a publication of the Esperanza Peace & Justice Center
May 2016, Vol. 29 Issue 4
San Antonio, Tejas
The wrecking ball has done a job on
La Voz de Esperanza May 2016 vol. 29 Issue 4 Editor Gloria A. Ramírez Design Elizandro Carrington
Contributors
Gloria Almaraz, Beatriz Macín, Vanessa Quezada, Nadine Saliba, Elva Pérez Treviño, Yoly Zentella
La Voz Mail Collective
Mario E. Carbajal, Olga Crespin, Juan Diaz, Mary and Charlie Esperiqueta, Rachel Hanes, Mildred Hilbrich, Blanca Hurley, Nick Kim, Ray McDonald, D. L. McWhite, Angie Merla, Angela Roach, Maria N. Reed, Mary Agnes Rodríguez, Mike Sánchez, Adolfo y Guadalupe Segura, Roger Singler, Jeff Thomas, Sandra Torres, Tomasa Torres, Helen Villarreal
Esperanza Director Graciela I. Sánchez
Esperanza Staff
Imelda Arismendez, Elizandro Carrington, Eliza Pérez, Gianna Rendón, René Saenz, Susana Segura, Amelia Valdez
Interns
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Paz García, Alexuss Green, Rachel Hanes, Nick Kim, Cameron King, Natalie Rodríguez
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Conjunto de Nepantleras -Esperanza Board of Directors-
Rachel Jennings, Amy Kastely, Jan Olsen, Ana Lucía Ramírez, Gloria A. Ramírez, Rudy Rosales, Tiffany Ross, Lilliana Saldaña, Nadine Saliba, Graciela I. Sánchez, Lillian Stevens • We advocate for a wide variety of social, economic & environmental justice issues. • Opinions expressed in La Voz are not necessarily those of the Esperanza Center.
La Voz de Esperanza
is a publication of Esperanza Peace & Justice Center 922 San Pedro, San Antonio, TX 78212
210.228.0201 • fax 1.877.327.5902 www.esperanzacenter.org Inquiries/Articles can be sent to:
lavoz@esperanzacenter.org
Articles due by the 8th of each month
Policy Statements
* We ask that articles be visionary, progressive, instructive & thoughtful. Submissions must be literate & critical; not sexist, racist, homophobic, violent, or oppressive & may be edited for length. * All letters in response to Esperanza activities or articles in La Voz will be considered for publication. Letters with intent to slander individuals or groups will not be published.
our Mexican psyche in San Antonio, Texas and yet, here we are! It is this city that is the hope for the survival and flourishing of cultura, costumbres y lenguaje de Mexicanos and by extension, Indigenas and Latinos in the U.S. WE who have lived here hundreds of years—even before gente sin color set foot on the Americas—have been targeted by all types of wrecking balls. The latest attempt to render us invisible was by SA’s weekly rag, The Current, that published The Badass issue in March, 2016, lauding “movers and shakers” who’ve played an important part in San Antonio’s history. The “Badasses” seated at a table replete with Mexican food on the Current’s front page did NOT have a single Mexican from San Antonio’s ENTIRE HISTORY of being a MEXICAN CITY—worthy of having a seat at that table. It is precisely because of occurrences like this that obliterate the presence of Mexicans in San Antonio that the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center focuses its work on the Westside of San Antonio where the barrio roots of this city originated. Our preservation efforts began in earnest in 2002 when La Gloria, with its rooftop dance floor and beautiful arches was demolished—in spite of heroic community efforts to save it. Since then, the Esperanza with other organizations has redoubled efforts to preserve Westside landmarks including shotgun homes, tienditas and historic community sites. In 2010 we joined in celebrating National Historic Preservation Month with our annual Paseo por el Westside. We joined efforts to save the “pink building” across from the Guadalupe Theater and it (the Maldonado building) now stands as a testament to how preservation can work out in a barrio neighborhood. In 2013, however, the Univision building, birthplace of Spanish-language broadcasting, was knocked down to make room for more downtown apartments. Almost two years ago we joined others in turning back an effort to build a Family Dollar store on Guadalupe St. across from J.T. Brackenridge Elementary. And so the battle goes. The next building we’re trying to save is the Basila Frocks building. (To sign a petition go to: http://bit.ly/BasilaFrocks) Our work, however, goes beyond just saving buildings to preserving and reviving the traditions and customs of the Westside through programs such as Fotohistorias and at the annual (7th) Paseo por el Westside that will take place on Saturday May 3rd from 9 am to 3 pm. Once again, we will offer tours through the historic Westside and a full slate of workshops, demonstrations, games and performances at the Rinconcito de Esperanza at Guadalupe & S. Colorado Sts. where we document and work to preserve the history and life of Westside residents, because if we don’t you can bet no one else will! Visit www.esperanzacenter.org for a schedule of 2016 Paseo por el Westside activities! Among other offerings in this La Voz La Gloria — R.I.P. we continue with articles on The Fisher v. The University of Texas at Austin case (part II) and San Antonio’s Hydrosocial Landscape (part II). Submit articles, poems and other literary contributions to: lavoz@ esperanzacenter.org — Gloria A. Ramírez, editor of La Voz ATTENTION VOZ READERS: If you have a mailing address correction please send it to lavoz@ esperanzacenter.org. If you want to be removed from the La Voz mailing list, for whatever reason, please let us know. La Voz is provided as a courtesy to people on the mailing list of the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center. The subscription rate is $35 per year ($100 for institutions). The cost of producing and mailing La Voz has substantially increased and we need your help to keep it afloat. To help, send in your subscriptions, sign up as a monthly donor, or send in a donation to the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center. Thank you. -GAR VOZ VISION STATEMENT: La Voz de Esperanza speaks for many individual, progressive voices who are gente-based, multi-visioned and milagro-bound. We are diverse survivors of materialism, racism, misogyny, homophobia, classism, violence, earth-damage, speciesism and cultural and political oppression. We are recapturing the powers of alliance, activism and healthy conflict in order to achieve interdependent economic/ spiritual healing and fuerza. La Voz is a resource for peace, justice, and human rights, providing a forum for criticism, information, education, humor and other creative works. La Voz provokes bold actions in response to local and global problems, with the knowledge that the many risks we take for the earth, our body, and the dignity of all people will result in profound change for the seven generations to come.
Supreme Court Crisis Part 2 of 2
Why the next appointed Supreme Court Justice matters in Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin, et. al Elva Pérez Treviño Note: Part I of this article appeared in the April 2016 issue of La Voz. Part II begins with a discussion of racism in the U.S. and the social construct of race as a political tool of separation. The founding of these United States of America was by men of wealth whose world view was limited to one of Conqueror and the conquered. At its core it is a nation founded on the idea of racial superiority by white-skinned European men fleeing economic, social, political and religious persecution. They came to this land with the dream of manifest destiny and made the assumption that it was “empty” and lying “fallow”.
