La Voz - July August 2018 by Esperanza Peace and Justice Center

July/Aug 2018 | Vol. 31 Issue 6

San Antonio, Tejas

La Gloria Demolished Univision Bldg. Destroyed

Hays Street Bridge

ENDANGERED

Texas Supreme Court to hear Hays St. Bridge Case

La Voz de Esperanza July/Aug 2018 Vol. 31 Issue 6

Editor: Gloria A. Ramírez Design: Elizandro Carrington

Contributors

Elyse Andrews, Sandra Cuffee, Greg Harmon, Sherry Hewins, Kaylie King, Emmanuella Oduguwa, Rogelio Saenz, Cathy Terrace

La Voz Mail Collective

Dolores Alderete, Alicia Arredondo, Teresa Barajas, Ana S.Christilles, Rachel Cruz, Ángeles Decara, Juan Díaz, Sara DeTurk, Sandra Duarte, Alma Dueñas, Margarita Elizarde, Pauline Enriquez, Shawn Garner, Ray Garza, Mirna Guerrero, Lydia Hernández, Rachel Jennings, Gloria Lozano, Ray McDonald, Maria Medellin, Edie Ortega, Linda McNulty Pérez, Lucy & Ray Pérez, Miriam Reed, Blanca Rivera, Blanquita Rodríguez, Mary Agnes Rodríguez, Yvonne Ross, Mike Sánchez, Guadalupe Segura, Inés E. Valdez, Margaret Valdez, Helen Villarreal

Esperanza Director Graciela I. Sánchez

Esperanza Staff

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Marisela Barrera, Elizandro Carrington, Yaneth Flores, Sarah Gould, Eliza Pérez, Paul Plouf, Kristel Orta-Puente, Natalie Rodríguez, René Saenz, Susana Segura, Amelia Valdez

Esperanza Summer Interns

Elyse Andrews, Jasmine Chavira, Kaylie King, Emmanuella Oduguwa, Marissa Ramirez, Cathy Terrace

Conjunto de Nepantleras —Esperanza Board of Directors—

Rachel Jennings, Amy Kastely, Jan Olsen, Ana Lucía Ramírez, Gloria A. Ramírez, Rudy Rosales, Tiffany Ross, Lilliana Saldaña, Nadine Saliba, Graciela I. Sánchez, Lillian Stevens • We advocate for a wide variety of social, economic & environmental justice issues. • Opinions expressed in La Voz are not necessarily those of the Esperanza Center.

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Esperanza Peace & Justice Center 922 San Pedro, San Antonio, TX 78212 210.228.0201

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lavoz@esperanzacenter.org

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Policy Statements

* We ask that articles be visionary, progressive, instructive & thoughtful. Submissions must be literate & critical; not sexist, racist, homophobic, violent, or oppressive & may be edited for length. * All letters in response to Esperanza activities or articles in La Voz will be considered for publication. Letters with intent to slander individuals or groups will not be published.

On Friday, June 8, 2018 the Texas Supreme Court granted the Hays St. Bridge Restoration Group’s Petition for Review agreeing to review the court of appeals’ 2017 decision that dismissed the Group’s breach of contract claim against the City of San Antonio. Even though a jury decided that the City’s attempt to transfer ownership of 803 N. Cherry to Eugene Simor violated its contract with the Restoration Group, the court of appeals stated that the City had “governmental immunity,” and therefore could not be held responsible for the breach of contract. The Restoration Group’s efforts in restoring Hays St. Bridge ultimately led to its historic designation and the donation of land at 803 N. Cherry to the Hays Street Bridge Hike and Bike Project—a community and visitor center that would house educational exhibits about the historic bridge and the eastside railroad workers who helped build San Antonio. The land was to be used for parking facilities, restrooms and amenities needed for the center. Without these, the Historic Hays Street Bridge remains unfinished and not fully accessible. The City had promised to hold the land at 803 N. Cherry in trust for the Hike and Bike project, until funding for it was complete. When the Bridge was reopened in 2010, the Restoration Group turned its focus to raising funds. However, 803 N. Cherry, became a point of contention when Eugene Simor, a close friend of former Mayor Hardberger sought ownership of the land for his Alamo Beer Co. in a series of backroom meetings, Despite initial approval of Alamo Beer Package in 2012 (including 803 N. Cherry, some additional land, a skywalk to the Bridge and use of the Bridge for a private restaurant), transfer of the land was delayed and Alamo Beer Brewery and Beer Hall was built at 415 Burnet St., instead. In September 2012, the Federal Dept. of Transportation that granted $2.9 million to the Bridge’s renovation, informed the City that if it did allow Alamo Beer to use the Bridge for a restaurant, the City would have to return the $2.9 million. In December 2014, Lori Houston, then Director of the Center City Development & Operations Dept. and now an Asst. City Manager, told City Council that Alamo Beer still needed the land at 803 N. Cherry for “the restaurant and parking facilities” and the Council voted to reaffirm the Alamo Beer Package, including transfer of 803 N. Cherry to the Alamo Beer Co. Later that day, Asst. City Attorney Carlos Contreras signed a deed transferring the land to the Simor Texas Land Co., not to the Alamo Beer Co. as Council had been told. The Hays St. Bridge Restoration Group and their many supporters, including the 19,000 signors to a petition, look forward to the Texas Supreme Court’s review of the case and an eventual ruling in the people’s favor following oral argument this fall. The Group expects the District Court will find that the City did violate its Judgment and will invalidate the transfer, returning ownership of the land to the City, to hold in trust for the Hays Street Bridge community and visitor center. See: esperanzacenter.org/esperanza-projects/hays-street-bridge-restoration-group/ While San Antonio’s progressive activists battle many fronts to validate our very existence and insure a good quality of life for all—we often find ourselves at the losing end of these struggles. We have lost historic and culturally significant structures like La Gloria and the UNIVISION building to demolition and our efforts to stave off gentrification in San Antonio has resulted in the tragic displacement of families as in the case of the Mission Trails Mobile Home community. Once in a long while there are victories— the recent win for Mexican American Studies is a case in point. A victory for the Hays St. Restoration Group could be another beacon of hope. In the meantime, resistance and struggle remain essential. —Gloria A. Ramirez, editor ATTENTION VOZ READERS: If you have a mailing address correction please send it to lavoz@ esperanzacenter.org. If you want to be removed from the La Voz mailing list, for whatever reason, please let us know. La Voz is provided as a courtesy to people on the mailing list of the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center. The subscription rate is $35 per year ($100 for institutions). The cost of producing and mailing La Voz has substantially increased and we need your help to keep it afloat. To help, send in your subscriptions, sign up as a monthly donor, or send in a donation to the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center. Thank you. -GAR VOZ VISION STATEMENT: La Voz de Esperanza speaks for many individual, progressive voices who are gente-based, multi-visioned and milagro-bound. We are diverse survivors of materialism, racism, misogyny, homophobia, classism, violence, earth-damage, speciesism and cultural and political oppression. We are recapturing the powers of alliance, activism and healthy conflict in order to achieve interdependent economic/ spiritual healing and fuerza. La Voz is a resource for peace, justice, and human rights, providing a forum for criticism, information, education, humor and other creative works. La Voz provokes bold actions in response to local and global problems, with the knowledge that the many risks we take for the earth, our body, and the dignity of all people will result in profound change for the seven generations to come.

