Genoa etc.

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Stocktaking Bestandsaufnahme

Theory Theorie

Perspectives Perspektiven

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Gregory Gilbert-Lodge Love & Hate

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Armin Linke Fortification Architecture

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Bourquin, Ehmann, Woznicki Roadmap to Europe

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Enrica Bartesaghi Open Wounds

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Jules Spinatsch Temporary Discomfort

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Mimo Mannes Genoa, 2001 05

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gruppo A12 12.11.1972

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Giuliano Gallanti A Harbour of Collective Memory Stephan Rabold Genua, 1995

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Andreas Gursky Genua, 1991

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Günter Melle Notizen eines Pendlers

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Lorenzo Petrantoni Panoramica

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Charles A. Kupchan Europe’s Rise LUST Making Europe High Speed V1.0 Alban Kakulya Yann Mingard East of New Eden

Ad van Denderen Teun Voeten Crossing the Line

Genoa etc.

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- The third publication of the - etc series.

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NODE Berlin Oslo Bilateral Relations

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------------------------------------------------ www.etc-publications.com Issues that matter

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– G8-Summit – – Giuliani/Columbus – – Port – – Migration Economics – – EUROtopia – – Excalibur City – – Laboratory Space – – DIY Europe –

Noelle Pujol Lille 2004

Nadja Rakowitz Zur politischen Ökonomie des Euro Saskia Sassen Making Criminals of Migrants

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Kyoichi Tsuzuki Roadside Europe Uwe Rada Flüchtlinge und Grenzschützer in Forst

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Futro Hurry Up

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Dragos Zaharia The EU Border in Rosia Montana

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David Jourdan Willkommen im Wunderland!

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Genoa etc.

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Roadmap to Europe

Fortification Architecture A visual essay by Armin Linke

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- Covers illustrations:

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- Gregory Gilbert-Lodge (1967) - works as an illustrator in Zürich. Besides various illustration jobs in swiss and international fashionable magazines, Gregory regulary draws in picture books called “SILEX” and - loves designing tattoos. gilbert-lodge@mydiax.ch -

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- Armin Linke (1966) - As a photographer and filmmaker based in Milan, he is working on an ongoing archive about human activity and the most varied natural and man-made landscapes. He docu- ments scenes where the boundary between fiction and non-fiction blurs or becomes invisi- ble. In July 2001 he focussed his interest on the artificial cityscape of Genoa. - www.arminlinke.com

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Genoa etc. delineates a quest, with the city of Genoa as the starting point, moving on to Europe in theory and finally approaching some “laboratories” of European identity on a local plane. In the following intro- duction Nicolas Bourquin, Sven Ehmann and Krystian Woznicki present - a compact guide to exploring this Roadmap to Europe. Their message is that in essence New Europe emerges from the original concept of Old - Europe.

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Notes Notizen

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Notes Notizen

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Columbus Day

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A sailor on board the Pinta sighted land early in the morning of October 12, 1492, and a new era of European exploration and expansion began. The next day the 90 crew members of Christopher Columbus’s three-ship fleet ventured onto the Bahamian island of Guanahaní, ending a voyage begun nearly ten weeks earlier in Palos, Spain. [...] The first recorded celebration of Columbus Day in the United States took place on October 12, 1792. Organized by The Society of St. Tammany, also known as the Columbian Order, it commemorated the 300th anniversary of Columbus’s landing.

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- 1.

Mirija Gimbutas notes the following about the democratic origins of the -

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European continent: “The term Old Europe is applied to a pre-Indo-Euro- -

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pean culture of Europe, a culture matricfocal and probably matrilinear, -

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agricultural and sedentary, egalitarian and peaceful. It contrasted sharply -

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with the ensuing proto-Indo-European culture which was patriarchal, stra- -

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tified, pastoral, mobile, and war-oriented, superimposed on all Europe, ex- -

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cept the southern and western fringes, in the course of three waves of in- -

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filtration from the Russian steppe, between 4500 and 2500 BC”. Mirija -

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Gimbutas, The Goddesses and Gods of Old Europe, University of California -

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Press, 1974.

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The variously used term ‘identity’ signifies in Psychology the experience of -

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an individual to be a unique and, to a certain extent, psychologically sta- -

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ble unit independent of external or internal changes. This consciousness -

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of identity implies that one experiences oneself as an individual, as a diffe- -

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rent person than the others, and also that one can synthesize differences -

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and oppositions within one’s own personality.

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Uwe Rada has examined together with the Polish Institute in Leipzig the -

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465 kilometre long German-Polish border – here understood explicitly as -

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a laboratory – in the scope of the series of events “Workshop Europe”. Pre- -

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ceding the EU-enlargement, this European workshop between Old and -

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New Europe tested the difference bewtween mastering conflicts together -

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and the recurrance of national stereotypes.

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Genoa

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Genoa (Italian Genova (jen’o-vah), Genoese Zena (zay’nah)) is a city and a sea- port in northern Italy, the capital of Liguria. It has a population of ca. 700,000. - Genoa was a city of the Ligures. Having been faithful to Rome while other Ligurian and Celtic peoples of modern Italy stood by the Carthaginians in the Sec- ond Punic War, Genoa lost its importance as a port city after the rise of Vada - Sabatia, near Savona. -

During the Middle Ages Genoa was an independent and powerful republic (one - of the so-called Repubbliche Marinare, the others being Venice, Pisa, and Amal- fi) mainly oriented towards the sea. The Republic of Genoa extended over mod- ern Liguria and Piedmont. It had several colonies in the Mideast, in the Black Sea and in Sicily, Sardinia and Northern Africa. It possessed the island of Cor- sica. - Famous Genoese families such as the Dorias held practically complete control over the Tyrrhenian Sea. -

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- The Republic was part of the French Empire until 1815, when the delegates at - the Congress of Vienna sanctioned its incorporation into Piedmont (Kingdom of Sardinia.) - Famous Genoese include Christopher Columbus, admiral Andrea Doria, violin- - ist Nicolò Paganini and Italian patriot Giuseppe Mazzini. - In July of 2001, in opposition to the G8 Economic International Summit, the - Genoa Social Forum attracted half a million protesters from all over Europe to - Genoa. - The port of Genoa ranks as the first in Italy. It is second in the Mediterranean - to the port of Marseille, France. -

The Aquarium of Genoa is the largest in Europe.

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- www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Genoa

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Realityhacking in Genoa

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Police officers in combat dress, damaged buildings, fortification architecture and the dead Carlo Giuliani lying in the midst of his helpless comrades, surrounded by debris – images of the G8summit, which symbolized for many the dawning of dictatorship-like conditions in Europe. The city of Genoa, which in the beginning of the 21st century became synonymous with the fatal G8-summit of 2001, has become not only the symbol of oppressive state authority, but also the symbol of a political protestmovement that holds up democratic values with its banners thereby returning to its European roots. It is an irony of history that the New Europe, which was to figure as the role model for this movement, has etymologically oriented itself according to the idea of Old Europe. 1 Three years after the G8-summit, Genoa presents itself as the European Capital of Culture. Europe’s identity emerges here in the differentiation between numerous historical layers: between Columbus, who was born in Genua, and Giuliani lie a few hundred years, during which Europe, like Genoa, has had to redefine its role in the face of globalisation. Genoa etc., which understands the Ligurian city as a laboratory of European identity, investigates in its stocktaking-section the various layers of recent history – a history, which is also interlayered with mythologies and legends of the social movements that have arisen after the G8-summit. This myth as well as a multifaceted view into the city, including insights into backdoor scenes and local attitudes, is scrutinized in Genoa etc. Mimmo Manes for instance displays with an aggressive stroke of a brush his anger over the events of the G8-summit by working over an official summit photo. With Enrica Bartesaghi we gain insight into the view of one of the G8-summit victims, diving head-on into the city and its open wounds, while Armin Linke’s pictures remind us of the former militarization of the city. Jules Spinatch, who has already documented within the scope of his project “Temporary Discomfort” political confrontations in Evian/Geneva, Davos and New York, reveals the violence of the G8-summit as a deficiency: it is the absence of movement that conjures a threatening atmosphere. Günter Melles’ notes illustrate different encounters with Genoa: through the ‘spectacles of a visitor’ an entire new perspective on Genoa opens up that oscillates between internal and external focalisation. While title illustrator Gregory Gilbert Lodge comments upon the ‘Italian condition’ in a rather ironic and provocative way, Lorenzo Petrantoni ignores completely the current tendencies and in his collage reflects instead upon the historical body of his native city. Giuliano Gallanti also speaks as a native Genoese and contemplates a city harbour which must face the economic challenges of the 21st century. The structural change entailed here is reflected with the same objectivity in the research of Gruppo A12, an objectivity which also Andreas Gursky (Genua 1991) and Stephan Rabold (Genua 1995) apply to their look at the city.

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- Other landmarks of the city are the Palazzo Ducale (Doge’s Palace), St. Lawrence - Cathedral (Cattedrale di San Lorenzo), Via Garibaldi with its superb palaces and The Old Harbor (Porto Antico), wich has been transformed into a mall by archi- tect Renzo Piano. - In 2004 the European Union designated Genoa as the European Capital of Culture, along with the French City of Lille. -

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By taking a perspective into the everyday world usually limited to looking at art - in the museum, I interact with existing public situations. The consequences of - these encounters are interventions or temporary installations. In this process - the artist subsumes himself into the act of perception by being anonymous. -

The question that was evoked in regard to European identity by the G8-summit of 2001 gained a new quality when the debate over the war on Iraq came to a head. Early in the year of 2003, US-Defence Minister Donald Rumsfeld mocked the French-German concerns about a military engagement in Iraq in his infamous “Old Europe-speech” with the following sentence: “Germany is a problem, France is a problem: but when you take a look at the enormous number of other countries, they side with the US and not France or Germany”. The outcry was huge, the provocation perfect. Luc Bondy, director of the Vienna Festival Weeks (Wiener Festwochen) reacted with the following words: “If Mr. Rumsfeld scornfully says that the peace-oriented Europe is ‘the Old Europe’, then it is an hon-

our to us. When the Old Europe, which has known war, now has the reason and sense not to want war anymore, then I am in favour of this Old Europe that is the New Europe”. The large fissure which visibly emerged between Europe and the US in this moment triggered off controversies within the walls of the ‘common house of Europe’, but it also gave flight to the shaping of a European consciousness. The critic Rudolf Maresch stated in a radio broadcast on the event of the publishing of Peace etc. (summer 2003) that Europe must hold up its history and culture in the face of the US-American hegemony in order to contribute to a more peaceful future. Is Europe at the beginning of the 21st century going to detach from the protection/ guidance of the US, like America once did from Europe? Leaders in the shaping of opinion from different backgrounds fuel this thought with data, facts and prognoses. Jürgen Kluge, for instance, the head of McKinsey Germany and candidate for the US chairmanship of the world biggest consultant company, invokes a European era. His analysis: after the Japanese decade in the 1980s and the US-American decade in the 1990s, the European decade has now begun. One leading opinion shaper who initiated this discussion quite early is Charles A. Kupchan. In his landmark essay “The End of the West” he saw the next clash of civilizations coming between Europe and America. This contribution, which Kupchan first published in “The Atlantic” in November 2002 and which is as current today as it was then, has been printed in an extended version in “Genoa etc.” under the title “Europe’s Rise”. While Europe is presented here in a global context, the question of European identity comes to a head. The common definition of identity in Psychology 2 can be easily transferred onto the level of politics, or to be more precise: onto the level of the European question. For when one talks about Europe as a common house a metaphor of spatial borders comes immediately into play, conveying an idea of inside and outside that caters to a logic of exclusiveness. The debate about European border policy is hence always a debate on European identity. Saskia Sassen’s contribution to “Genoa etc.” makes this very explicit. Sassen contextualizes in an exemplarily way the term Fortress Europe, which has been derived in a critical manner from the inflationary talk of Europe as a common house, and locates it in the history of globalisation – always in regard to the consequences that the border policies in their international entanglements have for European society. For whereas European policy deems to achieve an identity-forming effect by establishing borders, Sassen shows its destructive potential. Alban Kakulya and Yann Mingard have spent an extensive amount of time at the European border with a heightened sense for this conflict. They have explored the territorial security markers between the Baltic and the Black Sea and have talked to border police officers and their families. By doing this they have protruded deeper into a no-man’s-land, which takes shape with their array of pictures. Ad van Denderen and Piet den Blanken have also captured ‘the other side’ and we feature some of their works that have been compiled for the OSCE-project “Crossing the line”. EU money makes border – that is to say identity politics – to an extent that is not to be underestimated. Nadja Rakowitz makes the attempt to answer in her essay on Marxist value theory the related question of the political economy of the Euro. She has as a vantage point the definition of money as a social condition, which seems to constitute itself no longer on a national but rather on a supra-national level. The process of European unification is commented upon ironically by Slavimir Futro with the background of his Yugoslavian biography in play. The project NODE Berlin Oslo bridges the gap between theory and practice and in this provides the connection to our perspectives section. Their ironic visual essay remixes an official statement on “German Norwegian Relations” with the personal experiences of

the design duo. Perspectives If we look at Genoa as a laboratory of European identity in the stocktaking-section, and if we pose the questions wich arose there in a more abstract context in the theory-section, then we eventually visit other places that serve as a surface for the projections of a New Europe in the perspectives-section. We subsequently ask the question as to what exactly the statement “I am a European” means. A multitude of images and a multitude of self-identities could be associated with this statement. But how do we actually grasp European identity? Asking this question in view of the historic EU-enlargement entails the scrutiny of a multitude of seemingly secondary places. If these places are considered as laboratories of European identity it should be stressed that they should not be comprehended as utopias in the conventional meaning. Lille, Forst, Excalibur City and the other locations, which are exemplarily placed into the centre of attention, are not spatially and /or temporally dislocated places, in which ideal societies or state constitutions can be sketched. Instead they are real places with real problems. Moreover, they demarcate points which one could signify as spatial elementary units of a more specific political order – namely the elementary units of the EU. On the one hand, they display a source of disturbance to the exclusive club of European cities because they trigger the question as to how the centre has to define itself through the new periphery, thus forcing itself into an act of self-legitimisation. On the other hand, the respective elementary units represent panic sites as well as the coordinates for the social conflicts underlying the European community as a whole. Hence it is in those laboratories where issues, which are peripheral to the agenda of the core powers of the EU, are no longer simply of national relevance but which – as if looked at through a microscope – inform in an enlarged and distorted manner the official representational level of what we are used to calling the European community. Succinctly put: in one moment Europe becomes one at its edges, only to precipitate in the next moment into an identity crisis. This state of suspense opens up a new emancipatory space, which the perspectives-section attempts to render accessible. With David Jourdan’s experimental text-collage, for instance, we enter into a commercial zone called Excalibur City that is located at the Czech-Austrian border; with Noelle Pujol we take a walk along the urban edges of Lille which were forgotten (like the cities harbour) in the turmoil of this year’s Cultural Capital merchandising; with Uwe Rada’s contribution we become witnesses of German-Polish encounters in Forst; with Kyoichi Tsuzuki we get into a car that explores locations off the beaten track in the old and new EU member countries; and through Dragos Zaharia we gain an insight into the situation of the Rosia Montana area in Romania. Apart from a common topic, these positions all have one approach in common: they are all projects of different sorts. From archiving-documentary research (Pujol, Tsuzuki), to socio-political commitment (Jourdan), from protest-oriented activism (Zaharia) to cultural exchange (Rada) 3 ; all of them induce different approaches to the discussion about what Europe in general, and the European Union in particular, are supposed to be. They are above all not merely theoretical, but in fact quite practical approaches to this question, that ultimatley incites our participation in the shaping of New Europe. Illustration:

Mimmo Manes (1972) Art director and designer based in Siena, Italy, he does multimedia projects and graphic art on paper and has exhibited his works in international galleries. His work is permea- www.realityhacking.com ted with strong social engagement and protest. www.mimmomanes.com - ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- - ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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Christopher Columbus – Der verlorene Sohn

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Als der Genueser Christopher Columbus im August 1492 aufbricht, um die Neue Welt zu entdecken, sticht er nicht von seiner Geburtstadt aus in See, sondern vom spanischen Hafenort Palos. 500 Jahre später entdeckt Genua seinen verlorenen Sohn wieder und widmet ihm 1992 eine Großveranstaltung, die das Stadtbild grundlegend verändert. Ein anderer, berühmter Genueser spielt dabei die entscheidende Rolle : Der Architekt Renzo Piano gestaltet das Hafengelände neu und erschliesst der Stadt, ihren Bewohner und Besucher einen neuen Zugang zum Meer.

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- Die Idee, jedes Jahr eine oder mehrere Städte zur “Europäischen Kulturhauptstadt” zu erklären, ist eine Initiative von Melina Mercouri und dem Europäis- chen Parlament aus dem Jahr 1985. Hintergrund ist der große Reichtum der eu- ropäischen Kulturen und die enorm wichtige Rolle, die die Städte bei der - Ausgestaltung und Entwicklung dieser Kulturen spielen. Die europäischen Kulturhauptstädte sollen die Aufgabe übernehmen, Einheimischen wie Besuchern - markante Merkmale der Stadt, der Region und des Landes näher zu bringen und - Veranstaltungen zu fördern, bei denen Kulturschaffende aus anderen europäis- chen Städten einbezogen werden. Während die Städte bis einschließlich 2004 auf Regierungsebene aus- gewählt wurden, wird für die Auswahl der Kulturhauptstadt ab 2005 ein neues - gemeinschaftliches Auswahlverfahren eingeführt. So wird nach den Städten - Brügge und Salamanca 2002, Graz 2003, Lille und Genua 2004 die Europäische Kulturhauptstadt 2005 in Irland liegen. Die nach dem neuen Verfahren - ausgewählte Stadt ist Cork. Ab 2005 wird jedes Jahr ein Mitgliedstaat die Europäische Kulturhaupt- stadt beherbergen. Für die Jahre 2005-2019 wurde die Reihenfolge der Mitgliedstaaten festgelegt. Sie beginnt mit Irland 2005, Griechenland 2006, Luxemburg - 2007 und dem Vereinigten Königreich 2008. Der jeweilige Mitgliedstaat schlägt - eine oder mehrere Städte vor, spätestens vier Jahre vor dem betreffenden Jahr. - Eine Jury aus sieben unabhängigen Experten aus dem Kultursektor, die von Europäischen Parlament, Rat, Kommission und Ausschuss der Regionen benan- nt werden, bewertet die Bewerbungen anhand von Kriterien wie europäischen - kulturellen Strömungen, zu denen die Bewerberstadt beigetragen hat, oder - Projekten, die zu dauerhafter kultureller Kooperation zwischen europäischen Städten führen. Auf der Grundlage eines abschließenden Berichts und gegebenenfalls - nach Stellungnahme des Europäischen Parlaments trifft der Rat seine - endgültige Entscheidung nach einer Empfehlung der Kommission.

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Neues Auswahlverfahren für europäische Kulturhauptstädte

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Genoa 2004 : European Capital of Culture

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The nomination of Genoa was made on the part of the governments of the European Union on May 28, 1998. The designations for 2004 (in addition to Genoa, Lille in France was also designated) were the last according to an inter-governmental procedure that found its basis in the resolution of June 13, 1985. It is the third time that an Italian city obtained this nomination, after Florence in 1986 and Bologna in 2000. Since the procedure for designation has changed in the meantime, the next time that Italy will have this opportunity is only in 2019. Genoa is emerging as a contemporary city with many different aspects, as attentive to cultural trends as it is to research and technology. For this reason the concerned Institutions wanted to put the accent on the City’s metamorphosis, on the urban renewal that has influenced the social fabric of the city, sometimes changing the citizens’ habits. The voyage was identified as the guiding theme that marks over 100 events and will be the backdrop to the entire programming of Genoa 2004 European Capital of Culture. The voyage: a term that sums up the richness and variety of cultural expression throughout the entire city, a concept, a key word that is able to capture the soul of Genoa. The theme of the voyage, deeply rooted in the city and at the same time universal, stands out for its originality in the tradition of European Capitals of Culture. The voyage, that is so appropriate to the sea-faring past of Genoa and the Genovese, can be understood also in a physical sense, as a Europe-Mediterranean axis, port, traffic, immigration and tourism, as well as in a metaphorical sense, as the path taken through history and the city, through art and scientific excellence, a cultural melting-pot. www.genova-2004.it

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Roadmap to Europe

Fortification Architecture A visual essay by Armin Linke

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- Covers illustrations:

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- Gregory Gilbert-Lodge (1967) - works as an illustrator in Zürich. Besides various illustration jobs in swiss and international fashionable magazines, Gregory regulary draws in picture books called “SILEX” and - loves designing tattoos. gilbert-lodge@mydiax.ch -

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- Armin Linke (1966) - As a photographer and filmmaker based in Milan, he is working on an ongoing archive about human activity and the most varied natural and man-made landscapes. He docu- ments scenes where the boundary between fiction and non-fiction blurs or becomes invisi- ble. In July 2001 he focussed his interest on the artificial cityscape of Genoa. - www.arminlinke.com

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Genoa etc. delineates a quest, with the city of Genoa as the starting point, moving on to Europe in theory and finally approaching some “laboratories” of European identity on a local plane. In the following intro- duction Nicolas Bourquin, Sven Ehmann and Krystian Woznicki present - a compact guide to exploring this Roadmap to Europe. Their message is that in essence New Europe emerges from the original concept of Old - Europe.

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Notes Notizen

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Notes Notizen

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Columbus Day

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A sailor on board the Pinta sighted land early in the morning of October 12, 1492, and a new era of European exploration and expansion began. The next day the 90 crew members of Christopher Columbus’s three-ship fleet ventured onto the Bahamian island of Guanahaní, ending a voyage begun nearly ten weeks earlier in Palos, Spain. [...] The first recorded celebration of Columbus Day in the United States took place on October 12, 1792. Organized by The Society of St. Tammany, also known as the Columbian Order, it commemorated the 300th anniversary of Columbus’s landing.

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- 1.

Mirija Gimbutas notes the following about the democratic origins of the -

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European continent: “The term Old Europe is applied to a pre-Indo-Euro- -

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pean culture of Europe, a culture matricfocal and probably matrilinear, -

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agricultural and sedentary, egalitarian and peaceful. It contrasted sharply -

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with the ensuing proto-Indo-European culture which was patriarchal, stra- -

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tified, pastoral, mobile, and war-oriented, superimposed on all Europe, ex- -

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cept the southern and western fringes, in the course of three waves of in- -

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filtration from the Russian steppe, between 4500 and 2500 BC”. Mirija -

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Gimbutas, The Goddesses and Gods of Old Europe, University of California -

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Press, 1974.

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The variously used term ‘identity’ signifies in Psychology the experience of -

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an individual to be a unique and, to a certain extent, psychologically sta- -

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ble unit independent of external or internal changes. This consciousness -

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of identity implies that one experiences oneself as an individual, as a diffe- -

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rent person than the others, and also that one can synthesize differences -

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and oppositions within one’s own personality.

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Uwe Rada has examined together with the Polish Institute in Leipzig the -

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465 kilometre long German-Polish border – here understood explicitly as -

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a laboratory – in the scope of the series of events “Workshop Europe”. Pre- -

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ceding the EU-enlargement, this European workshop between Old and -

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New Europe tested the difference bewtween mastering conflicts together -

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and the recurrance of national stereotypes.

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Genoa

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Genoa (Italian Genova (jen’o-vah), Genoese Zena (zay’nah)) is a city and a sea- port in northern Italy, the capital of Liguria. It has a population of ca. 700,000. - Genoa was a city of the Ligures. Having been faithful to Rome while other Ligurian and Celtic peoples of modern Italy stood by the Carthaginians in the Sec- ond Punic War, Genoa lost its importance as a port city after the rise of Vada - Sabatia, near Savona. -

During the Middle Ages Genoa was an independent and powerful republic (one - of the so-called Repubbliche Marinare, the others being Venice, Pisa, and Amal- fi) mainly oriented towards the sea. The Republic of Genoa extended over mod- ern Liguria and Piedmont. It had several colonies in the Mideast, in the Black Sea and in Sicily, Sardinia and Northern Africa. It possessed the island of Cor- sica. - Famous Genoese families such as the Dorias held practically complete control over the Tyrrhenian Sea. -

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- The Republic was part of the French Empire until 1815, when the delegates at - the Congress of Vienna sanctioned its incorporation into Piedmont (Kingdom of Sardinia.) - Famous Genoese include Christopher Columbus, admiral Andrea Doria, violin- - ist Nicolò Paganini and Italian patriot Giuseppe Mazzini. - In July of 2001, in opposition to the G8 Economic International Summit, the - Genoa Social Forum attracted half a million protesters from all over Europe to - Genoa. - The port of Genoa ranks as the first in Italy. It is second in the Mediterranean - to the port of Marseille, France. -

The Aquarium of Genoa is the largest in Europe.

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- www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Genoa

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Realityhacking in Genoa

Theory

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Police officers in combat dress, damaged buildings, fortification architecture and the dead Carlo Giuliani lying in the midst of his helpless comrades, surrounded by debris – images of the G8summit, which symbolized for many the dawning of dictatorship-like conditions in Europe. The city of Genoa, which in the beginning of the 21st century became synonymous with the fatal G8-summit of 2001, has become not only the symbol of oppressive state authority, but also the symbol of a political protestmovement that holds up democratic values with its banners thereby returning to its European roots. It is an irony of history that the New Europe, which was to figure as the role model for this movement, has etymologically oriented itself according to the idea of Old Europe. 1 Three years after the G8-summit, Genoa presents itself as the European Capital of Culture. Europe’s identity emerges here in the differentiation between numerous historical layers: between Columbus, who was born in Genua, and Giuliani lie a few hundred years, during which Europe, like Genoa, has had to redefine its role in the face of globalisation. Genoa etc., which understands the Ligurian city as a laboratory of European identity, investigates in its stocktaking-section the various layers of recent history – a history, which is also interlayered with mythologies and legends of the social movements that have arisen after the G8-summit. This myth as well as a multifaceted view into the city, including insights into backdoor scenes and local attitudes, is scrutinized in Genoa etc. Mimmo Manes for instance displays with an aggressive stroke of a brush his anger over the events of the G8-summit by working over an official summit photo. With Enrica Bartesaghi we gain insight into the view of one of the G8-summit victims, diving head-on into the city and its open wounds, while Armin Linke’s pictures remind us of the former militarization of the city. Jules Spinatch, who has already documented within the scope of his project “Temporary Discomfort” political confrontations in Evian/Geneva, Davos and New York, reveals the violence of the G8-summit as a deficiency: it is the absence of movement that conjures a threatening atmosphere. Günter Melles’ notes illustrate different encounters with Genoa: through the ‘spectacles of a visitor’ an entire new perspective on Genoa opens up that oscillates between internal and external focalisation. While title illustrator Gregory Gilbert Lodge comments upon the ‘Italian condition’ in a rather ironic and provocative way, Lorenzo Petrantoni ignores completely the current tendencies and in his collage reflects instead upon the historical body of his native city. Giuliano Gallanti also speaks as a native Genoese and contemplates a city harbour which must face the economic challenges of the 21st century. The structural change entailed here is reflected with the same objectivity in the research of Gruppo A12, an objectivity which also Andreas Gursky (Genua 1991) and Stephan Rabold (Genua 1995) apply to their look at the city.

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- Other landmarks of the city are the Palazzo Ducale (Doge’s Palace), St. Lawrence - Cathedral (Cattedrale di San Lorenzo), Via Garibaldi with its superb palaces and The Old Harbor (Porto Antico), wich has been transformed into a mall by archi- tect Renzo Piano. - In 2004 the European Union designated Genoa as the European Capital of Culture, along with the French City of Lille. -

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Stocktaking

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By taking a perspective into the everyday world usually limited to looking at art - in the museum, I interact with existing public situations. The consequences of - these encounters are interventions or temporary installations. In this process - the artist subsumes himself into the act of perception by being anonymous. -

The question that was evoked in regard to European identity by the G8-summit of 2001 gained a new quality when the debate over the war on Iraq came to a head. Early in the year of 2003, US-Defence Minister Donald Rumsfeld mocked the French-German concerns about a military engagement in Iraq in his infamous “Old Europe-speech” with the following sentence: “Germany is a problem, France is a problem: but when you take a look at the enormous number of other countries, they side with the US and not France or Germany”. The outcry was huge, the provocation perfect. Luc Bondy, director of the Vienna Festival Weeks (Wiener Festwochen) reacted with the following words: “If Mr. Rumsfeld scornfully says that the peace-oriented Europe is ‘the Old Europe’, then it is an hon-

our to us. When the Old Europe, which has known war, now has the reason and sense not to want war anymore, then I am in favour of this Old Europe that is the New Europe”. The large fissure which visibly emerged between Europe and the US in this moment triggered off controversies within the walls of the ‘common house of Europe’, but it also gave flight to the shaping of a European consciousness. The critic Rudolf Maresch stated in a radio broadcast on the event of the publishing of Peace etc. (summer 2003) that Europe must hold up its history and culture in the face of the US-American hegemony in order to contribute to a more peaceful future. Is Europe at the beginning of the 21st century going to detach from the protection/ guidance of the US, like America once did from Europe? Leaders in the shaping of opinion from different backgrounds fuel this thought with data, facts and prognoses. Jürgen Kluge, for instance, the head of McKinsey Germany and candidate for the US chairmanship of the world biggest consultant company, invokes a European era. His analysis: after the Japanese decade in the 1980s and the US-American decade in the 1990s, the European decade has now begun. One leading opinion shaper who initiated this discussion quite early is Charles A. Kupchan. In his landmark essay “The End of the West” he saw the next clash of civilizations coming between Europe and America. This contribution, which Kupchan first published in “The Atlantic” in November 2002 and which is as current today as it was then, has been printed in an extended version in “Genoa etc.” under the title “Europe’s Rise”. While Europe is presented here in a global context, the question of European identity comes to a head. The common definition of identity in Psychology 2 can be easily transferred onto the level of politics, or to be more precise: onto the level of the European question. For when one talks about Europe as a common house a metaphor of spatial borders comes immediately into play, conveying an idea of inside and outside that caters to a logic of exclusiveness. The debate about European border policy is hence always a debate on European identity. Saskia Sassen’s contribution to “Genoa etc.” makes this very explicit. Sassen contextualizes in an exemplarily way the term Fortress Europe, which has been derived in a critical manner from the inflationary talk of Europe as a common house, and locates it in the history of globalisation – always in regard to the consequences that the border policies in their international entanglements have for European society. For whereas European policy deems to achieve an identity-forming effect by establishing borders, Sassen shows its destructive potential. Alban Kakulya and Yann Mingard have spent an extensive amount of time at the European border with a heightened sense for this conflict. They have explored the territorial security markers between the Baltic and the Black Sea and have talked to border police officers and their families. By doing this they have protruded deeper into a no-man’s-land, which takes shape with their array of pictures. Ad van Denderen and Piet den Blanken have also captured ‘the other side’ and we feature some of their works that have been compiled for the OSCE-project “Crossing the line”. EU money makes border – that is to say identity politics – to an extent that is not to be underestimated. Nadja Rakowitz makes the attempt to answer in her essay on Marxist value theory the related question of the political economy of the Euro. She has as a vantage point the definition of money as a social condition, which seems to constitute itself no longer on a national but rather on a supra-national level. The process of European unification is commented upon ironically by Slavimir Futro with the background of his Yugoslavian biography in play. The project NODE Berlin Oslo bridges the gap between theory and practice and in this provides the connection to our perspectives section. Their ironic visual essay remixes an official statement on “German Norwegian Relations” with the personal experiences of

the design duo. Perspectives If we look at Genoa as a laboratory of European identity in the stocktaking-section, and if we pose the questions wich arose there in a more abstract context in the theory-section, then we eventually visit other places that serve as a surface for the projections of a New Europe in the perspectives-section. We subsequently ask the question as to what exactly the statement “I am a European” means. A multitude of images and a multitude of self-identities could be associated with this statement. But how do we actually grasp European identity? Asking this question in view of the historic EU-enlargement entails the scrutiny of a multitude of seemingly secondary places. If these places are considered as laboratories of European identity it should be stressed that they should not be comprehended as utopias in the conventional meaning. Lille, Forst, Excalibur City and the other locations, which are exemplarily placed into the centre of attention, are not spatially and /or temporally dislocated places, in which ideal societies or state constitutions can be sketched. Instead they are real places with real problems. Moreover, they demarcate points which one could signify as spatial elementary units of a more specific political order – namely the elementary units of the EU. On the one hand, they display a source of disturbance to the exclusive club of European cities because they trigger the question as to how the centre has to define itself through the new periphery, thus forcing itself into an act of self-legitimisation. On the other hand, the respective elementary units represent panic sites as well as the coordinates for the social conflicts underlying the European community as a whole. Hence it is in those laboratories where issues, which are peripheral to the agenda of the core powers of the EU, are no longer simply of national relevance but which – as if looked at through a microscope – inform in an enlarged and distorted manner the official representational level of what we are used to calling the European community. Succinctly put: in one moment Europe becomes one at its edges, only to precipitate in the next moment into an identity crisis. This state of suspense opens up a new emancipatory space, which the perspectives-section attempts to render accessible. With David Jourdan’s experimental text-collage, for instance, we enter into a commercial zone called Excalibur City that is located at the Czech-Austrian border; with Noelle Pujol we take a walk along the urban edges of Lille which were forgotten (like the cities harbour) in the turmoil of this year’s Cultural Capital merchandising; with Uwe Rada’s contribution we become witnesses of German-Polish encounters in Forst; with Kyoichi Tsuzuki we get into a car that explores locations off the beaten track in the old and new EU member countries; and through Dragos Zaharia we gain an insight into the situation of the Rosia Montana area in Romania. Apart from a common topic, these positions all have one approach in common: they are all projects of different sorts. From archiving-documentary research (Pujol, Tsuzuki), to socio-political commitment (Jourdan), from protest-oriented activism (Zaharia) to cultural exchange (Rada) 3 ; all of them induce different approaches to the discussion about what Europe in general, and the European Union in particular, are supposed to be. They are above all not merely theoretical, but in fact quite practical approaches to this question, that ultimatley incites our participation in the shaping of New Europe. Illustration:

Mimmo Manes (1972) Art director and designer based in Siena, Italy, he does multimedia projects and graphic art on paper and has exhibited his works in international galleries. His work is permea- www.realityhacking.com ted with strong social engagement and protest. www.mimmomanes.com - ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- - ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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Christopher Columbus – Der verlorene Sohn

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Als der Genueser Christopher Columbus im August 1492 aufbricht, um die Neue Welt zu entdecken, sticht er nicht von seiner Geburtstadt aus in See, sondern vom spanischen Hafenort Palos. 500 Jahre später entdeckt Genua seinen verlorenen Sohn wieder und widmet ihm 1992 eine Großveranstaltung, die das Stadtbild grundlegend verändert. Ein anderer, berühmter Genueser spielt dabei die entscheidende Rolle : Der Architekt Renzo Piano gestaltet das Hafengelände neu und erschliesst der Stadt, ihren Bewohner und Besucher einen neuen Zugang zum Meer.