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To speak of race and racism is by necessity to speak of the concept of a racial superiority of intelligence, morals, values, and physical abilities simply based on physical feature and ancestry. Thus in the U.S. Constitution is enshrined the values, traditions, morals and priorities of white men setting up a government to function as they so ordained. This document then reflects what this community of men thought expedient and used it to construct government, its form and function, its laws. It gave definition to certain inalienable rights that all citizens possess as long as the U.S. constitution gave that individual a legally recognizable identity. It keeps political power where it was meant to reside. It still works this way. To these men property became a powerful symbol of their basic human right. In the constitution they drafted to form a more perfect union they made property a boundary against state power. This boundary was to give definition to their concept of freedom and autonomy. Moreover, it was to give notice of a tension between an individual and a group, and securing property against majoritarian oppression, read tyranny of the many, was a central problem, it became an economic fear. They wanted to protect their property right; they wanted to actualize their manifest destiny. The framers failed to comprehend that protecting property rights is not the same as protecting individuals against the tyranny of the many. The focus of the constitution came to protect the vulnerability of proprietors. In this scheme, the judiciary functions as a protector of the status quo, i.e., it protects “constitutionally protected” rights. The colonists transformed their fear: the issue was cast as one of justice; the problem was cast as one of inequality and the solution was cast as one of liberty. Thus came into being a form of government that produces laws that protect those with property against those without property. Herein lies a major contradiction: there are big differences between saying rights are vulnerable to majority oppression and quite another to say an essential ingredient of a representative form of government is to protect rights that the
many will never enjoy. When the Supreme Court usurps the authority to interpret the U.S. Constitution, it does so within this historical, political context. Within this context the laws and legal process became the means by which generalized racism in society was made particular and converted into standards and policies of social control. Laws were enacted to relegate black people into a lifetime and hereditary condition of slavery. For the Indigenous American, government action and laws eliminated tribalism as incompatible with the values of white European America. All efforts were about eliminating a particular way of living and holding property. It was about privatizing land that white settlers wanted to claim as private property. For Mexicans it was about criminalizing a people. For the Japanese, subjected to interment in concentration camps during World War II, it was about who could claim being white-skinned and whether you can ever look “American” enough to be trusted to be a loyal citizen. For the Arabs race is about blood and tribe and terrorism, and if they can ever be trusted to walk freely in the streets of the United States of America. Race is a social construct. There is no biological basis for race. There is neither gene nor cluster of genes that makes up “a race”; rather “race” comes into being as a result of relations between groups. It is based on the relationship we place on physical features, personal and cultural characteristics and skin color. Race permeates our society: it dominates our society, it dominates our personal lives, it determines our economic prospects, it screens us, it selects us, it alters, challenges, creates, collapses political alliances, it mediates every aspect of our lives. Enter hundreds of years later, affirmative action programs meant to distribute the property right to education for many who had never enjoyed that freedom to learn, to know, to gain meaningful access and possess true power. Having come to an understanding of how the Supreme Court works and how it does things in Part I, we come to their understanding and framing of the Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin et. al. To initially exercise its judicial authority to hear a case, the Supreme Court must first have before it —“an alive and real” —“case and controversy”— meaning the case must exist at each stage of the review, not merely when the complaint is filed. The threat must be actual and imminent, not conjecture, not hypothetical because the relief sought must prevent or redress the injury alleged in the lawsuit. The case must be about a particularized injury in fact that is directly caused by the perpetrator’s violation of a constitutional
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or federal right, and it must be fairly traceable to the perpetrator’s conduct. An exception can be made to this rule if the controversy itself is one that may recur but will not last long enough to work its way through the judicial system. Looking closely at the Supreme Court’s action in selecting Fisher for review, the first major set of problems is with the Supreme Court’s effort to go forward with a case for which at the time it finally reached the Supreme Court was not a “live and real” controversy because the claims and issues raised by Fisher were moot, meaning they were dead issues. Whatever decision the Court makes will not remedy nor redress what Ms. Fisher claims is her injury. The second set of problems with Fisher is that the Supreme Court assumed Abigail Fisher has been harmed by the university’s policy in action, that the University of Texas’ admissions policy, an affirmative action plan meant to increase student diversity, is unconstitutional, and finally, that this policy violates the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth (14th) Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. I propose the reason the Supreme Court is able to go there is because of “white skin” privilege. When I speak of “white skin privilege” I refer to that privilege and those social benefits that are a common experience of people whose appearance of skin-color identify them as “white people”. It is a privilege that begets a world view that has a preference for “whiteness” and creates a significant advantage for white people because their skin color does not work against them. They enjoy a vertical and horizontal mobility in society in ways they have not earned and which non-whites do not automatically enjoy. It renders white people immune to a lot of social, political and economic challenges. It is a world view which breeds a certain “white mentality” limited to a time and history when the geography itself was limited to a European world view. It is a view that can be considered as marred by a possessive, fearful sense of superiority that grows out of a lack of exposure and experience to any society that does not reflect white people and their personal body politic. Today, it means that in many instances white people do not have to experience exclusion and most often feel entitled to determine who should be included, and under what terms and conditions. So when one views the composition of the Supreme Court you can understand why that is a “natural” viewpoint they would have. Natural in that social studies indicate that we tend to favor and give preference to people who look most like us, that identify most like us. Given these circumstances and this history, the reader can well surmise how the Supreme Court came to naturally presume Ms. Fisher was a victim of the university without more than her saying it was so. It is those benefits enjoyed by white-skinned people beyond what is commonly the experience of non-whites under the same social and political conditions that lead to affirmative action policy meant to remedy past discrimination whose effects are still being
experienced daily by non-white communities. In historical context, affirmative action is meant to benefit “the other”, those individuals traditionally excluded based on appearance, on ability, on perceived disability, on age and on skin color. A brief overview of affirmative action in education in this country will help discuss the Fisher case within the larger context of what affirmative action really means. In its true historical context and development it is an idea meant to expand the meaning of legal equality. It is meant to break down barriers for “minorities” and it runs counter to that cherished “American ideal” of the “American dream”: that dream wherein resides the political lie that we can all make it if we only try hard enough. Let us follow the legal history concerning a “right to education” and how this accessibility to education looks in practice. In Brown v. Board of Education the Court determined that “separate but equal” is an inherently “unequal promise”, however the Supreme Court refused to mandate remedies for the violations that segregation [in education] caused and would continue to cause. Finally, in 1971, the Supreme Court turned to the remedy for segregation. Artwork: Barry Deutsch In Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education the Court ordered schools to produce racial balance, otherwise it would be embarrassing and undermining to the Court’s decision that segregation is bad but not doing anything to promote integration in education. In 1976 the Supreme Court modified its decision to promote integration in a case involving the Detroit schools that had been court ordered to desegregate its schools. When ordered to desegregate, white flight to suburbia had left the inner city schools totally segregated again, and the only way to achieve student body diversity, was for the suburban schools to be integrated with the inner city schools, but this time the Court said no. Then came a series of cases initiated by “white” student applicants who felt denied admissions to the school of their choice due to affirmative action programs in effect at the various schools involved in these cases. When I use the term “white” I do not use the term in a pejorative, derogatory, nor disparaging way, and I do not mean the word to substitute for the classification of “Caucasian” because I want to address the underlying issue of “white skin privilege” that is present as an unexamined, unexplored, unacknowledged factor but which skews the whole perspective on where we are currently heading with affirmative action. This idea, that by including minorities in education by special numbers leads to reverse discrimination against “white students” seeking to fill the exact same admission slots now occupied by minority students has led to the magical thinking that “affirmative action” should now mean we protect “white students” against reverse racism. Here is the extension of that thought at play: schools can not consider race as a factor in evaluating “minority students” without running afoul