The Power to Rename: The Mexican American Case Opinión: ¿Quién tiene el poder de renombrarnos? By Rogelio Saenz

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How many of us have had our names anglicized for the ESPANOL convenience of whites? José had his name changed to “Joe,” ¿A cuántos de nosotros nos cambiaron el nombre a la Maria had her name changed to “Mary,” Roberto was renamed manera inglesa para la conveniencia de los anglosajones? A “Robert,” and Elena was renamed “Ellen.” José le cambiaron el nombre a “Joe”, a María le cambiaron Who are we? A simple question. Yet, it is not so rare el nombre a “Mary”, a Roberto lo renombraron “Robert” y a that persons and groups of color experience a change Elena la renombraron “Ellen”. in their identification at the will of whites. Throughout ¿Quién somos? the history of the United States, white individuals and Una pregunta simple. Sin embargo, no es tan raro que institutions have given themselves the right to rename personas y grupos de color (grupos de razas y etnicidades others according to their predilection. The tendency to aparte de los anglosajones) experimenten un cambio de idenchange the most intimate possession of another person— tificación. the name that their own A lo largo de la parents gave them—or historia estadounidense, the identity of a racial las personas e instituor ethnic group reflects ciones anglosajonas se the white supremacy han dado el derecho de that continues to exist renombrar a otros según in our country and the su predilección. dominance of whites over La tendencia de people of color. cambiar lo más íntimo This is what occurred de una persona —el in Texas recently. In midnombre que sus propios April, the State Board of padres le dieron— o la Education voted in favor identidad de un grupo of changing the name of racial o étnico refleja la an elective course for supremacía blanca que high schools from “Mexicontinúa existiendo en can American Studies” nuestro país y que repto “Ethnic Studies: An People rally in front of the State Board of Education building before a preliminary vote on creating a resenta el dominio de Overview of Americans of statewide Mexican-American studies course. Photo: Ricardo Brazziell /Austin American Statesman los anglosajones sobre Mexican Descent.” los grupos de color. David Bradley, a white man on the Texas State Board Esto fue lo que ocurrió recientemente en Texas. Hace unas of Education, led the opposition to the name “Mexican cuantas semanas, la Junta Directiva Escolar de Texas votó a American,” arguing that this is a divisive term. Never mind favor de cambiar el nombre de un curso electivo para preparatothat Bradley is not a person of Mexican origin. Bradley, ria de “Estudios Mexicoamericanos” a “Estudios Étnicos: Una along with eight other white persons on the State Board visión general sobre los americanos de ascendencia mexicana”. of Education, renamed our community as “Americans of David Bradley, un hombre anglosajón miembro de la junta Mexican Descent,” the only manner in which they would directiva, encabezó la oposición al nombre “mexicoamericasupport the elective course. A Latina member of the board nos” argumentando que este es un término que causa división. also voted in favor of the name change, but later changed Poco importa que él no sea una persona de origen mexicano. her vote. Marisa Pérez-Díaz, a member of the board who Bradley, junto con otros ocho miembros republicanos anopposed the name change, aptly described the significance glosajones de la directiva, renombraron a nuestra comunidad of the board’s decision for Mexican Americans: “a slap on como “americanos de ascendencia mexicana”, la única manera the face.” en que ellos apoyarían el curso electivo. Una latina integrante Ironically, the names of other ethnic studies courses– de la directiva también votó a favor del cambio de nombre, including African Americans, Indigenous Americans, and pero después cambió su voto. Asian Americans including Pacific Islanders–were accepted Marisa Pérez-Díaz, una de las integrantes de la directiva without change. que se opuso al cambio de nombre del curso, acertadamente The fight, put simply, is against Mexican Americans. describió el significado del cambio: “esto es como una cachetada en nuestro rostro”. ENGLISH

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ESPANOL It is Mexican Americans, the locomotive of the state’s Irónicamente, los nombres de otros estudios étnicos — demography, which the Republican Party considers a threat incluyendo aquellos sobre los afroamericanos, indígenas, y and seeks to keep in their place. asiático americanos, incluso los americanos de las islas del Even though research findings clearly document the valPacífico— fueron aceptados sin cambios. ue of Mexican American Studies courses for Latino students, La bronca, simplemente, es con los mexicoamericanos. the last thing that Republicans want is critical thinkers who Somos nosotros, el grupo que impulsa el cambio demográfico are civically engaged, exactly what is needed for conditions of de Texas, el que el Partido Republicano considera como una Latinos and African Americans to improve in our state. amenaza. However, what the State Board of Education did is not Aunque las investiganew. The lack of ciones han demostrado el respect toward our valor de los estudios sobre language, culture, mexicoamericanos en la names, and identity educación de los estudiantes is part of the social de nuestro grupo, lo último practice of many que quieren los republicanos segments of white es a ciudadanos del futuro Texans. How many que sean pensadores críticos of us have the painful y que estén comprometidos memory of being cívicamente, exactamente lo scolded publically que se necesita para mejorar with the demand that las condiciones de los latinos we speak English? y los afroamericanos de How many of us were nuestro estado. punished in school Sin embargo, esto no for speaking Spanish? es nada nuevo.La falta de And what about the respeto hacia nuestro idioma, experience of many of Texas SBOE Trustee Marisa B. Perez-Diaz expresses gratitude to Texas public school students cultura, nombres e identidad involved personally in the MAS course name saga. Photo: Christine Bolaños us who have had our es parte de la práctica social names changed for the de muchos anglosajones de Texas. convenience of whites? With me, personally, the white doctor ¿Cuántos de nosotros tenemos el recuerdo doloroso de una who assisted my mother give birth to me, asserted “don’t name persona que nos regañó públicamente con la exigencia de que him Rogelio, but Roy, like Roy Rogers!” In my hometown of habláramos en inglés? ¿Cuántos de nosotros fuimos castigados Mercedes, where I grew up in the Rio Grande Valley, the three por hablar español en la escuela? other boys named Rogelio also had their names changed to ¿Y qué decir de cómo nos han cambiado de nombre? A mí, “Roy.” I personally had to exert force and fight to reclaim the personalmente, al nacer, el médico anglosajón que asistió a mi name that my own parents had given me. madre a dar luz, dijo, “No le pongan Rogelio, pónganle Roy, The message was clear: our language, culture, and como Roy Rogers!” names—-our identity—-did not have any value. En mi pueblo de Mercedes, en el Valle del Río Grande Unfortunately, the action of the Texas State Board of donde me crie, a mis otros tres tocayos también les cambiaron Education, composed largely of Republican white individuals, el nombre a “Roy”. Yo tuve que hacer un esfuerzo y luchar por reminds us that we continue to be oppressed and demonstrates retomar el nombre que mis propios padres me habían dado. that we continue to lack respect concerning our being and El mensaje fue claro: nuestro idioma, cultura y nombres — identity. nuestra identidad— no tienen ningún valor. The solution? We need to fight proudly and vigorously for Desgraciadamente, la acción de la Junta Directiva Escolar our identity. We need to ensure that our children continue with de Texas, compuesta principalmente por personas republicanas their studies and that they question the system that continues anglosajonas, nos recuerda que nos siguen oprimiendo y mostto treat us as second-class citizens. And, if you are U.S. citirando una falta de respeto a nuestro ser e identidad. zens, register to vote and vote. ¿La solución? Hay que seguir peleando con orgullo y vigBio: Dr. Rogelio Sáenz is dean of the College of Public Policy orosamente por nuestra identidad. Hay que asegurarnos de que and holds the Mark G. Yudof Endowed Chair at the University nuestros hijos sigan con sus estudios y que cuestionen el sistema of Texas at San Antonio. He is co-author of the book titled Laque nos sigue tratando como a ciudadanos de segunda clase. tinos in the United States: Diversity and Change. Y, si ellos son ciudadanos estadounidenses, regístrense Note: This article was previously published in Racism Review, para votar y voten. www.racismreview.com/blog/ Bio: Sáenz es decano de la Facultad de Políticas Públicas de la Universidad de Texas-San Antonio. Este articulo fue publicado ENGLISH inicialmente en ¡Ahora Si! del Austin American Statesman. Editor’s Note: On Friday, June 15, 2018 the Texas State Board board members gave final approval to the course name change from “Ethnic Studies: An Overview of Americans of Mexican Descent” to “Ethnic Studies: Mexican American Studies.”