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- Die Idee, jedes Jahr eine oder mehrere Städte zur “Europäischen Kulturhauptstadt” zu erklären, ist eine Initiative von Melina Mercouri und dem Europäis- chen Parlament aus dem Jahr 1985. Hintergrund ist der große Reichtum der eu- ropäischen Kulturen und die enorm wichtige Rolle, die die Städte bei der - Ausgestaltung und Entwicklung dieser Kulturen spielen. Die europäischen Kulturhauptstädte sollen die Aufgabe übernehmen, Einheimischen wie Besuchern - markante Merkmale der Stadt, der Region und des Landes näher zu bringen und - Veranstaltungen zu fördern, bei denen Kulturschaffende aus anderen europäis- chen Städten einbezogen werden. Während die Städte bis einschließlich 2004 auf Regierungsebene aus- gewählt wurden, wird für die Auswahl der Kulturhauptstadt ab 2005 ein neues - gemeinschaftliches Auswahlverfahren eingeführt. So wird nach den Städten - Brügge und Salamanca 2002, Graz 2003, Lille und Genua 2004 die Europäische Kulturhauptstadt 2005 in Irland liegen. Die nach dem neuen Verfahren - ausgewählte Stadt ist Cork. Ab 2005 wird jedes Jahr ein Mitgliedstaat die Europäische Kulturhaupt- stadt beherbergen. Für die Jahre 2005-2019 wurde die Reihenfolge der Mitgliedstaaten festgelegt. Sie beginnt mit Irland 2005, Griechenland 2006, Luxemburg - 2007 und dem Vereinigten Königreich 2008. Der jeweilige Mitgliedstaat schlägt - eine oder mehrere Städte vor, spätestens vier Jahre vor dem betreffenden Jahr. - Eine Jury aus sieben unabhängigen Experten aus dem Kultursektor, die von Europäischen Parlament, Rat, Kommission und Ausschuss der Regionen benan- nt werden, bewertet die Bewerbungen anhand von Kriterien wie europäischen - kulturellen Strömungen, zu denen die Bewerberstadt beigetragen hat, oder - Projekten, die zu dauerhafter kultureller Kooperation zwischen europäischen Städten führen. Auf der Grundlage eines abschließenden Berichts und gegebenenfalls - nach Stellungnahme des Europäischen Parlaments trifft der Rat seine - endgültige Entscheidung nach einer Empfehlung der Kommission.

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Neues Auswahlverfahren für europäische Kulturhauptstädte

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Genoa 2004 : European Capital of Culture

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The nomination of Genoa was made on the part of the governments of the European Union on May 28, 1998. The designations for 2004 (in addition to Genoa, Lille in France was also designated) were the last according to an inter-governmental procedure that found its basis in the resolution of June 13, 1985. It is the third time that an Italian city obtained this nomination, after Florence in 1986 and Bologna in 2000. Since the procedure for designation has changed in the meantime, the next time that Italy will have this opportunity is only in 2019. Genoa is emerging as a contemporary city with many different aspects, as attentive to cultural trends as it is to research and technology. For this reason the concerned Institutions wanted to put the accent on the City’s metamorphosis, on the urban renewal that has influenced the social fabric of the city, sometimes changing the citizens’ habits. The voyage was identified as the guiding theme that marks over 100 events and will be the backdrop to the entire programming of Genoa 2004 European Capital of Culture. The voyage: a term that sums up the richness and variety of cultural expression throughout the entire city, a concept, a key word that is able to capture the soul of Genoa. The theme of the voyage, deeply rooted in the city and at the same time universal, stands out for its originality in the tradition of European Capitals of Culture. The voyage, that is so appropriate to the sea-faring past of Genoa and the Genovese, can be understood also in a physical sense, as a Europe-Mediterranean axis, port, traffic, immigration and tourism, as well as in a metaphorical sense, as the path taken through history and the city, through art and scientific excellence, a cultural melting-pot. www.genova-2004.it

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Notizen eines Pendlers

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Jules Spinatsch (1964) He has documented the emptiness in the cities of Davos, Geneva / Evian, New York and Genoa caused by security forces during high profile political meetings, like the WEF and G8 summits. The highlight was the World Economic Forum in Davos 2003. There he installed his own surveillance equipment, which transmitted images from the security zone in Davos to the Kunstraum Walcheturm Zurich, creating a 20 x 5m oberservation Panorama out of 1700 single still images. An irritating, almost disturbing urban situation, which the Swiss newspaper NZZ described as “the stages of power in the absence of the main actors”. Spinatsch was born in Davos in 1964, attended the International Center of Photography (ICP) in New York and now works and lives between Zurich and London. His book “Temporary Discomfort” was published by Lars Müller publishers in spring 2004. www.jules-spinatsch.ch

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From an outside perspective, Genoa is still very much linked to the - bloody G8 summit from 2001. We were interested in the local point of view and asked Enrica Bartesaghi to talk about her project to support - the victims of the G8 summit in correlation with the city’s transforma- tion into the European Capital of Culture. -

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Andreas Gursky Genua, 1991 mixed media, 200 x 166 cm Copyright: Andreas Gursky /Courtesy : Monika Sprüth /Philomene Magers

Andreas Gursky (1955) “Genua, 1991“ is an earlier example for artist Andreas Gurskys analysis of structural elements in everyday situations. Gursky who studied at the Folkwangschule in Essen and later at Bernd and Hilla Bechers class at the Staatliche Kunstakademie (State Art Academy) in Düsseldorf has become one of the most acclaimed contemporary artists using photography.

Wie lässt sich das komplizierte Geflecht der politischen Landschaft Ital- iens, das sich nach 1989 ergeben hat, am Beispiel von Genua umreißen? Günter Melle zeichnet ein Portrait der ligurischen Metropole abseits der - üblichen touristischen Klischees.

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How do you remember the G8-meeting? Genoa and the G8 was, and still is, an open wound for me both as a mother and as an Italian citizen. In July 2001 my daughter went to demonstrate against the G8. She was 21 then, and she was a girl like many others, who wanted to demonstrate peacefully against the G8, in order to be alongside those who have no rights, who never have had a voice. My daughter happened to be in the Diaz School (which was invaded by the police force). Together with 92 other people she was first beaten by the police, then brought to a hospital, then seized and finally brought to the Genoa Bolzaneto barracks, where she was “missing” for two days. There she was threatened, beaten, and tortured. I had no word of her, where she was, what had happened to her, why she had been arrested - missing in Italy, a great country that is part of the G8, in July 2001! This is why Genoa remains for me a hostile place, where one can lose one’s children and then find them wounded and humiliated. Or lose them forever, as Haidi and Giuliano Giuliani did. However, I have met dozens of Genoese doctors, lawyers and journalists who have been trying to heal the wounds of the demonstrators who were victims of police brutality. This is the generous, democratic Genoa that I encountered later.

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How is the event being remembered in the city of Genoa itself, for instance by its citizens? In regard to the citizens of Genoa, it seems to me that there are two main ways of dealing with the memory of the G8. On the one hand, there are those who saw and who do not forget the repression and the violence perpetrated by the law enforcement officials, for instance the killing of Carlo Giuliani; they are working for the truth to emerge. On the other hand, there are people who want to forget those days, who are convinced that this was some problem between police and demonstrators and that it concerns only police and demonstrators; they want the case to be closed soon.

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You are the president of the committee that has been founded by a group of witnesses of the incidents – journalists, physicians, and union activists – in order to support the defense of the victims being charged but also pressing charges of police repression in Genoa during the G8 meeting. Could you briefly outline what the current status of the investigation is? The state of the investigation is as follows: 26 demonstrators have been charged with devastation and looting, and they are to be tried from March 2, 2004 onwards. The crimes they are accused of are very serious and, if found guilty, they risk being sentenced to a minimum of 8 years in prison. Their situations are diverse: some of them were with Carlo Giuliani in Piazza Alimonda, others were in via Tolemaide when the ‘Disobbedienti’ contingent was attacked without reason by the carabinieri (the military police).

Others have been accused of damaging banks, supermarkets, post offices or the front door of the Marassi prison. The crime of devastation and looting has been tried very few times in Italy since the end of WWII and there is the risk that these demonstrators will become the scapegoats for everything that happened in Genoa during the G8. As far as the Diaz School is concerned, the investigations regarding the 93 arrested demonstrators have been closed and all charges against them have been dropped. They were charged with resisting arrest, possession of weapons and delinquent association with aim to devastate and loot. The Genoa court concluded that the police was responsible for so many and such great lies, omissions, and falsifications committed during the search at the school that the 93 demonstrators were exonerated (falsifications included the presumed stabbing of an agent and two Molotov cocktails brought in by the police to incriminate the demonstrators). The investigations regarding police violence, abuse and falsifications committed at the Diaz School led to the identification of 30 policemen and officers, and they will be brought to trial. In the meantime, however, some of them have been promoted and, together with other defendants, they have requested that their trial be moved from Genoa to Turin. Yet both the Genoa Court and the Supreme Court have rejected this request. Moving the trial means it could be postponed indefinitely. The investigations concerning torture and brutality against the demonstrators who were held in Genoa Bolzaneto have also ended. The 48 law officers, including carabinieri, police, guards and court police medical officers (doctors) will be brought to trial for having beaten, wounded, humiliated, scorned, insulted and threatened hundreds of people. Some of them were forced to stand for hours with their face against the wall in violation of every right granted to arrested persons according to Italian and European law. Unfortunately many of the policemen and other law enforcement officers, who had their faces covered so that they could not be identified, will never be brought to trial for the violence they perpetrated on the demonstrators in the squares and at the Diaz School. How do you feel about Genoa being called the Capital of the anti-globalization movement? I think that a Capital of the anti-globalization movement does not exist and indeed can not exist. I think this would be simply a contradiction. The capital of the movement changes from time to time, it moves where the movement moves. After Genoa there was Florence, Paris, Solonicco, Evian, Brazil, India and it will move to other cities in the future.

Genoa was only a stage in the movement, although certainly one of the most dramatic and cruel: a young man died, hundreds were wounded and arrested, and the biggest episode of repression committed by law enforcement officials in a European country, as it was denounced by Amnesty International and the UN Commission on Human Rights, has occurred since WWII. How is Genoa’s recent history being handled in the context of its denomination as the European Capital of Culture? In the official program of events and in those of political parties and other associations, however, July 2001 and the G8 are not mentioned. Not one of the participants has citizens’ rights or European citizenship on their agendas: all has been forgotten, or at the very least deliberately ignored. Our committee has demanded in a letter to the mayor of Genoa that this occasion should be utilized as an opportunity for Genoa to recuperate and to allow the hundreds of demonstrators who were abused by law enforcement officials to make peace with this city. We have asked the City of Genoa to bring civil action in trials relating to Diaz and Bolzaneto. In addition, we have asked the mayor that Genoa should be in 2004 the European Capital of Rights and that encounters during demonstrations should be organized regarding European rights; that, along with us, Genoa ought to ask for a parliamentary commission of investigation which could shed light on the political and institutional responsibility of those who were supposed to guarantee the peaceful outcome of the demonstrations and instead allowed the systematic massacre of the demonstrators. The mayor of Genoa has not answered our letter. In the meantime the city of Genoa has brought civil action against 26 demonstrators, making their already critical situation even worse. I believe that without a Parliamentary commission of investigation and without the clarification of the comprehensive management during those days we can never know why, for example, none of the black block (the most radical segment of demonstrators) were stopped and why the police viciously did attack clearly peaceful demonstrators. Without investigation and clarification of all of this the position taken by the City of Genoa against the 26 demonstrators seems brusque and superficial. The death of Carlo Giuliani has been shelved with the dead files: there will never be a trial against those who killed him, there will never be a discussion regarding the cause of his death. It seems that there is a desire to erase what the Genovese people saw and experienced: the fences, the Red Zone, the peaceful demonstrators being chased by the police and taking refuge in the houses and courtyards of the Genovese people, who could not understand what was going on. And then, at the end of all the demonstrations, the bloody re-

pression at the Diaz School, the torture at Bolzaneto! All of this is still Genoa for me, for my daughter, and for hundreds of Italians and foreigners. The year of European culture could have been a golden opportunity for Genoa to be something different. Unfortunately, it seems that this will not happen and the wounds risk becoming gangrenous instead of healing. Translation: Joanne Maloney

Enrica Bartesaghi (1954) works in Milan developing software solutions for human resources management and administration. Since July 2001 she is the president of the Committee of Truth and Justice for Genoa (www.veritagiustizia.it). Her most recent publication is “Genoa, the wrong place. Diaz, Bolzaneto, the prison: a mother’s diary” (Non Luoghi Libere Edizioni, 2004)

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Das erste Mal streifte ich Genua, von Cinque Terre herkommend, Anfang der achtziger Jahre, um ins heimatliche Piemonte zu gelangen. Irgendwo auf der Stadtautobahn, jenen Betonschienen, die über die Wohngebiete der geschlossenen Apenninenbucht gezogen wurden, fiel der Blick nach unten. Auf einem Platz im Hafenviertel schlugen die letzten Flammen aus einem ausgebrannten Cabriolet. Der zäh fließende Verkehr drängte zur Nordtangentiale und verbannte den kurzen Schauder bei dieser Szene ins Vergessen. Jenseits des Gebirges in den Hügeln von Casale und Asti lag das Gehöft der Familie Neri und eine völlig andere Welt fernab vom Treiben der ligurischen Hauptstadt. Abends bei Pasta Ciccia und in der glühenden Kaminasche gerösteten, mit Olivenöl zubereiteten Peperoni, wenn die Männer über die “Puttane“ bei RAI und Canale 5 lästerten, die Frauen bei den letzten Handgriffen des Abendessens tuschelten und verstohlen über die zu offenen Kleider der Moderatorinnen lachten, war ich zuhause in einer Welt, die mich lange Zeit an sich gebunden hatte. Die Welt der Tagelöhner und Feldarbeiter des Südens, die über die Fabrikhallen und Stechuhren in den schwarzen Wäldern wieder zu ihren Familien auf die Halbinsel zurückgefunden haben. Der Genueser Szene mit dem brennenden Auto sollte ich an diesem Abend noch einmal begegnen, in den Regionalnachrichten von RAI Tre. Die Szene entpuppte sich als gestellt und rekonstruiert im Rahmen der Dreharbeiten für einen Unterhaltungsfilm der wohl seichtesten Kategorie – eine Kategorie, die sich auf der Halbinsel im Laufe der letzten zehn Jahren immer größerer Beliebtheit erfreute. Diese Szene kündigte gleichsam an, wie sich Italien die kommenden Jahre stürmisch veränderte, Schein und Wirklichkeit miteinander vermischte und an der Kulisse zimmerte, die mit Hilfe der Reformlinken zur Bühne des Medienmagnaten Berlusconi wurde. Es waren Jahre der zusehends stärker dosierten, medialen Berieselung, der völligen Verflachung des kulturellen und politischen Lebens nach den Vorgaben der Privatsender und der Unterhaltungsindustrie. Es waren Jahre des politischen und organisatorischen Zusammenbruchs der linken wie rechten Parteien, eines durch Korruption und Mafia bloßgestellten parlamentarischen Systems und es waren die Jahre der zunehmenden Migrantenströme aus Nordafrika und vom Balkan, der Beginn von offener rassistischer und xenophobischer Stimmung in der italienischen Gesellschaft. Von Deutschland aus bleibt vieles verwirrend, “Confusione“ wie der Italiener sagt: die Vielzahl neuer Parteien, der plötzliche Umschwung der politischen Stimmung im Bekanntenkreis zugunsten einer neuen Rechten. Familie Neri sympathisierte offen mit Berlusconi und seiner Partei Forza Italia, ein Freund aus dem Veneto, mit sozialistischer Biographie, begeistert sich für den Mann und dessen Partei, die versprechen, den Norden Italiens von den “Extracomunitari“, den Immigranten aus der dritten Welt, zu säubern. Mit Kanonen gegen Immigranten, war vor wenigen Monaten noch die Forderung des Parteivorsitzenden der Lega Nord,

einer der Regierungsparteien Italiens, um die anwachsende Welle von Flüchtlingen und Asylsuchenden aus Nordafrika über die Straße von Sizilien zu brechen. Im Parteienemblem der Lega findet sich der “Caroccio“, der Streitwagen des norditalienischen Städtebündnisses gegen das Imperium des süddeutschen Stauferkaisers Barbarossa. Im vergangenen Jahrzehnt symbolisierte er das Aufbegehren wohlhabender, kleinbürgerlicher und bürgerlicher Schichten im Norden gegen die Zentralregierung in Rom, nachdem sie die ersten Auswirkungen der Globalisierung zu spüren bekamen: den Niedergang traditioneller Industriezweige, den Boom der Tourismus- und Unterhaltungsindustrie, die immensen Verkehrsprobleme in den Metropolen, den ökologischen Ruin ganzer Regionen, den Bedeutungsverlust großer Mittelmeerhäfen des Nordens. 1999, noch unter der Mittelinksregierung D’Alema, beklagte sich der Mann an der Spitze des Caroccio, Umberto Bossi, über das “Vierte Reich“ (= Europäische Union), über das französischdeutsche Bündnis, das den Norden Italiens ersticke. Für ihn ist das Parlament in Rom ein Vollstrecker des Willens der europäischen Hochfinanz, das Vierte Reich eine Totgeburt im Interesse Nordamerikas. Zwei Jahre später sitzt Umberto Bossi an der Seite Berlusconis als Minister für institutionelle Reformen in Rom. Enzo Biagi, dessen politische Sendungen erst vor kurzem im Staatsfernsehen RAI Uno ersatzlos gestrichen wurden, meinte: “Er ist ein Agitator, in der Drogenversion.“ Drei Männer Norditaliens geben 2001 ihr Debut im zweiten Regierungsanlauf: Gianfranco Fini, Bologna, Alleanza Nazionale; Silvio Berlusconi, Milano, Forza Italia; Umberto Bossi, Casano Magnago, nahe Varese, Lega Nord. Ihr Debut geben sie in Genua zum G8 Gipfel im Juli. Genua wurde von der Regierung in eine einzige Polizeifestung verwandelt und in den Ausnahmezustand versetzt. Die derzeit mächtigsten Männer auf der politischen Bühne Italiens planten der antagonistischen Bewegung Europas gegen die neoliberale Globalisierung, eine unmissverständlich repressive Lektion zu erteilen. Das Resultat ist ein Toter, mehr als tausend Verletzte, die fundamentale Missachtung der Grundrechte und eine bis heute durch die Ereignisse traumatisierte Stadt. Vor kaum drei Jahren im Juli begegnete ich Genua nicht nur oberflächlich. Wenn es nach den Interpretationssträngen der italienischen Medien in diesen Tagen ging, zog ich mit den kriminellen Horden des Terrorismus und der Gewalt, um die Stadt zu erobern. Doch davon konnte nicht die Rede sein. Der von der Berlusconi-Regierung verhängte Ausnahmezustand wurde bereits an der Grenze zur Schweiz realisiert. Ausnahmezustand, schreibt das italienische Autorenkollektiv WuMing, ist die fortgesetzte, instrumentalisierte Neudefinition des “Feindes der öffentlichen Ordnung“ durch die institutionellen Gewalten. Sie bedienen sich dabei eines phantomartigen Gebildes – der öffentlichen Meinung –, um Verletzungen der Grund- und Menschenrechte im “Interesse der Demokratie“ zu rechtfertigen. Die Neudefinition Ausnahmezustand Genua 2001 führte geradewegs über den 11. September zum “Krieg gegen den Ter-

rorismus“. Die “öffentliche Meinung“, der Mainstream also aus den Redaktionsstuben Berlusconi abhängiger Medien, schlug Töne an, welche die Hysterie nach dem Attentat auf die Twin Towers vorwegnahmen. Als am 21. Juli 2001 über 200 000 Menschen den Corso Torino in Genua entlang zogen, hatten sich die Töne bereits in ein Konzert der Repression verdichtet, das mit seinen Tränengasschwaden, den Sondereinheiten von Carabinieri, Polizei und Militär handfest spür– und vernehmbar war. Noch war der Tod des Jungen, Carlo Giuliani, der am Vortag bei dem Versuch einer symbolischen “Besetzung“ der roten Zone durch die Disobbedienti, den Aktivisten des zivilen Ungehorsams, erschossen wurde nur eine vage, von den Umständen her nicht bekannte, Information. In der Nähe der Piazza Alimonda war ein Transparent angebracht, “Stato di assini“ (Mörderstaat), das sich mit seiner Aussage so gut in die Stimmung einfügte, die zu dieser Zeit die Demonstration prägte. War es der Ort? Der Zeitpunkt? War es das Vorgehen der Carabinieri, von dem wir im vorderen Teil des Zuges nur den beizenden Geruch des Tränengases spürten? Was war es, das aus einer anfangs bunten und fröhlich ausgelassenen, politischen Manifestation eine derart ernste, zum Teil gereizte und aggressive, aber doch entschlossene Aussage gegen die im Hafen versammelten G8 werden ließ? Dieser Tage hat der Magistrat von Genua einige Polizisten, eine Minderheit der Beteiligten, unter Anklage gestellt. Darunter sind die folgenden Anschuldigungen: Amtsmissbrauch, Folter, schwere Körperverletzung, Meineid, versuchter Mord; akribisch dokumentiert vom Genueser “Kommitee für Wahrheit und Gerechtigkeit“, sowie Amnesty International. Alle Delikte beziehen sich auf einen Akt des Vandalismus durch die carabinieri in der Scuola Pertini/Diaz, dem Sitz des unabhängigen Pressezentrums Indymedia und auf Grausamkeiten in der carabinierikaserne im Stadtteil Bolzaneto. Die beschuldigten Polizisten, “die Chefs der Truppe“, sind längst schon für ihr Vorgehen belohnt, d.h. befördert worden. Der italienische Innenminister Pisanu hat bereits erklärt, dass er diesen Verfahren gelassen entgegen sieht. Die Umstände des Todes von Carlo Giuliani wurden gerichtlich mit dem Freispruch des angeblichen Todesschützen Placanica ad acta gelegt. Dass es überhaupt zu den Verfahren gegen Vertreter der öffentlichen Ordnung kommt, ist sicherlich der Hartnäckigkeit der Eltern von Carlo Giuliani, dem “Kommitee für Wahrheit und Gerechtigkeit“ und vielen nationalen und internationalen Aktivisten, die bis heute auf die Schande Genuas verweisen, zu verdanken. Noch steht der Prozess gegen 26 Demonstranten, die verschiedener Gewaltdelikte angeklagt sind und mehrjährige Haftstrafen riskieren, an. Bis heute haben es die offiziellen Repräsentanten der Stadt vermieden, eine Wertung zur politischen Verantwortlichkeit bei den Ereignissen um den Gipfel abzugeben. Stattdessen tritt die Stadt in diesem Prozess als Nebenkläger auf. Die Version, die Demonstranten waren die Gewalttäter und die Polizei hat nur überreagiert, soll weiterhin das Interpretationsmuster für die Julitage 2001 bleiben.

Zwei Jahre später im Juli 2003 hielt ich mich erneut für einige Tage in Genua auf. Mein Gastgeber war der katholische Priester und ehemalige Partisan Don Gallo. Am Tisch seiner Gemeinde San Benedetto sitzen die Verarmten und Gestrandeten des Hafenviertels der ligurischen Metropole. San Benedetto ist kein philanthropisches Projekt, es ist der schon seit Jahrzehnten erfolgreich durchgeführte Versuch, die Marginalisierten in einer weitgehend selbstverwalteten Gemeinschaft an ein selbstbewusstes, politisches und basisdemokratisches Leben heranzuführen. Dazu gehört auch, dass sich diese Gemeinschaft als ein Teil der nationalen und internationalen, antagonistischen Bewegung begreift, die seit 2001, nach den “chilenischen“ Erfahrungen mit einer Soldateska des Innenministers Scajola, beständig anwächst. Anlässlich des zweiten Todestages von Carlo Giuliani mobilisierte die kleine Gemeinde zu den Aktivitäten, die sich eine Woche lang mit der Aufarbeitung der Geschehnisse um den G8-Gipfel beschäftigen. Zahlreiche basisdemokratische Initiativen wie diese geben Genua die politische Lebendigkeit, die im Stadtbild von der Universität über die mittelalterlichen Gassen beim Palazzo Ducale bis hin zum Hafenviertel präsent ist. Genua 2001 ist ein wichtiger Bezugspunkt der sozialen und politischen Bewegungen in Italien wie auch in Europa. Das Versprechen, “non dimenticare“ (wir vergessen nicht) wird auch dieses Jahr wieder aus aller Welt Aktivisten der Bewegung gegen den Neoliberalismus in die Hafenstadt führen. Das dominierende Stadtbild jedoch, soll nach dem Willen der Lokalpolitiker das der europäischen Kulturhauptstadt sein; ein neoliberales Projekt, in dessen Mittelpunkt eine Freizeit- und Spaßgesellschaft all das übertünchen soll, was an Konflikten, sozialem Sprengstoff, an ungelösten wirtschaftlichen Problemen und Migrantenströmen vorhanden ist. Vor einem Jahr lud der ehemalige Sprecher des Genoa Social Forum in die Hauptstadt der sozialen Bewegung ein. Genua hat viele Gesichter, sie hat sich aus eigener Kraft von der nazifaschistischen Okkupation befreit und sie hat 1960 die Abhaltung eines neofaschistischen Kongresses verhindert. Genua ist auch eine europäische Hauptstadt des Antifaschismus. Und sie ist im Jahr 2004 noch immer eine durch den G8-Gipfel verletzte Stadt.

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Günter Melle (1946) ist Sohn eines französischen Offiziers und einer deutschen Mutter und ist unmittelbar nach Kriegsende in der badischen Kleinstadt Bühl herangewachsen. Als Jugendlicher war er in katholischen Kreisen sozial engagiert und seit 1967 an der Studentenbewegung (SDS) beteiligt. Heute arbeitet er als Publizist und Italienisch-Übersetzer.

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Jules Spinatsch (1964) He has documented the emptiness in the cities of Davos, Geneva / Evian, New York and Genoa caused by security forces during high profile political meetings, like the WEF and G8 summits. The highlight was the World Economic Forum in Davos 2003. There he installed his own surveillance equipment, which transmitted images from the security zone in Davos to the Kunstraum Walcheturm Zurich, creating a 20 x 5m oberservation Panorama out of 1700 single still images. An irritating, almost disturbing urban situation, which the Swiss newspaper NZZ described as “the stages of power in the absence of the main actors”. Spinatsch was born in Davos in 1964, attended the International Center of Photography (ICP) in New York and now works and lives between Zurich and London. His book “Temporary Discomfort” was published by Lars Müller publishers in spring 2004. www.jules-spinatsch.ch

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From an outside perspective, Genoa is still very much linked to the - bloody G8 summit from 2001. We were interested in the local point of view and asked Enrica Bartesaghi to talk about her project to support - the victims of the G8 summit in correlation with the city’s transforma- tion into the European Capital of Culture. -

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Andreas Gursky Genua, 1991 mixed media, 200 x 166 cm Copyright: Andreas Gursky /Courtesy : Monika Sprüth /Philomene Magers

Andreas Gursky (1955) “Genua, 1991“ is an earlier example for artist Andreas Gurskys analysis of structural elements in everyday situations. Gursky who studied at the Folkwangschule in Essen and later at Bernd and Hilla Bechers class at the Staatliche Kunstakademie (State Art Academy) in Düsseldorf has become one of the most acclaimed contemporary artists using photography.

Wie lässt sich das komplizierte Geflecht der politischen Landschaft Ital- iens, das sich nach 1989 ergeben hat, am Beispiel von Genua umreißen? Günter Melle zeichnet ein Portrait der ligurischen Metropole abseits der - üblichen touristischen Klischees.

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How do you remember the G8-meeting? Genoa and the G8 was, and still is, an open wound for me both as a mother and as an Italian citizen. In July 2001 my daughter went to demonstrate against the G8. She was 21 then, and she was a girl like many others, who wanted to demonstrate peacefully against the G8, in order to be alongside those who have no rights, who never have had a voice. My daughter happened to be in the Diaz School (which was invaded by the police force). Together with 92 other people she was first beaten by the police, then brought to a hospital, then seized and finally brought to the Genoa Bolzaneto barracks, where she was “missing” for two days. There she was threatened, beaten, and tortured. I had no word of her, where she was, what had happened to her, why she had been arrested - missing in Italy, a great country that is part of the G8, in July 2001! This is why Genoa remains for me a hostile place, where one can lose one’s children and then find them wounded and humiliated. Or lose them forever, as Haidi and Giuliano Giuliani did. However, I have met dozens of Genoese doctors, lawyers and journalists who have been trying to heal the wounds of the demonstrators who were victims of police brutality. This is the generous, democratic Genoa that I encountered later.

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How is the event being remembered in the city of Genoa itself, for instance by its citizens? In regard to the citizens of Genoa, it seems to me that there are two main ways of dealing with the memory of the G8. On the one hand, there are those who saw and who do not forget the repression and the violence perpetrated by the law enforcement officials, for instance the killing of Carlo Giuliani; they are working for the truth to emerge. On the other hand, there are people who want to forget those days, who are convinced that this was some problem between police and demonstrators and that it concerns only police and demonstrators; they want the case to be closed soon.

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You are the president of the committee that has been founded by a group of witnesses of the incidents – journalists, physicians, and union activists – in order to support the defense of the victims being charged but also pressing charges of police repression in Genoa during the G8 meeting. Could you briefly outline what the current status of the investigation is? The state of the investigation is as follows: 26 demonstrators have been charged with devastation and looting, and they are to be tried from March 2, 2004 onwards. The crimes they are accused of are very serious and, if found guilty, they risk being sentenced to a minimum of 8 years in prison. Their situations are diverse: some of them were with Carlo Giuliani in Piazza Alimonda, others were in via Tolemaide when the ‘Disobbedienti’ contingent was attacked without reason by the carabinieri (the military police).