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of the law, and must at the same time, consider race for “white the U.S. Constitution did not prohibit a narrowly tailored use of students” to check for reverse discrimination so that the perverse race in admissions decisions to further a compelling interest in end result is that race becomes a factor the schools are forced to obtaining the educational benefits that flow from a diverse student consider only within context of white student applicants. The norm body. becomes that affirmaKeeping all of the above in mind, lets review Fisher tive action programs v. University of Texas at Austin et. al. The case was deare automatically This idea, that by including minorities cided by the Supreme Court in 2013 and sent to the Fifth seen as possibly Circuit Court of Appeals. From this second Fifth Circuit violating the Equal of Appeals decision Fisher appealed again, and her in education by special numbers leads Court Protection Clause of case got a second review by the Supreme Court in its sesthe 14th Amendment sion of December 2015, and which ruling is still pending to reverse discrimination against to the U.S. Constituas this article goes to press. tion if white students At the time Abigail Fisher filed the lawsuit against are adversely affected “white students” seeking to fill the exact the University of Texas at Austin, the suit was based on in any way by these the university’s decision not to offer her an admissions programs meant to be same admission slots now occupied by slot in its Freshman Class of 2008. Ms. Fisher filed the inclusive of minorilawsuit as a white female alleging that she had been ties, and are rendered equal protection under the law when the univerminority students has led to the magical denied as an exclusive sity implemented its admission policy in evaluating the means used by white applications of prospective students. She alleged as her thinking that “affirmative action” students to challenge injury: that she could not participate in the family legacy admissions policies. of attending the University of Texas at Austin as had her should now mean we protect “white father and sister; that she had to attend an alternative In 1978, 1979 and 1980 the Court university; that graduating from the university had more decided its first three earning potential and real consequences down the road students” against reverse racism. cases on affirmative and that she would not get those benefits. action as unlawful In her lawsuit, Ms. Fisher challenged the university’s “reverse discriminaadmission policy that consisted of two different plans tion” and in each case the Court upheld the challenged program. and which in combination, met the law, were legal, and allowed Reverse discrimination as used here means intentional discriminathe university to promote affirmative action in seeking to increase tion on the basis of race. This victim mentality requires identifiable minority student participation in its incoming Freshman Class. The victims and perpetrators. To insist that affirmative action programs facts as presented indicate that Ms. Fisher did not appear to qualify amount to “reverse discrimination” against “white students” is to for admission to the university under the school’s universal 10% deny the historical and persistent discrimination that compelled the Plan which guarantees admission to the top 10% of every in-state civil rights laws in the first place and ultimately led to the use of graduating class. Nor did she appear to qualify under the university’s “race” in college and university admissions policies. “holistic” plan that selects prospective students based on academic In 1978, in the case of Regents of California v. and other accomBakke a “white man” challenged the admissions policy at plishments, among the medical school. The case made racial quotas unconwhich many factors stitutional. Affirmative action programs were unfair and that can be considviolated the Equal Protection Clause. The idea of reverse ered is race. Once discrimination became popular. The case did allow for denied admission, race to be considered among many factors to achieve Ms. Fisher sought student diversity. redress against the Then came two “white women” challenging the university policy admissions policy at the University of Michigan, underthat rejected her graduate school and at the law school. In these 1995application by fil1996 cases, the plaintiffs argued that their academic ing a lawsuit and credentials and extra curricular activities should award ultimately have the them a spot at the university. They claimed that reverse Court make the unidiscrimination against them resulted because of the university change its versity’s affirmative action policy. In Gratz v. Billinger, admission’s policy decided in 2003, the Court held that the University of Michigan’s and ensuing criterion for admission. Her only remedy was to claim point system for undergraduate admissions was unconstitutional the university violated her constitutional right for equal protection because it violated the Equal Protection Clause under the 14th under the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. UltimateAmendment of the U.S. Constitution. In Gutter v. Bollinger the ly, her claimed injuries involving perceived prestige and a hypothetiCourt upheld the University of Michigan’s right to use race as a cal increased value of her resume and professional career were she component in their admissions policy. Justice O’Connor said that to have graduated from the University of Texas at Austin, have led to
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a case that may undo Affirmative Action admission programs. This case has the potential of making it unconstitutional for universities and colleges to take race into account in any way in choosing their entering class. Its impact on access to education will drastically reduce minority student enrollment, and who ultimately will suffer the most are those very communities from which these students come. At the lower District Court, instead of having a full trial, the case was decided by summary judgment. This is a technicality by which the Court first reviewed Ms. Fisher’s petition as filed by her seeking the Court’s intervention, then second, reviewed the university’s response, and based on the facts presented and the law in effect at the time, made its final determination of the merits of Ms. Fisher’s claims. By Summary Judgment the trial said that there were no factual issues remaining to be tried, that all factual issues were settled, and that there was no need for a trial because the university’s affirmative action admission’s policy was constitutional and in compliance with the law. Thus, according to that District Court, Ms. Fisher’s constitutional rights to equal protection under the law were not violated. She appealed to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals. That appeals court agreed with the district court that the university’s admissions policy was constitutional. From there she appealed to the Supreme Court and her case was heard the first time in 2013. At that time, Ms. Fisher’s claim before the Court was that the university’s use of race in its’ admission process violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. And the basis of her appeal was that the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals had failed to apply strict scrutiny in reviewing the trial district court’s decision that the university policy was constitutional, legal and did not violate the law. What this meant was that Fisher, in alleging a violation of her Equal Protection right under the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, the burden was on the university to prove that its use of its affirmative action admission policy was necessary. It needed to prove it had a compelling interest to increase minority student enrollment in this manner. Fisher’s argument to the Supreme Court was that the Fifth Circuit Court failed to review the university policy to determine if it was the least restrictive means for the university to achieve this compelling interest. This second time of review, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the university’s use of race as a consideration in the admissions process was sufficiently narrowly tailored to legitimate interest in promoting education diversity and therefore satisfied strict scrutiny. On the second effort the Fifth Circuit added that the affirmative action program made limited use of race, that the plan serves the university’s interest in a racially and culturally diverse student body in a way that obeys Supreme Court mandates. Fisher’s second appeal argued to the Supreme Court that the Fifth Circuit court of Appeals did not apply strict scrutiny to the university’s affirmative action plan as ordered by it, and further, that she is not asking it to overrule prior cases where it had favored use of race in college admissions. She simply says that the rationale for such programs may have to be reconsidered if the University of Texas’ program is valid under the
precedent set by these cases. She argues that the university’s policy is unconstitutional racial stereotyping by treating black students who are eligible for automatic admission as if they are not well prepared to succeed at the university and to contribute positively to the goal of diversity. White students talking about “qualified minorities” should be suspected for the racist thinking it hides. When discussing diversity and “qualified” is used next to the word “minority”, then the true inference to be drawn is that the “minority” being considered is “unqualified”. By implication, the issue raised is whether the “minority” in question got their position, etc., based on their race, and that now they have to be “qualified” because their abilities, qualifications, attributes are limited in some way. I submit Fisher’s use of this argument is a ploy by Fisher meant to make her appear as much a victim, and the same type of victim as minority students, of the university’s affirmative action policy to solidify what is otherwise a reverse-racism argument. In Fisher, the Supreme Court stuck to the norm, that discrimination against white women is the same as discrimination as, for example, discrimination against black or brown women or black men. This attitude reflects an uncritical, disturbing acceptance of dominant ways of viewing the world of affirmative action. Affirmative action policies for admission into higher education should lead to only one solution that is truly race neutral and racist free: free education for all. Education should be free because as it stands now education is a property right not enjoyed by all in the United States of America. Education is not free, it is expensive and not everyone has access to it. Affirmative Action programs, though not going far enough, were meant to change this reality. College admissions affirmative action programs were designed to be inclusive of those students considered “minority” whatever the reason that customarily were not offered admission in college, or could not attend due to limited circumstance. That students who are traditionally accustomed to automatic inclusion feel discriminated against cannot be a legitimate rationale to the ranking of oppressions where the end result still reads “white makes right”. In an inclusive world view every individual has a right to education. They have a right to learn, to experience and understand the world around them. Everyone should have access to knowledge and history so they can fully engage in their political world. Everyone should have the opportunity to develop the character to defend principals and ideals they value. They should know why they go to war. They should know why and how they have been kept poor, ignorant, enslaved. Through education, every individual person comes to know his or her true worth to the world. Education should be a right to which everyone is entitled and it should not be private property to be held only by those of privilege. Bio: Elva Pérez Treviño, an attorney-at-law, was born and grew up in the Westside of San Antonio. She is a graduate of the University of Texas @ Austin.
