becomes a large source of seasonal tourist income. Deer hunting is necessary for the ecology of the area, which is over-populated and can also be a source of charity (there are organizations that accept donations of deer meat for food pantries, etc.). Hunting is necessary and encouraged on many levels within local communities. However, through my research on environmental conflict in this area I have often run across poached deer missing only their heads their bodies left to rot, stacks of garbage, illegal all-terrain vehicle use, and illegal (permanent) deer stands. These artifacts of the hunt do not lead me to believe that a conservation ethic, or sense of stewardship runs strong in some of those who hunt this area. Conversely, I have also come across many hunters who spend all day in the woods and when a deer finally shows itself, they cannot bring themselves to shoot because of the “beauty” of the scene and would not think of leaving trash or wasting the majority of what they kill. These conflicting and complicated views lead me to conclude that hunting in itself is as tangled an issue as the raising of boys and stressing hunting to fill the gap within our modern lives may not be sustainable.

aton chose to write on the initiations of boys because he feels that women still share the connection to the environment through the act of childbirth, as I stated above. This is another line of disagreement I have with Eaton. Women in our society may also lack the essential connection to nature that Eaton posits is missing in “modern” society. For example, Eaton states that the act of bearing children connects women to nature. However, this is not automatically true. The majority of women in America today give birth in sterile hospitals and the amount of scheduled non-necessary cesareans is on the rise. Many would argue that childbirth today has little to do with “natural” processes. While I agree with Eaton’s concern for the disconnect between humanity and nature and even agree that rites of passage and encouraging closeness with nature is one attempt that should be made, I was left unsatisfied with the impracticality of this suggestion. In the last chapter Eaton lays out a very concise list of “pathologies” that initiation and hunting could help to heal; however I find that the likelihood of implementing such an idea unlikely. y

2,000 Years of Mayan Literature Dennis Tedlock. University of California Press, Berkeley. 2010. ISBN: 978-0520232211. 480 pages. Hardcover, $49.95.

xploring Mayan writings from the past to the present, from mythological stories and life histories of ancient rulers to a contemporary theatrical play, 2000 Years of Mayan Literature, introduces readers to the rich and diverse verbal artistic world of Maya people and culture. For some people, the Maya might be associated with the image of a lost civilization deep in the forest that is still shrouded in mystery. However, Mayan culture is not extinct. It still survives and is shared by people who speak various Mayan languages. While their writing system, using syllabic and logographic characters, had been destroyed and forgotten due to Spanish conquest, and Christianization started in the 16th Century, Mayan scribes continued their written tradition adopting the Roman alphabetic writing system and produced an enormous amount of literature in their own languages. Their knowledge of myth and history as well as the words of songs, prayers, speeches and dramas, whose public performance had been banned, were preserved not only through oral tradition but also in written form. An introduction of a modern play script for Rabinal Achi or “Man of Rabinal,” a dance drama from colonial times, provides us a good example of performance preservation. Another example of the cultural continuity that Tedlock discusses is visible in Mayan clothing and military customs. Known as an outstanding linguistic anthropologist, translator, and poet, the author, Dr. Dennis Tedlock, highlights this long continuous written tradition among Mayan people and provides poetic translation and ethnopoetic analysis on texts with breathtaking illustrations.

r. Tedlock focuses not only on their famous “hieroglyphic” writings carved on stone monuments, painted on stucco walls inside temples, on ceramic vessels and on folded codices, but also on ancient Mayan graffiti and minor colonial documents that up until now were not extensively subject to ethnopoetic analysis. In addition, his award-wining translation of Popol Vuh, a record of preColombian history and myth of Quiche Maya, which is partially introduced and analyzed in this book, is full of poetic sentiment and itself is a piece of beautiful poetry. Visual imagery is also an important element in this book. Outstanding drawings

of ancient monuments and texts as well as scanned images and selected drawings of codices help readers to grasp the artistry and metaphorical strategies of Mayan scribes. Moreover, by providing stunning illustrations and images, such as the mirror image of Lintel 25 at Yaxchilan (p103), and the sequence of the god Nehn K’awiil “Mirror Scepter” and sutz’ “bat” images with corresponding translation (p114115), Dr. Tedlock gives new interpretations of the scripts and invites readers to read the scripts aloud as ancient Mayan people might have done.