Making Climate Justice ‘Dirty’ Deely coal plant retires this year. We must close the rest by 2025.

By Greg Harman SAN ANTONIO—Lumbering through the Earth Day throngs at Woodlawn Lake in April, the soot-stained “coal monster” pleaded his case. Here were booths about solar energy, tables with native plants, and eager promoters of meat-free diets. CPS Energy, owner-operator of the City’s two coal plants, was everywhere handing out trinkets and brochures. But—in spite of the fact that the CPS Energy’s coal burning is responsible for sick families at home and public health crises worldwide thanks to its contribution to climate disruption—no one was talking about coal. Except the shaggy coal monster. ‘Dirty’ Deely ambled forth to read his press statement:

“To give you the asthma and heart attacks your medical community has come to rely on, my old parts release 4,175 tons of smog-forming nitrogen oxides and 19,844 tons sulfur dioxide each year. “Then there’s that my dirtiest little secret: 256 kilograms of airborne lead (just a tiny spec can mess with your baby’s brain).

“In other words: I’M DOING MY JOB. I’M A COAL PLANT.” Some got the joke; others were more dubious. A man with an asthma inhaler ran up for a photo op and asked the man in the hairy, sooty gillie suit to pretend to strangle him. The creature readily obliged. With 40 years of experience, choking folks is just muscle memory. The guerrilla education campaign was the work of Climate Action SA, a climate justice coalition made up of dozens of San Antonio community organizations, including Esperanza Peace & Justice Center. It was intended to place the burning question of coal power at the center of the City’s public climate-action conversation. Since

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“To overheat the planet, I belch out 2.7 million tons of carbon dioxide and 74 tons of methane every year.

San Antonio Mayor Nirenberg announced in June 2017 that the the nation’s seventh largest city was at last prepared to tackle its first climate action and adaptation plan, the question of coal has been virtually MIA within the Climate Action & Adaptation Plan (CAAP) process. Charts from the existing SA Sustainability Plan displayed during the initial round of working meetings with the San Antonio Sustainability Office and frequent CPS Energy contractor Navigant Consulting portrayed the chief carbon offenders as transportation and buildings. It was only the small print at the bottom of one slide that offered a “by the way”: half of the city’s full climate pollution is from CPS Energy. Bowing to community pressure nearly a decade ago, CPS Energy pledged to close the two-unit Deely by 2018. That promise quickly changed to “in” 2018. Now it looks like the major regional polluter will be burning straight through the heat of summer, the wrath of ozone season, and all the way to the end of December. Less clear is the fate of the younger two-unit Spruce. While the coal plants have been throttled back slightly as the utility has begun to burn more natural gas, Deely and Spruce still belch out massive amounts of pollution. Deely, Spruce, and Brauning, the city’s largest gas plant, huddle together on the shores of Calaveras Lake south of town. All told, the complex belches out nearly 10 million metric tons of CO2 every year. Additionally, the complex pumps out 670 tons of methane, 86 times as potent as CO2 when it comes to trapping the sun’s heat. On top of that is the 814 tons of nitrous oxide (300 times more powerful than CO2). The less-used Deely is to blame for 2.77 million tons of CO2 annually, as least as of 2016, the most recent year for which data is available. The money-losing Spruce has replaced Deely as San Antonio’s biggest polluter. It is responsible for 5.54 million tons of greenhouse pollution annually. With increased use, VH Brauning grew from 700,000 metric tons to 1.4 million metric tons of CO2 between 2010 and 2016.