San A ntonio’s hydrosoc ial landscape An interview with Gianna Rendón of the Esperanza Peace & Justice Center in San Antonio (part II of II) Gianna Rendón, a community organizer at the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center in San Antonio, Texas and westsider was interviewed as part of the catalog for Blue Star Ice Company, an exhibition by Works Progress Studio and collaborators currently at the Blue Star Contemporary Art Space. The exhibit is open March 3-May 8. Gianna continues to work with the Mi Agua, Mi Vida coalition as the Vista Ridge pipeline drama continues. [See part I of San Antonio’s Hydrosocial Landscape in the April, 2016 issue of La Voz de Esperanza].
Can you tell us about Mi Agua Mi Vida? When and why did the effort get started? ...so first I’m going to give you a straight answer and then give you the real answer. The straight answer: In summer of 2015 Dr. Meredith McGuire from the Sierra Club as well as a professor at Trinity University called up various environmental and social justice groups to fight against the Niagara water bottling company moving into San Antonio. After we found out that that plan was no longer a thing, we stuck together to organize around the Vista Ridge Pipeline,
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Can you talk about the role that art and artists play in Esperanza’s work? ...Esperanza likes to say that we do cultural organizing work, which is a combination of cultural programming and community based (political) organizing. Our cultural programming centers Latin@s, women, queer and working class people, as well as other marginalized people. We do this because mass media and mainstream art does not... It is also easier to reach people through art and culture than through politics... ...For example, our En Aquellos Tiempos project displays fotobanners around the Guadalupe area...photos from the people in that area. When I first saw some of the fancily dressed people I felt shocked since I didn’t think people from our side of town could look that good, but then I felt pride. Art is also a natural way that marginalized people can express themselves/ourselves. A lot of times City Councils or legislatures won’t listen to us or take us seriously, but maybe they’d listen to a song or a poem or a light bulb will go off during an exhibit.
but more specifically, the SAWS rate structure and water rate increases that would pay for sewer lines as well as the Vista Ridge pipeline. The real answer: There have been groups, including the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center, doing activism around water in San Antonio since at least the 1980s, ... many of the folks involved in Mi Agua Mi Vida were involved in the struggle around Applewhite I and II and PGA. Many of them were also involved in the brief struggle when the Vista Ridge Pipeline was pushed through City Council with one or two month’s notice. So the struggle is old, but the name Mi Agua Mi Vida is new, to convey that the various environmental and social justice groups are united against the pipeline and rate increases that would harm specifically people of color, working class people, elders, women and children the most. Also the name “Mi Agua Mi Vida” means “My Water My Life” and is an extension of the slogan used during the PGA struggle “Agua Es Vida,” or “Water is Life.” We wanted to convey that the water that San Antonio Water System (SAWS) and San Antonio City Council want to gamble on belongs to the people... San Antonio residents as well as the people who live by the Carrizo Aquifer and along the pipeline route. I think the slogan also changes the conversation from the stereotypical view of white hippies trying to save the planet to gente/raza who speak Spanish, are brown and aren’t often associated with environmental work. In the Westside of San Antonio a big deal was the lack of running water and indoor plumbing. We’ve spoken to elders who remember not getting running water in their house until the 1940s... Children would catch waterborne diseases because there wasn’t indoor plumbing and would often die young. Health advocates eventually made sure indoor plumbing was a priority. Water and food are often things that governments use to oppress groups of people all around the world. People need to know that this is still happening. Flint, Michigan is probably the most prominent example. On a separate note, the real problem that caused lead poisoning was not aging infrastructure, but the privatization of water. In that way, Flint and Detroit and
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California and Baltimore and Dublin and San Antonio and different Native American reservations are all connected.
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What happened on November 12th, 2015 at City Hall? Can you explain the photograph on the wall of the gallery? Mi Agua Mi Vida (based in San Antonio) is part of a larger anti-Vista Ridge group called Oppose the Hose, which is made up of a group of environmentalists and political and social justice groups that are predominantly based outside San Antonio, like the independent Texas Voters and Save our Springs Alliance (Austin based). These groups worked together to bring landowners (farmers / ranchers) from across the intended pipeline route to the cause. They were coming in to tell City Council that they didn’t want this pipeline. They don’t want San Antonio to take their water. They shared stories of how some of their wells have dried up, so they don’t have any extra to give. They also talked about how many elders were tricked or coerced into signing over their water rights. San Anto- Mary Agnes Rodriguez nio residents, as well as folks from social justice and environmental groups, showed up to welcome these folks and stand with them in opposition to the pipeline. In our speeches we also spoke up against the SAWS rate structure that would disproportionately raise rates for families while cutting rates for businesses, as well as against the rate increase (there were two, but the one we were against was the one that would pay for Vista Ridge). About 50 folks came from Burleson, Lee and Bastrop counties. We totaled about 150. We began with a prayer circle. Members of the American Indian Movement (AIM) of Central Texas led us in indigenous songs and prayer and began with a smudging. Then other religious leaders came forward and spoke about the importance of water and also led us in prayer. The prayer circle was important to those of us planning because we realized being angry and loud would not get us heard. Maria Berriozabal, the first Latina City Council representative and water warrior, gave us the advice to be like water. She said to be gentle like water, but to realize there is strength in that (think erosion). After that we all gathered on the steps and folks from along the pipeline spoke, then some local water activists spoke. Then a delegation of three people were going to go deliver our almost 2,000 signa-
tures and the over 6,000 signatures from along the pipeline. But then Graciela came up with the idea that ALL of us should go into city hall! So we did. Some 70 people tried to pack ourselves into Mayor Ivy Taylor’s office. She wasn’t there so we decided to go up to the 4th floor to deliver the petitions to a city councilperson. Eventually, once we stayed there long enough and realized no one was going to speak to us, people started to leave. Then eventually Councilman Nirenburg came out to speak to the few left. We had decided to drop off our petitions another time, which we did, on the day of the vote. Now we can no longer storm city hall in that way because of the gun law precautions. We have to wait downstairs til someone gets us. Us storming city hall freaked EVERYONE out. It’s never been done before and it will probably never happen again. The images and press coverage of that moment was amazing. The press played off the idea of “cowboys and indians” coming together mostly because of AIM, and because the folks from Burleson did look like cowboys. I forgot to mention that before the prayer service someone from Burleson brought us some of their water and we sat it beside the San Antonio water to show solidarity and interconnection. Many folks felt like this was a “win” even if city council still unanimously voted for the rate increases and continued to support Vista Ridge, because previously we had not united on this level before. Usually the white environmentalists and the radical social justice organizations and the ranchers and farmers and working class Mexican/Mexican American people don’t come together much. I think that moment was healing for lots of people there. The folks from the proposed pipeline had given up hope, they didn’t think anyone in San Antonio cared. It was great to show them that we do care and that our struggles are united with their struggles, and that together we can get something done. What’s one thing about water in San Antonio that you wish more people would know? I would like people to know that water isn’t a commodity. It’s a human right. I’d specifically want SAWS to know that. I’d also like San Antonians to realize the connection between our river and creeks and the drive toward development. And the reality that the development that has been built around our bodies
of water hasn’t always been for San Antonians or hasn’t been for the majority of San Antonians (working class people of color). During the summer I took note of how many times a day I used water. When I wake up I brush my teeth and wash my face. I flush the toilet various times during the day. I drink water, and even when I’m not drinking water almost all drinks have water in it. The oil that I put in my car was most likely extracted by fracking which takes lots of water. I use water in food preparation and clean up. I take a shower and wash my clothes. I realize how many of these things I’ve taken for granted. I also think about how often others take water for granted. I want people to realize there is a connection between how we treat the earth and her resources and how we treat marginalized communities. The way we take water for granted and use it as a commodity is similar to how we treat women, people of color, queer people and working class people. We live in a culture that views people as objects and commodities and something to throw away. In the same way environmental injustices disproportionately affect people from these communities. People of privilege can often move away in environmental crises like Detroit and Flint, but working class people of color, elders, women and children — not so much. I want people to realize that you can say you’re a vegan or a “treehugger” but unless you realize the connections between the liberations and struggles of marginalized people and the earth and the role you play in these oppressions, your views will never make any change.