r. Tedlock brings together his years of research on Mayan verbal art with current knowledge of decipherment of Mayan “hieroglyphic” writings and years of scholarly work on Mayan languages. However, previous studies could have been cited and introduced to readers in the main text instead of placing them in the endnotes. This book represents a milestone not only in the decipherment of Mayan hieroglyphs but also in the study of verbal art and ethnopoetics in both ancient and contemporary Mayan languages. 2000 Years of Mayan Literature is highly recommended for anyone interested in Maya poetry or art. This book is informative and innovative and will appeal to many linguistic and cultural anthropologists, archaeologists, and art-historians. The author’s writing is clear and the explanations are in depth so that those who do not have academic knowledge of Mayan culture, writing, or history can enjoy this book. Anyone who enjoys beautiful and powerful poetry would have fun reading this as well. This extraordinary book shows that Dr. Tedlock is one of those scholars whose outstanding work can introduce us to another level of understanding the poetic and artistic world of Mayan literatures. y September 2010

ETHNOPHOTOGRAPHY Visual Anthropology in Romania Text and Photography by Antip Petronela Edited by Anne M. Patterson ÂŠ 2010 Antip Petronela

About the Photographer Antip Petronela is a graduate student at the University of Bucharest and the National School of Political and Administrative Studies, where she is presently completing a Masters degree in Anthropology. She holds a Bachelor of Arts in Communications and Public Relations from the National School of Political and Administrative Studies, and has previously worked as a Project Assistant at the TERRA Mileniul III Foundation, and a Volunteer Coordinator for a material heritage project with the Save Bucharest Organization in Bucharest, Romania. Petronela grew up in Romania, and became interested in visual anthropology as an exchange student in Spain. She was originally attracted to photography by the intriguing ways the medium is able to communicate ideas about culture, and has found it an excellent way to explore many of the contradictions inherent in post-socialist life in Romania. In this series of photographs, Petronela explores the modern material and cultural expressions of Romanian identity. Highly influenced by communism and the transition to capitalism that occurred in the post-socialist era, Romania is a country of competing identies. Religion, tradition, and a newly capitalist economy all influence modern material culture and social practices, and Petronelaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s photographs are visual representations of how modern Romanians are navigating a transitional economy and culture.

Television Set in a Sewer, 2009 Near an industrial area in the village of Pantelimon, just outside of Bucharest, Romania, an old television set lies shattered in a gutter. The television in the photo is a model that was very common during communist times in Romania, and would originally have been a well cared-for source of pride for its owner. Now, discarded in a street near an industrial area, it is symbolic of the rejection of old social and cultural traits as Romanians embrace a new identity as a capitalist country. As Romania undergoes an economic rejuvenation in the wake of post-socialist change, attitudes towards commodities are changing quickly. Shortly after the fall of communism, many material items that had seemed special and were prominently displayed, like television sets, were put aside and ignored. Where certain commodities had once seemed important because of their scarcity, they soon became reminders of an era viewed with disfavor. Today, there is a new emphasis on displaying very modern and high-tech items in the home, as people are eager to replace the remnants of communism with items that better reflect their emerging status in a capitalist, commoditybased society.

Antip Petronela

Bride on a Mountain, 2009 Family members surround a â&#x20AC;&#x153;stolenâ&#x20AC;? bride on a mountain lookout in Zarnesti, Romania.

A long-standing cultural tradition in Romania, bride stealing originated with the idea that a young man had to prove his worth through a series of tests before being allowed to marry. Family members would abduct the bride before the wedding, and hide with her in a remote or significant place. To have her returned, the groom would sometimes have to answer riddles or negotiate a price. While the tradition has endured, its meaning has mostly been lost. In the present day, bride stealing is seen as a competition among family members to see who can bring their relative to the most inventive place. Modern brides are frequently brought to discos, downtown cores, historic monuments, and rooftops. Indicative of culture change in Romania, the emphasis today is on public performance rather than meaningful ritual.

Crucifix in a Courtyard, 2009 A crucifix stands in a private courtyard in Pantelimon, near Bucharest, Romania. The inscription says: â&#x20AC;&#x153;Romanians have always loved their country and had faith in God.â&#x20AC;?

Troita, or public monuments, have been erected in the form of crosses since the 14th century introduction of Christianity to Romania. The goal of troita is to connect the earth and sky, and purify the space in which they are placed. Originally located in public squares, near fountains, in graveyards, and in other socially important spaces, crucifix troita served as a public reminder of faith and belonging. During communist rule, many rural villagers were displaced to the cities, where, despite bans on open expression of religion, they continued to erect intricately carved and decorated crucifix troita in urban areas, hidden in courtyards or behind buildings. These sites became meaningful despite having no previous religious significance. In the present day, remaining public troita are often forgotten and neglected, and new troita are usually located on private, closed off properties, erected only by families that can afford them. The crucifix in this photo is located in a small private yard, and is an example of how the public display of belief has become a status symbol, representing the relative wealth of the family. Troita like this one have become an expression of how a private commodity has been made out of a symbol that once bound a community together.

Antip Petronela

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