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The plant pollution percent’s worth of rehurts families at home ductions needed to meet immediately in a variety our local obligations of ways. It also throws toward keeping global fuel on the fire of the warming’s rise to under growing climate crisis, two degrees Celsius. which is already punishIn other words, ing the most vulnerable CPS’s flexible plan people the most, those isn’t a plan. It is a without the resources to dangerous exercise and resist ever more powerful a waste of time. storms, rising temThat’s why Climate peratures, and deepening Action SA rolled out droughts. their proposal a week With all of this nastiearlier at a press conferness in motion, it was ence outside City Hall a strange sight indeed (to the chagrin of some to see CPS CEO Paula inside the soon-to-beGold-Williams in March rehabbed landmark). CPS Energy’s four coal plants including Spruce 2 (center smoke stack closest to camera) which was pull out a “flexible” It was, as Public completed on Calaveras Lake on Sept. 15, 2010. Photo by Lisa Krantz, Staff / SA Express-News vision of future power Citizen’s Kaiba White generation showing an expansion of natural gas and at least one correctly identified, “the first public discussion about what San of the coal units still burning in 2042 and possibly beyond. Antonio’s greenhouse gas reduction goals should be.” While CPS Energy’s “Flex Plan” proposal envisions renewThat discussion was short. As were the deadlines for CPS: able energy additions, those are modest and don’t appear in any 2025: All coal plants are shut down. seriousness until the 2030s. As with Deely years back, community groups rallied to decry 2030: All fossil fuel use ceases. the continued reliance on Spruce. 2050: The environment of San Antonio is so “It’s absurd to think that we should have any coal in our improved—its parks, soils, and landscapes energy mix anywhere close to 2042,” Terry Burns, MD, chair of revived; it’s technology, construction and the Alamo Group of the Sierra Club, said at the time. “If CPS is transportation practices so transformed—that at all serious about addressing climate change and the impact air the City no longer pumps greenhouse gases into pollution has on public health, all coal should be phased out over the climate system, it absorb thems. the next decade.” In the days that followed the problematic release, CPS of Ultimately, the City becomes “carbon ficials began to suggest that the “plan” isn’t a “plan,” after all. It negative.” was merely a conversation starter, as Gold-Williams suggested June 13, 2018, during the opening of the first public forum on the Getting to this point will inevitably be extraordinarily chalenergy vision. After presenting that nebulous picture of the future lenging. More challenging would be remaining a city at all, if of power generation, Gold-Williams insisted, in an off-handed rapid changes are made. way, that, of course, CPS cares about “climate.” When CPS Energy shifted to heavy reliance on coal power The ambiguous plan had obviously been well sold to the busiin the 1970s, its leadership didn’t do so in malice. They were ness community. One after another, various chambers of comseeking to fulfill their mission to provide affordable and reliable merce directors sang the praises of nimbleness and flexibility just power to the city. The energy choice also flooding the skies with as they had celebrated CPS’s earlier multi billion-dollar nuclear dark soot, covered the land with dangerous heavy metals, and has plant gamble a decade back. (Given that the utility was forced to released hundreds of millions of tons heat-trapping gases into the “write off” more than $390 million due to that nuclear adventure world’s climate system—resulting in a steadily strengthening of failure, its easy to see how “small and nimble” would look pretty hurricanes and heatwaves, droughts and wildfires. good this round.) Here and around the planet, those least responsible for climate Members of Climate Action SA, who first organized for a change are forces to suffer the most. justice-driven climate action plan last summer, were more skeptiFor the coal monster, it may all be in a day’s work. cal as were allies and members of the various Climate Action and For the rest of us, this monster’s early retirement is the only Adaptation Plan committee and steering members. way forward. Those CAAP volunteers may not have heard much about coal power to date, but one graph shared recently by Navigant appeared Bio: Greg Harman is a journalist, community organizer, and regular La Voz contributor. He works for the Lone Star Chapter of the to be fresh in their minds. It was a preliminary chart of the city’s Sierra Club and is a steering committee member of San Antonio’s climate pollution. It showed that even if the City achieves greenhouse reductions recommended for CPS in the City’s sustainability Climate Action & Adaptation Plan. For more information about plan (40 percent renewable power by 2040) there is still another 40 Climate Action SA, see: climateactionsa.com.

Have You No Sense of Dignowity? Written by Kaylie King, Emmanuella Oduguwa & Cathy Terrace

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Dignowity Hill residents recently expressed support for the it demolished. Protesters watched as a piece of their history, a building of the Bridge Apts next to the historic Hays St. Bridge. part of their lives, was destroyed right in front of them. The article they wrote in mySA on May 11th characterized Construction in Dignowity Hill the area as “neglected” and “a desirable location for criminal activity”—desperately in need of an influx of new neighbors. The Dignowity Hill neighborhood has been experiencing a The majority of these authors, however, have lived in Dignowity rapid influx of higher income residents. New reports from the Hill for less than National Association of Latino CommuPhoto: Tom Reel, San Antonio Express-News three years. It’s nity Asset Builders indicate it is one of easy to see why the most rapidly changing neighborhoods the significance in San Antonio.The construction of the of the bridge, the Bridge Apts. would further the pattern of economic ramificaselective development and investment. tions of the project This complex will not house low-income and knowledge of or working class families or individuals. community needs Projected rents for residents will start are glossed over. around $1,000, much higher than what low income residents can afford. History of Advocates argue space is desperately Development needed downtown, but between the Agave Apts, Blue Star Lofts, Cadil“Development” The historic Univision building (1955), site lac Lofts, Can Plant Apts, Candy projects such as the of the first U.S. Spanish language TV station (KWEX) was displaced by the Agave Lofts, Cevallos Apts, Hemisview Bridge Apts. are Apartments on the corner of St. Mary’s St. Village, Peanut Factory Apts and born out of disinand Cesar Chavez Blvd. the Rivera on Broadway, there are vestment in low over 150 available units in the area. income infrastructure and housing. The “neglect” they point to is not the fault of the residents, but rather, a hisCommunity Needs tory of redlining and misallocation of city resources. Low income areas in San Antonio are increasingly being Proponents argue that development will beautify the area, gentrified. Developers build expensive, high-rise apartments bring in new economic activity, and repurpose areas not curthat not only displace residents, but also raise the cost of living rently utilized. But it’s essential to understand that this discourse there making it available only to those with higher incomes. re-codes gentrification in terms of revitalization and obscures Take some recent examples. The Soap Factory Apts, now the ramifications of such projects. under new ownership, will see rent increases of over $200 a When families with more disposable income come into the month. Residents who’ve lived there for decades can no longer area, so does rapid change in surrounding areas. Property taxes afford their rent. Similarly, Mission Trails Mobile Home Park escalate, which pushes long-term, low income residents out of the faced displacement when the property was purchased to build a area, as houses are bought up and flipped for wealthier residents. $75 million luxury apartment complex, a decision which some This “economic development” is simply code for economic politicians like Ron Nirenberg now regret supporting. displacement—instead of resolving the root of income inequalThe Bridge Apts on Cherry and Lamar will not take over an ity and impoverishment, it merely moves it somewhere else. existing building, but they will have a similar economic, housing The type of crime that developers claim are dominating this and emotional toll on current residents. This construction echos area, such as homelessness and drug use, are motivated by poverty. San Antonio’s past in destroying and obscuring historic and cultur- If the city is really concerned about homelessness and drug use, ally significant architecture, as they will soon obstruct the view of then they should reinvest in social safety nets instead of pursuing the historic Hays St. Bridge. projects that displace and criminalize impoverished populations. Take the 1955 Univision building, the first Spanish-lanThis type of development isn’t what the community needs— guage broadcasting network in the U.S., that was demolished such projects have been attempted in Austin, with numerous in favor of a 55 million dollar complex, the Agave Apts that families in East Austin pushed out of their communities due to cost from $1,000-$3,000 a month. Only a plaque and a single the subsequent rising property taxes due to “development”. antenna remain of the Univision building, a painful reminder Implementing these projects to those who fought for its preservation, and a pitiful legacy of in low-income spaces not only the building’s history and importance to the Latinx community ignores the needs of families in the U.S. who’ve lived there for generaOther historic buildings have also been sacrificed to make tions, but also presents a false imway for “economic activity”. La Gloria, in its vibrant heyday, age of economic activity. Instead featured rooftop dances, a food market, and a silent theater. Afof siding with developers, protecter a long legal fight, district court Judge David Peeples ruled in tion should be prioritized for those favor of the building’s current owner, Tony Limón, who wanted who have lived there all along.

Crossing Hays Street Bridge:

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Visiting the Hays St Bridge

You’ve seen tons of pictures of the Hays Street Bridge, and finally decide to pay it a visit. After climbing up the stairs on Cherry Street, you look around, and a cool breeze hits you. At this height, the massive and beautiful structure that frames our city is revealed, surrounding you in the steel structure that has the same architectural underpinnings as the Eiffel Tower. While many enjoy the view from the bridge looking towards downtown, the most iconic views of the historic bridge can actually be seen at street level from the corner of Cherry and Lamar Streets, looking up. Dozens of yards away, the Hays Street Bridge stands tall, with both arches fully outlined. There’s a plaque at the start of the bridge that provides some information about its importance as a historic landmark; but that’s just the tip of the iceberg of the entire complete history of this bridge.