Extracto de la entrevista a Gianna Rendón, organizadora comunitaria en Esperanza Peace & Justice Center en San Antonio, Texas. Gianna pertenece orgullosamente al Westside y está comprometida con la justicia para y con la comunidad. En esta ocasión habla sobre el panorama hidrosocial de San Antonio. Esta entrevista está incluida en el catálogo de la exposición Blue Star Ice Company, de Works Progress Studio, que estará abierta al público del 3 de marzo al 8 de mayo de 2016. En Esperanza hacen trabajo cultural y de organización comunitaria; abrazan a grupos marginados que no son atendidos por los medios ni otras organizaciones relacionadas con el arte. Es más fácil llegarle a la gente por medio del arte y la cultura que de la política, piensa Gianna. Esperanza ofrece un espacio para que la gente se manifieste a sí misma. Esperanza ha participado en el movimiento por el cuidado del agua, con otros grupos, desde finales del los años 80s. Muchos de los compañeros involucrados en Mi Agua Mi Vida llevan ya varios años luchando desde diferentes frentes. El agua pertenece al pueblo, a los residentes de San Antonio, no a las autoridades. El Westside no tuvo agua entubada hasta los años 40s, por ser la zona en la que se obligaba a vivir a los mexicanos y mexicanoamericanos, debido a la segregación; entonces, no era una zona prioritaria, los niños se enfermaban y morían con frecuencia. Finalmente se escucharon las voces de los primeros activistas. El agua y la comida son herramientas que los gobiernos usan para oprimir a algunos grupos en todo el mundo. La gente necesita estar enterada. Mi Agua Mi Vida (con base en San Antonio) es parte de un grupo mayor anti Vista Ridge, llamado Oppose the Hose, conformado por grupos ambientalistas, politicos y sociales. Grupos que trabajan haciendo conscientes a las personas acerca de sus derechos sobre el agua y de las desigualdades al distribuirla y cobrarla a familias y negociantes. El 12 de noviembre de 2015 se reunieron en el City Hall cerca de 150 activistas de Burleson, Lee y Bastrop y de San Antonio. Se hizo una oración grupal y se cantaron canciones indígenas con la participación de miembros del Movimiento Indo Americano (AIM) del centro de Texas. Se habló sobre la importancia del agua y Maria Berriozábal, la primera representante latina en el Concilio de la Ciudad, sugirió asemejarse al agua en su gentileza pero no olvidar su fortaleza en otros aspectos. Ese día pretendían entregar casi 8,000 firmas pero no fueron recibidos y esperaron a hacerlo el día de la votación. En donde finalmente el concilio de la ciudad votó de manera unánime por el alza en las tarifas. Esta ‘toma’ del City Hall sorprendió a todos, nunca se había hecho y probablemente no se vuelva a hacer. Gianna afirma que el agua no es un servicio más, es un derecho humano y todos deberían considerarla así. Recomienda tomar nota de las veces que se utiliza el agua durante el día y que no se debe dar por hecho que está garantizada. Sugiere que la gente debe dares cuenta de la conexión que existe entre la manera en que tratamos al planeta y sus recursos y la manera en que se trata a las comunidades marginadas. “… A menos que seamos concientes de esas conexiones entre la lucha y liberación de las personas marginadas y el planeta y el papel que todos jugamos en esas opresiones, nuestro punto de vista jamás producirá ningún cambio”, termina Gianna. —Extracto por Beatriz Macín
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———————————— Mi Agua Mi Vida allies: AGUA, Alamo Sierra Club, American Indian Movement-Central Texas, BAJA Beacon Hill, Domesticas Unidas, Esperanza Peace and Justice Center, Fuerza Unida, League of Independent Voters, Greater Edwards Aquifer Alliance, Martinez Street Women’s Center, Mi Agua Mi Vida Coalition, MujerArtes, PEACE Initiative, Promotores de Corazon, SEIU, Southwest Workers Union, Save Our Springs Alliance, SWU- Domesticas, Oppose the Hose, Texas Organizing Project, Vecinos de Mission Trails, and Westside Preservation Alliance.
Spanish Summary of the Hydrosocial Landscape
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A HERO AMONGST US
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By Gloria Almaraz
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Sgt Fernando Q. Herrera, who is the highest-decorated Vietnam veteran in the Alamo City, has a city park named after him. This modest San Antonian hardly seems the type to generate such attention; but, then again, he hardly seems the type to write military history. He is further testament to the fact that Hispanic soldiers excel in the military—representing the highest number of Medal of Honor recipients. Born in San Antonio, Texas on December 28, 1948 to TSgt Jesse and Isabel Herrera, Fernando was raised in the east side. His father was a career Air Force man with various military assignments. While his father was stationed in San Antonio, Fernando attended Smith Elementary and Edgar Allen Poe Junior High. In 1963, his father was transferred to Alaska where Fernando graduated from West Anchorage High School in May, 1966 and, shortly thereafter, returned to San Antonio where he began playing with the Latin Tones and, on occasion, with his uncle Mingo Saldivar, who taught him the basic concepts of music. On January 5, 1968, Fernando was drafted into the U. S. Army— he was 20 years old. Six months later, he found himself in Vietnam where he saw combat duty as a radio telephone operator and tank commander, duties that he performed for 12 months. What Sgt Herrera accomplished during a ten-week period in Vietnam earned him the distinction of being called “the most decorated U.S. Army soldier from San Antonio in the Vietnam War” in May 1969 by a local newspaper. Between December 1968 and March 1969, Sgt Herrera was awarded seven medals: the Distinguished Service Cross, Silver Star, 3 Bronze Stars with “V” device and first and second Oak Leaf Clusters, the Army Commendation Medal for Heroism and the Purple Heart. The top three military awards are: the Medal of Honor, the Distinguished Service Cross, and the Silver Star. Sgt Herrera was awarded two of these three top medals. The Medal of Honor is the highest military decoration awarded by the U.S. Government and is presented by the President of the United States. The Distinguished Service Cross is the second highest military decoration that can be awarded to a member of the U. S. Army for extraordinary heroism. The third highest award is the Silver Star medal given exclusively for combat valor. These military decorations are followed by the Bronze Star, the Army Commendation Medal and Purple Heart. In all, Sgt Herrera was the recipient of two of the three highest military medals for valor and five other decorations for combat heroism. Because of his heroic actions and, without
regard for his own safety, he helped save fellow buddies from death in numerous skirmishes. It is uncommon to be awarded both the Silver Star and the Distinguished Service Cross. In Sgt Herrera’s case, the commanding general’s staff, in country and reviewing his award nomination, felt that his actions on December 20, 1968 were deserving of a Distinguished Service Cross and upped the award from a Silver Star. So important was this action that the Distinguished Service Cross was presented to Sgt Herrera, in country, by Major General Creighton Abrams, then head of all American forces in Vietnam. In attendance were four other generals, who had flown in for the award ceremony, and about 100 plus of the base camp troops. Sgt Herrera served in the Army from January 1968 to December 1969, one year of which was spent in Vietnam. When the city of San Antonio was interested in honoring Vietnam veterans, Sgt Herrera was approached about having a park named after him. It took 15 years; but in 1986, after a two-hour military ceremony, the Fernando Q. Herrera Park was dedicated at 199 J Street off of S. New Braunfels Avenue on San Antonio’s east side. The dedication ceremony was attended by then Mayor Lila Cockrell, then City Councilman Henry Cisneros, military brass, other notables, family, and friends. Fernando was very self-effacing when discussing his past military history and medals stating that survival is what was utmost in his mind. “At the same time, one develops brotherhood with fellow soldiers – looking after the other and doing what is necessary to survive and keep them safe.” In the 1970’s, Fernando met Frank Rodarte whose musical abilities he had been in “awe” of and he had, at one time, bought one of his saxophones. Having experienced medical problems, Fernando had given up playing the saxophone and put it in storage for 40 years. He unexpectedly took up the keyboard five years ago and has performed on and off for the past two years with Frank Rodarte as Dos Vatos Locos. Fernando Herrera has been married for 45 years to his wife, Lillian; and they have four daughters who are all proud of him. He has one uncle who also was a career military man; and he, too, was awarded the Silver Star for bravery in Korea and Vietnam. San Antonio should be honored to have such an outstanding, brave, and heroic Vietnam veteran residing in its city limits. Bio: Gloria Almaraz is a freelance writer in San Antonio, Texas and active in the music scene of San Antonio.