Others have been accused of damaging banks, supermarkets, post offices or the front door of the Marassi prison. The crime of devastation and looting has been tried very few times in Italy since the end of WWII and there is the risk that these demonstrators will become the scapegoats for everything that happened in Genoa during the G8. As far as the Diaz School is concerned, the investigations regarding the 93 arrested demonstrators have been closed and all charges against them have been dropped. They were charged with resisting arrest, possession of weapons and delinquent association with aim to devastate and loot. The Genoa court concluded that the police was responsible for so many and such great lies, omissions, and falsifications committed during the search at the school that the 93 demonstrators were exonerated (falsifications included the presumed stabbing of an agent and two Molotov cocktails brought in by the police to incriminate the demonstrators). The investigations regarding police violence, abuse and falsifications committed at the Diaz School led to the identification of 30 policemen and officers, and they will be brought to trial. In the meantime, however, some of them have been promoted and, together with other defendants, they have requested that their trial be moved from Genoa to Turin. Yet both the Genoa Court and the Supreme Court have rejected this request. Moving the trial means it could be postponed indefinitely. The investigations concerning torture and brutality against the demonstrators who were held in Genoa Bolzaneto have also ended. The 48 law officers, including carabinieri, police, guards and court police medical officers (doctors) will be brought to trial for having beaten, wounded, humiliated, scorned, insulted and threatened hundreds of people. Some of them were forced to stand for hours with their face against the wall in violation of every right granted to arrested persons according to Italian and European law. Unfortunately many of the policemen and other law enforcement officers, who had their faces covered so that they could not be identified, will never be brought to trial for the violence they perpetrated on the demonstrators in the squares and at the Diaz School. How do you feel about Genoa being called the Capital of the anti-globalization movement? I think that a Capital of the anti-globalization movement does not exist and indeed can not exist. I think this would be simply a contradiction. The capital of the movement changes from time to time, it moves where the movement moves. After Genoa there was Florence, Paris, Solonicco, Evian, Brazil, India and it will move to other cities in the future.

Genoa was only a stage in the movement, although certainly one of the most dramatic and cruel: a young man died, hundreds were wounded and arrested, and the biggest episode of repression committed by law enforcement officials in a European country, as it was denounced by Amnesty International and the UN Commission on Human Rights, has occurred since WWII. How is Genoa’s recent history being handled in the context of its denomination as the European Capital of Culture? In the official program of events and in those of political parties and other associations, however, July 2001 and the G8 are not mentioned. Not one of the participants has citizens’ rights or European citizenship on their agendas: all has been forgotten, or at the very least deliberately ignored. Our committee has demanded in a letter to the mayor of Genoa that this occasion should be utilized as an opportunity for Genoa to recuperate and to allow the hundreds of demonstrators who were abused by law enforcement officials to make peace with this city. We have asked the City of Genoa to bring civil action in trials relating to Diaz and Bolzaneto. In addition, we have asked the mayor that Genoa should be in 2004 the European Capital of Rights and that encounters during demonstrations should be organized regarding European rights; that, along with us, Genoa ought to ask for a parliamentary commission of investigation which could shed light on the political and institutional responsibility of those who were supposed to guarantee the peaceful outcome of the demonstrations and instead allowed the systematic massacre of the demonstrators. The mayor of Genoa has not answered our letter. In the meantime the city of Genoa has brought civil action against 26 demonstrators, making their already critical situation even worse. I believe that without a Parliamentary commission of investigation and without the clarification of the comprehensive management during those days we can never know why, for example, none of the black block (the most radical segment of demonstrators) were stopped and why the police viciously did attack clearly peaceful demonstrators. Without investigation and clarification of all of this the position taken by the City of Genoa against the 26 demonstrators seems brusque and superficial. The death of Carlo Giuliani has been shelved with the dead files: there will never be a trial against those who killed him, there will never be a discussion regarding the cause of his death. It seems that there is a desire to erase what the Genovese people saw and experienced: the fences, the Red Zone, the peaceful demonstrators being chased by the police and taking refuge in the houses and courtyards of the Genovese people, who could not understand what was going on. And then, at the end of all the demonstrations, the bloody re-

pression at the Diaz School, the torture at Bolzaneto! All of this is still Genoa for me, for my daughter, and for hundreds of Italians and foreigners. The year of European culture could have been a golden opportunity for Genoa to be something different. Unfortunately, it seems that this will not happen and the wounds risk becoming gangrenous instead of healing. Translation: Joanne Maloney

Enrica Bartesaghi (1954) works in Milan developing software solutions for human resources management and administration. Since July 2001 she is the president of the Committee of Truth and Justice for Genoa (www.veritagiustizia.it). Her most recent publication is “Genoa, the wrong place. Diaz, Bolzaneto, the prison: a mother’s diary” (Non Luoghi Libere Edizioni, 2004)

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Das erste Mal streifte ich Genua, von Cinque Terre herkommend, Anfang der achtziger Jahre, um ins heimatliche Piemonte zu gelangen. Irgendwo auf der Stadtautobahn, jenen Betonschienen, die über die Wohngebiete der geschlossenen Apenninenbucht gezogen wurden, fiel der Blick nach unten. Auf einem Platz im Hafenviertel schlugen die letzten Flammen aus einem ausgebrannten Cabriolet. Der zäh fließende Verkehr drängte zur Nordtangentiale und verbannte den kurzen Schauder bei dieser Szene ins Vergessen. Jenseits des Gebirges in den Hügeln von Casale und Asti lag das Gehöft der Familie Neri und eine völlig andere Welt fernab vom Treiben der ligurischen Hauptstadt. Abends bei Pasta Ciccia und in der glühenden Kaminasche gerösteten, mit Olivenöl zubereiteten Peperoni, wenn die Männer über die “Puttane“ bei RAI und Canale 5 lästerten, die Frauen bei den letzten Handgriffen des Abendessens tuschelten und verstohlen über die zu offenen Kleider der Moderatorinnen lachten, war ich zuhause in einer Welt, die mich lange Zeit an sich gebunden hatte. Die Welt der Tagelöhner und Feldarbeiter des Südens, die über die Fabrikhallen und Stechuhren in den schwarzen Wäldern wieder zu ihren Familien auf die Halbinsel zurückgefunden haben. Der Genueser Szene mit dem brennenden Auto sollte ich an diesem Abend noch einmal begegnen, in den Regionalnachrichten von RAI Tre. Die Szene entpuppte sich als gestellt und rekonstruiert im Rahmen der Dreharbeiten für einen Unterhaltungsfilm der wohl seichtesten Kategorie – eine Kategorie, die sich auf der Halbinsel im Laufe der letzten zehn Jahren immer größerer Beliebtheit erfreute. Diese Szene kündigte gleichsam an, wie sich Italien die kommenden Jahre stürmisch veränderte, Schein und Wirklichkeit miteinander vermischte und an der Kulisse zimmerte, die mit Hilfe der Reformlinken zur Bühne des Medienmagnaten Berlusconi wurde. Es waren Jahre der zusehends stärker dosierten, medialen Berieselung, der völligen Verflachung des kulturellen und politischen Lebens nach den Vorgaben der Privatsender und der Unterhaltungsindustrie. Es waren Jahre des politischen und organisatorischen Zusammenbruchs der linken wie rechten Parteien, eines durch Korruption und Mafia bloßgestellten parlamentarischen Systems und es waren die Jahre der zunehmenden Migrantenströme aus Nordafrika und vom Balkan, der Beginn von offener rassistischer und xenophobischer Stimmung in der italienischen Gesellschaft. Von Deutschland aus bleibt vieles verwirrend, “Confusione“ wie der Italiener sagt: die Vielzahl neuer Parteien, der plötzliche Umschwung der politischen Stimmung im Bekanntenkreis zugunsten einer neuen Rechten. Familie Neri sympathisierte offen mit Berlusconi und seiner Partei Forza Italia, ein Freund aus dem Veneto, mit sozialistischer Biographie, begeistert sich für den Mann und dessen Partei, die versprechen, den Norden Italiens von den “Extracomunitari“, den Immigranten aus der dritten Welt, zu säubern. Mit Kanonen gegen Immigranten, war vor wenigen Monaten noch die Forderung des Parteivorsitzenden der Lega Nord,

einer der Regierungsparteien Italiens, um die anwachsende Welle von Flüchtlingen und Asylsuchenden aus Nordafrika über die Straße von Sizilien zu brechen. Im Parteienemblem der Lega findet sich der “Caroccio“, der Streitwagen des norditalienischen Städtebündnisses gegen das Imperium des süddeutschen Stauferkaisers Barbarossa. Im vergangenen Jahrzehnt symbolisierte er das Aufbegehren wohlhabender, kleinbürgerlicher und bürgerlicher Schichten im Norden gegen die Zentralregierung in Rom, nachdem sie die ersten Auswirkungen der Globalisierung zu spüren bekamen: den Niedergang traditioneller Industriezweige, den Boom der Tourismus- und Unterhaltungsindustrie, die immensen Verkehrsprobleme in den Metropolen, den ökologischen Ruin ganzer Regionen, den Bedeutungsverlust großer Mittelmeerhäfen des Nordens. 1999, noch unter der Mittelinksregierung D’Alema, beklagte sich der Mann an der Spitze des Caroccio, Umberto Bossi, über das “Vierte Reich“ (= Europäische Union), über das französischdeutsche Bündnis, das den Norden Italiens ersticke. Für ihn ist das Parlament in Rom ein Vollstrecker des Willens der europäischen Hochfinanz, das Vierte Reich eine Totgeburt im Interesse Nordamerikas. Zwei Jahre später sitzt Umberto Bossi an der Seite Berlusconis als Minister für institutionelle Reformen in Rom. Enzo Biagi, dessen politische Sendungen erst vor kurzem im Staatsfernsehen RAI Uno ersatzlos gestrichen wurden, meinte: “Er ist ein Agitator, in der Drogenversion.“ Drei Männer Norditaliens geben 2001 ihr Debut im zweiten Regierungsanlauf: Gianfranco Fini, Bologna, Alleanza Nazionale; Silvio Berlusconi, Milano, Forza Italia; Umberto Bossi, Casano Magnago, nahe Varese, Lega Nord. Ihr Debut geben sie in Genua zum G8 Gipfel im Juli. Genua wurde von der Regierung in eine einzige Polizeifestung verwandelt und in den Ausnahmezustand versetzt. Die derzeit mächtigsten Männer auf der politischen Bühne Italiens planten der antagonistischen Bewegung Europas gegen die neoliberale Globalisierung, eine unmissverständlich repressive Lektion zu erteilen. Das Resultat ist ein Toter, mehr als tausend Verletzte, die fundamentale Missachtung der Grundrechte und eine bis heute durch die Ereignisse traumatisierte Stadt. Vor kaum drei Jahren im Juli begegnete ich Genua nicht nur oberflächlich. Wenn es nach den Interpretationssträngen der italienischen Medien in diesen Tagen ging, zog ich mit den kriminellen Horden des Terrorismus und der Gewalt, um die Stadt zu erobern. Doch davon konnte nicht die Rede sein. Der von der Berlusconi-Regierung verhängte Ausnahmezustand wurde bereits an der Grenze zur Schweiz realisiert. Ausnahmezustand, schreibt das italienische Autorenkollektiv WuMing, ist die fortgesetzte, instrumentalisierte Neudefinition des “Feindes der öffentlichen Ordnung“ durch die institutionellen Gewalten. Sie bedienen sich dabei eines phantomartigen Gebildes – der öffentlichen Meinung –, um Verletzungen der Grund- und Menschenrechte im “Interesse der Demokratie“ zu rechtfertigen. Die Neudefinition Ausnahmezustand Genua 2001 führte geradewegs über den 11. September zum “Krieg gegen den Ter-

rorismus“. Die “öffentliche Meinung“, der Mainstream also aus den Redaktionsstuben Berlusconi abhängiger Medien, schlug Töne an, welche die Hysterie nach dem Attentat auf die Twin Towers vorwegnahmen. Als am 21. Juli 2001 über 200 000 Menschen den Corso Torino in Genua entlang zogen, hatten sich die Töne bereits in ein Konzert der Repression verdichtet, das mit seinen Tränengasschwaden, den Sondereinheiten von Carabinieri, Polizei und Militär handfest spür– und vernehmbar war. Noch war der Tod des Jungen, Carlo Giuliani, der am Vortag bei dem Versuch einer symbolischen “Besetzung“ der roten Zone durch die Disobbedienti, den Aktivisten des zivilen Ungehorsams, erschossen wurde nur eine vage, von den Umständen her nicht bekannte, Information. In der Nähe der Piazza Alimonda war ein Transparent angebracht, “Stato di assini“ (Mörderstaat), das sich mit seiner Aussage so gut in die Stimmung einfügte, die zu dieser Zeit die Demonstration prägte. War es der Ort? Der Zeitpunkt? War es das Vorgehen der Carabinieri, von dem wir im vorderen Teil des Zuges nur den beizenden Geruch des Tränengases spürten? Was war es, das aus einer anfangs bunten und fröhlich ausgelassenen, politischen Manifestation eine derart ernste, zum Teil gereizte und aggressive, aber doch entschlossene Aussage gegen die im Hafen versammelten G8 werden ließ? Dieser Tage hat der Magistrat von Genua einige Polizisten, eine Minderheit der Beteiligten, unter Anklage gestellt. Darunter sind die folgenden Anschuldigungen: Amtsmissbrauch, Folter, schwere Körperverletzung, Meineid, versuchter Mord; akribisch dokumentiert vom Genueser “Kommitee für Wahrheit und Gerechtigkeit“, sowie Amnesty International. Alle Delikte beziehen sich auf einen Akt des Vandalismus durch die carabinieri in der Scuola Pertini/Diaz, dem Sitz des unabhängigen Pressezentrums Indymedia und auf Grausamkeiten in der carabinierikaserne im Stadtteil Bolzaneto. Die beschuldigten Polizisten, “die Chefs der Truppe“, sind längst schon für ihr Vorgehen belohnt, d.h. befördert worden. Der italienische Innenminister Pisanu hat bereits erklärt, dass er diesen Verfahren gelassen entgegen sieht. Die Umstände des Todes von Carlo Giuliani wurden gerichtlich mit dem Freispruch des angeblichen Todesschützen Placanica ad acta gelegt. Dass es überhaupt zu den Verfahren gegen Vertreter der öffentlichen Ordnung kommt, ist sicherlich der Hartnäckigkeit der Eltern von Carlo Giuliani, dem “Kommitee für Wahrheit und Gerechtigkeit“ und vielen nationalen und internationalen Aktivisten, die bis heute auf die Schande Genuas verweisen, zu verdanken. Noch steht der Prozess gegen 26 Demonstranten, die verschiedener Gewaltdelikte angeklagt sind und mehrjährige Haftstrafen riskieren, an. Bis heute haben es die offiziellen Repräsentanten der Stadt vermieden, eine Wertung zur politischen Verantwortlichkeit bei den Ereignissen um den Gipfel abzugeben. Stattdessen tritt die Stadt in diesem Prozess als Nebenkläger auf. Die Version, die Demonstranten waren die Gewalttäter und die Polizei hat nur überreagiert, soll weiterhin das Interpretationsmuster für die Julitage 2001 bleiben.

Zwei Jahre später im Juli 2003 hielt ich mich erneut für einige Tage in Genua auf. Mein Gastgeber war der katholische Priester und ehemalige Partisan Don Gallo. Am Tisch seiner Gemeinde San Benedetto sitzen die Verarmten und Gestrandeten des Hafenviertels der ligurischen Metropole. San Benedetto ist kein philanthropisches Projekt, es ist der schon seit Jahrzehnten erfolgreich durchgeführte Versuch, die Marginalisierten in einer weitgehend selbstverwalteten Gemeinschaft an ein selbstbewusstes, politisches und basisdemokratisches Leben heranzuführen. Dazu gehört auch, dass sich diese Gemeinschaft als ein Teil der nationalen und internationalen, antagonistischen Bewegung begreift, die seit 2001, nach den “chilenischen“ Erfahrungen mit einer Soldateska des Innenministers Scajola, beständig anwächst. Anlässlich des zweiten Todestages von Carlo Giuliani mobilisierte die kleine Gemeinde zu den Aktivitäten, die sich eine Woche lang mit der Aufarbeitung der Geschehnisse um den G8-Gipfel beschäftigen. Zahlreiche basisdemokratische Initiativen wie diese geben Genua die politische Lebendigkeit, die im Stadtbild von der Universität über die mittelalterlichen Gassen beim Palazzo Ducale bis hin zum Hafenviertel präsent ist. Genua 2001 ist ein wichtiger Bezugspunkt der sozialen und politischen Bewegungen in Italien wie auch in Europa. Das Versprechen, “non dimenticare“ (wir vergessen nicht) wird auch dieses Jahr wieder aus aller Welt Aktivisten der Bewegung gegen den Neoliberalismus in die Hafenstadt führen. Das dominierende Stadtbild jedoch, soll nach dem Willen der Lokalpolitiker das der europäischen Kulturhauptstadt sein; ein neoliberales Projekt, in dessen Mittelpunkt eine Freizeit- und Spaßgesellschaft all das übertünchen soll, was an Konflikten, sozialem Sprengstoff, an ungelösten wirtschaftlichen Problemen und Migrantenströmen vorhanden ist. Vor einem Jahr lud der ehemalige Sprecher des Genoa Social Forum in die Hauptstadt der sozialen Bewegung ein. Genua hat viele Gesichter, sie hat sich aus eigener Kraft von der nazifaschistischen Okkupation befreit und sie hat 1960 die Abhaltung eines neofaschistischen Kongresses verhindert. Genua ist auch eine europäische Hauptstadt des Antifaschismus. Und sie ist im Jahr 2004 noch immer eine durch den G8-Gipfel verletzte Stadt.

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Günter Melle (1946) ist Sohn eines französischen Offiziers und einer deutschen Mutter und ist unmittelbar nach Kriegsende in der badischen Kleinstadt Bühl herangewachsen. Als Jugendlicher war er in katholischen Kreisen sozial engagiert und seit 1967 an der Studentenbewegung (SDS) beteiligt. Heute arbeitet er als Publizist und Italienisch-Übersetzer.

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Notes Notizen

A Harbour of Collective Memory

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Renzo Piano At the end of the 1980s, the municipality of Genoa decided to organize an international exhibition to celebrate the 500th anniversary of Christopher Columbus’es discovery of America. The site selected for the event was part of an old port, still operational at the time, although it was eventually retired from service and replaced by a modern port. This provided a great opportunity to renovate a historic district of the city and, in particular, build new, permanent installations. An essential consideration was that the project had to create a link between Genoa’s historical center (along the port) and the sea. Such a link had never existed over the centuries, having been made impossible by the existence of ramparts, warehouses, a railroad, harbor customs barriers and, more recently, a highway. Undertaking this project would be tantamount to performing open-heart surgery on the city. The challenge was two-fold: on the one hand, to transform wharves dating from between the 17th and 20th century into public spaces. On the other hand, to develop a very strong relationship between the port and the old city. This also afforded an opportunity to reclaim one of the largest historic European centers. In practical terms, the project entailed restoring the old buildings along the port; for instance, the three-story, 400 meter-long cotton warehouse, which would serve various functions, such as a library and auditorium. New constructions, such as an aquarium and a naval derrick—a mast crane that symbolized the new port—were built, always in harmony with the spirit of the port. The port’s link to the city was achieved by extending the district’s short streets to the waterfront: Via Del Mare, one of the main thoroughfares of the historic district, was extended onto a breakwater alongside the aquarium, leading up to the center of the port.

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From the birth of Cristoforo Colombo (1451) to the G8-summit, Genoa harbours many histories that are of emblematic importance to our times. These layers of collective memory are conveyed in the city’s harbour, which is considered one of the most important ports in the Mediterranean area. In the following interview Giuliano Gallanti talks about the role of the harbour in both the local and the European context.

Mr. Gallanti, you were born in Genoa and spent a lot of time in your life in that city: can you sketch the developments that have taken place in the last 50 years? In my opinion, the main changes that took place in Genoa began around the 1980s and the process has not yet ended. Genoa’s economy and welfare were tied up, essentially, with port activities and heavy industries owned by the State (mainly a steel factory and machine-driven industries). The crisis in those industries meant the closing of many factories, just as in many other European industrial cities, but with one important difference: although all the workers lost their jobs, they obtained reasonable money compensations for the loss of work thanks to our social protection system. As a consequence, Genoa lost a huge number of jobs and found itself full of ‘young retired people’. In those days many critics used to say that Genoa was an ‘welfare town’, which actually is quite true... During the same period the port suffered a terrible crisis as well. An anecdote may shed light on the situation: following a very ancient port tradition, all the ships ring their sirens at New Year’s Eve. Now, what happened – I can’t remember whether it was in 1982 or 1983 – was that on New Year’s Eve the port was completely silent; there was not one ship inside the harbour!

What is the current situation of the harbour? Today the port has recovered well. Last year Genoa’s port was the first in the Mediterranean area for a total amount of cargos, while the industry itself is still in a critical situation. Due to the size of new vessels and the creation of new terminals in an area in the Western part of the city (the Voltri area), all the port activities left the old port. The port was then “given” to the city and subsequently transformed into a big tourist and leisure area, as in many cities, e.g. in Barcelona and Marseille. The problem now is that we have no more possibilities of expansion of port activities, either westbound or eastbound, because the coast has been completely urbanised. As always in our history, the only possibility to increase the port area is by filling in the sea; but, of course that creates a lot of problems with environmental issues. How did the city of Genoa deal with the changes that took place in the harbour? On the one hand, the city reacted positively to the transformation of the old port into a leisure and tourist centre. Just to give one example: the aquarium built there is visited by more than one million people per year. As a matter of fact the old port is very close to the ancient historic town. On the other hand, the development of the port in the outskirts of the town (the Voltri area) brought about serious problems and even demonstrations by the citizens living there. The Voltri case is very interesting. A few years ago we presented the project at Harvard University and they were so interested, that they sent a group of students in order to investigate the Voltri case. As in every city-port, however, the problem is the issue of ‘sustainable development’. My impression is that many people in town and many politicians (of course for electoral reasons) do not care about development. Instead they care only about the environmental issues and in conserving the existing situation (which, by the way, is not great...), while ignoring the unemployment problem. In fact many politicians and critics say I’m an old fashioned ‘industrialist’. Really, I don’t mind!

With regard to the city’s role as the European Capital of Culture in 2004, we wonder how the harbour is being used by marketing agents to promote the city? The answer to this question is quite surprising, even for me. One must say that, apart from an exposition of paintings, which were on board old cruise vessels, the port is not being used to promote the city – neither by the municipality nor by the organizers of the cultural events. Is there a particular view of Europe that is being communicated Genoa these days? I would not say that a particular view on Europe is currently being communicated in Genoa. My opinion is that we should strongly emphasize the particular role the city and port of Genoa could play in developing relationships between Europe and the other side of the Mediterranean sea, mainly the Maghreb. There are initiatives related to this problematic in the program of 2004. When developed further, contacts and common initiatives with countries or cities of the Maghreb could be a real novelty. In this context the project of Genoa’s port authority to launch an International Study Centre for Italian Emigration seems very interesting. Could you tell us why you initiated this project? The port authority is promoting this centre – and, by the way, nothing of this kind has existed in Italy – since the phenomena of emigration has left a strong mark on the history and development of Genoa and its port. It is located in medieval buildings on the quayside, close to the maritime station, and is envisioned as a counterpoint to Ellis Island in New York with data access via the Internet. The objective of the International Study Centre for Italian Emigration is to study as well as collect materials of the Italian immigrant experience and to create an archive and online database of information in embarkation journals from the port of Genoa. Part of this archive is a collection of photographs and films, a specialized library and a collection of diaries and letters.

Giuliano Gallanti (1939) served eight years as the president of the Genoa’s Port Authority (1996-2004). Currently he is Vice President of the Association of Italian Ports (Assoporti), Vice President of ESPO (European Sea Ports Organization) and President of the International Association Cities and Ports.

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Stephan Rabold (1972) lives in Berlin and works as photographer. Besides editorial assignments he is currently working on a long term documentation on landscape , architecture and industrial areas - www.rpwf.org in eastern germany. - ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- - ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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- gruppo A12 - founded in 1993 in Genoa, is a group of architects. Their body of work entails a variety of artistic approaches ranging from installation and net art to works in public spaces. The - group includes: Nicoletta Artuso, Andrea Balestrero, Ginandrea Barreca, Antonella - Bruzzese, Maddalena De Ferrari, Fabrizio Gallanti and Massimiliano Marchica.

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12.11.1972 There is a process of urban transformation, which is characteristic of several port-cities, but which is becoming particularly visible in Genoa. With a boom of multiplex theaters and shopping malls the former industrial harbour is being turned into a retailentertainment area. Eventually the entire geography and anthropology of the city is being altered. In order to shed light on this phenomena, gruppo A12 randomly chose a date in 1972 (the 12th of November) and listed all the movies, which were being shown on that day. After this stocktaking they tried to research what had happened with the movie theaters since then and found out that the majority had ‘disappeared’ by being turned into supermarkets, gym-clubs, banks and garages. The pictures that they have finally taken show the current state of the places which once hosted a cinema in Genoa in 1972. The subtitles designate the films screened on the day in question, while the map marks the initial location of the cinemas in the city.

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Lorenzo Petrantoni Panoramica collage

Lorenzo Petrantoni (1970) was born in Genoa and now lives in Milano and works as an Art Director for an Italian advertising agency. He collects images from a variety of historical sources to create new contexts. The images presented here show the skyline of Genoa consisting of a collage of materials taken from (technical) dictionaries.

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Notes Notizen

A Harbour of Collective Memory

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Renzo Piano At the end of the 1980s, the municipality of Genoa decided to organize an international exhibition to celebrate the 500th anniversary of Christopher Columbus’es discovery of America. The site selected for the event was part of an old port, still operational at the time, although it was eventually retired from service and replaced by a modern port. This provided a great opportunity to renovate a historic district of the city and, in particular, build new, permanent installations. An essential consideration was that the project had to create a link between Genoa’s historical center (along the port) and the sea. Such a link had never existed over the centuries, having been made impossible by the existence of ramparts, warehouses, a railroad, harbor customs barriers and, more recently, a highway. Undertaking this project would be tantamount to performing open-heart surgery on the city. The challenge was two-fold: on the one hand, to transform wharves dating from between the 17th and 20th century into public spaces. On the other hand, to develop a very strong relationship between the port and the old city. This also afforded an opportunity to reclaim one of the largest historic European centers. In practical terms, the project entailed restoring the old buildings along the port; for instance, the three-story, 400 meter-long cotton warehouse, which would serve various functions, such as a library and auditorium. New constructions, such as an aquarium and a naval derrick—a mast crane that symbolized the new port—were built, always in harmony with the spirit of the port. The port’s link to the city was achieved by extending the district’s short streets to the waterfront: Via Del Mare, one of the main thoroughfares of the historic district, was extended onto a breakwater alongside the aquarium, leading up to the center of the port.

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From the birth of Cristoforo Colombo (1451) to the G8-summit, Genoa harbours many histories that are of emblematic importance to our times. These layers of collective memory are conveyed in the city’s harbour, which is considered one of the most important ports in the Mediterranean area. In the following interview Giuliano Gallanti talks about the role of the harbour in both the local and the European context.

Mr. Gallanti, you were born in Genoa and spent a lot of time in your life in that city: can you sketch the developments that have taken place in the last 50 years? In my opinion, the main changes that took place in Genoa began around the 1980s and the process has not yet ended. Genoa’s economy and welfare were tied up, essentially, with port activities and heavy industries owned by the State (mainly a steel factory and machine-driven industries). The crisis in those industries meant the closing of many factories, just as in many other European industrial cities, but with one important difference: although all the workers lost their jobs, they obtained reasonable money compensations for the loss of work thanks to our social protection system. As a consequence, Genoa lost a huge number of jobs and found itself full of ‘young retired people’. In those days many critics used to say that Genoa was an ‘welfare town’, which actually is quite true... During the same period the port suffered a terrible crisis as well. An anecdote may shed light on the situation: following a very ancient port tradition, all the ships ring their sirens at New Year’s Eve. Now, what happened – I can’t remember whether it was in 1982 or 1983 – was that on New Year’s Eve the port was completely silent; there was not one ship inside the harbour!

What is the current situation of the harbour? Today the port has recovered well. Last year Genoa’s port was the first in the Mediterranean area for a total amount of cargos, while the industry itself is still in a critical situation. Due to the size of new vessels and the creation of new terminals in an area in the Western part of the city (the Voltri area), all the port activities left the old port. The port was then “given” to the city and subsequently transformed into a big tourist and leisure area, as in many cities, e.g. in Barcelona and Marseille. The problem now is that we have no more possibilities of expansion of port activities, either westbound or eastbound, because the coast has been completely urbanised. As always in our history, the only possibility to increase the port area is by filling in the sea; but, of course that creates a lot of problems with environmental issues. How did the city of Genoa deal with the changes that took place in the harbour? On the one hand, the city reacted positively to the transformation of the old port into a leisure and tourist centre. Just to give one example: the aquarium built there is visited by more than one million people per year. As a matter of fact the old port is very close to the ancient historic town. On the other hand, the development of the port in the outskirts of the town (the Voltri area) brought about serious problems and even demonstrations by the citizens living there. The Voltri case is very interesting. A few years ago we presented the project at Harvard University and they were so interested, that they sent a group of students in order to investigate the Voltri case. As in every city-port, however, the problem is the issue of ‘sustainable development’. My impression is that many people in town and many politicians (of course for electoral reasons) do not care about development. Instead they care only about the environmental issues and in conserving the existing situation (which, by the way, is not great...), while ignoring the unemployment problem. In fact many politicians and critics say I’m an old fashioned ‘industrialist’. Really, I don’t mind!

With regard to the city’s role as the European Capital of Culture in 2004, we wonder how the harbour is being used by marketing agents to promote the city? The answer to this question is quite surprising, even for me. One must say that, apart from an exposition of paintings, which were on board old cruise vessels, the port is not being used to promote the city – neither by the municipality nor by the organizers of the cultural events. Is there a particular view of Europe that is being communicated Genoa these days? I would not say that a particular view on Europe is currently being communicated in Genoa. My opinion is that we should strongly emphasize the particular role the city and port of Genoa could play in developing relationships between Europe and the other side of the Mediterranean sea, mainly the Maghreb. There are initiatives related to this problematic in the program of 2004. When developed further, contacts and common initiatives with countries or cities of the Maghreb could be a real novelty. In this context the project of Genoa’s port authority to launch an International Study Centre for Italian Emigration seems very interesting. Could you tell us why you initiated this project? The port authority is promoting this centre – and, by the way, nothing of this kind has existed in Italy – since the phenomena of emigration has left a strong mark on the history and development of Genoa and its port. It is located in medieval buildings on the quayside, close to the maritime station, and is envisioned as a counterpoint to Ellis Island in New York with data access via the Internet. The objective of the International Study Centre for Italian Emigration is to study as well as collect materials of the Italian immigrant experience and to create an archive and online database of information in embarkation journals from the port of Genoa. Part of this archive is a collection of photographs and films, a specialized library and a collection of diaries and letters.

Giuliano Gallanti (1939) served eight years as the president of the Genoa’s Port Authority (1996-2004). Currently he is Vice President of the Association of Italian Ports (Assoporti), Vice President of ESPO (European Sea Ports Organization) and President of the International Association Cities and Ports.

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Stephan Rabold (1972) lives in Berlin and works as photographer. Besides editorial assignments he is currently working on a long term documentation on landscape , architecture and industrial areas - www.rpwf.org in eastern germany. - ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- - ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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- gruppo A12 - founded in 1993 in Genoa, is a group of architects. Their body of work entails a variety of artistic approaches ranging from installation and net art to works in public spaces. The - group includes: Nicoletta Artuso, Andrea Balestrero, Ginandrea Barreca, Antonella - Bruzzese, Maddalena De Ferrari, Fabrizio Gallanti and Massimiliano Marchica.

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12.11.1972 There is a process of urban transformation, which is characteristic of several port-cities, but which is becoming particularly visible in Genoa. With a boom of multiplex theaters and shopping malls the former industrial harbour is being turned into a retailentertainment area. Eventually the entire geography and anthropology of the city is being altered. In order to shed light on this phenomena, gruppo A12 randomly chose a date in 1972 (the 12th of November) and listed all the movies, which were being shown on that day. After this stocktaking they tried to research what had happened with the movie theaters since then and found out that the majority had ‘disappeared’ by being turned into supermarkets, gym-clubs, banks and garages. The pictures that they have finally taken show the current state of the places which once hosted a cinema in Genoa in 1972. The subtitles designate the films screened on the day in question, while the map marks the initial location of the cinemas in the city.