After the bridge had fallen into disrepair in the 1980s, a group of community activists came together to prevent the beloved bridges’ demolition. Later known as the Hays Street Restoration Group, the community group procured a $2.89M grant from the Federal Highway Administration. Following the grant, the group established a “memoran-

Origins of the Bridge The Hays Street Bridge first became a landmark when it was moved to San Antonio in 1910. Its origins are debated - several say the ente Photo By: Kristel Orta-Pu two distinct arches came from the Phoenix Bridge Company dum of understanding” with the city in 2002, wanting to in Pennsylvania, while others believe they were purchased from ensure that the land surrounding the bridge would be designated Morgan Steamship Lines in Louisiana. Wherever its origin, this as a park. The group received monetary donations as well as a bridge is a relic of the past, with both companies dating back to land donation of 1.7 acres next to the bridge in 2007 by the Dawthe mid 1800s. son family with the understanding that the land would be turned At the time, San Antonio’s railway cut through the city. It into a public park. crossed routes into the city from the East side. Construction of Later, in 2012, the bridge received recognition and placement the bridge, however, provided a much needed connection for the on the National Register of Historic Places. This act signified the community, as it provided a route over the busy railways into importance of the architecture, and protects it from future fears of downtown. demolition.

Obscuring historical sites ignores the racial and cultural ties communities have to those landmarks, and instead subverts an important part of their identities in favor of commercial and capital profit.

A Walk Down Memory Lane Written by Elyse Andrews and Cathy Terrace

The Contemporary Visual Importance of the Hays St Bridge

Reality of Development So let’s revise our introduction from before: You’ve seen tons of pictures of the Hays St. Bridge, and finally decide to pay it a visit. Walking up Cherry St., a large apartment building towers over you - you’re in the right place, but it’s hard to know for sure from street level, until you’re almost under the bridge. After climbing up the stairs on Cherry Street, you continue to sweat under the stagnant summer heat, with a noticeable lack of breeze.

Final Thoughts In San Antonio, the only location with viewshed protection is the Alamo. There are recent plans to extend viewshed protection to other locations in San Antonio, but unfortunately the bridge is not able to be considered for this round of approvals. Our community clearly sees value in the Hays St. Bridge; it’s why it’s still standing. The worth of San Antonio’s historic landmarks does not simply reside in the structures, but also the space around them, and the relationship of the communities around them. This bridge is a reflection of the growth of San Antonio throughout the twentieth century, and should absolutely be elevated for the public to see how it has served its community. Obscuring historical sites ignores the racial and cultural ties communities have to those landmarks, and instead subverts an important part of their identities in favor of commercial and capital profit. The Hays St Bridge, like the many other beautiful and recognizable structures in San Antonio, deserves to be viewed in full. It is a public space, one meant to be preserved not only for this community, but for the entire city. It demands our attention. Editor’s note: For an update on the Hays St. Bridge case against the City of San Antonio read the editorial announcing the Texas Supreme Court will hear the case that will determine what will happen with the land at Cherry and Lamar streets.

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While no longer for vehicular transportation, the Hays St. Bridge is now widely used by the community. Joggers, and dog walkers alike travel across, taking in the views of the surrounding neighborhoods. Here, San Antonio’s beautiful skyline can be enjoyed from the bridge, which acts as a frame for the city. With its unique view, the Hays St. Bridge became a favorite site for taking pictures for celebrations such as graduations, quinceañeras and weddings. Many public events also occur on the bridge—from parties to yoga and performances. Named one of the “best big cities to live and work as a moviemaker” in 2018, San Antonio has a plethora of historic landmarks, including the bridge. Even the San Antonio Film Commission includes multiple perspectives of the Hays St. Bridge in their location gallery. To fully capture the beauty of the bridge paired with the Tower of the Americas, requires standing at street level on the corner of Cherry and Lamar. From here, San Antonians can appreciate the bridge’s full form - and many participated in an Instagram competition this summer. Just like the outline of the Alamo and the Tower of the Americas, the Hays St, Bridge is a recognizable symbol in San Antonio. Even the Neighborhood Association of Dignowity Hill clearly sees this—their logo incorporates that incredible view from Cherry and Lamar. Unfortunately, this priceless view that Dignowity Hill and all of San Antonio take pride in will cease to exist for photographers, filmmakers, and the public following the construction of the Bridge Apartments on Cherry and Lamar.

As you walk across the bridge, the city skyline looks amazing —but the giant apartment complex to your right is difficult to ignore. As it draws your attention, you stare into the four-story tall apartment complex. The rooms seem like they’re right next to you, as though the space is crowded. The height of the neighboring building makes you forget how high up you are—it kind of diminishes the bridge’s presence. Once built, this development effectively erases one of the most iconic landmarks in San Antonio. Similar views of the bridge will essentially be privatized - the view shown here, for instance, will only be available from the complex itself.

US-Trained Special Forces

Joined Police Crackdown on Dam Protesters in Honduras by Sandra Cuffe, ©Truthout bit.ly/truthout_crackdown Reprinted with permission: Truthout.org

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It started at dawn. A vehicle full of Honduran police officers showed up at around 5 am on May 3 in front of the community protest camp in Pajuiles, where residents have been present day .electric dam construction machinery. Less than two hours later, the whole area was crawling with hundreds of members of various police units, including regular national police, the Police Investigations Directorate, the elite COBRAS unit and the TIGRES special forces, which are heavily supported by the US and trained by Green Berets from the 7th Special Forces Group (Airborne). “It was like a war zone,” Pajuiles community leader Albertina López told Truthout. Police forces lined the immediate area along the nearby highway that runs from El Progreso up to Tela, along the Caribbean

crackdown in Pajuiles to impose a fiercely contested hydroelectric dam project is just one of the latest incidents, but it provides a clear example of the involvement of US-trained and -supported special forces in repression against community activists.