Texas Peace And Dignity Journeys 2016 Prayer Run for the Sacred Seeds
Jornadas de paz y dignidad 2016 Hablar de las Jornadas de paz y dignidad, es hablar de la importancia que tiene el movimiento del espíritu, del corazón, del cuerpo y de las comunidades. Hay tanta vida que aflora desde Alaska hasta Panamá (Flecha de Águila) y de Panamá va hasta Argentina (Flecha del Cóndor) que nunca ha sido posible cortar los lazos que unen la vida de pueblos y ecosistemas Cada cuatro años, atravesamos los tres continentes que dan forma a esta América cargando con orgullo los bastones de nuestr@s abuel@s que tienen su propio espíritu y encarnan las oraciones de diferentes tribus y las comunidades indígenas de Abya Yala. De esta forma, brotado como un movimiento espiritual para cumplir con la profecía del águila y el cóndor, las Jornadas de paz y dignidad es una oración intercontinental que aborda temas vitales para las comunidades indígenas del continente: L@s abuel@s, (1992), l@s niñ@s (1996), la familia (2000), la mujer (2004), los sitios sagrados (2008), el agua (2012) y a partir del 1 de mayo del 2016 para las semillas. Las Jornadas de paz y dignidad busca tejer entre la diferentes comunidades espacios para explorar y desarrollar el dialogo y la capacidad de recuperación de pueblos destruidos por la avaricia, el olvido y el egoísmo. Las jornadas es un espacio para compartir injusticias, mientras contamos y recordamos nuestra historia con nuestra voz. No la historia que cuentan los sistemas coloniales / eurocéntricos del estado y de la escuela. Este es un espacio que se propone la revitalización de las voces no escuchadas de los indígenas hacia un camino de unidad e integración como pueblos continentales, haciendo un llamado global por la paz y la dignidad del mundo. L@s abuel@s dicen: “No son las formas que se pierden. Nosotros, los humanos somos los perdidos.” A pesar que nos condenan al olvido, seguimos caminando nuestras culturas y recorriendo los pasos de nuestros antepasados, al tiempo que nos restauramos a nosotr@s mism@s, a nuestra conexión directa con la tierra y los espíritus que nos nutren todos los días. L@s abuel@s dicen que hemos perdido el equilibrio y que la vida en esta tierra va perdiendo la capacidad de ofrecer un espacio digno a las generaciones futuras. Por eso es necesario restaurar el equilibrio, para restablecen las conexiones entre nuestros pueblos y compartir nuestras formas de vida. Para información, visite nuestra pagina web internacional del norte en peaceanddignity.org que se puede traduccir en espanol, la pagina de Texas en txpeaceanddignity.com o mande un correo electronico en Texas a txpdj2016@gmail.com
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It’s difficult to put into words what the Peace and Dignity Journeys (PDJ) is and why this movement is so important for our soul, heart, body and communities. There is so much life that blossoms while running from Alaska to Panama (Eagle Route) or Argentina to Panama (Condor Route) where connections exist between the life of the pueblos and the ecosystems keep us connected. Every four years, we run across all three continents, North/Central/South America carrying sacred staffs that have their own spirit and embody the prayers of different First Nation and indigenous communities from Abya Yala. Each day we share lifeways with indigenous communities all along the way. Birthed as a spiritual movement to fulfill the prophecy of the eagle and the condor, PDJ is a recurring intercontinental prayer run every four years with different themes. 1992 was for elders, 1996—children, 2000— family, 2004—women, 2008— sacred sites, 2012—water and the 2016 run starting May 1st will be for the seeds. PDJ is a catalyst for communities to explore and develop empathy and resiliency. PDJ addresses intergenerational traumas and injustices, enabling communities to remember and tell our history, not what is told in colonial/eurocentric state school systems. The revitalization of the unheard voices of indigenous people creates a path of unity and integration as a global family calling for peace and dignity of all peoples. Many are saying these ways are being lost. These are enduring values and traditions with a lineage of thousands of years. Elders have shared, “It’s not the ways that are lost. We humans are lost.” By living the lifeways of our relatives and running the steps of our ancestors we restore ourselves, our direct connection to the earth, and awaken and give offerings to the spirits that nourish us every day. Elders say we have lost our balance, and we are now in a process of restoration. Life on this earth that continues to only take has nothing to offer future generations. As we restore connections amongst our people through sharing our lifeways we allow these ways to come back to us and teach us. PDJ is a form of “retro-alimentacion”, a term I heard in a Zapatista community, a way of “retro-feeding”—a way to remember how we are all related and on the same path to make way for the Sumak Kawsay, the Quechua term translated to “el buen vivir”, or a good way of life for all beings on this planet. Please join the PDJ as they run through Texas in late July-early August for a Texas Natives gathering event in central Texas. For more information please see our Texas website txpeaceanddignity. com, add us on facebook Texas: Peace and Dignity Journeys or email the Texas organizing team at txpdj2016@gmail.com
by Vanessa Quezada
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Indian Summers
Colonial brutality in all its finery Yoly Zentella Friend A is in prison arrested for a murder he didn’t commit. He has been tortured by the police into confessing and is battered and bloody. Friend B visits him in his cell: B: “What happened?” A: “This is what a confession looks like.” “When they arrest a man like you they look for evidence. If they can’t find it you walk free. When they arrest a man like me if they can’t find it, they simply invent it.” B: “I think I’m beginning to understand.” A: “ I’m the very worst of my kind. I refuse to lie down, I dared to stand up to them as their equal . . . and that is my real crime. And I knew that one day, one day I would be punished for it.”
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B: “This place is despicable.”