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Lorenzo Petrantoni Panoramica collage

Lorenzo Petrantoni (1970) was born in Genoa and now lives in Milano and works as an Art Director for an Italian advertising agency. He collects images from a variety of historical sources to create new contexts. The images presented here show the skyline of Genoa consisting of a collage of materials taken from (technical) dictionaries.

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- LUST - founded in 1996 and consisting of Thomas Castro, Jeroen Barendse and Dimitri Nieuwenhuizen, is a company for interactive and time-based media. LUST works in traditional - printed media, develops new typefaces and initiates its own projects. www.lust.nl - “Making Europe High Speed V1.0” is the result of a collaboration with urbanist Jan de - Graaf in the context of the Atelier HSL project. www.atelierhsl.nl

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The next clash of civilizations will not be between the West and the rest but between the United States and Europe, says Charles A. Kupchan and subsequently asks: will the West Survive? -

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The American era appears to be alive and well. The U.S. economy is more than twice the size of the next biggest – Japan's – and the United States spends more on defense than all the world's other major powers combined. China is regularly identified as America's next challenger, but it is decades away from entering the top ranks. The terrorist attacks in New York and Washington certainly punctured the sense of security that arose from the end of the Cold War and the triumph of the West, but they have done little to compromise U.S. hegemony. Indeed, they have reawakened America's appetite for global engagement. At least for the foreseeable future, the United States will continue to enjoy primacy, taking on Islamic terrorism even as it keeps a watchful eye on China. The above passage encapsulates the conventional wisdom – and it is woefully off the mark. Not only is American primacy far less durable than it appears, but it is already beginning to diminish. And the rising challenger is not China or the Islamic world but the European Union, an emerging polity that is in the process of marshaling the impressive resources and historical ambitions of Europe's separate nation-states. The EU's annual economic output has reached about $8 trillion, compared with America's $10 trillion, and the euro will soon threaten the Dollar's global dominance. Europe is strengthening its collective consciousness and character and forging a clearer sense of interests and values that are quite distinct from those of the United States. The EU member states are debating the adoption of a Europe-wide constitution (a move favored by two thirds of the union's population), building armed forces capable of operating independently of the U.S. military, and striving to project a single voice in the diplomatic arena. As the EU fortifies its governmental institutions and takes in new members (Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, the Slovak Republic, and Slovenia will join later this year), it will become a formidable counterweight to the United States on the world stage. The transatlantic rivalry that has already begun will inevitably intensify. Centers of power by their nature compete for position, influence, and prestige. The mounting clash between the United States and the European Union will doubtless bear little resemblance to the allconsuming standoff of the Cold War. While military confrontation remains a remote prospect, U.S.-EU competition already extends far beyond the realm of trade, as made clear in the standoff over the Iraq war. Looking ahead, the U.S. Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank are destined to vie for control of the international monetary system. Europe will resist rather than backstop U.S. leadership, perhaps paralyzing the World Bank, the United Nations, and other institutions that since World War II have relied on transatlantic cooperation to function effectively. An ascendant EU will surely test its muscle against America, especially if the unilateralist bent in U.S. foreign policy continues. A once united West appears well on its way to separating into competing halves. For the moment America remains largely oblivious to the challenges posed by a rising Europe. Policymakers in Washington tend to view the EU as at best an impressive trade bloc, and at worst a collection of feckless allies that regularly complain about America's heavy hand even as they do little to bear the burdens of common defense. Moreover, most American foreignpolicy experts presume that were the EU to realize its full potential as a political and economic power, the geopolitical consequences would be minimal: amity among the Atlantic democracies has been a well-entrenched fact of life, an apparently unalterable product of shared history and values. That the EU and the United States might part ways would seem to border on the unthinkable. These presumptions are dangerous illusions. To be sure, Europe is not a centralized federation, and its integration is proceeding in fits and starts. But political entities that take shape by stitching together previously separate states always emerge tentatively. The United States began as a loose confederation in 1781. After that formula proved too weak to sustain the Union, America opted for a tighter federation in 1789. It then took roughly a hundred years – not to mention a bloody civil war – for the Union to strengthen its governing bodies, nurture a national identity that transcended state loyalties, and project a geopolitical voice beyond its neighborhood. Europe has been working at political union for about five decades and faces many hurdles in the years ahead. But the EU is already coming of age as a collective force; it is on, if not well ahead of, schedule. History also provides ample warning of the trouble likely to accompany a division such as the one that the West is now starting to experience. Consider the fate of the Roman Empire after Diocletian decided, at the end of the third century, to split the realm into eastern and western halves, leading to the establishment of a second capital, in Byzantium – which Constantine elected to rename Constantinople in 324. Despite their shared heritage, Rome and Constantinople became rivals: a common religion fell prey to lasting disputes over authority and doctrine,

and imperial unity gave way to bloodshed and the demise of Roman rule. As Byzantium did with Rome when it separated from its former overseer, the EU is making a run at the United States. Just as the Byzantines and the Romans parted ways over values and interests, so have the Europeans and the Americans. The two sides of the Atlantic follow different social models. Despite recent deregulation across Europe, America's laissez-faire capitalism still contrasts sharply with Europe's more centralized approach. Whereas Americans decry the constraints on growth that stem from the European model, Europeans look askance at America's income inequalities, its consumerism, and its readiness to sacrifice social capital for material gain. The two have also parted company on matters of statecraft. Americans still live by the rules of realpolitik, viewing military threat, coercion, and war as essential tools of diplomacy. In contrast, Europeans by and large have spent the past fifty years trying to tame international politics, setting aside guns in favor of the rule of law. Last year, while the EU was celebrating the launch of the International Criminal Court, the Bush Administration was announcing its intention to withdraw U.S. forces from Bosnia unless they were granted immunity from the court's jurisdiction. Europeans see America's reliance on the use of force as simplistic, self-serving, and a product of its excessive power; Americans see the EU's firm commitment to multilateral institutions as naive, self-righteous, and a product of its military weakness. Americans and Europeans still enjoy an affinity arising from historical ties and democratic traditions. But even this is wearing thin. As a multi-ethnic immigrant nation, America has begun to wonder about a Europe that remains hostile to immigrants despite its shrinking population, and that falls prey to bouts of intolerance and anti-Semitism. Europeans, in turn, take a dim view of an America wedded to gun ownership and capital punishment. At root, America and Europe are driven by different political cultures. And the cultural distance appears to be widening, not closing, putting the two sides of the Atlantic on diverging social paths. As the EU continues to rise, its economic and political interests are likely to collide frequently with those of the United States, intensifying the ill will. Airbus has surpassed Boeing as the world's leading supplier of commercial aircraft, and Nokia is the top producer of cell phones; they are only two of many European companies that are now besting their U.S. competitors. In 2000 Britain and France each ranked ahead of the United States in the value of corporate international acquisitions. German companies have been expanding as well; in 1998 Bertelsmann bought Random House and Daimler-Benz bought Chrysler. Much of the investment capital that buoyed the U.S. economy in the 1990s has lately been heading to the other side of the Atlantic, enabling the Euro to gain ground against the Dollar and increasing the likelihood that the EU will soon enjoy substantial increases in productivity and growth. These economic successes are impressive in their own right, but there is more to them than meets the eye. From the outset European economic integration has been a daring experiment aimed at politically binding together the continent's long-warring nations. And the intended effects are now visible. Driving across the border from Germany to France is like driving from Virginia to Maryland: no passport control, no customs, no currency exchange. The EU in 1999 appointed its first foreign-policy chief, who has been busy overseeing the creation of the union's new military forces even as he pursues diplomatic agendas in the Balkans, the Middle East, and other trouble spots. And the Union decided earlier this year to construct its own satellite network, called Galileo – a move that will reduce European reliance on U.S. technology. All these initiatives enjoy strong public support, with more than 70 percent of Europe's citizens favoring, for example, a single security policy for the EU as a whole. Even if the EU makes good on its military plans, its defense capabilities will admittedly be modest compared with those of the United States. Its members are uninterested in projecting military power globally (not least of all for the costs associated with doing so). Accordingly, a division of labor is emerging, in which the EU manages Europe's security while U.S. forces focus on the rest of the world. This is not a recipe for a face-off between titans, but it does spell the end of Europe's deference to its American protector and the potential unraveling of NATO. Britain's decision to enhance its leadership role in Europe is moving the EU more quickly toward self-reliance. London for years kept its distance from the Continent, but Prime Minister Tony Blair has altered course, orchestrating the EU's push on the defense front and working to take his country into the Euro zone. "We must be wholehearted, not halfhearted, partners in Europe," Blair told Britons late last year, warning them that "Britain has no economic future outside Europe." Similarly, Germany's growing comfort with leadership is strengthening the Union's political will. As part of its postwar policy of reassurance and recon-

ciliation, Bonn for decades treaded lightly on diplomacy and defense. Since 1999, however, when the seat of government moved back to Berlin, symbolizing a renewed self-confidence, Germany has been actively guiding the EU's evolution, marking out a pathway for building a federal Europe. This new enthusiasm for Europe's collective enterprise is partly a product of domestic politics. For most of the postwar era, politicians sold integration to their constituents by arguing that it offered the only way for Europe to escape its bloody past. But the younger generation of Europeans has lived through neither World War II nor the Cold War, and therefore has no past from which to escape. As a result, a new political discourse is emerging – one that sees integration as a vehicle for enhancing Europe's power and achieving, rather than checking, international ambitions. The French used to be alone in looking to the EU as a counterpoise to America, but the other members have now joined in. Tony Blair has asserted, "Whatever its origin, Europe today is no longer just about peace. It is about projecting collective power." Germany's Chancellor Gerhard Schröder called for a "more integrated and enlarged Europe" to offset U.S. hegemony. According to Romano Prodi, the President of the European Commission, the EU's executive body, one of the chief goals of the union is to create "a superpower on the European continent that stands equal to the United States." Göran Persson, the Prime Minister of Sweden, a country that long ago renounced power politics, recently remarked that the EU is "one of the few institutions we can develop as a balance to U.S. world domination." The Bush Administration, like the Clinton Administration before it, has been none too pleased about Europe's growing assertiveness, but Washington's dismissive attitude toward the EU up to now has only strengthened Europe's resolve. Bush's penchant for unilateralism, in particular, has provoked European pique. As Bush backs away from the Kyoto Protocol on global warming, withdraws from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, attacks Iraq without UN approval, and distances the United States from a host of multilateral institutions, Europe grows ever more convinced that it must both challenge America and chart its own course. After September 11 Europeans hoped that an America confronted with the threat of terrorism might rediscover the virtues of multilateralism. But soon Bush was unilaterally declaring Iraq, Iran, and North Korea an "axis of evil" and indicating that he intended to topple Saddam Hussein with or without the approval of U.S. allies. Germany's Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer then cautioned Washington that "alliance partners are not satellites." The Berliner Zeitung lamented that far from renouncing its go-it-alone ways, the United States had "used the opportunity to strengthen its selfish superpower position." "Never has a president of the United States been so foreign to us," the newspaper proclaimed in an editorial, "and never have German citizens been so skeptical about the policies of their most powerful of allies." With America and Europe squabbling over the sources of terrorism as well as how best to fight it, this new threat promises to exacerbate rather than repair the widening transatlantic divide. The war against Iraq brought these tensions to a head. America may have demonstrated that its military might is unsurpassed and its resolve unwavering. But by acting against the court of world opinion, the United States has compromised perhaps its most precious asset – its international legitimacy. In the eyes of the world, America’s benign hegemony is no longer so benign. As a consequence, nations are more likely to resent rather than respect U.S. power and to resist rather than rally behind U.S. leadership. Most members of the UN Security Council were prepared to resist Washington’s rush to war because they agreed on the need to restrain a defiant America even before the UN debate over Iraq was underway. Containing U.S. power was one of the main reasons that France, Germany, and Russia sought to block the war, despite their awareness that doing so would put the Atlantic Alliance at risk. Even smaller members of the Security Council – Mexico, Chile, Guinea, and Cameroon among them – were prepared to say no to America. All roads used to lead through Washington. Now a second road is opening up, one that runs primarily through Europe. The aftermath of the war, far from demonstrating America’s omnipotence, has again revealed the opposite. The occupation of Iraq has proved treacherous and difficult. More U.S. soldiers have died in Iraq since the formal end of the war than were killed during the campaign to topple the regime. Islamic militants are streaming across the country’s porous borders, no doubt playing a role in perpetrating the daily acts of violence. And the United States, having alienated many of its allies through its unilateral ways, is having a devilish time convincing other countries to help out either militarily or financially. Even with more help from the international community, the prognosis for Iraq is not good. Years of war and sanctions have

taken their toll on Iraq’s middle class, depriving the country of the economic and political elite needed to bring stability. Religious, ethnic, and tribal rivalries abound, making it a challenge simply to keep the country together. With basic services – electricity, running water, civic order – in far worse shape than before the war, even those Iraqis that welcomed Saddam Hussein’s fall may come to resent the occupation. Under the best of circumstances, the rebuilding of Iraq will be long and painful; it will probably take several generations for stable democracy to take root. The most likely scenario is that the United States will stay the course through at least the presidential elections in November 2004. George W. Bush could not run for a second term if Iraq collapses in the meantime. After the election, however, Washington may well seek to hand over the country to the UN, well aware that Iraq has the potential to turn into an endless quagmire. The unenviable position in which the United States now finds itself is at least to some extent the fault of the Bush administration. Its hubris and overestimation of the utility of military force drew it into Iraq at the same time that it drove away potential partners. But the current state of affairs represents not just a passing moment brought on by the miscalculations of the Bush administration. Beneath the surface, the international system is in the midst of profound and irreversible change. As Europe increasingly holds its own and the United States continues to shrug off compromise, the international institutions that have helped to promote peace and prosperity since World War II will inevitably falter. As the EU enlarges eastward, it will come to dominate the geopolitics of Eurasia, gradually replacing America as the arbiter of the globe's strategic heartland. As capital flows to Europe and a rising Euro competes with the Dollar as a reserve currency, the monetary stability of recent decades will give way to a self-interested jockeying more reminiscent of the 1930s. The order that has come with a single captain at the helm will be no more. History is coming full circle. After breaking away from the British Empire, the United States came together as a unitary federation, emerged as a leading nation, and eventually eclipsed Europe's great powers. It is now Europe's turn to ascend and break away from an America that refuses to surrender its privileges of primacy. Europe will inevitably rise up as America's principal competitor. Should Washington and Brussels begin to recognize the dangers of the growing gulf between them, they may be able to contain their budding rivalry. Should they fail, however, to prepare for life after Pax Americana, they will ensure that the coming clash of civilizations will be not between the West and the rest but within a West divided against itself.

Charles A. Kupchan (1958) is former Director for European Affairs at the National Security Council under President Clinton and is currently an Associate Professor of International Affairs at Georgetown University and Senior Fellow and Director of Europe Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. He is the author of several books, including "The End of the American Era: U.S. Foreign Policy and the Geopolitics of the 21st Century" (Vintage Books, 2003), published in Germany as "Die Europäische Herausforderung" (Rowohlt Berlin, 2003). ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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It is not a traditional map, but rather a cartography of Europe as a landscape of information flows. It thus presents the continent in a new perspective. The basis for the new map is the network of high-speed railways. A ‘marker’ will be placed at any point where the high-speed trains race at full speed (about 300 kph) across other lines, either historical or existant, in the landscape. Every marker conveys part of a story, for example a chapter about Europe as defined by high tension power lines. Without the power stations and the currents flowing through the overhead cables, there would be no high speed rail travel in its present form. At other intersections, markers tell of the peregrinations of Europe’s climate commuters. They might alternatively convey rousing tales of the Europe of the car racing circuits, of Le Mans, Monza and Monaco; or of the sporting myths surrounding the heroes of tour cycling, of the Giro d’Italia or the Tour de France. “Marking

Europe High Speed V.1.0” consists of 14 markers, each of which conveys a distinctive perspective on Europe. It is an overture for a map in a more contemporary form: a digital atlas, an e-book full of maps. Europe will be decoded as a multi-layered landscape. Students at several Dutch art academies are taking part in the research into methods and new modes of cartography. LUST will combine the results of this research with the reactions of travellers to the unfinished New Map of Europe to develop a new demo version of the digital map, which is intended for use on the future high-speed trains. The digital atlas will provide passengers with a source of reference en route, informing them of the various flows the train crosses as it speeds across the map. Train travel will revive the idea of the Grand Tour, a journey in which the act of travelling nourishes the mind.

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- LUST - founded in 1996 and consisting of Thomas Castro, Jeroen Barendse and Dimitri Nieuwenhuizen, is a company for interactive and time-based media. LUST works in traditional - printed media, develops new typefaces and initiates its own projects. www.lust.nl - “Making Europe High Speed V1.0” is the result of a collaboration with urbanist Jan de - Graaf in the context of the Atelier HSL project. www.atelierhsl.nl

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The next clash of civilizations will not be between the West and the rest but between the United States and Europe, says Charles A. Kupchan and subsequently asks: will the West Survive? -

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The American era appears to be alive and well. The U.S. economy is more than twice the size of the next biggest – Japan's – and the United States spends more on defense than all the world's other major powers combined. China is regularly identified as America's next challenger, but it is decades away from entering the top ranks. The terrorist attacks in New York and Washington certainly punctured the sense of security that arose from the end of the Cold War and the triumph of the West, but they have done little to compromise U.S. hegemony. Indeed, they have reawakened America's appetite for global engagement. At least for the foreseeable future, the United States will continue to enjoy primacy, taking on Islamic terrorism even as it keeps a watchful eye on China. The above passage encapsulates the conventional wisdom – and it is woefully off the mark. Not only is American primacy far less durable than it appears, but it is already beginning to diminish. And the rising challenger is not China or the Islamic world but the European Union, an emerging polity that is in the process of marshaling the impressive resources and historical ambitions of Europe's separate nation-states. The EU's annual economic output has reached about $8 trillion, compared with America's $10 trillion, and the euro will soon threaten the Dollar's global dominance. Europe is strengthening its collective consciousness and character and forging a clearer sense of interests and values that are quite distinct from those of the United States. The EU member states are debating the adoption of a Europe-wide constitution (a move favored by two thirds of the union's population), building armed forces capable of operating independently of the U.S. military, and striving to project a single voice in the diplomatic arena. As the EU fortifies its governmental institutions and takes in new members (Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, the Slovak Republic, and Slovenia will join later this year), it will become a formidable counterweight to the United States on the world stage. The transatlantic rivalry that has already begun will inevitably intensify. Centers of power by their nature compete for position, influence, and prestige. The mounting clash between the United States and the European Union will doubtless bear little resemblance to the allconsuming standoff of the Cold War. While military confrontation remains a remote prospect, U.S.-EU competition already extends far beyond the realm of trade, as made clear in the standoff over the Iraq war. Looking ahead, the U.S. Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank are destined to vie for control of the international monetary system. Europe will resist rather than backstop U.S. leadership, perhaps paralyzing the World Bank, the United Nations, and other institutions that since World War II have relied on transatlantic cooperation to function effectively. An ascendant EU will surely test its muscle against America, especially if the unilateralist bent in U.S. foreign policy continues. A once united West appears well on its way to separating into competing halves. For the moment America remains largely oblivious to the challenges posed by a rising Europe. Policymakers in Washington tend to view the EU as at best an impressive trade bloc, and at worst a collection of feckless allies that regularly complain about America's heavy hand even as they do little to bear the burdens of common defense. Moreover, most American foreignpolicy experts presume that were the EU to realize its full potential as a political and economic power, the geopolitical consequences would be minimal: amity among the Atlantic democracies has been a well-entrenched fact of life, an apparently unalterable product of shared history and values. That the EU and the United States might part ways would seem to border on the unthinkable. These presumptions are dangerous illusions. To be sure, Europe is not a centralized federation, and its integration is proceeding in fits and starts. But political entities that take shape by stitching together previously separate states always emerge tentatively. The United States began as a loose confederation in 1781. After that formula proved too weak to sustain the Union, America opted for a tighter federation in 1789. It then took roughly a hundred years – not to mention a bloody civil war – for the Union to strengthen its governing bodies, nurture a national identity that transcended state loyalties, and project a geopolitical voice beyond its neighborhood. Europe has been working at political union for about five decades and faces many hurdles in the years ahead. But the EU is already coming of age as a collective force; it is on, if not well ahead of, schedule. History also provides ample warning of the trouble likely to accompany a division such as the one that the West is now starting to experience. Consider the fate of the Roman Empire after Diocletian decided, at the end of the third century, to split the realm into eastern and western halves, leading to the establishment of a second capital, in Byzantium – which Constantine elected to rename Constantinople in 324. Despite their shared heritage, Rome and Constantinople became rivals: a common religion fell prey to lasting disputes over authority and doctrine,

and imperial unity gave way to bloodshed and the demise of Roman rule. As Byzantium did with Rome when it separated from its former overseer, the EU is making a run at the United States. Just as the Byzantines and the Romans parted ways over values and interests, so have the Europeans and the Americans. The two sides of the Atlantic follow different social models. Despite recent deregulation across Europe, America's laissez-faire capitalism still contrasts sharply with Europe's more centralized approach. Whereas Americans decry the constraints on growth that stem from the European model, Europeans look askance at America's income inequalities, its consumerism, and its readiness to sacrifice social capital for material gain. The two have also parted company on matters of statecraft. Americans still live by the rules of realpolitik, viewing military threat, coercion, and war as essential tools of diplomacy. In contrast, Europeans by and large have spent the past fifty years trying to tame international politics, setting aside guns in favor of the rule of law. Last year, while the EU was celebrating the launch of the International Criminal Court, the Bush Administration was announcing its intention to withdraw U.S. forces from Bosnia unless they were granted immunity from the court's jurisdiction. Europeans see America's reliance on the use of force as simplistic, self-serving, and a product of its excessive power; Americans see the EU's firm commitment to multilateral institutions as naive, self-righteous, and a product of its military weakness. Americans and Europeans still enjoy an affinity arising from historical ties and democratic traditions. But even this is wearing thin. As a multi-ethnic immigrant nation, America has begun to wonder about a Europe that remains hostile to immigrants despite its shrinking population, and that falls prey to bouts of intolerance and anti-Semitism. Europeans, in turn, take a dim view of an America wedded to gun ownership and capital punishment. At root, America and Europe are driven by different political cultures. And the cultural distance appears to be widening, not closing, putting the two sides of the Atlantic on diverging social paths. As the EU continues to rise, its economic and political interests are likely to collide frequently with those of the United States, intensifying the ill will. Airbus has surpassed Boeing as the world's leading supplier of commercial aircraft, and Nokia is the top producer of cell phones; they are only two of many European companies that are now besting their U.S. competitors. In 2000 Britain and France each ranked ahead of the United States in the value of corporate international acquisitions. German companies have been expanding as well; in 1998 Bertelsmann bought Random House and Daimler-Benz bought Chrysler. Much of the investment capital that buoyed the U.S. economy in the 1990s has lately been heading to the other side of the Atlantic, enabling the Euro to gain ground against the Dollar and increasing the likelihood that the EU will soon enjoy substantial increases in productivity and growth. These economic successes are impressive in their own right, but there is more to them than meets the eye. From the outset European economic integration has been a daring experiment aimed at politically binding together the continent's long-warring nations. And the intended effects are now visible. Driving across the border from Germany to France is like driving from Virginia to Maryland: no passport control, no customs, no currency exchange. The EU in 1999 appointed its first foreign-policy chief, who has been busy overseeing the creation of the union's new military forces even as he pursues diplomatic agendas in the Balkans, the Middle East, and other trouble spots. And the Union decided earlier this year to construct its own satellite network, called Galileo – a move that will reduce European reliance on U.S. technology. All these initiatives enjoy strong public support, with more than 70 percent of Europe's citizens favoring, for example, a single security policy for the EU as a whole. Even if the EU makes good on its military plans, its defense capabilities will admittedly be modest compared with those of the United States. Its members are uninterested in projecting military power globally (not least of all for the costs associated with doing so). Accordingly, a division of labor is emerging, in which the EU manages Europe's security while U.S. forces focus on the rest of the world. This is not a recipe for a face-off between titans, but it does spell the end of Europe's deference to its American protector and the potential unraveling of NATO. Britain's decision to enhance its leadership role in Europe is moving the EU more quickly toward self-reliance. London for years kept its distance from the Continent, but Prime Minister Tony Blair has altered course, orchestrating the EU's push on the defense front and working to take his country into the Euro zone. "We must be wholehearted, not halfhearted, partners in Europe," Blair told Britons late last year, warning them that "Britain has no economic future outside Europe." Similarly, Germany's growing comfort with leadership is strengthening the Union's political will. As part of its postwar policy of reassurance and recon-

ciliation, Bonn for decades treaded lightly on diplomacy and defense. Since 1999, however, when the seat of government moved back to Berlin, symbolizing a renewed self-confidence, Germany has been actively guiding the EU's evolution, marking out a pathway for building a federal Europe. This new enthusiasm for Europe's collective enterprise is partly a product of domestic politics. For most of the postwar era, politicians sold integration to their constituents by arguing that it offered the only way for Europe to escape its bloody past. But the younger generation of Europeans has lived through neither World War II nor the Cold War, and therefore has no past from which to escape. As a result, a new political discourse is emerging – one that sees integration as a vehicle for enhancing Europe's power and achieving, rather than checking, international ambitions. The French used to be alone in looking to the EU as a counterpoise to America, but the other members have now joined in. Tony Blair has asserted, "Whatever its origin, Europe today is no longer just about peace. It is about projecting collective power." Germany's Chancellor Gerhard Schröder called for a "more integrated and enlarged Europe" to offset U.S. hegemony. According to Romano Prodi, the President of the European Commission, the EU's executive body, one of the chief goals of the union is to create "a superpower on the European continent that stands equal to the United States." Göran Persson, the Prime Minister of Sweden, a country that long ago renounced power politics, recently remarked that the EU is "one of the few institutions we can develop as a balance to U.S. world domination." The Bush Administration, like the Clinton Administration before it, has been none too pleased about Europe's growing assertiveness, but Washington's dismissive attitude toward the EU up to now has only strengthened Europe's resolve. Bush's penchant for unilateralism, in particular, has provoked European pique. As Bush backs away from the Kyoto Protocol on global warming, withdraws from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, attacks Iraq without UN approval, and distances the United States from a host of multilateral institutions, Europe grows ever more convinced that it must both challenge America and chart its own course. After September 11 Europeans hoped that an America confronted with the threat of terrorism might rediscover the virtues of multilateralism. But soon Bush was unilaterally declaring Iraq, Iran, and North Korea an "axis of evil" and indicating that he intended to topple Saddam Hussein with or without the approval of U.S. allies. Germany's Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer then cautioned Washington that "alliance partners are not satellites." The Berliner Zeitung lamented that far from renouncing its go-it-alone ways, the United States had "used the opportunity to strengthen its selfish superpower position." "Never has a president of the United States been so foreign to us," the newspaper proclaimed in an editorial, "and never have German citizens been so skeptical about the policies of their most powerful of allies." With America and Europe squabbling over the sources of terrorism as well as how best to fight it, this new threat promises to exacerbate rather than repair the widening transatlantic divide. The war against Iraq brought these tensions to a head. America may have demonstrated that its military might is unsurpassed and its resolve unwavering. But by acting against the court of world opinion, the United States has compromised perhaps its most precious asset – its international legitimacy. In the eyes of the world, America’s benign hegemony is no longer so benign. As a consequence, nations are more likely to resent rather than respect U.S. power and to resist rather than rally behind U.S. leadership. Most members of the UN Security Council were prepared to resist Washington’s rush to war because they agreed on the need to restrain a defiant America even before the UN debate over Iraq was underway. Containing U.S. power was one of the main reasons that France, Germany, and Russia sought to block the war, despite their awareness that doing so would put the Atlantic Alliance at risk. Even smaller members of the Security Council – Mexico, Chile, Guinea, and Cameroon among them – were prepared to say no to America. All roads used to lead through Washington. Now a second road is opening up, one that runs primarily through Europe. The aftermath of the war, far from demonstrating America’s omnipotence, has again revealed the opposite. The occupation of Iraq has proved treacherous and difficult. More U.S. soldiers have died in Iraq since the formal end of the war than were killed during the campaign to topple the regime. Islamic militants are streaming across the country’s porous borders, no doubt playing a role in perpetrating the daily acts of violence. And the United States, having alienated many of its allies through its unilateral ways, is having a devilish time convincing other countries to help out either militarily or financially. Even with more help from the international community, the prognosis for Iraq is not good. Years of war and sanctions have

taken their toll on Iraq’s middle class, depriving the country of the economic and political elite needed to bring stability. Religious, ethnic, and tribal rivalries abound, making it a challenge simply to keep the country together. With basic services – electricity, running water, civic order – in far worse shape than before the war, even those Iraqis that welcomed Saddam Hussein’s fall may come to resent the occupation. Under the best of circumstances, the rebuilding of Iraq will be long and painful; it will probably take several generations for stable democracy to take root. The most likely scenario is that the United States will stay the course through at least the presidential elections in November 2004. George W. Bush could not run for a second term if Iraq collapses in the meantime. After the election, however, Washington may well seek to hand over the country to the UN, well aware that Iraq has the potential to turn into an endless quagmire. The unenviable position in which the United States now finds itself is at least to some extent the fault of the Bush administration. Its hubris and overestimation of the utility of military force drew it into Iraq at the same time that it drove away potential partners. But the current state of affairs represents not just a passing moment brought on by the miscalculations of the Bush administration. Beneath the surface, the international system is in the midst of profound and irreversible change. As Europe increasingly holds its own and the United States continues to shrug off compromise, the international institutions that have helped to promote peace and prosperity since World War II will inevitably falter. As the EU enlarges eastward, it will come to dominate the geopolitics of Eurasia, gradually replacing America as the arbiter of the globe's strategic heartland. As capital flows to Europe and a rising Euro competes with the Dollar as a reserve currency, the monetary stability of recent decades will give way to a self-interested jockeying more reminiscent of the 1930s. The order that has come with a single captain at the helm will be no more. History is coming full circle. After breaking away from the British Empire, the United States came together as a unitary federation, emerged as a leading nation, and eventually eclipsed Europe's great powers. It is now Europe's turn to ascend and break away from an America that refuses to surrender its privileges of primacy. Europe will inevitably rise up as America's principal competitor. Should Washington and Brussels begin to recognize the dangers of the growing gulf between them, they may be able to contain their budding rivalry. Should they fail, however, to prepare for life after Pax Americana, they will ensure that the coming clash of civilizations will be not between the West and the rest but within a West divided against itself.

Charles A. Kupchan (1958) is former Director for European Affairs at the National Security Council under President Clinton and is currently an Associate Professor of International Affairs at Georgetown University and Senior Fellow and Director of Europe Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. He is the author of several books, including "The End of the American Era: U.S. Foreign Policy and the Geopolitics of the 21st Century" (Vintage Books, 2003), published in Germany as "Die Europäische Herausforderung" (Rowohlt Berlin, 2003). ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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It is not a traditional map, but rather a cartography of Europe as a landscape of information flows. It thus presents the continent in a new perspective. The basis for the new map is the network of high-speed railways. A ‘marker’ will be placed at any point where the high-speed trains race at full speed (about 300 kph) across other lines, either historical or existant, in the landscape. Every marker conveys part of a story, for example a chapter about Europe as defined by high tension power lines. Without the power stations and the currents flowing through the overhead cables, there would be no high speed rail travel in its present form. At other intersections, markers tell of the peregrinations of Europe’s climate commuters. They might alternatively convey rousing tales of the Europe of the car racing circuits, of Le Mans, Monza and Monaco; or of the sporting myths surrounding the heroes of tour cycling, of the Giro d’Italia or the Tour de France. “Marking

Europe High Speed V.1.0” consists of 14 markers, each of which conveys a distinctive perspective on Europe. It is an overture for a map in a more contemporary form: a digital atlas, an e-book full of maps. Europe will be decoded as a multi-layered landscape. Students at several Dutch art academies are taking part in the research into methods and new modes of cartography. LUST will combine the results of this research with the reactions of travellers to the unfinished New Map of Europe to develop a new demo version of the digital map, which is intended for use on the future high-speed trains. The digital atlas will provide passengers with a source of reference en route, informing them of the various flows the train crosses as it speeds across the map. Train travel will revive the idea of the Grand Tour, a journey in which the act of travelling nourishes the mind.