Honduran Security Forces Trained by Green Berets “Honduran security forces, including those receiving funding and training from the United States, have been implicated in human rights violations in recent years,” Christine Wade, a Washington College professor of political science and international studies, told Truthout. “The targeting of environmental and land rights activists is just one facet of this.” “Despite these abuses, funding continues to flow from the US, our military installations remain open to train Honduran security forces and impunity reigns. Unless the US acts decisively to suspend

Police from various units are present May 3 in Pajuiles, in northern Honduras, to escort dam construction machinery past a community resistance camp. (Photo: Witness for Peace)

coast in the Atlántida Department. Soon they were also lining the road past the camp and up to the contested construction site of the Mezapa River dam. They showed up in convoys, escorting machinery, construction materials and company personnel up to the site, where the Honduran company HIDROCEP has been trying to build a 1.3 megawatt dam. “People were scared,” said López. Nevertheless, she and a few other women made an attempt to stop the machinery, lying down in the road in front of the protest camp to try to stop the machinery’s passage. “That’s when they started firing tear gas at us,” she said. People scattered, ushering a 75-year-old protester and children to safety, but López and others maintained their permanent presence at the roadside resistance camp throughout the police operations that lasted two full days. State violence against community resistance to natural resource exploitation projects continues unabated in Honduras. The recent

aid to security forces, these abuses will continue,” said Wade. The Intelligence and Special Security Response Group Units (TIGRES, an acronym that spells “tigers” in Spanish) were created back in 2013, when current Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández proposed a bill as president of Congress. The initial proposal was for more of an explicitly military-police hybrid force that would have been transferred from civilian oversight to the Secretariat of Defense in times of war, but those elements were removed from the bill before its passage. The TIGRES now fall under the police Directorate of Special Forces. Training of the first TIGRES recruits, drawn from military and police forces, began in 2014, the year Hernández took office as president of Honduras. They were trained by Green Berets from the 7th Special Forces Group (Airborne) and Colombian members of the Comandos Jungla special police force. The same

The Pajuiles community protest camp in northern Honduras celebrates its one year anniversary on March 22, 2018. (Photo: Movimiento Amplio por la Dignidad y Justicia)

basic details, such as a ballpark figure of how many total police participated in the operations in Pajuiles. López, other local residents, and human rights observers estimated that approximately 250 to 300 members of the various police forces and units were present. The US government did respond and is aware of the deployment of TIGRES to Pajuiles. “There was no U.S. involvement in this operation,” a Department of State spokesperson wrote in a response to Truthout’s request for comment. “While we support the TIGRES professional development and specific missions related to key U.S. interests in Honduras, particularly combating drug trafficking and organized crime, we do not dictate their deployment or other operations they conduct. We aggressively review any allegation of wrong doing by the TIGRES or any other units of the security forces we support, irrespective of whether it is a mission we actively supported,” the Department of State spokesperson wrote. Ryan Morgan, a member of the in-country human rights accompaniment team of Witness for Peace, a US nongovernmental organization, witnessed the presence and participation of TIGRES agents in operations in Pajuiles on May 3, following his arrival at the community a couple of hours after the police convoys began escorting the dam machinery. “There were a lot of US taxpayer dollars in Pajuiles that day,” Morgan told Truthout. With regard to the TIGRES, Morgan believes their presence there should be considered problematic even by US lawmakers and embassy officials who believe their mandate is important for US national security in terms of fighting drug trafficking and organized crime. “It would be very hard to explain or justify the involvement of the TIGRES in Pajuiles,” said Morgan. “This use of the TIGRES should outrage even people who on paper support their existence

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US and Colombian forces trained the following year’s recruits in a 12-week Comando basic course. Some TIGRES agents also received advanced training from Green Berets at the Eglin Air Force Base in Florida in 2015. In their first year in action, the TIGRES were implicated in a massive theft and corruption scandal. More than 20 TIGRES agents were suspended following the theft of more than $1 million during operations against a drug trafficker in western Honduras. Late last year, as reported by The Intercept, TIGRES were involved in raids and arrests targeting people who had been protesting the contested outcome of the November 2017 elections that officially resulted in Hernández’s re-election amid widespread reports of vote-rigging and fraud. On April 10 of this year, a new TIGRES base, completed with US financing, was inaugurated in El Progreso. It is the second TIGRES base, joining the installations 25 miles west of Tegucigalpa, the Honduran capital. High-ranking Honduran and US government officials attended the inauguration in El Progreso, including Honduran President Hernández; Richard Glenn, acting deputy assistant secretary of state in the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs; and Heide Fulton, the chargé d’affaires at the US Embassy in Honduras, and currently the highest-ranking embassy official. Less than one month later, TIGRES were involved in the crackdown in Pajuiles, only 23 miles north of the new installations. Media reports and Honduran and US officials highlight the TIGRES’ focus on combatting drug trafficking and organized crime, but on May 3, they were escorting dam company personnel and construction machinery along with other police forces that cracked down on community protest. The Honduran Secretariat of Security did not provide a response to Truthout’s requests for comment or even confirm

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Pajuiles residents and the Broad Movement for Dignity and Justice celebrate the December 2017 acquittal of Albertina López (in a dress) and three other protest camp participants. Other Pajuiles residents still face trial. (Photo: Movimiento Amplio por la Dignidad y Justicia)

and US support for them,” he said. TIGRES agents were the first police forces Morgan and his colleague saw when they were arriving at Pajuiles. They were stationed along the highway approximately a quarter of a mile south of the road leading to the protest camp, where a police roadblock was set up nearby. Morgan and his colleague stayed at the camp all day, until 5 pm or so. Convoys and machinery came and went up to the construction site, but by the camp itself it was mostly COBRAS who were guarding the area, armed with riot gear, tear gas and maybe only a pistol or two among the dozen or so agents who swapped out every two hours. Escorts for dam machinery were also largely provided by COBRAS, said Morgan, but that changed later in the afternoon. At approximately 3 pm, a convoy came down from the dam construction site, reportedly escorting HIDROCEP executive Jason Hawit. Morgan didn’t see whether Hawit was in fact there or not, but he did note the difference in police forces accompanying the vehicles. “I was really surprised to see two or three trucks full of TIGRES, all with automatic weapons, obviously, that had apparently been up at the construction site, providing security there all day,” Morgan told Truthout. Shortly thereafter, TIGRES also showed up in the area of the protest camp. “At 3:30 or so, rather than a new unit of COBRAS coming to relieve the one that was there, it was a mixed unit of COBRAS and TIGRES,” he said. As with those providing escort, the TIGRES carried automatic weapons, not riot gear. The TIGRES presence continued until the following night, on May 4. Earlier in the morning of May 3, before Morgan arrived, police arrested a local Pajuiles resident while he was filming the security forces’ operations. Albertina López’s brother Nolberto López was taken into custody, accused by police of causing a public scandal. According to locals, however, he was arrested simply for recording police. He was released without charges later that afternoon. He is far from the first to suffer criminalization related to the protest camp, however. His sister was acquitted, but 11 Pajuiles residents are still facing trial.

Organized in local community groups by sector, Pajuiles residents are members of the Broad Movement for Dignity and Justice (MADJ), which grew out of a prosecutor’s hunger strike against corruption and now also focuses on natural resources and human rights issues. MADJ leaders and community members alike have been subject to a barrage of threats, intimidation and attacks, particularly in connection with the dam protest camps in Pajuiles and in Arizona, also located in the Atlántida Department. “Pajuiles has been subject to intense repression,” MADJ coordinator of organization Saúl Ávila told Truthout. Many residents still face trial for criminal charges linked to the camp, and there have been past instances of police repression and militarization in Pajuiles. One local resident, Geovanny Díaz, who had participated in the dam resistance camp was among the more than 35 people killed during the nationwide violent crackdown on protests against election fraud. Díaz was dragged out of his home in Pajuiles by men dressed in police uniforms, shot and killed shortly after a protest ended in the wee hours of January 23. “There’s collusion between the dam company and state forces, but local divisions also aggravate the situation,” said Ávila. “The [company] completely divided the upper communities and turned them against the lower communities, which are the communities that will suffer from water shortages if the hydroelectric dam is built,” he said.