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A: “It’s all my fault.” B: “How can you say that?” A: “Because I was foolish enough to believe that the rules did not apply to me. We are all given a part that we must play. We all have levels that we cannot move beyond. It’s really very simple. Keep your head down, don’t question anything, don’t challenge anything. Play your part . . . It’s the only way to survive.” Familiar? This telling dialogue takes place between an Indian prisoner, Ramu a rich landowner, and his Anglo British friend Ian, a newcomer to India. The words are historical in nature, connected to settings where people of color, past and present, live under a system of colonization, dominated by Anglos with a false sense of racial superiority and entitlement -- South Africa, the U.S., Australia, New Zealand, Palestine. The dialogue is from a BBC period drama Indian Summers, released in 2015. The topic, a colonized India during the early 1930s in midst of rebellion against a dying British rule, the Raj. Gandhi is in prison on a hunger strike. He has urged all Indians to unite, and the British government is doing its best to sabotage this
unity by playing groups against each other. The setting is Simla in northern India at the foot of the Himalayas. The camera takes the audience along busy market streets crowded with Indian natives as British in carriages or rickshaws push past crowds. Collisions with pedestrians must have been a common hazard, on the screen it happens to a main Indian character, Dalal. British stores catering to British needs describe well the process of transplantation to an eastern enclave, outsiders making themselves at home, a home where they are the unwanted intruders. The color bar is part of the Anglo-Indian culture. The ex-pat Simla Club’s sign reads, “No dogs or Indians allowed”. Indian Summers raises the viewer’s emotions from the very beginning. Scenes of Anglo-Indian interaction suggest seething Indian anger at despoliation, gentrification, humiliation, exploitation, subservience and subjugation. Resentment lies under the bowing and scraping of servants who utter “yes Sahib” at every turn. Contrasting is the political emancipation of Indian women awakening into a political consciousness. One can see the moment when someone gets the connections between the political street demonstrations and the behavior of the sell-outs. And yes, it is acknowledged that the latter act out of a need to survive, to feed their families while preferring to work in lush, well-manicured lawn and mansion environments rather than peddling on the street, scraping together a living. But it still hurts to see self-degradation. The 10-episode drama tells a many tiered story. A murder mystery, British and Indian forbidden love, frustrated passions, and personal lies and secrets woven together with threads of social disquiet caused by the colonial process. Dirty politics, racism, brutality, injustice, double standards in Anglo-Indian law, and low regard for native life collide with native nationalism, political resistance, activism, and armed Indian retaliation, called terrorism by the colonialists. Loyalty, trust, love, hate, and resentment between the colonizer and colonized are present at every turn. Indian caste and mix race issues underline overlapping plots. The British empire’s -- England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales – presence in India, and eventual rule, lasted over 350
Isla m o ph o b i a — Not a bridge builder Nadine Saliba Editor’s Note: This testimonio was presented at the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center on March 26th celebrating the 4th edition of This Bridge Called My Back, Writings by Radical Women of Color with Cherríe Moraga.
years. The first commercial incursions began in the 1600s. Slowly the Brits made India part of the crown, eventually becoming the jewel in the crown of the British monarchy; imperialism and capitalism combined forces to possess a beautiful and resource rich country with millions of potential servants, laborers, field hands, and women to sexually exploit and forget. British presence officially ended in 1947 when India and Pakistan became self-governing after partition. The division is evidenced in maps as West and East Pakistan on either side of India. Partition was part of the divide and conquer colonial policy. By the time the Brits pulled out, India was in the shambles that colonizers notoriously leave behind with added tensions between castes and religions created by the Brits in the interest of division among the native populations. As entertainment Indian Summers is a worthy period drama
Bio: Nadine Saliba is a Lebanese American writer, activist and Esperanza nepantlera.
because of tense plots, beautiful photography, and excellent acting. Thinking politically, it’s worth is in the graphic portrayal of the damage done by colonialism. One could argue that this type of viewing is frivolous, encouraging appreciation of the concept of empire. Instead, Indian Summers encourages us to think of how this history applies to other situations where living under the terrors of colonialism and apartheid continue today and how we express solidarity with the victims. And, Indian Summers connects to us here at home as we listen to the current presidential election debates and the domestic and foreign personal and political policies of the candidates. Bio: Yoly Zentella is an independent researcher, writer, faculty and licensed psychotherapist living in el norte de Nuevo Mexico. You can reach her at yzentellnm@yahoo.com
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There is a telling etymological connection in Arabic between the words bridge and courage. The root is the same. Bridge is ( رسجjisr) and courage is ( ةراسجjasara). It is a fitting connection because it does require a sense of daring to create ‘bridges of consciousness,” as expressed in This Bridge Called My Back, by exploring our diverse cultures, classes and sexualities, and by forging a sense of solidarity across barriers of state-imposed borders and national lines. At this critical political and historical moment, when every time a terrorist attack takes place in Paris or Brussels or San Bernadino, we, as Arab and Muslim American communities, brace ourselves for a spike in anti-Arab and Islamophobic rhetoric by politicians and the media (portraying us as the quintessential enemy of the West and the US) which inevitably leads to a spike in hate crimes, it is a matter of survival for the Arab American community - often labeled by scholars and activists as the “invisible ethnic group” - to tread that bridge towards visibility. A visibility on our own terms, not the way we are portrayed in corporate news and entertainment media to bolster public support for US political domination and military adventures in the Arab world. As political conflicts have risen between the US and the Arab world, Arabs and Arab Americans have been positioned as the “enemy other” giving rise to a heightened ten-
sion between Arab American and majority US culture. In the shadow of the so-called war on terror, Arab-Americans have been marginalized, and racially and religiously profiled by federal law, state policing as well as a rising cultural animus. Branded as “others,” we are designated by the US Patriot Act as instigators and framed within judicial rulings as the antithesis of “American”. Arab immigrants have experienced an increased sense of ethno-political consciousness forged by their opposition to western imperialism and the hostility and marginalization they encounter in the US, in addition to ongoing attempts to exclude them from the political process and lock them out of political life in this country. As an example, we are in the midst of virulent anti-free speech campaigns on college campuses, state legislatures and the US Congress to de-legitimize and criminalize the Boycott Divestment and Sanctions movement against Israel, known as BDS, led by Arab activists and their non-Arab allies in support of Palestinian liberation. We have no choice however but to resist and remain steadfast against all these serious and dangerous attempts by very powerful forces to shut us down. And it requires courage - as they try to instill fear in us every step of the way - courage to continue on that bridge, that path, that struggle, this movement towards our liberation and the lives we deserve.
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Pax Christi, SA meets monthly on Saturdays. Call 210.460.8448
3rd Thursday, 6-9pm @ 611 E. Myrtle, Metropolitan Community Church.
Bexar Co. Green Party: Call 210. 471.1791 or bcgp@bexargreens.org
Proyecto Hospitalidad Liturgy meets Thurs. 7pm, 325 Courtland.
Celebration Circle meets Sun., 11am @ Say Sí, 1518 S. Alamo. Meditation: Weds @7:30pm, Friends Meeting House, 7052 Vandiver. 210.533.6767.
MCC services & Sunday school @ 10:30am, 611 East Myrtle|210.472.3597
SA AIDS Fdn 818 E. Grayson St. offers free Syphilis & HIV testing | 210.225.4715 | www.txsaaf.org.
* community meetings *
Amnesty International #127 For info. call Arthur @ 210.213.5919.
DIGNITY SA Mass, 5:30pm, Sun. @ St. Paul’s Episcopal Church, 1018 E. Grayson St | 210.340.2230 Adult Wellness Support Group of PRIDE Center meets 4th Mon., 7-9 pm @ Lions Field, 2809 Broadway. Call 210.213.5919. Energía Mía: (512) 838-3351
SA Women Will March: www. sawomenwillmarch.org|(830) 488-7493
Overeaters Anonymous meets MWF in Spanish & daily in English | www. oasanantonio.org | 210.492.5400.
SGI-USA LGBT Buddhists meet 2nd Sat. at 10am @ 7142 San Pedro Ave., Ste 117 | 210.653.7755.