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East of New Eden A documentary journey through the new outer borders of the EU by Alban Kakulya and Yann Mingard

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A strip of land of approximately 600 kilometres stretches out from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea and is home to more than 60 million inhabitants from seven different nations. These countries act as a barrier between Western Europe and what is not yet part of Asia, and which we hardly dare to call Eastern Europe. for decades the countries that make up this region served as an isolation area buffered up against the USSR. They currently carry out a similar function by safeguarding the European Union against illegal immigration and all sorts of traffic. Even though the Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) were absorbed by the magma of the Soviet Socialist Republics, the condition of ‘brother country’ was reserved for, among others, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Romania. Except for Roma-

nia they have all recently been accepted to be incorporated into the European Union and, as if by fate, find themselves once again on the outskirts of an empire. The European Union’s message is clear: in order to form part of the Union they must strengthen the control on their outer borders. What happens in an area where people who are accustomed to the rules of the old regime must suddenly comply with the regulations adopted by a new regime? When precisely does no-man’s land become a duty-free zone? How many watch posts have been built by Europe? Will the ex-Soviet Union’s watch posts be renovated or rather replaced by a barrier of technological surveillance? We have looked into finding answers to these and other questions by travelling alongside the border with those who, day-in and day-out, control the walls of the New Europe.

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Border control greatly depends on each country’s policy. The poorest coun- How did the different members of border patrol units react to some Swiss we are here to make your life more difficult, that’s our job.“ The atmosInterview with Alban tries to make the best of their possibilities. The external border of Romania photographers’ project about their countries and their work ? phere was not tense that day, thanks to his sense of humour. is patroled by foot day and night with guards dedicated to their task of Most of them were pleased that we expressed an interest in their countries. While Michael Gorbatschow described Europe as a ‘common house’, you are watching the new or soon to become external border. Other countries profSome of them were very helpful and tried to help us even more than we Translation: Jessica Ludwig describing it as a “fortress“. What are Eastern European borders made of ? it from the substantial help of the European Union. Poland is one of them expected them to. I remember an officer who was so interested in photog- 1. An additional text by Alban Kakulya on the project can be found on The walls of the European fortress are made of paper, of administrative haand has the night vision cameras and the thermo vision mobile units which raphy that he took time after his work to show me the best spots to phowww.etc-publications.com rassment and of a computerized network much more efficient than any allow policing the border with the most advanced technology available. Fitograph. concrete wall. To be more precise, the external border of the EU works nally, it is even possible to find watchtowers that have been financed by the much more as a filter rather than a fortress. There is no interest for Europe EU, and which, ironically, are facing the relatively humble USSR watchtow- How much time did you spend with each of the groups ? to build an insurmountable fence on its Eastern side. Europe needs immiers built in the same spot fifty years ago. More descrete but very effective, We generally spent from four to six days with each patrol. At the begin- Alban Kakulya and Yann Mingard gration to survive but Europe cannot accept everybody within ist borders the intereuropean border police network named the Schengen Information ning they tested us. They wanted to know who we were and after having first met in 1992 in Nicaragua, working for different humanitarian organizations, and and wants to control the stream of immigrants. This filter serves mainly System II links every custom station in Europe. If data is entered in any of spent time with them in the snow and the cold weather, we drank and have done projects together ever since. Kakulya graduated from the School of Photograeconomical reasons. the linked computers all other country members can access the informaspoke and laughed like anybody else. Romanians have a special skill for phy in Vevey, Switzerland in 1992 and received training in journalism. Mingard began tion. This task is made even easier with the introduction of the new barhospitality. I spent my 2001 Christmas with the family of an officer, with as a horticulturist in 1992. In 1996 he received training in sculpture and drawing, then Your project “East of New Eden” refers to the Spanish problem of illigal micoded passports, which are already required by Europeans and Americans. his wife and children. I remember one situation on the border of Poland decided to study in Geneva’s School of Fine Arts in 1998 as well as at the School of Phogration almost like a guide to the upcoming members of the EU. The SpanSpain knows a lot about illegal immigration, and its police potentially has with two officers. As I unfolded my tripod in order to take a photograph, tography in Vevey, Switzerland in 1999. Both are independent members of “Strates Phoish border is mostly a coastline. How about the border control for the 600 to face the flow of an entire continent (Africa). Experts are regularly sent one of the officers told me that I wasn’t allowed to take it. I must have tographies”, a collective of freelance photographers in Lausanne, Switzerland. kilometers of borderline between the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea ? to Eastern Europe for training the new members. shown my dissatisfaction in an obvious way, because he said: “You know, www.strates.ch ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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A strip of land of approximately 600 kilometres stretches out from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea and is home to more than 60 million inhabitants from seven different nations. These countries act as a barrier between Western Europe and what is not yet part of Asia, and which we hardly dare to call Eastern Europe. for decades the countries that make up this region served as an isolation area buffered up against the USSR. They currently carry out a similar function by safeguarding the European Union against illegal immigration and all sorts of traffic. Even though the Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) were absorbed by the magma of the Soviet Socialist Republics, the condition of ‘brother country’ was reserved for, among others, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Romania. Except for Roma-

nia they have all recently been accepted to be incorporated into the European Union and, as if by fate, find themselves once again on the outskirts of an empire. The European Union’s message is clear: in order to form part of the Union they must strengthen the control on their outer borders. What happens in an area where people who are accustomed to the rules of the old regime must suddenly comply with the regulations adopted by a new regime? When precisely does no-man’s land become a duty-free zone? How many watch posts have been built by Europe? Will the ex-Soviet Union’s watch posts be renovated or rather replaced by a barrier of technological surveillance? We have looked into finding answers to these and other questions by travelling alongside the border with those who, day-in and day-out, control the walls of the New Europe.

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Border control greatly depends on each country’s policy. The poorest coun- How did the different members of border patrol units react to some Swiss we are here to make your life more difficult, that’s our job.“ The atmosInterview with Alban tries to make the best of their possibilities. The external border of Romania photographers’ project about their countries and their work ? phere was not tense that day, thanks to his sense of humour. is patroled by foot day and night with guards dedicated to their task of Most of them were pleased that we expressed an interest in their countries. While Michael Gorbatschow described Europe as a ‘common house’, you are watching the new or soon to become external border. Other countries profSome of them were very helpful and tried to help us even more than we Translation: Jessica Ludwig describing it as a “fortress“. What are Eastern European borders made of ? it from the substantial help of the European Union. Poland is one of them expected them to. I remember an officer who was so interested in photog- 1. An additional text by Alban Kakulya on the project can be found on The walls of the European fortress are made of paper, of administrative haand has the night vision cameras and the thermo vision mobile units which raphy that he took time after his work to show me the best spots to phowww.etc-publications.com rassment and of a computerized network much more efficient than any allow policing the border with the most advanced technology available. Fitograph. concrete wall. To be more precise, the external border of the EU works nally, it is even possible to find watchtowers that have been financed by the much more as a filter rather than a fortress. There is no interest for Europe EU, and which, ironically, are facing the relatively humble USSR watchtow- How much time did you spend with each of the groups ? to build an insurmountable fence on its Eastern side. Europe needs immiers built in the same spot fifty years ago. More descrete but very effective, We generally spent from four to six days with each patrol. At the begin- Alban Kakulya and Yann Mingard gration to survive but Europe cannot accept everybody within ist borders the intereuropean border police network named the Schengen Information ning they tested us. They wanted to know who we were and after having first met in 1992 in Nicaragua, working for different humanitarian organizations, and and wants to control the stream of immigrants. This filter serves mainly System II links every custom station in Europe. If data is entered in any of spent time with them in the snow and the cold weather, we drank and have done projects together ever since. Kakulya graduated from the School of Photograeconomical reasons. the linked computers all other country members can access the informaspoke and laughed like anybody else. Romanians have a special skill for phy in Vevey, Switzerland in 1992 and received training in journalism. Mingard began tion. This task is made even easier with the introduction of the new barhospitality. I spent my 2001 Christmas with the family of an officer, with as a horticulturist in 1992. In 1996 he received training in sculpture and drawing, then Your project “East of New Eden” refers to the Spanish problem of illigal micoded passports, which are already required by Europeans and Americans. his wife and children. I remember one situation on the border of Poland decided to study in Geneva’s School of Fine Arts in 1998 as well as at the School of Phogration almost like a guide to the upcoming members of the EU. The SpanSpain knows a lot about illegal immigration, and its police potentially has with two officers. As I unfolded my tripod in order to take a photograph, tography in Vevey, Switzerland in 1999. Both are independent members of “Strates Phoish border is mostly a coastline. How about the border control for the 600 to face the flow of an entire continent (Africa). Experts are regularly sent one of the officers told me that I wasn’t allowed to take it. I must have tographies”, a collective of freelance photographers in Lausanne, Switzerland. kilometers of borderline between the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea ? to Eastern Europe for training the new members. shown my dissatisfaction in an obvious way, because he said: “You know, www.strates.ch ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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“Es ist, als ob man die Gesellschaft mit sich in der Jackentasche herumsche Währung, Carl-Ludwig Holtfrerich (Hrsg.), Arbeitskreis für Bankge- schichte. Arbeitspapier Nr.1/1999, Frankfurt/M 1999, S.8 - tragen könnte”, schrieb Karl Marx bereits vor 150 Jahren über das Geld in der Funktion des Zirkulationsmittels. Ausgehend von diesem Aperçu MEW 13, S.87 - stellt Nadja Rakowitz in ihrem Beitrag folgende Fragen: Welche MEW 23, S.86 - Gesellschaft trägt man mit dem Euro mit sich herum? Was macht ihn MEW 23, S. 143 überhaupt zur weltweit anerkannten Währung? -

- 5.

MEW 13, S.95

- 2. - 3. - 4.

Hanspeter K. Scheller, Die Einführung des Euro als einheitliche europäi- -

- 6. - 7.

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MEW 13, S.98

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MEW 13, S. 98

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Karl Georg Zinn, Volkswirtschaftslehre. Eine einführende Darstellung, -

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So kann man in der NZZ folgendes lesen: “Zu den wichtigsten gehören die -

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Stabilität der Geldnachfrage und ein statistisch gültiger Zusammenhang -

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zwischen dem monetären Aggregat, an dem sich die EZB orientiert, und -

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- 14. Thorsten Polleit, Plädoyer für eine Geldmengenpolitik. Zur monetären -

Strategie der Europäischen Zentralbank, Neue Zürcher Zeitung 28.07.1998 -

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- 15. Peter Bofinger, Geldpolitische Maskerade der Europäischen Zentralbank; -

in: Financial Times Deutschland 30.03.2000

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- 16. Wilhelm Hankel / Wilhelm Nölling / Karl Albrecht Schachtschneider / Joa- -

chim Starbatty, Die Euro-Illusion. Ist Europa noch zu retten?, Reinbek bei -

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Hamburg 2001, S.78

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Europe’s monetary confusion; in: Economist, 29.05.2001

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“Gemäß Artikel 2 der Euro-Verordnung II ist seit dem 1. Januar 1999 der Euro alleinige Währung im Euro-Währungsgebiet; Indessen werden bis zum 31.Dezember 2001 die ehemaligen nationalen Währungen als (nicht-dezimale) Untereinheiten des Euro fortgeführt.“ Noch bis zum 31.12.2001 blieben die nationalen Banknoten und Münzen aber, wie es in der bürgerlichen Ökonomie heißt, “gesetzliches Zahlungsmittel“, und zwar in den Grenzen des jeweiligen Emissionslandes. “Im unbaren Zahlungsverkehr können in der dreijährigen Übergangszeit wahlweise der Euro oder die jeweilige nationale Währungseinheit verwandt werden.“1 Was war damals also geldpolitisch schon europäisiert und was hat sich am 01.01.2002 überhaupt noch geändert? Seit 01.01.1999 sind die Wechselkurse für die Währungen in Euroland unwiderruflich festgelegt. 1 Euro wird seitdem gegen 1,95583 DM oder 6,55957 FFr oder 1.936,27 Lit getauscht; seitdem hat die Deutsche Bundesbank nur noch operationelle Aufgaben zu erfüllen, die Geldpolitik, das heißt: die Festsetzung des Zinssatzes und des Geldmengenziels, wird von der Europäischen Zentralbank in Frankfurt/M gemacht. Sie galt unmittelbar für die 11 Mitglieder, außer GR, GB, Schweden und Dänemark; seit 01.01.2001 gilt sie auch für Griechenland. Und seit 01.01.2002 ist der Euro in den oben genannten Staaten allein gültiges Zahlungsmittel im privaten wie auch öffentlichen wirtschaftlichen Bereich. Weiterhin gilt auch der Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt, der unter Strafandrohung (Geldbußen zwischen 0,2 und 0,5 % des BIP an die EU) besagt, dass die Konvergenzkriterien bezüglich der Verschuldung einzuhalten sind. Zusammengefasst heißt das, dass die einzelnen Nationalstaaten ihre geldpolitische Souveränität bzw. das, was sie dafür halten, komplett an die EZB abgegeben haben. Weder gibt es mehr die DM, noch – geldpolitisch gesehen – die Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Aber es gibt in den einzelnen Nationalstaaten nach wie vor eine unterschiedliche Fiskalpolitik, eine unterschiedliche Steuerpolitik, nationale Wirtschaftspolitik – im Rahmen des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts. Sowohl als Rechengeld als auch als Zirkulationsmittel “erhält das Geld als Münze lokalen und politischen Charakter, spricht verschiedene Landessprachen und trägt verschiedene Nationaluniformen. Die Sphäre, worin das Geld als Münze umläuft, scheidet sich daher als innere, durch die Grenzen eines Gemeinwesens umschriebene Warenzirkulation von der allgemeinen Zirkulation der Warenwelt ab.“2 Die Münzgestalt und das Staatspapiergeld mit Zwangskurs ist bezogen auf den Geldfetisch für uns besonders interessant, denn offensichtlich spielt hier sowohl die Verselbständigung des Geldes vom Wertverhältnis als Ding in Gestalt einer Münze oder eines Papierzettels als auch die nationale Verkleidung des Geldes eine Rolle. Der Fetisch wird im ersten Kapitel des “Kapital“ von Karl Marx so bestimmt: “Es ist nur das bestimmte gesellschaftliche Verhältnis der Menschen selbst, welches hier für sie die phantasmagorische Form eines Verhältnisses von Dingen annimmt.“3 Die nationale Gestalt des Geldes suggeriert anscheinend eine Souveränität des Staates, wie sie die bürgerliche Theorie – Staatstheorie wie Ökonomie – auch behauptet, die aber das Verhältnis von “Politik und Ökonomie“ verkennt. In der “Kritik der Politischen Ökonomie” schreibt Marx dazu: “Nur bedarf das Zeichen des Geldes seiner eignen objektiv gesellschaftlichen Gültigkeit, und diese erhält das Papiersymbol durch den Zwangskurs.“4 Dies wiederum erhält es zwar vom Staat, also im Moment von der EZB als “suprastaatlicher Institution“, aber: “Unsre Darstellung hat gezeigt, daß das Münzdasein des Goldes als von der Goldsubstanz selbst losgelöstes Wertzeichen aus dem Zirkulationsprozess selbst entspringt, nicht aus Übereinkunft oder Staatseinmischung.“5 Der Staat setzt bloß, was durch die gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhänge sich als notwendig erweist. “Die Einmischung des Staats, der das Papiergeld mit Zwangskurs ausgibt – und wir handeln nur von dieser Art Papiergeld –, scheint das ökonomische Gesetz aufzuheben. Der Staat, der in dem Münzpreis einem bestimmten Goldgewicht nur einen Taufnamen gab, und in der Münzung nur seinen Stempel auf das Gold drückte, scheint jetzt durch die Magie seines Stempels Papier in Gold zu verwandeln.“ “Da die Papierzettel Zwangskurs haben, kann niemand ihn hindern, beliebig große Anzahl derselben in Zirkulation zu zwängen und beliebige Münznamen, wie 1 Pfd. St., 5 Pfd. St., 20 Pfd. St., ihnen aufzuprägen. Die einmal in Zirkulation befindlichen Zettel ist es unmöglich herauszuwerfen, da sowohl die Grenzpfähle des Landes ihren Lauf hemmen, als sie allen Wert, Gebrauchswert wie Tauschwert, außerhalb der Zirkulation verlieren. Von ihrem funktionellen Dasein getrennt, verwandeln sie sich in nichtswürdige Papierlappen.“6 Wichtig ist hier der Verweis auf die scheinbare Souveränität des Staates in dieser Beziehung. “Indes ist diese Macht des Staats bloßer Schein. Er mag beliebige Quantität Papierzettel mit beliebigen Münznamen in die Zirkulation hineinschleudern, aber mit diesem mechanischen Akt hört seine Kontrolle auf. Von der Zirkulation ergriffen, fällt das Wertzeichen oder Papiergeld ihren immanenten Gesetzen anheim.“7 Zu diesen immanenten Gesetzen gehört auf der Ebene des Geldes als Zirkulationsmittels die Frage nach der Masse des zirkulierenden

Geldes, die von der klassischen Ökonomie, genauso wie von den meisten modernen Ökonomen mit der Quantitätstheorie des Geldes beantwortet wird. Diese behauptet, dass die Geldmenge bzw. ihre Veränderung das Preisniveau bzw. dessen Veränderung bestimme, oder in Marxschen Worten: “Dem Gesetz der Zirkulation der Wertzeichen entsprechend, wird so der Satz aufgestellt, daß die Preise der Waren abhängen von der Masse des zirkulierenden Geldes, nicht umgekehrt die Masse des zirkulierenden Geldes von den Preisen der Waren.“8 Von den heutigen Monetaristen wird sie im Kern auch vertreten, bloß die “Aussagen über den Transmissionsprozess zwischen Geldmengenvariation und Preisniveauanpassung“9 sind verfeinert worden. Am Grundverständnis ändert das aber nichts, deshalb ist die Marxsche Kritik daran meines Erachtens heute noch gültig. Sie ist deshalb hier wichtig, da die sogenannte “erste Säule“ der EZB-Politik, nämlich das Anstreben eines Geldmengenziels, sowie eigentlich auch die “zweite Säule“, nämlich das Anstreben eines Inflationsziels (höchstens 2%) die Quantitätstheorie zur Voraussetzung hat. Manche Kritiker der EZB weisen darauf zumindest hin.10 Da die bürgerliche Ökonomie die Preise erst auf der Ebene der Zirkulation diskutiert und den Zusammenhang zum Problem des Werts ignoriert, kennt sie auch die Funktionen des Maßes der Werte und des Maßstabs der Preise, wie sie Marx diskutiert, nicht. “Was bewiesen werden sollte, war, daß der Preis der Waren oder der Wert des Goldes von der Masse des zirkulierenden Goldes abhängt. Der Beweis besteht in der Voraussetzung des zu Beweisenden, daß jede Quantität des edlen Metalls, das als Geld dient, in welchem Verhältnis immer zu seinem innern Wert, Zirkulationsmittel, Münze, und so Wertzeichen für die zirkulierenden Waren, welches immer die Gesamtsumme ihres Wertes, werden muß. Mit andern Worten, der Beweis besteht in der Abstraktion von allen andern Funktionen, die das Geld außer seiner Funktion als Zirkulationsmittel vollzieht.“11 “Der Wechsel in der Masse der Zirkulationsmittel entspringt hier ... aus dem Geld selbst, aber nicht aus seiner Funktion als Zirkulationsmittel, sondern aus seiner Funktion als Wertmaß.“12 In “Zur Kritik der Politischen Ökonomie“ bezieht Marx die Kritik an der Vorstellung der Quantitätstheorie auch auf internationale Verhältnisse; wenn man davon abstrahiert, dass hier immer noch Gold als Geld gilt und z.B. Euro einsetzen würde, da heutzutage ja behauptet wird, dass mit der Erhöhung der Geldmenge die Preise steigen, kann man die Argumentation auch für die heutige Ökonomie führen. Gesetzt war zunächst, folgende Annahme: “Der erste Satz war also: Die Quantität des zirkulierenden Metallgelds ist normal, wenn sie bestimmt ist durch die in seinem Metallwert geschätzte Wertsumme der zirkulierenden Waren.“ Übersetzt auf heute hieße das, die Preise sind stabil, wenn eine Teuerungsrate von unter 2% herrscht. Übertragen auf die Verhältnisse zwischen verschiedenen Ländern bzw. deren Ökonomien heißt es bei Marx: “International ausgedrückt lautet dies: Im normalen Zustand der Zirkulation besitzt jedes Land eine seinem Reichtum und seiner Industrie entsprechende Masse Geld. [...] Es fände also ein Gleichgewicht zwischen den currencies (den Gesamtmassen des zirkulierenden Geldes) der verschiedenen Länder statt. Das richtige Niveau der nationalen currency ist nun ausgedrückt als internationales Gleichgewicht der currencies, und in der Tat nichts gesagt, als daß die Nationalität nichts ändert am ökonomischen Gesetz.“ Die Frage nach dem internationalen Gleichgewicht bzw. dem Maßstab beantwortet Marx mit folgendem Kommentar: “Wie vorhin die Produktion von Gold, würden jetzt Import oder Export von Gold (auf heute übertragen müßte es heißen, der Kauf oder Verkauf von nationalen Devisen auf den Devisenmärkten, NR) und mit ihnen ein Steigen oder Fallen der Warenpreise fortdauern, bis, wie vorher das richtige Wertverhältnis zwischen Metall und Ware, nun das Gleichgewicht zwischen den internationalen currencies wiederhergestellt wäre [...] Es wäre stets nur die Entwertung oder Überwertung des Metalls infolge der Expansion oder Kontraktion der Masse der Zirkulationsmittel (heute entsprechend der Entwertung oder Überwertung der Währung) über oder unter ihr richtiges Niveau, wodurch seine Einfuhr oder Ausfuhr bewirkt würden [...] Es ergäbe sich ferner: da im ersten Fall die Produktion des Goldes nur vermehrt oder vermindert, im zweiten Falle Gold nur importiert oder exportiert wird, weil seine Quantität über oder unter ihrem richtigen Niveau steht, weil es über oder unter seinen Metallwert appreziiert oder depreziiert ist, also die Warenpreise zu hoch oder zu niedrig sind, so wirkt jede solche Bewegung als Korrektivmittel, indem sie durch Expansion oder Kontraktion des zirkulierenden Geldes die Preise wieder auf ihr wahres Niveau zurückführt, im ersten Fall das Niveau zwischen Wert des Goldes und Wert der Waren, im zweiten Falle das internationale Niveau der currencies. (Da die Geldmenge heute nicht direkt gesteuert werden kann, meinen die Ökonomen, dass dies durch die Änderung der Zinssätze möglich sei, die Vorstellung ist die gleiche. NR) In andern Worten: Das Geld zirkuliert in verschiedenen Ländern nur insofern es in jedem Lande als Münze zirkuliert. Das Geld ist nur Münze, und die Quantität des

in einem Lande befindlichen Goldes muß daher in die Zirkulation eingehen, kann also als Wertzeichen seiner selbst über oder unter seinen Wert steigen oder fallen. Damit sind wir auf dem Umweg dieser internationalen Verwickelung wieder glücklich bei dem einfachen Dogma angelangt, das den Ausgangspunkt bildet.“13 Diesen Vergleich kann man aber nicht überstrapazieren. Mit den Geldfunktionen, wie sie Marx zunächst in dem dritten Kapitel des “Kapital“ Bd.1 darstellt, lassen sich, auch wenn es hier schon die Funktion des Weltgeldes gibt, noch nicht Probleme der Währung und des Wechselkurses begreifen, denn man befindet sich hier erst auf der Ebene der einfachen Zirkulation. Die Funktion des Weltgeldes hängt notwendig mit der des Maßes der Werte zusammen, aber die Bestimmung kann hier noch nicht anders als abstrakt sein; Weltgeld ist hier noch nicht Währung, auch wenn diese in ihm schon angelegt ist – so wie das Kreditgeld im Zirkulations- bzw. Zahlungsmittel seinen Grund hat, ohne dort schon thematisiert werden zu können. Marx verweist jedoch in diesem Zusammenhang selbst auf diese Probleme und ist sich dessen bewußt. Kommt man zurück zur Debatte um die EZB, hört sich innerhalb der bürgerlichen Ökonomie die Kritik am Konzept der Geldmengenpolitik z.B. von Peter Bofinger so an: “Die hinreichenden Bedingungen für eine zielgerechte Geldmengenpolitik sind ein statistisch gültiger Zusammenhang zwischen dem zugrundeliegenden Geldmengenaggregat und dem Preisniveau sowie die Kontrollierbarkeit des Geldmengenaggregats durch die EZB“14 Ersteres wird von den meisten Ökonomen angenommen, letzteres, also die Kontrollierbarkeit des Geldmengenaggregats, von der EZB. Außerdem knüpfen die Kritiker den Zusammenhang von Inflation bzw. Preisstabilität nicht so eng, wie dies die EZB tut. Die Verantwortlichen in der EZB meinen gemäß monetaristischer Doktrin und in der Tradition der Deutschen Bundesbank, mit dem richtigen Geldmengenwachstum erreiche man Preisstabilität. Kritiker verweisen jedoch darauf, dass z.B. in der BRD 1992/93 die Geldmenge über Gebühr gewachsen sei und trotzdem das Gegenteil von Inflation eingetreten sei. “Diese Beobachtungen decken sich mit umfassenden empirischen Studien, die zu dem Ergebnis kommen, dass die Geldmenge zwar mit dazu beiträgt, die Inflation zu prognostizieren, jedoch als alleinige Indikatorgröße wenig geeignet ist. Dies hat übrigens auch die Bundesbank so gesehen. Andernfalls wäre es kaum zu erklären, dass sie ihre Geldmengenziele in fast 50 % der Fälle nicht eingehalten hat ... Die zinspolitischen Entscheidungen des Zentralbankrates wurden primär bestimmt von der konjunkturellen Entwicklung, vom Wechselkurs der DM gegenüber dem Dollar und von den Abweichungen der Inflationsrate von ihrem Zielwert. Außerhalb Deutschlands ist das wenig kontrovers ... Die Vorstellung, die Geldmenge könne durch Zinserhöhungen gebremst werden, steht zwar in manchem Lehrbuch, sie bezieht sich aber auf das weitgehend unverzinsliche Aggregat M1.“15 Dies ist eine Variante der Kritik an der EZB. Eine andere kommt von Wilhelm Hankel / Joachim Starbatty u.a.: Diese halten oben genannte Interpretation nur für die halbe Wahrheit und verteidigen die Geldmengenpolitik der BB. Diese machen sie zum Maßstab für eine gelungene Geldpolitik. Die Orientierung an einem Geldmengenziel sei zum “Markenzeichen der Bundesbank“ geworden. An der EZB kritisieren sie, dass die 2-SäulenTaktik widersprüchlich sei. Man könne nicht Geldmengenpolitik machen und zugleich Bestandteile der “direkten Inflationssteuerung“ einbringen. Die Bundesbank dagegen habe – getragen von Pragmatismus – die Währung zu einer “safe-haven“Währung gemacht.16 Diese Kritik strotzt vor DM-Nationalismus und redet mit keiner Silbe davon, welche sozialen Voraussetzungen und Konsequenzen das hatte – nicht nur für die Menschen in der BRD. Interessanter ist da schon die Kritik aus dem politischen Ausland, z.B. aus dem “Economist“: Als die EZB die Zinsen am Montag, 10. Mai 2001 senkte, tat sie das laut Stellungnahme von Wim Duisenberg aus dem Grund, dass große Störungen die Statistik des Geldmengenwachstums beeinflusst hatten, das dann im Ergebnis niedriger ausfiel als es vorher den Anschein hatte und weshalb es vorher keine Zinssenkungen gab. Das aber koinzidierte, wie der “Economist“ genüsslich feststellt, mit einer Reihe von neuen Zahlen, die zeigten, dass der deutschen Wirtschaft die Puste ausgehe. Es wird hier spekuliert, dass dieses mehr Einfluss gehabt hat auf die Entscheidung der EZB, als die statistischen Veränderungen, die nun vorgeschoben werden. “Entweder setzt die Bank die Zinsen in sehr mechanistischer Weise, oder sie gebrauchte die Korrektur der monetären Statistik als clumsy Entschuldigung für ihren Stimmungswandel.“17 Hier wurde also gefürchtet, dass bei aller Europäisierung sich fortsetzt, was schon vor der Einführung des Euro politökonomische Realität war: Die Vorherrschaft der deutschen Ökonomie bzw. der DM. Ähnliche Ängste kamen in der EU auf, als Bundeskanzler Schröder vorschlug, ganz demokratisch die Rechte des Europäischen Parlaments auszuweiten zu einem parlamentarischen System nach deutschem Vorbild. Auch wenn es in der staatstheoretischen Ideologie in einem demokratischrepräsentativen Parlament keine Vorherrschaft einer bestimmten Gruppe geben soll, witterten hier vor allem die Franzosen eine Form von heimlicher „Machtergreifung“ und machten entsprechende Gegenvorschläge – natürlich gemäß ihrem System.

Nadja Rakowitz (1966) Autorin des Buches “Einfache Warenproduktion. Ideal und Ideologie“ (ça ira, 2000), arbeitet am Institut für medizinische Soziologie in Frankfurt am Main und bei der Zeitung express. Zeitung für sozialistische Betriebs- und Gewerkschaftsarbeit, engagiert sich in der Marx-Gesellschaft sowie der Sozialistischen Studienvereinigung und der Gewerkschaft ver.di

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The repeated incidents of would-be immigrants trying to enter Europe - in unauthorized ways represent not only a failing policy but also a gradual corrosion of the sense of citizenship, responsibility, and ultimately - humanity itself, without which a decent society cannot survive, says - Saskia Sassen.

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Notes Notizen

A multiple flow of people and money The way emigrants enter the macro-level of development strategies for sending countries is through remittances. In many countries these represent a major source of foreign exchange reserves for the government. While the flows of remittances may be minor compared to the massive daily capital flows in various financial markets, they are often very significant for developing or struggling economies. In 1998 – the last year for which comprehensive data are available – global remittances sent by immigrants to their home countries reached over $70 billion, a figure that excludes informally sent remittances. To understand the significance of this figure, it should be related to the GDP and foreign currency reserves in the specific countries involved, rather than compared to the global flow of capital. For instance, in Bangladesh, a country with significant numbers of its workers in the Middle East, Japan, and several European countries, remittances represent about a third of foreign exchange; in the Philippines, remittances have been the third largest source of foreign exchange in recent years. Exporting workers and remittances are means for such governments to cope with unemployment and foreign debt. The same set of growing interdependencies increases illegal trafficking. Cross-border business travel, global tourism, the Internet, and other conditions integral to globalisation enable multiple global flows never foreseen by the framers and developers of economic globalisation. While 9/11 has further sharpened the will to control immigration and thereby has led to increased illegal trafficking, the reduction in civil liberties will not strengthen our civil societies or democracy. Nor will this policy help our societies adjust to emerging demographic trends that point to sharp population losses in most Western European countries.

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A more complex account of these issues was first developed in Sassen’s -

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book “Guests and Aliens” (New York: New Press 1999; the book has been -

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translated into several European languages).

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- Ad van Denderen (1943) - The Dutch photographer has followed the plight of many men and women who have tried to enter Europe, and espacially the Schengen area, over the last 16 years. In this work he - concentrates on the effect illegal migration has on the individuals that undertake it. He - investigates how people leave the relative security of their homes to run extraordenary risks - and give themselves up to the mercy of those who they often know to be ruthless people to find a better life. Van Denderen chronicles the day to day truth of this modern form of - slavery: no rights, constant fear of detection and loss of privacy. -

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- Image bottom:

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- Teun Voeten (1961) - The Dutch antropologist and photographer has photographed, in often difficult circumstances, young Moldavian women who are traded to clubs and brothels in the Balkans. - They live their lives as modern day slaves in what turns out to be a growing industry in - this part of the world. In a series of 10 black and white images Voeten shows how women - that flee poverty end up in far worse conditions.

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People for sale

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Crossing the Line On the occasion of the Netherlands’ chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in 2003, the Kunsthalle Wien in cooperation with the Netherlands Photo Institute presented the exhibition “Crossing the Line“ that dealt with illegal migration, combined with the smuggling of and trade in human beings. In tracing the structures of ‘human trafficking’ the artists invited explore the links between political, ethnic and aesthetic matters in a variety of ways.