The Uphill Battle Up North to Cut Deadly Security Aid Alex Main visited Pajuiles this past March for the one-year anniversary of the protest camp. A senior associate at the Center for Economic and Policy Research based in Washington, DC, Main has reported on Honduran movements and US aid to security forces for years. US congressional efforts to cut or condition security assistance to Honduras began in earnest back in 2010, according to Main. At the time, there was increased attention to the country in the wake of the June 2009 coup d’état that removed the elected president from office and led to a marked spike in homicides, state violence and

murders of activists. Community-based land, environmental and Indigenous activists have been particularly targeted. “Given that the situation has only grown worse since then, and that horrifyingly frequent reports of police and military involvement in activist killings have been met with near impunity, members of Congress have continued to demand full suspension of security assistance to Honduras in increasing numbers,” Main wrote in an email to Truthout. One initiative to that effect is the Berta Cáceres Human Rights Act, a bill named in honor of the well-known Honduran Indigenous rights and social movement activist murdered in 2016. “[It] would instruct the US administration to suspend all security assistance to Honduras and to veto any loans from multilateral development banks to Honduran police and military forces. It has so far garnered 70 House co-sponsors,” Main noted. At the moment, legislative action with regard to aid to Honduran security forces is limited to elements incorporated into appropriations legislation that condition half of US aid to Honduras on Department of State certification of compliance with a series of loosely worded human rights measures. “These or similar requirements have been incorporated into appropriations legislation for a number of years now, and have had no observable positive effect to date,” wrote Main. “The last

time they certified the government’s compliance was actually just two days after last year’s incredibly problematic elections, providing the government with a needed boost just as they began deploying security agents, including TIGRES, military police and conventional military troops, to violently repress protests.” Back in Pajuiles, many residents are still shaken from the recent massive deployment of security forces there. Police took photographs of protest camp participants and community leaders during the operations, and they have been informed by other residents that death threats against them continue to circulate, said Albertina López. They’re planning to formally report the latest threats to Honduran authorities, but don’t have much faith it will result in any action. “State institutions don’t function. They don’t function at all -not for us,” said López. However, López and other activists at the protest camp are not giving up and have vowed to resist the dam. “We continue the struggle,” she said. Bio: Sandra Cuffe is a freelance journalist reporting on Indigenous land and resource struggles, militarization and human rights issues in Central America. Follow her on Twitter: @Sandra_ Cuffe. This article was reprinted with permission of the author and Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.

Berta Cáceras (1971-2016): Update companies. News of Mr. Castillo’s arrest broke amid protests demanding justice for Ms. Caceres, a mother of four. The arrested man, Roberto David Castillo, is executive president of DESA (Desarrollos Energéticos S.A.) the firm that was building the dam. DESA insists that he is innocent. The company blamed “international pressure and smear campaigns of various NGOs [non-governmental organizations]” for the development. Mr. Castillo is reportedly a former military intelligence officer. Eight other people have already

Source: BBC News, March 3, 2018 |Galavisión, June 8, 2018

been tried over the killing, including members of the armed forces and other DESA staff. In November 2017, a 92-page report by international experts concluded that energy company executives and state agents had conspired to kill the activist. Remembered for peacefully defending the rights of Honduran indigenous communities, Ms. Caceres won the 2015 Goldman Prize, one of the most prestigious awards for environmentalism. The judges said she had “rallied the indigenous Lenca people of Honduras and waged a grassroots campaign that successfully pressured the world’s largest dam builder to pull out of the Agua Zarca Dam”. The dam would have flooded large areas of land and cut off the supply of water, food and medicine for hundreds of Lenca people. Her murder raised international awareness of environmental and economic justice issues throughout Latin America. She is one of over 100 land activists murdered in Honduras alone in the last decade. On June 8, 2018 a report on Galavision TV cited continuing protests demanding justice for Berta Caceres. The movement she led against corporate exploitation of Honduras’ land and water resources continues. Her assassination, the report stated, did not kill Berta, but, instead has bred many more Bertas to continue the fight.

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Police in Honduras have arrested an energy company executive on suspicion of masterminding the murder of renowned environmental activist, Berta Caceres who was shot dead inside her home in La Esperanza two years ago, on the night of March 2, 2016. She had led protests against the Agua Zarca Dam project defending the Lenca community. Ms. Caceres’ family have long maintained she was murdered for economic reasons. They say she suffered months of threats from police, politicians and construction

* community meetings * LA VOZ de ESPERANZA • July/Aug 2018 Vol. 31 Issue 6•

Amnesty International #127 Call Arthur @ 210.213.5919 for info.

oasanantonio.worg | 210.492.5400.

Bexar Co. Green Party: Call 210. 471.1791 | bcgp@bexargreens.org

PFLAG, meets 1st Thurs. @ 7pm, University Presbyterian Church 300 Bushnell Ave. | 210.848.7407.

Celebration Circle meets Sun., 11am @ Say Sí, 1518 S. Alamo. Meditation: Weds @7:30pm, Friends Meeting House, 7052 Vandiver. 210.533.6767.

Parents of Murdered Children, meets 2nd Mondays @ Balcones Heights Com. Ctr, 107 Glenarm | www.pomcsanantonio.org.

DIGNITY SA Mass, 5:30pm, Sun. @ St. Paul’s Episcopal Church, 1018 E. Grayson St. | 210.340.2230

Rape Crisis Center, 4606 Centerview Suite 200, Hotline: 210.349.7273 | 210.521.7273 Email:sschwab@ rapecrisis.com

Adult Wellness Support Group of PRIDE Center meets 4th Mon., The Religious Society of Friends 7-9pm @ Lions Field, 2809 Broadway. meets Sunday @10am @ The Friends Call 210.213.5919. Meeting House, 7052 N. Vandiver. | 210.945.8456. Energía Mía: Call 512.838-3351 for information. S.A. Gender Association meets 1st & 3rd Thursday, 6-9pm @ 611 E. Myrtle, Fuerza Unida, 710 New Laredo Hwy. Metropolitan Community Church. www.lafuerzaunida.org | 210.927.2294 SA AIDS Fdn 818 E. Grayson St. Habitat for Humanity meets 1st offers free Syphilis & HIV testing | Tues. for volunteers, 6pm, HFHSA 210.225.4715 | www.txsaaf.org. Office @ 311 Probandt. SA Women Will March: www. LGBTQ LULAC Council #22198 sawomenwillmarch.org | (830) 488meets 3rd Thursdays @ 6:45pm 7493 @ Luby’s on Main. E-mail: info@ SGI-USA LGBT Buddhists meet 2nd lulac22198.org Sat. at 10am @ 7142 San Pedro Ave., NOW SA meets 3rd Wed See FB | Ste 117 | 210.653.7755. satx.now for info | 210. 802. 9068 | Shambhala Buddhist Meditation nowsaareachapter@gmail.com Tues. 7pm & Sun. 9:30am 257 E. Pax Christi, SA meets monthly on Hildebrand Ave. | 210.222.9303. Saturdays. Call 210.460.8448 S.N.A.P. (Survivors Network of Proyecto Hospitalidad Liturgy meets those Abused by Priests). Contact Thurs. 7pm, 325 Courtland. Barbara at 210.725.8329. Metropolitan Community Church Voice for Animals: 210.737.3138 or services & Sunday school 10:30am, www.voiceforanimals.org 611 East Myrtle. Call 210.472.3597 SA’s LGBTQA Youth meets Tues., Overeaters Anonymous meets 6:30pm at Univ. Presby. Church, 300 MWF in Sp & daily in Eng. www. Bushnell Ave. | www.fiesta-youth.org