People’s Power Coalition meets last Thursdays | 210.878.6751
Shambhala Buddhist Meditation Tues. 7pm & Sun. 9:30am 257 E. Hildebrand Ave. | 210.222.9303.
PFLAG, meets 1st Thurs. @ 7pm, University Presbyterian Church 300 Bushnell Ave. | 210.848.7407.
S.N.A.P. (Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests). Contact Barbara at 210.725.8329.
Fuerza Unida, 710 New Laredo Hwy. www. lafuerzaunida.org | 210.927.2294
Parents of Murdered Children, meets 2nd Mondays @ Balcones Heights Community Ctr, 107 Glenarm | www.pomcsanantonio.org.
Habitat for Humanity meets 1st Tues. for volunteers, 6pm, HFHSA Office @ 311 Probandt.
Rape Crisis Center 7500 US Hwy 90W. Hotline: 210.349.7273 | 210.521.7273 Email: sgabriel@rapecrisis.com
LULAC Council 22198, Orgullo de SA, meets 3rd Tues. @ 6:45pm @ Papouli’s. E-mail: info@lulac22198.org
The Religious Society of Friends meets Sunday @10am @ The Friends Meeting House, 7052 N. Vandiver. | 210.945.8456.
NOW SA Chapter meets 3rd Wed. See FB/satx.no w|210.802.9068|nowsaareachapter@gmail.com
S.A. Gender Association meets 1st &
Voice for Animals: 210.737.3138 or www. voiceforanimals.org SA’s LGBTQA Youth meets Tues., 6:30pm at Univ. Presby. Church, 300 Bushnell Ave.|www.fiesta-youth. Contact Veterans for Peace at: BeEthical@ yahoo.com
Join us for
Paseo Schedule
Food, Music, Games, Workshops and Westside tours
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May 7, 9–3pm Corner of Guadalupe and S. Colorado St.
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The Esperanza is participating in How can YOU help make The Big Give S.A. the BIG GIVE S.A. 24-Hour Day of a success? Giving Challenge and we’re asking • Make a gift to Esperanza MAY 3 for your support! Make a donation • FOLLOW us on twitter, to Esperanza on May 3rd at Instagram, FB & @BigGiveSA http://Bit.ly GiveToEsperanza2016 The goals of The Big Give S.A. are to: INVEST strategically in San Antonio nonprofits. DRIVE the community forward through collective impact and LEVERAGE giving with matching funds and prize incentives.
Join us all day on Tuesday, May 3rd and thank you for giving ! Join Jan Olsen & Therese Huntzinger and the Esperanza board at Satisfy your sweet tooth at
Tweets and Treats Start your day at Casa de Cuentos for
Big Red and Barbacoa Big Give Breakfast 7-10 AM @ 816 S. Colorado
Ice Cream Social 3-5 PM
Vino, vió y dio
a Wine & Cheese event 5:30 - 8 PM
At the Esperanza, 922 San Pedro Ave.
Vino
@esperanzactr
@esperanzacenter
/EsperanzaPJC Become a social media champion for Esperanza and spread the word! Organizations will be awarded dollar prizes based on city-wide results and hourly results. We’ll upload donation stories & photos throughout the day. So, tune in, drop by and donate! If you don’t have a credit card, stop by and we can register your cash or check donation. Or call 210.228.0201 for more info.
Notas Y Más May 2016
“Nuestra Gente: Celebrating People Past and Present,” an exhibit of painted portraits and digital photographs by Carolina G. Flores and Mario C. Garza, continues through May 8th at the Texas A&M University-Centro de Artes located in downtown San Antonio’s Market Square. Free! Call 210.784-1105 or email Joseph.Bravo@tamusa.edu
Brief news items on upcoming community events. Send items for Notas y Más to: lavoz@esperanzacenter.org or mail to: 922 San Pedro, San Antonio, TX 78212. The deadline is the 8th of each month.
a reception, a multimedia performance by Nicolás Valdez and a concert/dance with Los Nahuatlatos. Tickets are $10-25. The weekend features conjuntos at Rosedale Park. Admission $15. Check www.guadalupeculturalarts.org/2015-tejano-conjuntofestival-schedule.
Gemini Ink, based in San Antonio, is seeking proposals for literary panels for The last offering of the Chicana Great our Writers Conference to be held July Books Series with Patricia Portales takes 21-24. The theme is: The State of the place on May 10th at 6:30pm at Gemini Book. Proposals should include a full Ink, 1111 Navarro St. with Sonnets to panel (1 hour) and address the theme. Human Beings by Carmen Tafolla. Free. Submit proposals via Submittable at: Check http://geminiink.org. https://geminiink.submittable.com/ submit/49644 by May 15, 2016. The 35th Annual Tejano Conjunto Festival en San Antonio will be held from NALCAB’s 2nd national training, May 11-15 at the Guadalupe Theater and Breaking Ground, will be held May Rosedale Park. It opens Wednesday, May 23- 26 at the Westin Dallas Downtown 11 with a free Seniors Dance with Bene providing nonprofit practitioners serving Medina y Conjunto Águila from 10am low-to-moderate income Latino and to 12pm at the Guadalupe Theater. On immigrant communities with best Thursday, May 12, the San Antonio Pre- practices and emerging innovations. miere of Conjunto Blues takes place from Register by May 16. For scholarships or 6-9:30 pm at the Guadalupe Theater with info, contact cbuitrago@nalcab.org
The Autonomous University of Social Movements (AUSM) is an organizing/ education project dedicated to the theory, practice and context of community organizing. Apply now to study abroad in Cuba from May 22 to June 25 or in Mexico from July 3 to 30. Check mexicosolidarity.org or call 773.583.7728. Call for Papers on Archives and Public History: Places, Pasts and Identities—A special issue of Archives and Records seeks to explore approaches to the public use of archives in all fields of study. Prospective authors may contact Victoria. hoyle@york.ac.uk to discuss potential articles. Submissions deadline: July 31st. Check: www.tandfonline.com Check out the new bilingual offerings at Cinco Puntos Press opened in 1985 in El Paso, TX. It is one a few independent publishing companies that is still operating and that offers a complete selection of bilingual books for all ages and diverse communities! See: http://www.cincopuntos.com/ or call 915.838.1625.
Historias/Viajes
Sid Richardson Hall, Unit 1 Clyde Littlefield and Red River Street, Austin, TX 78712 For more information, visit our Facebook page bit.ly/avv2016 or go to www.lib.utexas.edu/benson.
Part of the 14th annual ¡A VIVA VOZ! celebration of U.S. Latin@ culture held at the Benson Latin American Collection.
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Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection The University of Texas at Austin
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April 14 – July 15, 2016
1412 El Paso St. (210) 223-2585
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Marta Sánchez and Liliana Wilson
LA VOZ de ESPERANZA • May 2016 Vol. 29 Issue 4
A Exhibit by artists
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LA VOZ de ESPERANZA • May 2016 Vol. 29 Issue 4• Go to http://Bit.ly/GiveToEsperanza2016 to give on May 3rd!
Second Saturday
every month for photo scanning and story sharing Gather
your Westside photos, 1880 -1960 & bring them to
El Rinconcito de Esperanza 816 S. Colorado Saturday, May 14th 10am @ Casa de Cuentos, 210-228-0201
Azul sings. . .
Tango May 21st Saturday @ 8pm • $5 mas o menos
Esperanza Peace & Justice Center
922 San Pedro San Antonio TX 78212 210.228.0201 • www.esperanzacenter.org
Non-Profit Org. US Postage PAID San Antonio, TX Permit #332
Haven’t opened La Voz in a while? Prefer to read it online? Wrong address? TO CANCEL A SUBSCRIPTION EMAIL lavoz@esperanzacenter.org CALL: 210.228.0201