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It is estimated that more than 2,500 would-be immigrants died trying to enter Europe over the last decade. Many dead, but not many would-be immigrants for a continent of over 375 million people. Who are they - these people, whom Europe seems determined to keep out to the point that they must risk their lives to get in? In short, they are an equally determined, but tiny minority of men, women and children from mostly poor countries who will come, no matter what, in search of work or refuge. They are not criminals. Yet, the resolve of the would-be receivers has the opposite effect to that intended: it results in the fuelling of a criminal trade. There has been a sharp growth in the illegal trafficking of people, as receiving countries have clamped down on entries and semi-militarized borders. This drive towards greater police and military control in European immigration policies, coupled with the growing disregard for international human rights codes and domestic laws governing civil liberties, is promoting illegal trafficking while weakening the rule of law and thereby democracy itself. These policies create negative incentives, or incentives with negative outcomes for significant sectors of European societies. Illegal trafficking and our acceptance of the deaths of men, women and children who are not criminals and who die on our, i.e. Europe’s, soil, eventually tear at the civic and legal fabric of our societies. These abuses cannot be allowed to happen in the name of maintaining control. The price is too high. We fool ourselves if we think that these abuses leave our societies untouched, because the trade is illegal and the deaths involved are of undocumented people. In the long run it will affect us all. A cycle of fear and despair A large part of the challenge presented by the exploding illegal trade in people is to recognise the interconnectedness of what are actually different forms of violence. The neo-liberal model of globalisation has brought with it a sharp growth of government

debt, poverty, unemployment, and the closing of traditional economic sectors in the global South; this has contributed to making emigration one survival option and trafficking an entrepreneurship option. The result is significant ‘people flow’, to use the term of Theo Veenkamp and his colleagues in the Netherlands (Center for Global Studies, Tijlburg University) and in the UK (Demos Institute, London). There is growing evidence that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) policy has sharpened these conditions in the 1990s, even as it has brought great prosperity to about 20% of the residents in many countries in the global South. When particular sectors in the economies of the global North become even richer, partly due to these same IMF policies, they have also become more desirable destinations. Immigrants, whether voluntary or trafficked, remit money back to their countries creating a source of hard currency for the governments of the original countries, which face mounting debt and decline in national revenues. These governments are thus not particularly interested in regulating emigration. Finally, as these same policies exacerbate inequality and unemployment inside rich economies, sections of the disadvantaged in these rich economies become radicalized, often adopting extreme right-wing politics. The governments of the receiving countries often contribute to and even create this anti-immigrant virulence by their settlement policies, notably putting asylum seekers in low-income housing-projects where natives live, who are already suffering from high unemployment and little government support. The tragedy is that the victims of these processes, to whom violence has been done both in the global South and in the rich West, now confront each other as enemies inside the rich countries. Anti-immigrant sentiment frequently runs highest among those most hurt by the very policies that generate mass immigration. When the rich countries raise their walls to keep immigrants and refugees out, they feed the illegal trade in people and raise the profits to be made. This is not sound policy but rather a vicious policy cycle. We need to reverse this dynamic.

Trafficking is a violation of several distinct types of rights: human, civil and political. Much legislative work has been done to address trafficking via international treaties and charters, UN resolutions, and various bodies and commissions. The issue was addressed, for example, in the G8 meeting in Birmingham in May 1998 where the heads of the major industrialized countries stressed the importance of cooperating in working against international organised crime. Former US President Clinton issued a set of directives to his administration to strengthen and increase efforts against trafficking in women and girls, which in turn generated a legislation initiative by the late senator Paul Wellstone, whose bill was introduced in the senate in 1999. Meanwhile, the importance of NGOs has been increasing in this context. For instance, the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women has centres and representatives in Australia, Bangladesh, Europe, Latin America, North America, Africa and Asia Pacific. The Women’s Rights Advocacy Program has established the Initiative Against Trafficking in Persons to combat the global trade. But as tourism has grown over the last decade and become a major development strategy for cities, regions and whole countries, the entertainment sector has seen a parallel growth and recognition as a key development strategy. At some point, where governments are desperate for revenue and foreign exchange reserves and where levels of poverty and unemployment are high, the sex trade itself as part of the entertainment industry can become a development strategy. When local manufacturing and agriculture can no longer function as sources of employment, profits or government revenue, what was once a marginal source of earnings, profits and revenues now becomes far more important. When the IMF and the World Bank see tourism as a solution to some of the growth challenges in many poor countries, providing loans for its development or expansion, they may well be contributing to a broader institutional setting for the expansion of the entertainment industry and, indirectly, to the sex trade. Trafficking in women may therefore well see further expansion, given the shrinking of a whole world of work opportunities embedded in the more traditional sectors of these economies and the growing debt burden of governments. Under these conditions, women in the sex industry can become a source of government revenue. These tie-ins are structural and are not a function of conspiracies. Their weight and impact in an economy will be enhanced by the absence or limitations of other sources for securing a livelihood, profits and revenues for workers, enterprises and governments.

“Crossing the Line” editors: Kgl. Dutch Embassy in Vienna and the Nederlands Fotomuseum Rotterdam, Vienna: Triton Verlag 2003. -

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Das gemeinsame Haus Europa

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- Mit diesem bildlichen Ausdruck wird die Zusammengehörigkeit, die gemeinsame politische Zukunft aller europäischen Nationen einschließlich der GUS- Staaten beschworen. Er stammt aus der bildhaften Sprache des sowjetischen - Politikers Michail Gorbatschow. In seinem Buch “Perestroika und neues Denken - für unser Land und die ganze Welt” (Droemer Knauer, 1987) prägte er die Formulierung “Europa, unser gemeinsames Haus”, die bald von vielen Politikern - Westeuropas aufgegriffen wurde. Ein ähnliches Bild verwendete schon Kurt Tu- cholsky im Eröffnungsartikel für die erste österreichische Ausgabe der Wochen- schrift Die Weltbühne: “Europa ist ein großes Haus” (Wiener Weltbühne I, 1; 29.9. 1932, S. 1.) -

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Change is the rule

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- No other continent, with the exception of South-East Asia, has had a history so marked by sovereign states pushing and pulling at one another’s borders. Eu- rope has never been a static area with fixed definitions and fixed borders. (...) - The diverse expansions were accompanied by a powerful interaction between - cultures. New rulers tried to disseminate their culture within the boundaries of the conquered territory, with varying degrees of success. Religion, or an aver- sion to religion, often provided them with a strong ideological foundation. - These flows have left traces both in the spatial structure and in legislation, lan- guage and customs.

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- Robert Broesi, “Europscapes - Spatial order in the twenty-first century Europe“, in: - “Euroscapes“, Must Publishers, Amsterdam:2003

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The Persuit of Unhappiness An interesting thing that Europe doesn’t have, as opposed to America, is something like the American Decleration of Independence where the unalienable right to the persuit of happiness is asserted. Europe sees itself as supposedly being a much more intelligent, sophisticated, tasteful, creative, inventive and open society, and yet sometimes it seems that because of this we are unable to define our rights and goals in an equivalently clear way. If you observe Europe on a political level you realise that on one hand there is a surprising and almost self-evident sense of superiority, but at the same time a palatable sense of inferiority lurking around the corners of the same superiority.

- Rem Koolhass in „USE – uncertain states of europe“, Skira Publishers, Milan : 2003

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Saskia Sassen (1940) is the Ralph Lewis Professor of Sociology at the University of Chicago and the Centennial Visiting Professor at the London School of Economics. She is currently completing her forthcoming book “Denationalization: Territory, Authority and Rights in a Global Digital Age” (Princeton University Press, 2004). She has also just completed for UNESCO a five-year project on sustainable human settlement for which she set up a network of researchers and activists in over 50 countries. She edited “Global Networks, Linked Cities” (New York and London: Routledge 2002) and co-edited “Socio-Digital Formations: New Architectures for Global Order” (Princeton University Press 2004). “The Global City” is out in a new fully updated edition (2001). She serves on several editorial boards and is an advisor to several international bodies. She is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, a member of the National Academy of Sciences’ Panel on Cities, and Chair of the Information Technology and International Cooperation Committee of the Social Science Research Council (USA).

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“Werfen wir einen Blick auf die Kräfteverhältnisse, wie sie in den Zahlen zum Ausdruck kommen: Die gesamte Europäische Union hat eine Bevölkerung von 375 Millionen und erwirtschaftet ein Bruttoinlandsprodukt (BIP) von nahezu zehn Billionen Dollar. Die Vereinigten Staaten verzeichnen 280 Millionen Einwohner, und ihr BIP beträgt sieben Billionen Dollar. Sicher könnte Europa bei den Verteidigungsausgaben mit Amerika gleichziehen, aber es hat sich dafür entschieden, dies nicht zu tun.

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Die EU-Staaten geben jährlich knapp 130 Milliarden Dollar für Verteidigung aus: eine Summe, die in den vergangenen Jahren kontinuierlich gefallen ist. Die USA wenden dagegen 300 Milliarden für ihr Militär auf. Dieser Betrag wird jedoch bald beträchtlich steigen. Allein die Aufstockung des Verteidigungshaushalts, um die Präsident Bush den Kongress nach dem 11. September gebeten hat, ist höher als das gesamte Verteidigungsbudget Großbritanniens. Europas Fähigkeit, die Macht, die es besitzt, auch einzusetzen, wird natürlich zum Großteil durch seine komplizierte Entscheidungsstruktur beeinträchtigt. Aber das Versäumnis, eine einsatzfähigere Streitmacht zu schaffen, ist zweifelsohne ein politisches und kein organisatorisches Problem.”

- Francis Fukuyama, Die Welt, 03.09.2002

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“Es ist, als ob man die Gesellschaft mit sich in der Jackentasche herumsche Währung, Carl-Ludwig Holtfrerich (Hrsg.), Arbeitskreis für Bankge- schichte. Arbeitspapier Nr.1/1999, Frankfurt/M 1999, S.8 - tragen könnte”, schrieb Karl Marx bereits vor 150 Jahren über das Geld in der Funktion des Zirkulationsmittels. Ausgehend von diesem Aperçu MEW 13, S.87 - stellt Nadja Rakowitz in ihrem Beitrag folgende Fragen: Welche MEW 23, S.86 - Gesellschaft trägt man mit dem Euro mit sich herum? Was macht ihn MEW 23, S. 143 überhaupt zur weltweit anerkannten Währung? -

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“Gemäß Artikel 2 der Euro-Verordnung II ist seit dem 1. Januar 1999 der Euro alleinige Währung im Euro-Währungsgebiet; Indessen werden bis zum 31.Dezember 2001 die ehemaligen nationalen Währungen als (nicht-dezimale) Untereinheiten des Euro fortgeführt.“ Noch bis zum 31.12.2001 blieben die nationalen Banknoten und Münzen aber, wie es in der bürgerlichen Ökonomie heißt, “gesetzliches Zahlungsmittel“, und zwar in den Grenzen des jeweiligen Emissionslandes. “Im unbaren Zahlungsverkehr können in der dreijährigen Übergangszeit wahlweise der Euro oder die jeweilige nationale Währungseinheit verwandt werden.“1 Was war damals also geldpolitisch schon europäisiert und was hat sich am 01.01.2002 überhaupt noch geändert? Seit 01.01.1999 sind die Wechselkurse für die Währungen in Euroland unwiderruflich festgelegt. 1 Euro wird seitdem gegen 1,95583 DM oder 6,55957 FFr oder 1.936,27 Lit getauscht; seitdem hat die Deutsche Bundesbank nur noch operationelle Aufgaben zu erfüllen, die Geldpolitik, das heißt: die Festsetzung des Zinssatzes und des Geldmengenziels, wird von der Europäischen Zentralbank in Frankfurt/M gemacht. Sie galt unmittelbar für die 11 Mitglieder, außer GR, GB, Schweden und Dänemark; seit 01.01.2001 gilt sie auch für Griechenland. Und seit 01.01.2002 ist der Euro in den oben genannten Staaten allein gültiges Zahlungsmittel im privaten wie auch öffentlichen wirtschaftlichen Bereich. Weiterhin gilt auch der Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt, der unter Strafandrohung (Geldbußen zwischen 0,2 und 0,5 % des BIP an die EU) besagt, dass die Konvergenzkriterien bezüglich der Verschuldung einzuhalten sind. Zusammengefasst heißt das, dass die einzelnen Nationalstaaten ihre geldpolitische Souveränität bzw. das, was sie dafür halten, komplett an die EZB abgegeben haben. Weder gibt es mehr die DM, noch – geldpolitisch gesehen – die Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Aber es gibt in den einzelnen Nationalstaaten nach wie vor eine unterschiedliche Fiskalpolitik, eine unterschiedliche Steuerpolitik, nationale Wirtschaftspolitik – im Rahmen des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts. Sowohl als Rechengeld als auch als Zirkulationsmittel “erhält das Geld als Münze lokalen und politischen Charakter, spricht verschiedene Landessprachen und trägt verschiedene Nationaluniformen. Die Sphäre, worin das Geld als Münze umläuft, scheidet sich daher als innere, durch die Grenzen eines Gemeinwesens umschriebene Warenzirkulation von der allgemeinen Zirkulation der Warenwelt ab.“2 Die Münzgestalt und das Staatspapiergeld mit Zwangskurs ist bezogen auf den Geldfetisch für uns besonders interessant, denn offensichtlich spielt hier sowohl die Verselbständigung des Geldes vom Wertverhältnis als Ding in Gestalt einer Münze oder eines Papierzettels als auch die nationale Verkleidung des Geldes eine Rolle. Der Fetisch wird im ersten Kapitel des “Kapital“ von Karl Marx so bestimmt: “Es ist nur das bestimmte gesellschaftliche Verhältnis der Menschen selbst, welches hier für sie die phantasmagorische Form eines Verhältnisses von Dingen annimmt.“3 Die nationale Gestalt des Geldes suggeriert anscheinend eine Souveränität des Staates, wie sie die bürgerliche Theorie – Staatstheorie wie Ökonomie – auch behauptet, die aber das Verhältnis von “Politik und Ökonomie“ verkennt. In der “Kritik der Politischen Ökonomie” schreibt Marx dazu: “Nur bedarf das Zeichen des Geldes seiner eignen objektiv gesellschaftlichen Gültigkeit, und diese erhält das Papiersymbol durch den Zwangskurs.“4 Dies wiederum erhält es zwar vom Staat, also im Moment von der EZB als “suprastaatlicher Institution“, aber: “Unsre Darstellung hat gezeigt, daß das Münzdasein des Goldes als von der Goldsubstanz selbst losgelöstes Wertzeichen aus dem Zirkulationsprozess selbst entspringt, nicht aus Übereinkunft oder Staatseinmischung.“5 Der Staat setzt bloß, was durch die gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhänge sich als notwendig erweist. “Die Einmischung des Staats, der das Papiergeld mit Zwangskurs ausgibt – und wir handeln nur von dieser Art Papiergeld –, scheint das ökonomische Gesetz aufzuheben. Der Staat, der in dem Münzpreis einem bestimmten Goldgewicht nur einen Taufnamen gab, und in der Münzung nur seinen Stempel auf das Gold drückte, scheint jetzt durch die Magie seines Stempels Papier in Gold zu verwandeln.“ “Da die Papierzettel Zwangskurs haben, kann niemand ihn hindern, beliebig große Anzahl derselben in Zirkulation zu zwängen und beliebige Münznamen, wie 1 Pfd. St., 5 Pfd. St., 20 Pfd. St., ihnen aufzuprägen. Die einmal in Zirkulation befindlichen Zettel ist es unmöglich herauszuwerfen, da sowohl die Grenzpfähle des Landes ihren Lauf hemmen, als sie allen Wert, Gebrauchswert wie Tauschwert, außerhalb der Zirkulation verlieren. Von ihrem funktionellen Dasein getrennt, verwandeln sie sich in nichtswürdige Papierlappen.“6 Wichtig ist hier der Verweis auf die scheinbare Souveränität des Staates in dieser Beziehung. “Indes ist diese Macht des Staats bloßer Schein. Er mag beliebige Quantität Papierzettel mit beliebigen Münznamen in die Zirkulation hineinschleudern, aber mit diesem mechanischen Akt hört seine Kontrolle auf. Von der Zirkulation ergriffen, fällt das Wertzeichen oder Papiergeld ihren immanenten Gesetzen anheim.“7 Zu diesen immanenten Gesetzen gehört auf der Ebene des Geldes als Zirkulationsmittels die Frage nach der Masse des zirkulierenden

Geldes, die von der klassischen Ökonomie, genauso wie von den meisten modernen Ökonomen mit der Quantitätstheorie des Geldes beantwortet wird. Diese behauptet, dass die Geldmenge bzw. ihre Veränderung das Preisniveau bzw. dessen Veränderung bestimme, oder in Marxschen Worten: “Dem Gesetz der Zirkulation der Wertzeichen entsprechend, wird so der Satz aufgestellt, daß die Preise der Waren abhängen von der Masse des zirkulierenden Geldes, nicht umgekehrt die Masse des zirkulierenden Geldes von den Preisen der Waren.“8 Von den heutigen Monetaristen wird sie im Kern auch vertreten, bloß die “Aussagen über den Transmissionsprozess zwischen Geldmengenvariation und Preisniveauanpassung“9 sind verfeinert worden. Am Grundverständnis ändert das aber nichts, deshalb ist die Marxsche Kritik daran meines Erachtens heute noch gültig. Sie ist deshalb hier wichtig, da die sogenannte “erste Säule“ der EZB-Politik, nämlich das Anstreben eines Geldmengenziels, sowie eigentlich auch die “zweite Säule“, nämlich das Anstreben eines Inflationsziels (höchstens 2%) die Quantitätstheorie zur Voraussetzung hat. Manche Kritiker der EZB weisen darauf zumindest hin.10 Da die bürgerliche Ökonomie die Preise erst auf der Ebene der Zirkulation diskutiert und den Zusammenhang zum Problem des Werts ignoriert, kennt sie auch die Funktionen des Maßes der Werte und des Maßstabs der Preise, wie sie Marx diskutiert, nicht. “Was bewiesen werden sollte, war, daß der Preis der Waren oder der Wert des Goldes von der Masse des zirkulierenden Goldes abhängt. Der Beweis besteht in der Voraussetzung des zu Beweisenden, daß jede Quantität des edlen Metalls, das als Geld dient, in welchem Verhältnis immer zu seinem innern Wert, Zirkulationsmittel, Münze, und so Wertzeichen für die zirkulierenden Waren, welches immer die Gesamtsumme ihres Wertes, werden muß. Mit andern Worten, der Beweis besteht in der Abstraktion von allen andern Funktionen, die das Geld außer seiner Funktion als Zirkulationsmittel vollzieht.“11 “Der Wechsel in der Masse der Zirkulationsmittel entspringt hier ... aus dem Geld selbst, aber nicht aus seiner Funktion als Zirkulationsmittel, sondern aus seiner Funktion als Wertmaß.“12 In “Zur Kritik der Politischen Ökonomie“ bezieht Marx die Kritik an der Vorstellung der Quantitätstheorie auch auf internationale Verhältnisse; wenn man davon abstrahiert, dass hier immer noch Gold als Geld gilt und z.B. Euro einsetzen würde, da heutzutage ja behauptet wird, dass mit der Erhöhung der Geldmenge die Preise steigen, kann man die Argumentation auch für die heutige Ökonomie führen. Gesetzt war zunächst, folgende Annahme: “Der erste Satz war also: Die Quantität des zirkulierenden Metallgelds ist normal, wenn sie bestimmt ist durch die in seinem Metallwert geschätzte Wertsumme der zirkulierenden Waren.“ Übersetzt auf heute hieße das, die Preise sind stabil, wenn eine Teuerungsrate von unter 2% herrscht. Übertragen auf die Verhältnisse zwischen verschiedenen Ländern bzw. deren Ökonomien heißt es bei Marx: “International ausgedrückt lautet dies: Im normalen Zustand der Zirkulation besitzt jedes Land eine seinem Reichtum und seiner Industrie entsprechende Masse Geld. [...] Es fände also ein Gleichgewicht zwischen den currencies (den Gesamtmassen des zirkulierenden Geldes) der verschiedenen Länder statt. Das richtige Niveau der nationalen currency ist nun ausgedrückt als internationales Gleichgewicht der currencies, und in der Tat nichts gesagt, als daß die Nationalität nichts ändert am ökonomischen Gesetz.“ Die Frage nach dem internationalen Gleichgewicht bzw. dem Maßstab beantwortet Marx mit folgendem Kommentar: “Wie vorhin die Produktion von Gold, würden jetzt Import oder Export von Gold (auf heute übertragen müßte es heißen, der Kauf oder Verkauf von nationalen Devisen auf den Devisenmärkten, NR) und mit ihnen ein Steigen oder Fallen der Warenpreise fortdauern, bis, wie vorher das richtige Wertverhältnis zwischen Metall und Ware, nun das Gleichgewicht zwischen den internationalen currencies wiederhergestellt wäre [...] Es wäre stets nur die Entwertung oder Überwertung des Metalls infolge der Expansion oder Kontraktion der Masse der Zirkulationsmittel (heute entsprechend der Entwertung oder Überwertung der Währung) über oder unter ihr richtiges Niveau, wodurch seine Einfuhr oder Ausfuhr bewirkt würden [...] Es ergäbe sich ferner: da im ersten Fall die Produktion des Goldes nur vermehrt oder vermindert, im zweiten Falle Gold nur importiert oder exportiert wird, weil seine Quantität über oder unter ihrem richtigen Niveau steht, weil es über oder unter seinen Metallwert appreziiert oder depreziiert ist, also die Warenpreise zu hoch oder zu niedrig sind, so wirkt jede solche Bewegung als Korrektivmittel, indem sie durch Expansion oder Kontraktion des zirkulierenden Geldes die Preise wieder auf ihr wahres Niveau zurückführt, im ersten Fall das Niveau zwischen Wert des Goldes und Wert der Waren, im zweiten Falle das internationale Niveau der currencies. (Da die Geldmenge heute nicht direkt gesteuert werden kann, meinen die Ökonomen, dass dies durch die Änderung der Zinssätze möglich sei, die Vorstellung ist die gleiche. NR) In andern Worten: Das Geld zirkuliert in verschiedenen Ländern nur insofern es in jedem Lande als Münze zirkuliert. Das Geld ist nur Münze, und die Quantität des

in einem Lande befindlichen Goldes muß daher in die Zirkulation eingehen, kann also als Wertzeichen seiner selbst über oder unter seinen Wert steigen oder fallen. Damit sind wir auf dem Umweg dieser internationalen Verwickelung wieder glücklich bei dem einfachen Dogma angelangt, das den Ausgangspunkt bildet.“13 Diesen Vergleich kann man aber nicht überstrapazieren. Mit den Geldfunktionen, wie sie Marx zunächst in dem dritten Kapitel des “Kapital“ Bd.1 darstellt, lassen sich, auch wenn es hier schon die Funktion des Weltgeldes gibt, noch nicht Probleme der Währung und des Wechselkurses begreifen, denn man befindet sich hier erst auf der Ebene der einfachen Zirkulation. Die Funktion des Weltgeldes hängt notwendig mit der des Maßes der Werte zusammen, aber die Bestimmung kann hier noch nicht anders als abstrakt sein; Weltgeld ist hier noch nicht Währung, auch wenn diese in ihm schon angelegt ist – so wie das Kreditgeld im Zirkulations- bzw. Zahlungsmittel seinen Grund hat, ohne dort schon thematisiert werden zu können. Marx verweist jedoch in diesem Zusammenhang selbst auf diese Probleme und ist sich dessen bewußt. Kommt man zurück zur Debatte um die EZB, hört sich innerhalb der bürgerlichen Ökonomie die Kritik am Konzept der Geldmengenpolitik z.B. von Peter Bofinger so an: “Die hinreichenden Bedingungen für eine zielgerechte Geldmengenpolitik sind ein statistisch gültiger Zusammenhang zwischen dem zugrundeliegenden Geldmengenaggregat und dem Preisniveau sowie die Kontrollierbarkeit des Geldmengenaggregats durch die EZB“14 Ersteres wird von den meisten Ökonomen angenommen, letzteres, also die Kontrollierbarkeit des Geldmengenaggregats, von der EZB. Außerdem knüpfen die Kritiker den Zusammenhang von Inflation bzw. Preisstabilität nicht so eng, wie dies die EZB tut. Die Verantwortlichen in der EZB meinen gemäß monetaristischer Doktrin und in der Tradition der Deutschen Bundesbank, mit dem richtigen Geldmengenwachstum erreiche man Preisstabilität. Kritiker verweisen jedoch darauf, dass z.B. in der BRD 1992/93 die Geldmenge über Gebühr gewachsen sei und trotzdem das Gegenteil von Inflation eingetreten sei. “Diese Beobachtungen decken sich mit umfassenden empirischen Studien, die zu dem Ergebnis kommen, dass die Geldmenge zwar mit dazu beiträgt, die Inflation zu prognostizieren, jedoch als alleinige Indikatorgröße wenig geeignet ist. Dies hat übrigens auch die Bundesbank so gesehen. Andernfalls wäre es kaum zu erklären, dass sie ihre Geldmengenziele in fast 50 % der Fälle nicht eingehalten hat ... Die zinspolitischen Entscheidungen des Zentralbankrates wurden primär bestimmt von der konjunkturellen Entwicklung, vom Wechselkurs der DM gegenüber dem Dollar und von den Abweichungen der Inflationsrate von ihrem Zielwert. Außerhalb Deutschlands ist das wenig kontrovers ... Die Vorstellung, die Geldmenge könne durch Zinserhöhungen gebremst werden, steht zwar in manchem Lehrbuch, sie bezieht sich aber auf das weitgehend unverzinsliche Aggregat M1.“15 Dies ist eine Variante der Kritik an der EZB. Eine andere kommt von Wilhelm Hankel / Joachim Starbatty u.a.: Diese halten oben genannte Interpretation nur für die halbe Wahrheit und verteidigen die Geldmengenpolitik der BB. Diese machen sie zum Maßstab für eine gelungene Geldpolitik. Die Orientierung an einem Geldmengenziel sei zum “Markenzeichen der Bundesbank“ geworden. An der EZB kritisieren sie, dass die 2-SäulenTaktik widersprüchlich sei. Man könne nicht Geldmengenpolitik machen und zugleich Bestandteile der “direkten Inflationssteuerung“ einbringen. Die Bundesbank dagegen habe – getragen von Pragmatismus – die Währung zu einer “safe-haven“Währung gemacht.16 Diese Kritik strotzt vor DM-Nationalismus und redet mit keiner Silbe davon, welche sozialen Voraussetzungen und Konsequenzen das hatte – nicht nur für die Menschen in der BRD. Interessanter ist da schon die Kritik aus dem politischen Ausland, z.B. aus dem “Economist“: Als die EZB die Zinsen am Montag, 10. Mai 2001 senkte, tat sie das laut Stellungnahme von Wim Duisenberg aus dem Grund, dass große Störungen die Statistik des Geldmengenwachstums beeinflusst hatten, das dann im Ergebnis niedriger ausfiel als es vorher den Anschein hatte und weshalb es vorher keine Zinssenkungen gab. Das aber koinzidierte, wie der “Economist“ genüsslich feststellt, mit einer Reihe von neuen Zahlen, die zeigten, dass der deutschen Wirtschaft die Puste ausgehe. Es wird hier spekuliert, dass dieses mehr Einfluss gehabt hat auf die Entscheidung der EZB, als die statistischen Veränderungen, die nun vorgeschoben werden. “Entweder setzt die Bank die Zinsen in sehr mechanistischer Weise, oder sie gebrauchte die Korrektur der monetären Statistik als clumsy Entschuldigung für ihren Stimmungswandel.“17 Hier wurde also gefürchtet, dass bei aller Europäisierung sich fortsetzt, was schon vor der Einführung des Euro politökonomische Realität war: Die Vorherrschaft der deutschen Ökonomie bzw. der DM. Ähnliche Ängste kamen in der EU auf, als Bundeskanzler Schröder vorschlug, ganz demokratisch die Rechte des Europäischen Parlaments auszuweiten zu einem parlamentarischen System nach deutschem Vorbild. Auch wenn es in der staatstheoretischen Ideologie in einem demokratischrepräsentativen Parlament keine Vorherrschaft einer bestimmten Gruppe geben soll, witterten hier vor allem die Franzosen eine Form von heimlicher „Machtergreifung“ und machten entsprechende Gegenvorschläge – natürlich gemäß ihrem System.

Nadja Rakowitz (1966) Autorin des Buches “Einfache Warenproduktion. Ideal und Ideologie“ (ça ira, 2000), arbeitet am Institut für medizinische Soziologie in Frankfurt am Main und bei der Zeitung express. Zeitung für sozialistische Betriebs- und Gewerkschaftsarbeit, engagiert sich in der Marx-Gesellschaft sowie der Sozialistischen Studienvereinigung und der Gewerkschaft ver.di

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The repeated incidents of would-be immigrants trying to enter Europe - in unauthorized ways represent not only a failing policy but also a gradual corrosion of the sense of citizenship, responsibility, and ultimately - humanity itself, without which a decent society cannot survive, says - Saskia Sassen.

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Notes Notizen

A multiple flow of people and money The way emigrants enter the macro-level of development strategies for sending countries is through remittances. In many countries these represent a major source of foreign exchange reserves for the government. While the flows of remittances may be minor compared to the massive daily capital flows in various financial markets, they are often very significant for developing or struggling economies. In 1998 – the last year for which comprehensive data are available – global remittances sent by immigrants to their home countries reached over $70 billion, a figure that excludes informally sent remittances. To understand the significance of this figure, it should be related to the GDP and foreign currency reserves in the specific countries involved, rather than compared to the global flow of capital. For instance, in Bangladesh, a country with significant numbers of its workers in the Middle East, Japan, and several European countries, remittances represent about a third of foreign exchange; in the Philippines, remittances have been the third largest source of foreign exchange in recent years. Exporting workers and remittances are means for such governments to cope with unemployment and foreign debt. The same set of growing interdependencies increases illegal trafficking. Cross-border business travel, global tourism, the Internet, and other conditions integral to globalisation enable multiple global flows never foreseen by the framers and developers of economic globalisation. While 9/11 has further sharpened the will to control immigration and thereby has led to increased illegal trafficking, the reduction in civil liberties will not strengthen our civil societies or democracy. Nor will this policy help our societies adjust to emerging demographic trends that point to sharp population losses in most Western European countries.

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A more complex account of these issues was first developed in Sassen’s -

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book “Guests and Aliens” (New York: New Press 1999; the book has been -

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- Image top:

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- Ad van Denderen (1943) - The Dutch photographer has followed the plight of many men and women who have tried to enter Europe, and espacially the Schengen area, over the last 16 years. In this work he - concentrates on the effect illegal migration has on the individuals that undertake it. He - investigates how people leave the relative security of their homes to run extraordenary risks - and give themselves up to the mercy of those who they often know to be ruthless people to find a better life. Van Denderen chronicles the day to day truth of this modern form of - slavery: no rights, constant fear of detection and loss of privacy. -

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- Teun Voeten (1961) - The Dutch antropologist and photographer has photographed, in often difficult circumstances, young Moldavian women who are traded to clubs and brothels in the Balkans. - They live their lives as modern day slaves in what turns out to be a growing industry in - this part of the world. In a series of 10 black and white images Voeten shows how women - that flee poverty end up in far worse conditions.

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People for sale

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Crossing the Line On the occasion of the Netherlands’ chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in 2003, the Kunsthalle Wien in cooperation with the Netherlands Photo Institute presented the exhibition “Crossing the Line“ that dealt with illegal migration, combined with the smuggling of and trade in human beings. In tracing the structures of ‘human trafficking’ the artists invited explore the links between political, ethnic and aesthetic matters in a variety of ways.