¡Todos Somos Esperanza! Start your monthly donations now! Esperanza works to bring awareness and action on issues relevant to our communities. With our vision for social, environmental, economic and gender justice, Esperanza centers the voices and experiences of the poor & working class, women, queer people and people of color. We hold pláticas and workshops; organize political actions; present exhibits and performances and document and preserve our cultural histories. We consistently challenge City Council and the corporate powers of the city on issues of development, low-wage jobs, gentrification, clean energy and more. It takes all of us to keep the Esperanza going. What would it take for YOU to become a monthly donor? Call or come by the Esperanza to learn how.

¡Esperanza vive! ¡La lucha sigue, sigue! FOR INFO: Call 210.228.0201 or email: esperanza@esperanzacenter.org

Start your 2018 tax-deductible donations to Esperanza today! I would like to donate $________ each month by automatic bank withdrawal. Contact me to sign up.

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Notas Y Más July/Aug 2018

On July 13th, The Story of El Laredito: Visual Art Exhibition, Poetry, Music and Dance by renowned local artists takes place at Centro Cultural Aztlán from 6-9PM. Call 210. 432.1896 or check: www.centroaztlan.org/current-events Gemini Ink is holding its 3rd annual Writers Conference July 20-22nd at the historic downtown El Tropicano Riverwalk Hotel. The conference theme,“Writing the New Century” will explore the role writing plays in shaping the personal, social, and political consciousness of our 21st century. See: geminiink.org/writers-conference/

Brief news items on upcoming community events. Send items for Notas y Más to: lavoz@esperanzacenter.org or mail to: 922 San Pedro, San Antonio, TX 78212. The deadline is the 8th of each month.

able for this session for students 5-9 years old and 10-13 years old. For more see: www.classictheatre.org/summer-camp/ or call Kacey Roye at 210.468.3900 or kroye@classictheatre.org The MALCS Summer Institute—Convivencia Y Resistencia: Fronterizas for Social Justice— takes place at The University of Texas, El Paso from August 1 - 4, 2018. See: malcs.org/blog/2018/02/17/2018malcs-summer-institute-cfp/

The American Association of Hispanics in Higher Education (AAHHE) and Educational Testing Service (ETS) announce the Outstanding Dissertations The Classic Theatre of San Antonio is Competition (ODC) for 2019—open to offering a summer camp on mythology anyone who has completed a dissertation and folklore from July 16th to August that focuses on Hispanic(s) in higher 10th for children ages 5-13. The 3rd week, July 30-Aug 3, focuses on Mexican education or Hispanic individuals who have completed a dissertation in the social Folklore. There are 3 scholarships avail-

sciences between December 2016 and August 1, 2018. The top 3 winners will be sponsored to attend the 14th Annual AAHHE National Conference (February 28-March 2, 2019) in Costa Mesa, CA to receive awards and present their dissertations. Deadline for submissions is August 12, 2018. Contact: Dr. Patricia Pérez, AAHHE Dissertation Chair, at: pperez@fullerton.edu or check www. aahhe.org/dissertation/

Fri.–Sun., Nov. 23, 24 & 25, 2018

29th Annual International

Mercado de Paz / Peace Market VENDOR APPLICATIONS AVAILABLE NOW www.espearnzacenter.org or 933 San Pedro, M-F 10am–7pm

Applications due Mon. Sept. 17th

SECOND SATURDAY CONVIVIO July 14 • Aug 11

Casa de Cuentos • 816 S. Colorado St. Call 210.228.0201 for more info

Presented by Guadalupe Cultural Arts Center, co-sponsored by Esperanza Peace & Justice Center

CineFestival’s

The Femme Frontera

The Femme Frontera Filmmaker Showcase is a celebration of women filmmakers living on the U.S.Mexico border region and serves as an opportunity to revise stereotypical cultural narratives through the simple act of showing the truth. Saturday, June 23, 2018 | 7pm | $8 Admission

Guadalupe Theater

1301 Guadalupe Street, San Antonio, TX 78207

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Gather your photos from the Westside (1880-1960) and bring them to Casa de Cuentos every 2nd Saturday at 10 am for scanning and story telling.

LA VOZ de ESPERANZA • July/Aug 2018 Vol. 31 Issue 6•

Noche Azul

Saturday, July 21

Noche Bohemia

Save the Date

A night of songs and featured guests

Azul

Album Release Concert

The Carver (Jo Long Theatre), 226 N. Hackberry, SA TX 78202 September 16, 2018 at 3pm • Ticket prices TBA Call 210.228.0201 for more information

Esperanza Peace & Justice Center

All Performances 8pm @ Esperanza | $7 Saturday, August 11

Save the Date

922 San Pedro San Antonio TX 78212 210.228.0201 • www.esperanzacenter.org

Non-Profit Org. US Postage PAID San Antonio, TX Permit #332

Haven’topened Haven’t openedLa LaVoz Vozinina awhile? while? Prefer Prefertotoread readititonline? online?Wrong Wrongaddress? address? TO CANCEL AA SUBSCRIPTION SUBSCRIPTIONEMAIL Email:lavoz@esperanzacenter.org lavoz@esperanzacenter.orgCALL: CALL:210.228.0201 210.228.0201

Ta n g o

“I was the tango lyrics of your indifferent melody” — Julio Cortázar Músicos: Aaron Prado, George Prado, Nina Rodriguez, Azul & more

de Esperanza

Trinity University’s Mellon Institute for Summer Research in collaboration with the AtticRep announced

End Stigma, End HIV/AIDS: A Forum Theatre Project

The Esperanza Peace & Justice Center invites you to an encore multimedia preview of our upcoming book and CD:

Still Here

Homenaje al Westside de San Antonio Saturday, April 21, 2018 at 7pm

Esperanza, 922 San Pedro Ave., San Antonio, TX This original production draws from in-depth interviews with 34 San Antonio residents to depict the lived experiences of stigma related to HIV/AIDS testing and treatment locally. Despite the substantial medical gains in HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, infection rates by and large have not declined in the last decade in Bexar County. Performance is followed by an audience discussion and a repeat performance involving audience participants

Sunday, July 1st @ 3pm Donations accepted at the door

Esperanza Peace and Justice Center, 922 San Pedro Ave. Email Robert Huesca, rhuesca@trinity.edu or call 210-999-8169.