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It is estimated that more than 2,500 would-be immigrants died trying to enter Europe over the last decade. Many dead, but not many would-be immigrants for a continent of over 375 million people. Who are they - these people, whom Europe seems determined to keep out to the point that they must risk their lives to get in? In short, they are an equally determined, but tiny minority of men, women and children from mostly poor countries who will come, no matter what, in search of work or refuge. They are not criminals. Yet, the resolve of the would-be receivers has the opposite effect to that intended: it results in the fuelling of a criminal trade. There has been a sharp growth in the illegal trafficking of people, as receiving countries have clamped down on entries and semi-militarized borders. This drive towards greater police and military control in European immigration policies, coupled with the growing disregard for international human rights codes and domestic laws governing civil liberties, is promoting illegal trafficking while weakening the rule of law and thereby democracy itself. These policies create negative incentives, or incentives with negative outcomes for significant sectors of European societies. Illegal trafficking and our acceptance of the deaths of men, women and children who are not criminals and who die on our, i.e. Europe’s, soil, eventually tear at the civic and legal fabric of our societies. These abuses cannot be allowed to happen in the name of maintaining control. The price is too high. We fool ourselves if we think that these abuses leave our societies untouched, because the trade is illegal and the deaths involved are of undocumented people. In the long run it will affect us all. A cycle of fear and despair A large part of the challenge presented by the exploding illegal trade in people is to recognise the interconnectedness of what are actually different forms of violence. The neo-liberal model of globalisation has brought with it a sharp growth of government

debt, poverty, unemployment, and the closing of traditional economic sectors in the global South; this has contributed to making emigration one survival option and trafficking an entrepreneurship option. The result is significant ‘people flow’, to use the term of Theo Veenkamp and his colleagues in the Netherlands (Center for Global Studies, Tijlburg University) and in the UK (Demos Institute, London). There is growing evidence that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) policy has sharpened these conditions in the 1990s, even as it has brought great prosperity to about 20% of the residents in many countries in the global South. When particular sectors in the economies of the global North become even richer, partly due to these same IMF policies, they have also become more desirable destinations. Immigrants, whether voluntary or trafficked, remit money back to their countries creating a source of hard currency for the governments of the original countries, which face mounting debt and decline in national revenues. These governments are thus not particularly interested in regulating emigration. Finally, as these same policies exacerbate inequality and unemployment inside rich economies, sections of the disadvantaged in these rich economies become radicalized, often adopting extreme right-wing politics. The governments of the receiving countries often contribute to and even create this anti-immigrant virulence by their settlement policies, notably putting asylum seekers in low-income housing-projects where natives live, who are already suffering from high unemployment and little government support. The tragedy is that the victims of these processes, to whom violence has been done both in the global South and in the rich West, now confront each other as enemies inside the rich countries. Anti-immigrant sentiment frequently runs highest among those most hurt by the very policies that generate mass immigration. When the rich countries raise their walls to keep immigrants and refugees out, they feed the illegal trade in people and raise the profits to be made. This is not sound policy but rather a vicious policy cycle. We need to reverse this dynamic.

Trafficking is a violation of several distinct types of rights: human, civil and political. Much legislative work has been done to address trafficking via international treaties and charters, UN resolutions, and various bodies and commissions. The issue was addressed, for example, in the G8 meeting in Birmingham in May 1998 where the heads of the major industrialized countries stressed the importance of cooperating in working against international organised crime. Former US President Clinton issued a set of directives to his administration to strengthen and increase efforts against trafficking in women and girls, which in turn generated a legislation initiative by the late senator Paul Wellstone, whose bill was introduced in the senate in 1999. Meanwhile, the importance of NGOs has been increasing in this context. For instance, the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women has centres and representatives in Australia, Bangladesh, Europe, Latin America, North America, Africa and Asia Pacific. The Women’s Rights Advocacy Program has established the Initiative Against Trafficking in Persons to combat the global trade. But as tourism has grown over the last decade and become a major development strategy for cities, regions and whole countries, the entertainment sector has seen a parallel growth and recognition as a key development strategy. At some point, where governments are desperate for revenue and foreign exchange reserves and where levels of poverty and unemployment are high, the sex trade itself as part of the entertainment industry can become a development strategy. When local manufacturing and agriculture can no longer function as sources of employment, profits or government revenue, what was once a marginal source of earnings, profits and revenues now becomes far more important. When the IMF and the World Bank see tourism as a solution to some of the growth challenges in many poor countries, providing loans for its development or expansion, they may well be contributing to a broader institutional setting for the expansion of the entertainment industry and, indirectly, to the sex trade. Trafficking in women may therefore well see further expansion, given the shrinking of a whole world of work opportunities embedded in the more traditional sectors of these economies and the growing debt burden of governments. Under these conditions, women in the sex industry can become a source of government revenue. These tie-ins are structural and are not a function of conspiracies. Their weight and impact in an economy will be enhanced by the absence or limitations of other sources for securing a livelihood, profits and revenues for workers, enterprises and governments.

“Crossing the Line” editors: Kgl. Dutch Embassy in Vienna and the Nederlands Fotomuseum Rotterdam, Vienna: Triton Verlag 2003. -

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Das gemeinsame Haus Europa

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- Mit diesem bildlichen Ausdruck wird die Zusammengehörigkeit, die gemeinsame politische Zukunft aller europäischen Nationen einschließlich der GUS- Staaten beschworen. Er stammt aus der bildhaften Sprache des sowjetischen - Politikers Michail Gorbatschow. In seinem Buch “Perestroika und neues Denken - für unser Land und die ganze Welt” (Droemer Knauer, 1987) prägte er die Formulierung “Europa, unser gemeinsames Haus”, die bald von vielen Politikern - Westeuropas aufgegriffen wurde. Ein ähnliches Bild verwendete schon Kurt Tu- cholsky im Eröffnungsartikel für die erste österreichische Ausgabe der Wochen- schrift Die Weltbühne: “Europa ist ein großes Haus” (Wiener Weltbühne I, 1; 29.9. 1932, S. 1.) -

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Change is the rule

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- No other continent, with the exception of South-East Asia, has had a history so marked by sovereign states pushing and pulling at one another’s borders. Eu- rope has never been a static area with fixed definitions and fixed borders. (...) - The diverse expansions were accompanied by a powerful interaction between - cultures. New rulers tried to disseminate their culture within the boundaries of the conquered territory, with varying degrees of success. Religion, or an aver- sion to religion, often provided them with a strong ideological foundation. - These flows have left traces both in the spatial structure and in legislation, lan- guage and customs.

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- Robert Broesi, “Europscapes - Spatial order in the twenty-first century Europe“, in: - “Euroscapes“, Must Publishers, Amsterdam:2003

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The Persuit of Unhappiness An interesting thing that Europe doesn’t have, as opposed to America, is something like the American Decleration of Independence where the unalienable right to the persuit of happiness is asserted. Europe sees itself as supposedly being a much more intelligent, sophisticated, tasteful, creative, inventive and open society, and yet sometimes it seems that because of this we are unable to define our rights and goals in an equivalently clear way. If you observe Europe on a political level you realise that on one hand there is a surprising and almost self-evident sense of superiority, but at the same time a palatable sense of inferiority lurking around the corners of the same superiority.

- Rem Koolhass in „USE – uncertain states of europe“, Skira Publishers, Milan : 2003

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Das Ende des Westens

Saskia Sassen (1940) is the Ralph Lewis Professor of Sociology at the University of Chicago and the Centennial Visiting Professor at the London School of Economics. She is currently completing her forthcoming book “Denationalization: Territory, Authority and Rights in a Global Digital Age” (Princeton University Press, 2004). She has also just completed for UNESCO a five-year project on sustainable human settlement for which she set up a network of researchers and activists in over 50 countries. She edited “Global Networks, Linked Cities” (New York and London: Routledge 2002) and co-edited “Socio-Digital Formations: New Architectures for Global Order” (Princeton University Press 2004). “The Global City” is out in a new fully updated edition (2001). She serves on several editorial boards and is an advisor to several international bodies. She is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, a member of the National Academy of Sciences’ Panel on Cities, and Chair of the Information Technology and International Cooperation Committee of the Social Science Research Council (USA).

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“Werfen wir einen Blick auf die Kräfteverhältnisse, wie sie in den Zahlen zum Ausdruck kommen: Die gesamte Europäische Union hat eine Bevölkerung von 375 Millionen und erwirtschaftet ein Bruttoinlandsprodukt (BIP) von nahezu zehn Billionen Dollar. Die Vereinigten Staaten verzeichnen 280 Millionen Einwohner, und ihr BIP beträgt sieben Billionen Dollar. Sicher könnte Europa bei den Verteidigungsausgaben mit Amerika gleichziehen, aber es hat sich dafür entschieden, dies nicht zu tun.

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Die EU-Staaten geben jährlich knapp 130 Milliarden Dollar für Verteidigung aus: eine Summe, die in den vergangenen Jahren kontinuierlich gefallen ist. Die USA wenden dagegen 300 Milliarden für ihr Militär auf. Dieser Betrag wird jedoch bald beträchtlich steigen. Allein die Aufstockung des Verteidigungshaushalts, um die Präsident Bush den Kongress nach dem 11. September gebeten hat, ist höher als das gesamte Verteidigungsbudget Großbritanniens. Europas Fähigkeit, die Macht, die es besitzt, auch einzusetzen, wird natürlich zum Großteil durch seine komplizierte Entscheidungsstruktur beeinträchtigt. Aber das Versäumnis, eine einsatzfähigere Streitmacht zu schaffen, ist zweifelsohne ein politisches und kein organisatorisches Problem.”

- Francis Fukuyama, Die Welt, 03.09.2002

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Bilateral Relations between Norway and Germany A manual by NODE

Roadside Europe

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A photographic travellogue by Kyoichi Tsuzuki

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The German occupation of Norway in World War II marked a low point in German-Norwe-

gian relations which traditionally had been very close, and in spite of successful cooperation

in the field of security policy and intensifying economic relations in the post-war period

the Norwegian side continued to have psychological reservations about Germany. Willy

Brandt, who had lived in political exile in Norway from 1933 to 1940, played a central role

in the process of reconciliation between the two countries after the war. Even prior to reuni-

fication Germany had regained its role as one of Norway’s most important partners in Eu-

rope. In contrast to the early 20th century, though the focus was not on cultural relations

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but complementary economic interests. Politically and culturally Norway had become

more oriented to Britain and the US. Since the end of the Cold War and German reunifi-

cation, Norway has increasingly refocused on Germany in these areas. In 1999 the

Norwegian government adopted a Strategy on Germany which is intended to help “re-

discover the close neighbour Germany” and, in particular, to extend people-to-people con-

tact between the two countries. Norway also places high hopes in Germany as a sup-

porter of Norwegian interests within the EU and expects Berlin to resume its role as a

hub for cultural exchange between Scandinavia and continental Europe.

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NODE Berlin Oslo are designers Serge Rompza (1977) and Anders Hofgaard (1974) who work between Berlin and Oslo. Their ironic visual essay collages an official statement on “German Norwegian Relations“ with their personal experiences. The images were taken In Berlin and Oslo 2003/2004. ©Text: 1995-2004 Auswärtiges Amt. www.nodeberlin.com

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Lille 2004 A notebook by Noëlle Pujol

Apart from Genoa, Lille is the other European Capital of Culture in 2004. In the course of these celebrations the French city proudly presents itself as a node in the network of cities like Paris, London, Brussels and Cologne. “Euralille”, the newly opened train station, is its symbolical high-tech centre and “Eurostar”, a futuristic semi-transparent train, is its high-speed connection. During her research of transportation systems in Lille, Noëlle Pujol explored the urban sprawl by foot. Walking the streets and hills of the inner city as well as of the suburban area, she discovered the harbour and some other forgotten areas of the city: social ruins, abandoned zones, no-go districts as well as ephemeral non-spaces in the urban periphery.

In the course of her research she also went to check out the Sofitel Hotel. Her photographs of it show the grey-blueish facades of the Sofitel with strangely arranged globe-like symbols on top of the roof, which she photographically approached from a variety of angles, thereby displaying their alien nature.

Noëlle Pujol (1972) lives and works in Paris. In her films, video installations and photos she blends her own experience with anthropological studies of characters, who represent marginal sectors of society. In addition her work focuses on urban and technological phenomena. Her most recent group exhibitions include “Ficcions documentals”, CaixaForum, Barcelona, 2004 and “Sportivement vôtre”, Domaine Départemental de Chamarande, France, 2004.

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Lithunia’s upright tears, a hill of crosses Kyziu Kalnas, Siauliai

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After many a bitter struggle the Baltic Republic of Lithuania achieved independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. Between 1944, when Stalinist oppression set in, and Stalin’s death in 1953, some 250 thousand Lithuanians were deported to Siberia and over 20 thousand partisans were executed (not to mention 200 thousand Lithuanian Jews sent to Nazi camps in World War II). The prison in the capital Vilnius, where dissidents of the Soviet regime were tortured, is now a museum. But another symbol of Lithuanian spirit is to be found 220 km away, some 3 hours by train in Siauliai, where an entire hill bristles in crucifixes. Starting in the 19th century, when crosses were erected for those

Lithuanian rebels deported or executed by Russia, the Hill of Crosses grew even more under later communist domination. In the spring of 1961, the Soviets bulldozed the Hill, burning the wooden crosses, scrapping those of metal and burying those of stone, but the crosses secretly sprang back overnight. The enraged Soviets tried cordoning off all approaches, even digging a moat, but still the hill thrived. Finally in 1985, the Soviet government relaxed its bans, and in 1993 the Pope came to bless the hill. Now buses arrive day and night from all over, carrying locals and emigrants from Western Europe and America to revere and plant ever more crosses.

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A picnic in dinosaur park Parc de Préhistoire de Bretagne, Malansac

According to continental drift theory, the movement from the ocean floor that formed the Alps occurred some 70 million years ago. Bretagne in northwest France, known to all fans of the ancient stone menhir rings of Carnac, was the first region to surface. Midway along the Atlantic coastal tour route from Rennes to Vanne is the small village of Malansac, where the Parc de Préhistoire offers a charming day out among the dinosaurs. Here thirty outdoor dioramas offer the ideal idyllic and vicarious experience of “350 million years ago to the 20th century BC,” from the Mesosoic Age to the Dawn of Man.

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A play science museum too good to waste on the kids Museum Mensch und Natur, München

In Northwest Munich, on the grounds of the high-baroque Nymphenburg Schloss, once the King of Bavaria’s summer palace, is the Man and Nature Museum. Opened relatively recently in 1990, the museum puts a new spin on hard science by focusing on the interactions between humans and their environment. The core exhibits consist of mineralogical, botanical, zoological and anthropological items from the Bavarian State Museum collection. However, in the enlightened realization that many of the visitors are school children, the curators have introduced numerous dioramas, moving images, and sound and hands-on displays.

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Kyoichi Tsuzuki (1956) lives and works in Tokyo. Between 1976-1986 he worked as an editor for contemporary art, architecture, design and urban life for Tokyo’s trend setting lifestyle magazines Popeye and Brutus. Between 1989 and 1992 he compiled ArT RANDOM, a compendium of 102 monographs on world art of the 1980’s. He published “Tokyo Style” in 1993, an extensive photo-documentation of how people live in contemporary Tokyo. From 1994 until 1999 he worked on a photo-travellogue for SPA! Magazine, which was later published as “Roadside Japan” (1996). In 2004 “Road Europe” is scheduled to be published, while “Road America” is in the making. Apart from his many publication projects, Tsuzuki has exhibited internationally.

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gian relations which traditionally had been very close, and in spite of successful cooperation

in the field of security policy and intensifying economic relations in the post-war period

the Norwegian side continued to have psychological reservations about Germany. Willy

Brandt, who had lived in political exile in Norway from 1933 to 1940, played a central role

in the process of reconciliation between the two countries after the war. Even prior to reuni-

fication Germany had regained its role as one of Norway’s most important partners in Eu-

rope. In contrast to the early 20th century, though the focus was not on cultural relations

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but complementary economic interests. Politically and culturally Norway had become

more oriented to Britain and the US. Since the end of the Cold War and German reunifi-

cation, Norway has increasingly refocused on Germany in these areas. In 1999 the

Norwegian government adopted a Strategy on Germany which is intended to help “re-

discover the close neighbour Germany” and, in particular, to extend people-to-people con-

tact between the two countries. Norway also places high hopes in Germany as a sup-

porter of Norwegian interests within the EU and expects Berlin to resume its role as a

hub for cultural exchange between Scandinavia and continental Europe.

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NODE Berlin Oslo are designers Serge Rompza (1977) and Anders Hofgaard (1974) who work between Berlin and Oslo. Their ironic visual essay collages an official statement on “German Norwegian Relations“ with their personal experiences. The images were taken In Berlin and Oslo 2003/2004. ©Text: 1995-2004 Auswärtiges Amt. www.nodeberlin.com

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Lille 2004 A notebook by Noëlle Pujol

Apart from Genoa, Lille is the other European Capital of Culture in 2004. In the course of these celebrations the French city proudly presents itself as a node in the network of cities like Paris, London, Brussels and Cologne. “Euralille”, the newly opened train station, is its symbolical high-tech centre and “Eurostar”, a futuristic semi-transparent train, is its high-speed connection. During her research of transportation systems in Lille, Noëlle Pujol explored the urban sprawl by foot. Walking the streets and hills of the inner city as well as of the suburban area, she discovered the harbour and some other forgotten areas of the city: social ruins, abandoned zones, no-go districts as well as ephemeral non-spaces in the urban periphery.

In the course of her research she also went to check out the Sofitel Hotel. Her photographs of it show the grey-blueish facades of the Sofitel with strangely arranged globe-like symbols on top of the roof, which she photographically approached from a variety of angles, thereby displaying their alien nature.

Noëlle Pujol (1972) lives and works in Paris. In her films, video installations and photos she blends her own experience with anthropological studies of characters, who represent marginal sectors of society. In addition her work focuses on urban and technological phenomena. Her most recent group exhibitions include “Ficcions documentals”, CaixaForum, Barcelona, 2004 and “Sportivement vôtre”, Domaine Départemental de Chamarande, France, 2004.

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Lithunia’s upright tears, a hill of crosses Kyziu Kalnas, Siauliai

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After many a bitter struggle the Baltic Republic of Lithuania achieved independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. Between 1944, when Stalinist oppression set in, and Stalin’s death in 1953, some 250 thousand Lithuanians were deported to Siberia and over 20 thousand partisans were executed (not to mention 200 thousand Lithuanian Jews sent to Nazi camps in World War II). The prison in the capital Vilnius, where dissidents of the Soviet regime were tortured, is now a museum. But another symbol of Lithuanian spirit is to be found 220 km away, some 3 hours by train in Siauliai, where an entire hill bristles in crucifixes. Starting in the 19th century, when crosses were erected for those

Lithuanian rebels deported or executed by Russia, the Hill of Crosses grew even more under later communist domination. In the spring of 1961, the Soviets bulldozed the Hill, burning the wooden crosses, scrapping those of metal and burying those of stone, but the crosses secretly sprang back overnight. The enraged Soviets tried cordoning off all approaches, even digging a moat, but still the hill thrived. Finally in 1985, the Soviet government relaxed its bans, and in 1993 the Pope came to bless the hill. Now buses arrive day and night from all over, carrying locals and emigrants from Western Europe and America to revere and plant ever more crosses.

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A picnic in dinosaur park Parc de Préhistoire de Bretagne, Malansac

According to continental drift theory, the movement from the ocean floor that formed the Alps occurred some 70 million years ago. Bretagne in northwest France, known to all fans of the ancient stone menhir rings of Carnac, was the first region to surface. Midway along the Atlantic coastal tour route from Rennes to Vanne is the small village of Malansac, where the Parc de Préhistoire offers a charming day out among the dinosaurs. Here thirty outdoor dioramas offer the ideal idyllic and vicarious experience of “350 million years ago to the 20th century BC,” from the Mesosoic Age to the Dawn of Man.

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A play science museum too good to waste on the kids Museum Mensch und Natur, München

In Northwest Munich, on the grounds of the high-baroque Nymphenburg Schloss, once the King of Bavaria’s summer palace, is the Man and Nature Museum. Opened relatively recently in 1990, the museum puts a new spin on hard science by focusing on the interactions between humans and their environment. The core exhibits consist of mineralogical, botanical, zoological and anthropological items from the Bavarian State Museum collection. However, in the enlightened realization that many of the visitors are school children, the curators have introduced numerous dioramas, moving images, and sound and hands-on displays.

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Kyoichi Tsuzuki (1956) lives and works in Tokyo. Between 1976-1986 he worked as an editor for contemporary art, architecture, design and urban life for Tokyo’s trend setting lifestyle magazines Popeye and Brutus. Between 1989 and 1992 he compiled ArT RANDOM, a compendium of 102 monographs on world art of the 1980’s. He published “Tokyo Style” in 1993, an extensive photo-documentation of how people live in contemporary Tokyo. From 1994 until 1999 he worked on a photo-travellogue for SPA! Magazine, which was later published as “Roadside Japan” (1996). In 2004 “Road Europe” is scheduled to be published, while “Road America” is in the making. Apart from his many publication projects, Tsuzuki has exhibited internationally.

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Flüchtlinge und Grenzschützer in Forst

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Forst ist eine deutsche Kleinstadt im Südosten des Bundeslandes Brandenburg und liegt unmittelbar an der Grenze zu Polen. Ihre Nähe zu den osteuropäischen Absatzmärkten weist sie als interessanten Wirtschafts- standort aus und soll “Unternehmen mit der Ausrichtung Osteuropa” - anlocken. Uwe Rada, der die deutsch-polnische Grenze als Werkstatt Europas begreift, hat hinter die Kulissen des beschworenen Wirtschafts- wunders geguckt. -

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Fabrik und Schornstein roch es damals in Forst, sondern auch nach Zukunft. Die war auch das Werk von Rudolf Kühn. Ganz im Stil der neuen Sachlichkeit ließ der Forster Stadtbaurat in den zwanziger Jahren die Siedlung “Jerusalem“ bauen, das expressionistisch anmutende Realgymnasium, das Gebäude der Ortskrankenkasse, und, warum auch nicht, ein Krematorium. Wichtig war nur, dass mehr Kinder geboren wurden als alte Forster starben. Kühns wichtigstes Bauvorhaben aber war der 1921 fertiggestellte Neubau der Langen Brücke. Heute ist vom “deutschen Manchester“ nicht mehr viel übrig. Anders als im polnischen Od, auch so einer sterbenden Textilstadt, sind die Mietskasernen, Fabriken und Villen in Forst weitgehend zerstört. 88 Prozent der Gebäude lagen 1945 in Schutt und Asche. Der sowjetische Stadtkommandant wollte Forst schon damals aufgeben und zur “toten Stadt“ erklären. Doch dann kamen die Flüchtlinge aus dem Osten und fanden in den verblieben Häusern Unterschlupf. Forst wurde wiederbelebt, zur “toten Stadt“ wurde damals nur Forst-Berge, der Stadtteil am andern Neißeufer, der heute Zasieki heißt. Doch mehr als ein Name ist auch das nicht. Forst-Berge wurde 1945 geschliffen. Ziegel und Pflaster wurden zum Wiederaufbau nach Warschau geschafft. Wie in Küstrin wuchs über die Geschichte Gras.

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Auch die Eltern gehen

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Die Show beginnt nach Einbruch der Dunkelheit. Auf dem Marktplatz haben sich einige Hundert Schaulustige versammelt. Aus den Imbisswägen wird Fassbier ausgeschenkt, Landskron aus Görlitz, das trinkt man auch in Brandenburg. Forst liegt schließlich wie Görlitz in der Lausitz, das verbindet. Doch sonst hat das Brandenburger Grenzstädtchen mit der Stadt an der sächsisch-polnischen Grenze wenig gemeinsam. Forst ist keine Perle der Renaissance, Forst war Industriestadt und Zentrum der deutschen Tuchmacherproduktion, das sieht man noch heute. Mitten in der Stadt stehen die Fabriken, manche sind nur leer, die andern schon Ruinen. Auch die Gleise der “Schwarzen Jule”, das ist die ehemalige Fabrikstraßenbahn, führen noch über die Straßen und zweigen hier und dort in elegantem Bogen ab in die ehemaligen Fabrikhöfe. Die Lichter gehen an, jetzt sind die Forster Teil der Show, einer Zeitreise in die Vergangenheit. “Stellen Sie sich vor, die zwanziger Jahre“, ruft einer ins Mikrofon, es ist der Conferencier, verkleidet ist er wie ein Zauberer und steht auf Stelzen. “Stellen Sie sich die Musik vor, vielleicht wurde sogar getanzt damals, am Marktplatz in Forst.“ In den Fenstern des Plattenbauriegels am Marktplatz, die eben noch blind waren, brennt nun Licht, das Leben ist zurückgekehrt. Es wird tatsächlich getanzt hinter diesen Fenstern, die kurze Zeit später schon keine Fenster eines Plattenbaus mehr sind, sondern dank modernster Diatechnik die des Hotels “Pitting“ des ersten Hauses am Platz, damals in den zwanziger Jahren. “Wie war das wohl in den siebziger Jahren?“, fragt der Conferencier. Über den Markplatz von Forst wehen nun die Melodien der Puhdys, Tamara Danz singt noch einmal mit wütender Stimme und Nina Hagen erinnert an den vergessenen Farbfilm. Die Forster sind still, sie wissen, zwei Tage später wird es mit den Siebzigern an ihrem Marktplatz vorbei sein. Ostalgie-Shows wird es dann nur noch im Fernsehen geben. In zwei Tagen beginnt der Abriss des Plattenbauriegels, finanziert vom Bundesprogramm “Stadtumbau-Ost“. Andere sagen dazu auch Abriss-Ost, was auf das gleiche hinausläuft. Stadtumbau, das heißt im Osten der Republik mit ihren schrumpfenden Städten nun einmal Leer-

deshalb ein, mitzumachen beim Forster Tuch. Malen, zeichnen, schreiben Sie auf einen Quadratmeter, welche Zukunft Sie sich für den Forster Marktplatz wünschen. Alle Einzeltücher werden dann zusammengenäht und im nächsten Jahr wird das Forster Tuch die Lücke schließen. “Das Gelächter verstummt, manche klatschen, es hat zu regnen angefangen. Die Show ist zu Ende, die Bewohner gehen nach Hause. Kurze Zeit später ist der Marktplatz wieder, wie er war, leer. Noch zwei Tage, dann kommt zur Leere noch eine Baulücke. Die sterbende Stadt “Die Situation ist dramatisch“, sagt Siegfried Reibetanz. Reibetanz ist Architekt und als solcher voller Sympathie für Aktionen wie auf dem Forster Marktplatz. Das schwarze Hemd, das dunkle Jackett, das legere Auftreten verraten, dass Reibetanz kein Einheimischer ist. Er kommt, wie auch die Veranstalter des “Forster Tuches“, aus Berlin. Was ihn ins Grenzgebiet verschlagen hat, ist der Reiz eines Themas, das viele Architekten noch immer verdrängen. Was wird aus Städten, die von ihren Bewohnern verlassen werden? Was wird aus den Bewohnern, die zurück bleiben? Wie werden Sie leben? Oder werden Sie zusammen mit ihren Städten, den “sterbenden Städten“, sterben? Dramatisch, sagt Siegfried Reibetanz, ist nicht nur die Tatsache, dass bereits jeder fünfte Einwohner aus Forst weggezogen ist. Das Ende der Fahnenstange ist damit noch nicht einmal erreicht. Im Potsdamer Bauministerium hat man unlängst errechnet, dass bis 2010 weitere 20 Prozent gehen werden. “Dramatisch ist“, sagt Reibetanz und legt die Stirn in Falten, “dass es erstmals in der Geschichte der Städte keinen mehr gibt, der am Marktplatz einer Stadt mit 23.000 Einwohnern investieren möchte.“ Man überlegte sich eine Zeit lang, einige der Gebäude umzugestalten und aus dem ganzen ein paar Stadtvillen zu machen. Das Problem war, dass die Wohnungsgesellschaft der Stadt Forst dafür kein Geld hatte. Schließlich stehen auch in den andern Plattenbauten am Markt Wohnungen leer, auch die mit Balkons. Es klingt, als hätte man Forst aufgegeben, jene Stadt, von der ein

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Vom Krieg hat Margarete Packwitziv nicht viel mitbekommen. Drei Jahre war sie alt, als Forst dem Erdboden gleichgemacht wurde. Über die Nachkriegszeit dagegen kann sie viel erzählen, über die Flüchtlinge aus dem Osten, die Teilung der Stadt, die Jahre der “Oder-Neiße-Friedensgrenze“. Und über die Gegenwart. In einer Pension in der Bahnhofstraße, gleich neben “Worrichs Pub“, hilft Margarete Packwitz etwas aus, bringt den Gästen das Frühstück, erkundigt sich nach ihrem Befinden, erzählt von den Radtouren, die man hier unternehmen kann, “neuerdings auch nach Polen.“ Vor allem aber erzählt sie von ihrer Tochter. Die ist vor einigen Jahren in den Westen gezogen, an die Lippe, Nordrhein-Westfalen. Nicht unbedingt, weil sie keine Arbeit hatte, sie hat Verkäuferin gelernt und hier auch gearbeitet. Nun hat sie dort einen Job, stundenweise, wegen der Kinder. In den Westen ist die Tochter gegangen, weil ihr Mann, ein Westdeutscher, nicht in den Osten wollte. Schon gar nicht nach Forst. Margarete Packwitz erzählt sie gern, diese Geschichte, es ist schließlich auch ihre eigene Geschichte, die ihres Bleibens, und das ihres Mannes. “Aus Forst“, erklärt sie, “ziehen seit einigen Jahren nicht nur die Jungen in den Westen, sondern auch die Alten, den Jungen hinterher“ Ihr Mann und sie aber haben sich entschieden, zu bleiben. “Wir würden uns doch im Westen nicht mehr zurechtfinden. Vielleicht würden uns die Schwiegereltern der Tochter mal zum Kegeln einladen. Aber in so eine Clique kommen wir nicht mehr rein. Was sollen wir denn dort?“ So also bleiben die Packwitz’ in Forst, genießen das Leben, solange sie noch können, wie Margarete Packwitz sagt, und gehen, wenn es die Arbeit in der Pension zulässt, auf Reisen. Im nächsten Herbst soll es nach Krakau gehen, das liege ja vor der Haustür. Schließlich ist Forst, die sterbende Stadt, noch nicht tot. Es gibt ja noch den Bahnhof, den Forster Anschluss an die Welt. Zweimal am Tag hält hier ein Fernverkehrszug, der Intercity “Wawel“ von Hamburg-Altona über Berlin nach Krakau sowie ein Nachtzug. “Wir müssen nur einsteigen, dann sind wir da.“ Aber auch Margarete Packwitz weiß, dass nur wenige Reisende aus Forst die Züge nach Polen besteigen. Genauso wenige, wie in Forst aus dem Zug steigen. “Und wenn“, sagt sie, “sind es meistens Touristen aus dem Ausland, die nicht wussten, dass sie für Polen ein Visum brauchen.“ Die Geschichten, die Margarete Packwitz dann erzählt, handeln nicht von der sterbenden Stadt Forst, sondern von der Grenzstadt. “Ein paar Mal schon hat der Bundesgrenzschutz an der Pension geklingelt. Die hatten jedes Mal Touristen im Schlepptau, aus Neuseeland, aus Kanada. Arme Schweine waren das, die gefragt haben, wo sie hier sind. An der Grenze, habe ich gesagt und ihnen auf der Karte gezeigt, wo Forst liegt. Da haben sie den Kopf geschüttelt und gesagt, das wäre wohl am Ende der Welt.“

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standsbeseitigung. Manchmal, wie in Forst, dringt dieser Leerstand sogar bis an den Marktplatz vor. Inzwischen hat das dritte Motiv das Gebäude ins Licht gesetzt. “Wie wird die Zukunft sein? Wird die Zukunft sein wie in einem Aquarium?“ Wieder gehen die Lichter an, nur getanzt wird nicht mehr. Hinter den Fenstern schwimmen Fische, Seepferdchen, Fabeltiere aller Art. “Was denn“, ruft einer, “sollen wir bald untergehen?“ “Oder wird hier bald ein Schloss gebaut?“ Der Conferencier ist hartnäckig. Einige fangen an zu lachen. “Es ist auch Ihre Entscheidung“, mahnt der Mann auf den Stelzen. “Wir laden Sie

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zeitgenössischer Beobachter 1927 geschrieben hatte: “Ein Wald von Schornsteinen mit langen Rauchfahnen bildet die charakteristische Silhouette dieser Stadt. Fabrik reiht sich an Fabrik, ganze Viertel bedeckend in allen Stadtteilen. Lokomotiven durchfahren die Straßen und schleppen Waggon um Waggon, auf Rollböcke gesetzt, in die zahllosen Fabrikhöfe. Überall das Sausen des Weberschiffchens, das Klappern der Stühle; Dampf pufft aus, Kohlestaub wirbelt umher“. “Deutsches Manchester“ hatte man die Stadt damals genannt und die Forster waren stolz auf ihr “Manchester“, auf die “Schwarze Jule“. Nicht nur nach

Einen Kilometer vom Forster Marktplatz entfernt liegt der Gutenbergplatz. Hier, am Ufer der Lausitzer Neiße, stehen noch immer prächtige Villen, drei- oder viergeschossig, mit mächtigen Säulen und einem herrlichen Blick auf den Fluss und die Aue. An der Neiße pulsierte nicht das Leben wie in anderen Städten, am Gutenbergplatz haben sich die Forster erholt. Auch die Lange Brücke von Stadtbaurat Rudolf Kühn steht noch, zumindest in Teilen. Vom Gutenbergplatz aus kann man die Brücke sogar betreten. 50 Meter führt der Torso in Richtung Polen, dann ist Schluss. Unter einem liegt die Neißeaue. Doch schon zwanzig Meter weiter setzt sich der Torso fort, bis die Brücke am Neißeufer wieder abbricht. So geht das weiter bis zum polnischen Flussufer, den polnischen Auen, dem polnischen Brückenkopf. Offenbar war die Sprengung der Langen Brücke keine einfache Angelegenheit gewesen, und irgendwann schließlich geriet sie in Vergessenheit. Jedoch nicht ganz: “Im Gedenken an alle unbekannten Flüchtlinge, die in Oder und Neiße bei dem Versuch, Verfolgung und Not zu entgehen, ertranken“. Die in Holz gravierte Inschrift ist eine der Hinterlassenschaften, die Forst von den Grenzcamps geblieben sind, den jährlichen Treffen linker Gruppen, die den Alltag einer Grenze thematisieren wollten, der im Zusammenleben zwischen Deutschen und Polen kaum eine Rolle spielt: die Grenze zwischen dem Osten des Kontinents und der “Festung Europa`“. Diese Grenze hat auch in Forst viele Opfer gefordert, die beim Versuch durch die Neiße zu schwimmen ertranken. So sind die Teilnehmer des letzten Grenzcamps 2000 nach Forst gekommen, um Fragen zu stellen und “den Alltag zu durchbrechen, ihn zu stören und zu informieren“, wie es ein aus Göttingen angereister Teilnehmer formulierte. Die Fragen, die sie stellten, betrafen auch die Forster. Warum sie sich nicht wehrten gegen die Versuche des Bundesgrenzschutzes, die Grenzbewohner zu Helfershelfern zu machen? Warum sie immer wieder von Kriminellen und Schleusern

sprachen, wo man doch genauso gut von Flüchtlingen und Fluchhelfern hätte sprechen können? Es waren wütende Fragen, die die Fremden aus Berlin, Göttingen und anderen Städten den Einheimischen stellten. Aber es waren auch Fragen, die sich aufgedrängt haben. Ein BGS-Sprecher in Rothenburg nördlich von Görlitz sprach von 70 bis 80 Prozent Festnahmen infolge von Hinweisen aus der Bevölkerung. Und hatte sich nicht auch in Forst ein Vorfall abgespielt, der tagelang die Schlagzeilen bestimmt hatte? Ein dunkelhäutiger Deutscher war damals auf dem Nachhauseweg von einer Bürgerwehr gestellt worden, einer Gruppe selbsternannter Grenzschützer. Eine halbe Stunde haben sie ihn festgehalten, dann kam der Bundesgrenzschutz, der Jugendliche durfte gehen. Erst aufgrund der gerichtlichen Klage seiner Mutter war später bekannt geworden, dass der BGS systematisch mit der Bürgerwehr zusammengearbeitet hat. In Forst waren, wie bei der Massenfestnahme in Frankfurt-Markendorf, wieder Erinnerungen wach geworden an die dunkelsten Zeiten der deutschen Geschichte. Die Forster und die Linken Vielleicht waren es Fragen wie diese, unbequeme Fragen, die jeden einzelnen bei seiner Verantwortung nahmen. Vielleicht waren es auch die Berichte der Lokalpresse, die von anreisenden Chaoten aus Berlin sprachen. Vielleicht war es auch das selbstgerechte Auftreten der - zumeist deutschen - Campteilnehmer. Die Forster jedenfalls konnten mit den Linken auf den Grenzcamps wenig anfangen. Zwar schlug den Aktivisten in Forst nicht, wie in Guben, offene Ablehnung entgegen, zwar hielt sich der Bundesgrenzschutz und die Polizei während der Aktionen der Grenzcamper im August 2000 auffallend zurück. Zwar freuten sich die Asylbewerber in Forst und Umgebung über die gegen Bargeld getauschten Wertgutscheine. Die meisten Forster aber blieben auf Distanz. Obrigkeitshörigkeit hat in Deutschlands Osten schließlich eine lange Tradition. Und hatte nicht der Bürgermeister von Forst, Gerhard Reinfeld, das ganze Spektakel rundheraus abgelehnt. Antirassismus, hatte er gesagt, interessiere ihn nicht. “So etwas geht nur, wenn es ordentlich organisiert ist, und dann muss auch ein Schirmherr her, zum Beispiel der Bundestagspräsident.“ Gerhard Reinfeld muss vielen Forstern aus dem Herzen gesprochen haben. So wie er es schon Anfang der neunziger Jahre getan hat, nur ging es damals nicht gegen die Flüchtlinge aus Sri Lanka oder der Ukraine, sondern gegen die Polen. Während überall im deutsch-polnischem Grenzgebiet vom “Brücken bauen“ die Rede war, manchmal nur symbolisch, oft auch praktisch, setzte sich Reinfeld an die Spitze der Brückengegner. Eine Brücke von Forst nach Polen, meinte Reinfeld damals, würde nur zu einem Anstieg der Grenzkriminalität führen. Unterstützt wurde der Bürgermeister in dieser Argumentation von den Forster Geschäftsleuten. Die verwiesen abwechselnd auf den Brötchenkrieg von Frankfurt (Oder) und die drohende Konkurrenz aus Polen oder auf lange Autoschlangen deutscher Schnäppchenjäger auf dem Weg zu den polnischen Grenzbasaren. Die Ablehnung Reinfelds gegen eine Zusammenarbeit mit Polen war damals so groß, dass sich sogar die brandenburgische Landesregierung und Vertreter der “Euroregion Spree-Neiße-Bober“ einschalten mussten. Ohne Erfolg. Reinfeld blieb stur, und die Forster honorierten diese Sturheit. Mit großer Mehrheit wurde der Bürgermeister bei den nächsten Wahlen wiedergewählt. Die neue Brücke Auf der Suche nach der Forster Zukunft kümmert man sich seit einiger Zeit auch wieder um die Vergangenheit. Zur gleichen Zeit, in der die Diaprojektoren auf den Abrissbau am Forster Marktplatz eine Schlossfassade beamten, wurde im Textilmuseum der Stadt eine Ausstellung eröffnet. Es ging um den Grafen Brühl und seine Grafschaft Forst-Pförten. Brühl war, wenn man so will, ein Pionier der Forster Tuchmacherproduktion. In den Jahren 1740 bis 1747 hatte der sächsische Graf nicht nur die Standesherrschaft Forst-Pförten erworben, sondern ganz nebenbei auch noch die Stadt Forst selbst. Doch das, so lautete die Botschaft der Ausstellung, sollte nicht unbedingt zum Nachteil der Forster gewesen sein. Als einer der ersten sorgte der Graf für wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung im Neißestädtchen und richtete zahlreiche Textilmanufakturen ein. Selbst von Rückschlägen und Katastrophen ließ er sich nicht aus der Fassung bringen. Als im Jahre 1748 fast die gesamte Stadt einem Brand zum Opfer fiel, veranlasste Brühl den Wiederaufbau. Nicht mehr mittelalterlich, sondern modern sollte es nun zugehen. Der Plan des Dresdner Stadtbaumeisters Johann Christoph Knöffel war sogar so modern, dass er im 19. Jahrhundert schließlich genug Platz gelassen hatte, um mit dem Bau riesiger Fabrikareale zu beginnen. Die Grafschaft Forst-Pförten gibt es heute nicht mehr, doch die Verbindung beider Orte ist den Forstern wieder in Erinnerung gerufen. Pförten, das heute Brody heißt, ist von der Neißestadt keine zwanzig Kilometer entfernt. Und mittlerweile muss man auf dem Weg dorthin auch nicht den Autobahnübergang Forst Olszyna benutzen, sondern kann über den neuen Übergang Forst-Zasieki fahren. Die neuen Pioniere der Region, das sind nicht mehr die Grafen, sondern die Touristen. Zum Beispiel jene, die mit Ingolf Zägel die Länderein der Grafschaft mit dem Fahrrad erkunden. Zwölf Euro kostet seine Tour, die um acht Uhr morgens an der neuen Grenzbrücke beginnt, über das ehemalige Gelände der Sprengchemie GmbH in Forst-Scheuno und das Schloss Brody führt und um 16 Uhr wieder auf deutscher Seite endet. Ihr Titel: “Eine naturnahe geschichtliche Fahrradexkursion“. Es muss ein schwieriger Tag für Gerhard Reinfeld gewesen sein, dieser 14. September 2001. Nicht wegen der Anschläge von New York und Washington drei Tage zuvor, sondern wegen dem, was vier Kilometer nördlich des Forster Marktplatzes zu erledigen war. An diesem 14. September waren sie alle gekommen, der Bürgermeister von Brody, Zbigniew Wilkowiecki, der brandenburgische Bauminister Hartmut Meyer, der Marschall der Woiwodschaft Lebuser Land, Andrzej Bochenski, und zahlreiche Vertreter der Forster Wirtschaft sowie der Euroregion SpreeNeiße-Bober. “Meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren“, begann

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Gerhard Reinfeld seine Ansprache an diesem 14. September, “zur heutigen Grundsteinlegung der Grenzbrücke zwischen Zasieki und Forst darf ich sie - auch im Namen von Marschall Bochenski - ganz herzlich begrüßen.“ Je länger Reinfeld, der ehemalige Wortführer der Forster Brückengegner sprach, desto mehr geriet seine Ansprache zu einer Ode an die deutsch-polnische Freundschaft. “Die Entwicklung von Forst“, sagte er, “ist nicht zu trennen von der Entwicklung der gegenüberliegenden polnischen Region.“ Reinfeld sprach von den Vorteilen für die Wirtschaft der Stadt, den Einzelhandel, den grenzüberschreitenden Tourismus und schloss mit den Worten: “Wir begegnen uns selbstverständlich über die zukünftige Brücke nicht nur als Kunden, als Touristen oder Wirtschaftspartner, sondern als Nachbarn, die in der gesamten Vielfalt des gesellschaftlichen Lebens zusammenwachsen werden.“ “Hat sich Reinfeld etwa vom Saulus zum Paulus gewendet?“, fragte Sandra Dassler angesichts dieses Happy Ends der mehr als zehnjährigen Brückendebatte im Tagesspiegel. Die ausgewiesene Kennerin des Grenzgebiets zögerte allerdings auch nicht, eine Antwort für den plötzlichen Wandel des Gerhard Reinfeld zu geben. Böse Zungen, so Dassler, behaupteten nämlich, dass Reinfeld den ursprünglich geplanten Trassenverlauf der Grenzbrücke zwischen Gutenbergplatz und dem ehemaligen Rathenauplatz nur deshalb so vehement abgelehnt hatte, weil er in einer der Villen am Neißeufer wohne. Mit dem Bau einer Stadtbrücke weit außerhalb des Zentrums habe er sich dagegen anfreunden können.

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Rosia Montana’s riches have at- - tracted several foreign powers over the times, including the Romans. -- Now this region is being confronted with a transnational company. Dragos Zaharia provides an overview. -

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James Nachtwey’s book “Inferno” focuses on war torn countries like Rwanda, Sudan, Bosnia, Chechnya, Zaire, Somalia, Kosovo as well as Romania (looking at the orphanages generated by the Ceausescu regime). It seems quite telling that “peaceful” Romania is on his list. From this perspective Romania seems like a Third World country. We wonder how you would describe the situation in Rosia Montana? The area of Rosia Montana with the Apuseni Mountains is primarily important both from the human point of view and the aspect of natural resources. Rosia Montana is the oldest documented region of Romania. The Romans and then the Ostrich, the Hungarians, the Turks, and the Russians mined gold from its resources. Now, the Canadian company is doing the same thing, but although the deposit of gold has been enough for 2,000 years, the company wants to exhaust its reserves in just 16 years. The situation can be described as the following: the largest golden bed in Europe, an underdeveloped community and a company very eager to make profit. Mingling these three facts, the officials came up with the Rosia Montana Gold Company Project as the only solution for the development of the area. Yet this is completely contradictory to the wishes of the community. Indeed, a small part of the community is in favor of the project and is organising under the banner of the Pro Rosia Montana NGO. However the majority of people from the community, who are against the development project, are organizing under the banner of the Alburnus Maior NGO. This is the situation of Rosia Montana, a community which is trying to survive.

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Dr. Günther Altenburg - NATO Assistant Secretary General for Political Affairs NATO Headquarters Blvd Leopold III 1110 Brussels, Belgium natodoc@hq.nato.int

Budapest, 04. 02. 2004

tical unrest among the populations concerned in Eastern Hungary

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nia. For decades Hungary experienced the indifference of neighbours about -

ref: Gabriel Resources’ Rosia Montana gold mining project (Romania)

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If Rosia Montana-type enterprises are not stopped in time, then real environmen- -

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- the continuing pollution of the Mures/ Maros River will create social and poli- -

trans-frontier pollution of those rivers.

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is likely to increase the flow of internally displaced persons.

- Hungary imports 98% of its water from neighbouring countries such as Roma- -

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- an ecological disaster caused by GR’s project with downstream consequences -

Dear Sir,

tal aggressions are likely to rise in the near future. Complacency and silence from the part of governments and relevant institutions does not absolve them of re- -

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We would like to inform you about a commercial open cast gold/silver pro-

sponsibility. The 1992 decision of the Slovak government to finish the Gabciko- -

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ject in Romania whose effects will be of a trans-boundary nature with Hun-

vo-dam brought to the unilateral diversion of the Danube by the government of -

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gary. This has even been acknowledged by Gabriel Resources (GR); the Ca-

the Republic of Slovakia. Despite the ruling of the Hague International Court of -

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nadian project sponsor. In addition to Hungary; both Serbia and Bulgaria

Justice, Slovakia has for years done nothing to ensure the proper influx of water -

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have triggered the Espoo Convention regarding the trans-boundary impact

in the Szigetköz-area; an absolute necessity for the rehabilitation of the dama- -

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of this project. The reason for this letter to you is that we are deeply con-

ged environment. Almost ironically is the fact that the Romanian government -

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cerned about the risks inherent to this mining project. It has the potential

still refuses to pay damages to Hungary over Baia Mare. Since summer 2003 the -

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for causing security problems for both; Hungary and Romania. The matter

Romanian government authorised Esmeralda to take up production again at its’ -

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is a “clear and present danger”, unless immediate steps are taken to prevent

Baia Mare plant; this whilst the company paid no damages for what it caused in -

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it. Although the Romanian and Hungarian governments have discussed

January 2000.

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the matter; so far there have been no constructive results.

We are aware that in September 2003, NATO together with relevant Romanian -

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Whilst it is true that Hungary has triggered the Espoo Convention regar-

governmental authorities organised a seminar to start a pilot study on Soil and -

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ding GR’s Rosia Montana project, it is worth noticing that the June 2003

Water Pollution. It was held in Baia Mare. The various contributions included mi- -

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inter-government agreements on trans-frontier river waters protection are

ning and mining related pollution. It would be interesting to know whether in -

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not yet implemented. Parties are not applying even the possibilities offered

terms of prevention, GR’s Rosia Montana project was elaborated and what con- -

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by Espoo.

clusions were drawn for projects whose risks clearly outweigh benefits.

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Given the above it is ever more important for civil society representatives

It is for the same reasons that are of concern to Hungary, that Romania’s civil -

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to raise their voices. As mentioned earlier, the threat is real and immedia-

society does not support GR’s project; either. The Save Rosia Montana campaign, -

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te, and the consequences may seriously deteriorate relations between Hun-

initiated by the local opposition, has given rise to the largest civil society move- -

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gary and Romania.

ment since the revolution. Public opposition from civil society and institutions -

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We also would like to inform you that GR has already launched significant

such as the Orthodox Church, the Historic Hungarian Churches, the Romanian -

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preparatory works that form an integral part of their mining project; this in

Academy, the Romanian League of Majors and Municipalities, to name but a few; -

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absence of the pre-requisite Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA). This

deserve being honoured.

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is well worth noting given that in addition to national and international op-

Possibly unrelated but still interesting to note is the fact that the role of NATO in -

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position, there exists significant local opposition from the part of property

the Rosia Montana case has been acknowledged by Frank Timis, GR’s founder -

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owners refusing to make way for GR’s project. Contrary to Gabriel’s claims,

and Ovidiu Tender, a Director of GR. According to the Romanian press, both busi- -

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many locals have been forced to leave their homes.

nessmen sponsored two recent NATO conferences; whose main speaker was Wil- -

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Whilst, if realised, the Rosia Montana project would be Europe’s largest of

lem Matser.

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its kind, GR holds significant additional mining concessions in Rosia Mon-

As civil society organisations of a NATO-member country, we are calling upon -

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tana’s adjacent area. From the information available we can see that the-

you to use all means and procedures to stop the Rosia Montana project and so -

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se additional projects, whilst again being situated in densely populated are-

prevent the unfolding of a social and environmental disaster.

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as, contain the same inherent risks as the Rosia Montana project. Putting

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a stop at the Rosia Montana project would equally prevent GR from deve-

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loping these additional operations.

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GR’s 13Mt/a Rosia Montana project intends to employ sodium cyanide at

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0.8g/t. The cyanide laced tailings, or metal sludge, will be deposited in a

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‘pond’. In order to hold the 800ha large ‘pond’, a dam with a final height of

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185m will be build from rock waste across Corna; an inhabited valley adja-

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cent to Rosia Montana. The 185m high dam will be situated less than 1km

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from the city of Abrud, which counts 13.000 inhabitants. Given the mine’s

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size, 26 mio. tones of ore and waste will be extracted per year. This means

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500.000 tones per week or70.000 tones per day. If the proposed carbon in

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leach (cyanide) method is used, the Corna valley will, at the end of the 14

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year mine life, contain 250 mio. tones of unconsolidated tailings. Out of the

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total waste material contained in the tailings pond, 2% will be pure sulpha-

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tes (2% equals 5 mio. tones). This will, in addition to the rocks and waste

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deposits, generate ARD for generations.

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The Corna valley is riddled with rivers and rivulets flowing into the Abru-

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del and Aries Rivers. GR does not intend to line the tailings pond. The Aries

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River is the most important water source of the Apuseni Mountains; it then

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flows into the Mures and Tisza Rivers.

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Several cyanide accidents have occurred in the past years. The most famous

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is the Baia Mare disaster of January 2000. To date the ecological balance of

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the Tisza has not been recovered. Whilst Rosia Montana’s waters all lead

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into the Aries River, GR’s Rosia Montana project will in comparison to Es-

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meralda’s Aurul plant be a 13Mt/a project. Given this, the dangers which

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GR project could cause to Romania and Hungary is far greater.

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We are amazed that Gabriel has been let to commence project associated

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works; this at a time when the company has not secured a project insurance

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nor has it given financial guarantees for mine closure and clean-up. Both

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should be a condition for authorisation.

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Given the endemic risks inherent to GR’s mining project, we are deeply con-

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cerned about what a minor or major accident, such as the leaking or bur-

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- Dragos Zaharia (1980) - is a political analyst and activist. He is working for the NGO “Support the Children”, which coordinates a variety of projects, including a campaign on EU realted issues. He also sup- ports the project “Save Rosia Montana”. - ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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sting of the dam, might cause.

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- Szeged, a major town situated on the Tizsa River is directly threatened by

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GR’s project. This has repeatedly been acknowledged by the Szeged ‘s major.

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- major towns along the Mures River (Maros) in Romania - i.e. Arad, Deva

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- Illustration:

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Uwe Rada (1963) ist seit 1992 Redakteur bei der tageszeitung. Er ist Autor einiger Bücher, darunter “Mietenreport“ (Verlag Ch. Links, 1991), “Hauptstadt der Verdrängung“ (Verlag Schwarze Risse, 1997) und “Zwischenland“ (be.bra-Verlag, 2004), aus dem wir an dieser Stelle einen Auszug abdrucken.

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richtet sich vor allem an polnische Kunden. “Liebe Gäste, liebe ForsterInnen“, heißt es im Vorwort in deutscher und polnischer Sprache, “mit der Eröffnung der neuen Grenzbrücke ergeben sich für Forst Chancen zur Profilierung als Einkaufsstadt. Dieser Einkaufsführer für den Citybereich soll Ihnen den Zugang zu den Handelseinrichtungen der Stadt eröffnen und gleichzeitig ein Ratgeber sein. Ich wünsche Ihnen nun viel Vergnügen bei der ‚Entdeckungsreise’ und würde mich freuen, Sie in Forst begrüßen zu dürfen.“ Unterschrieben ist das Vorwort mit: “Ihr Dr. Gerhard Reinfeld, Bürgermeister der Stadt Forst (Lausitz)“. Die Hoffnungen des gewandelten Bürgermeisters haben sich, da ist man sich in Forst einig, nicht erfüllt. Ein Jahr nun ist die Brücke offen, doch der erhoffte Umsatzsprung durch polnische Kunden blieb aus. “Die einzigen, die etwas von der Brücke haben, sind die Forster selbst, die nun mit dem Rad nach Brody fahren können“, heißt es im Forster Fremdenverkehrsamt. Auch bei der Diashow am Marktplatz war die Nachbarschaft zu Polen keine Illuminierung wert. Selbst die Hoffnung, polnische Staatsbürger könnten einmal in die leeren Wohnungen am Marktplatz ziehen, wurde nicht geäußert. Was in Görlitz oder Frankfurt (Oder) inzwischen offizielle Politik ist, wird in Forst nicht einmal von Künstlern und Architekten erwogen. “Anders als Guben“, sagt der Sanierungsbeauftragte von Forst, Bernd Reisner, “ist Forst eine Stadt ohne Gegenüber.“ Aber Forst ist, immerhin, eine Grenzstadt, eine Stadt an der Grenze, ein Ort im Zwischenland. Während bis Ende der neunziger Jahre die Grenzlage zu Polen vielen Städten und Gemeinden an Oder und Neiße als Standortnachteil schien, hat man inzwischen umgedacht. Nun ist die Grenzlage keine Bedrohung mehr, wie es Reinfeld noch im Jahr 2000 verkündet hatte, sondern eine Chance. Und zeigt nicht das Beispiel von Görlitz, dass polnische Kunden auch Geld in die Kassen bringen? Hat Guben nicht von der Kläranlage in Gubin profitiert? Das alles mochte Reinfeld im Kopf gehabt haben, als er sich vom Brückengegner zum Brückenbauer gewandelt hatte. Es sind Hoffnungen wie diese, die Forst von anderen schrumpfenden und auch sterbenden Städten unterscheidet, von Hoyerswerda, Lauchhammer oder Wittenberge. Dort kümmern sich nur noch wenige um die Zukunft und wenn, dann schauen Sie in den überregionalen Tageszeitungen und im Internet nach Stellenanzeigen in Stuttgart, Hamburg oder München. In Forst dagegen hat der Bau einer Brücke, auch wenn sie vorerst auf kein unmittelbares Gegenüber führt, ein Fenster geöffnet. Nicht nur die Radtouristen schauen seitdem mit anderen Augen nach Polen. Auch die anderen Forster beginnen zu ahnen, dass sich hinter der Neiße etwas befindet, das die Stadt verändern könnte. Und ist nicht eine Veränderung, auch wenn man noch nicht weiß, was sie bringt, allemal besser als Stillstand oder Agonie? Vielleicht zahlt sich der “Przewodnik Handlowy“, der Einkaufsführer, ja doch noch einmal aus für die Forster Einzelhändler. Vielleicht investiert am Forster Marktplatz sogar ein Geschäftsmann aus Polen. An der Grenze zu Polen, das haben die Forster gelernt, ist alles möglich.

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Inzwischen hat Forst nicht nur eine neue Brücke, sondern auch einen Einkaufsführer. “Przewodnik Handlowy“, heißt der und

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Stadt ohne Grenze

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The conflict in Rosia Montana with the Canadian Company Gabriel Resources places Romania on the map of a global economy. At the same time it recalls problems between transnational conglomerates and African countries. Would you agree? Legally speaking, the large multinational companies must struggle to implement their projects in countries whose legal system is weak. We must admit that Romania is now finding itself in such a position. A contributory factor to the situation is the problem of corruption, which encourages projects that may lead to precarious development.

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In 1999 many East European countries entered the NATO before they were even a part of the EU – in doing so, they demonstrated their proximity to the US. At the moment Romania is in the process of membership negotiations to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Some NGOs, like the ones from Hungary, have revealed in a letter to the NATO1 their concerns over the gold-mining project. Regarding these factors, how has your NGO sought involvement with the EU or the NATO? Last year Alburnus Maior NGO asked for help from the Environmental Commission within the European Parliament. They offered their help by personally coming to Rosia Montana this year in January. This link demonstrates the openness of the Romanian civil society towards Europe. The organization has a wide range of collaborations, both nationally (The National Academy, Cultural, Youth, Environment, Social NGOs) and abroad (Green Peace).

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What is the Rosia Montana NGOs vision for and expectations from Europe? Rosia Montana sees Europe as the last solution in preventing the community’s destruction. 2007 is the year of hope for the natives living there, since it is only by being part of the EU that Romania can stop the Canadian company from following through with the project.

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Yours sincerely

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Védegylet – Protect the Future Society 1051 Budapest Nádor u. 32. ++ 36 1 269 12 43 iroda@vedegylet.hu www.vedegylet.hu mtvsz@elender.hu

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Magyar Természetvédok Szövetsége (MTVSZ) National Society of Conservationists 1091 Budapest, Ülloi út 91/b ++ 36 1 216 72 97 www.mtvsz.hu

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Csongrád Megyei Természetvédelmi Egyesület (CSEMETE) Csongrád County Conservationist Society 6725 Szeged Boldogasszony sugárút 6. ++ 36 62 424 392 csemete01@gyaloglo.egon.hu www.tiszanet.hu/csemete/

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are equally threatened. In December 2003, the city of Arad issued an offi-

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- Slavimir Futro (1969) is a Slovenian designer, who describes his work as being dedicated to “experiment, humor and a better life“. www.futro.co.uk -

cial demand asking the Romanian government not to approve mining pro-

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jects posing severe environmental risks. This demand also informed the go-

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vernment that Arad’s major has been empowered to take all legal measures

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to stop GR’s Rosia Montana project.

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Perspectives Perspektiven

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Perspectives Perspektiven:

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Flüchtlinge und Grenzschützer in Forst

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Forst ist eine deutsche Kleinstadt im Südosten des Bundeslandes Brandenburg und liegt unmittelbar an der Grenze zu Polen. Ihre Nähe zu den osteuropäischen Absatzmärkten weist sie als interessanten Wirtschafts- standort aus und soll “Unternehmen mit der Ausrichtung Osteuropa” - anlocken. Uwe Rada, der die deutsch-polnische Grenze als Werkstatt Europas begreift, hat hinter die Kulissen des beschworenen Wirtschafts- wunders geguckt. -

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Fabrik und Schornstein roch es damals in Forst, sondern auch nach Zukunft. Die war auch das Werk von Rudolf Kühn. Ganz im Stil der neuen Sachlichkeit ließ der Forster Stadtbaurat in den zwanziger Jahren die Siedlung “Jerusalem“ bauen, das expressionistisch anmutende Realgymnasium, das Gebäude der Ortskrankenkasse, und, warum auch nicht, ein Krematorium. Wichtig war nur, dass mehr Kinder geboren wurden als alte Forster starben. Kühns wichtigstes Bauvorhaben aber war der 1921 fertiggestellte Neubau der Langen Brücke. Heute ist vom “deutschen Manchester“ nicht mehr viel übrig. Anders als im polnischen Od, auch so einer sterbenden Textilstadt, sind die Mietskasernen, Fabriken und Villen in Forst weitgehend zerstört. 88 Prozent der Gebäude lagen 1945 in Schutt und Asche. Der sowjetische Stadtkommandant wollte Forst schon damals aufgeben und zur “toten Stadt“ erklären. Doch dann kamen die Flüchtlinge aus dem Osten und fanden in den verblieben Häusern Unterschlupf. Forst wurde wiederbelebt, zur “toten Stadt“ wurde damals nur Forst-Berge, der Stadtteil am andern Neißeufer, der heute Zasieki heißt. Doch mehr als ein Name ist auch das nicht. Forst-Berge wurde 1945 geschliffen. Ziegel und Pflaster wurden zum Wiederaufbau nach Warschau geschafft. Wie in Küstrin wuchs über die Geschichte Gras.

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Auch die Eltern gehen

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Die Show beginnt nach Einbruch der Dunkelheit. Auf dem Marktplatz haben sich einige Hundert Schaulustige versammelt. Aus den Imbisswägen wird Fassbier ausgeschenkt, Landskron aus Görlitz, das trinkt man auch in Brandenburg. Forst liegt schließlich wie Görlitz in der Lausitz, das verbindet. Doch sonst hat das Brandenburger Grenzstädtchen mit der Stadt an der sächsisch-polnischen Grenze wenig gemeinsam. Forst ist keine Perle der Renaissance, Forst war Industriestadt und Zentrum der deutschen Tuchmacherproduktion, das sieht man noch heute. Mitten in der Stadt stehen die Fabriken, manche sind nur leer, die andern schon Ruinen. Auch die Gleise der “Schwarzen Jule”, das ist die ehemalige Fabrikstraßenbahn, führen noch über die Straßen und zweigen hier und dort in elegantem Bogen ab in die ehemaligen Fabrikhöfe. Die Lichter gehen an, jetzt sind die Forster Teil der Show, einer Zeitreise in die Vergangenheit. “Stellen Sie sich vor, die zwanziger Jahre“, ruft einer ins Mikrofon, es ist der Conferencier, verkleidet ist er wie ein Zauberer und steht auf Stelzen. “Stellen Sie sich die Musik vor, vielleicht wurde sogar getanzt damals, am Marktplatz in Forst.“ In den Fenstern des Plattenbauriegels am Marktplatz, die eben noch blind waren, brennt nun Licht, das Leben ist zurückgekehrt. Es wird tatsächlich getanzt hinter diesen Fenstern, die kurze Zeit später schon keine Fenster eines Plattenbaus mehr sind, sondern dank modernster Diatechnik die des Hotels “Pitting“ des ersten Hauses am Platz, damals in den zwanziger Jahren. “Wie war das wohl in den siebziger Jahren?“, fragt der Conferencier. Über den Markplatz von Forst wehen nun die Melodien der Puhdys, Tamara Danz singt noch einmal mit wütender Stimme und Nina Hagen erinnert an den vergessenen Farbfilm. Die Forster sind still, sie wissen, zwei Tage später wird es mit den Siebzigern an ihrem Marktplatz vorbei sein. Ostalgie-Shows wird es dann nur noch im Fernsehen geben. In zwei Tagen beginnt der Abriss des Plattenbauriegels, finanziert vom Bundesprogramm “Stadtumbau-Ost“. Andere sagen dazu auch Abriss-Ost, was auf das gleiche hinausläuft. Stadtumbau, das heißt im Osten der Republik mit ihren schrumpfenden Städten nun einmal Leer-

deshalb ein, mitzumachen beim Forster Tuch. Malen, zeichnen, schreiben Sie auf einen Quadratmeter, welche Zukunft Sie sich für den Forster Marktplatz wünschen. Alle Einzeltücher werden dann zusammengenäht und im nächsten Jahr wird das Forster Tuch die Lücke schließen. “Das Gelächter verstummt, manche klatschen, es hat zu regnen angefangen. Die Show ist zu Ende, die Bewohner gehen nach Hause. Kurze Zeit später ist der Marktplatz wieder, wie er war, leer. Noch zwei Tage, dann kommt zur Leere noch eine Baulücke. Die sterbende Stadt “Die Situation ist dramatisch“, sagt Siegfried Reibetanz. Reibetanz ist Architekt und als solcher voller Sympathie für Aktionen wie auf dem Forster Marktplatz. Das schwarze Hemd, das dunkle Jackett, das legere Auftreten verraten, dass Reibetanz kein Einheimischer ist. Er kommt, wie auch die Veranstalter des “Forster Tuches“, aus Berlin. Was ihn ins Grenzgebiet verschlagen hat, ist der Reiz eines Themas, das viele Architekten noch immer verdrängen. Was wird aus Städten, die von ihren Bewohnern verlassen werden? Was wird aus den Bewohnern, die zurück bleiben? Wie werden Sie leben? Oder werden Sie zusammen mit ihren Städten, den “sterbenden Städten“, sterben? Dramatisch, sagt Siegfried Reibetanz, ist nicht nur die Tatsache, dass bereits jeder fünfte Einwohner aus Forst weggezogen ist. Das Ende der Fahnenstange ist damit noch nicht einmal erreicht. Im Potsdamer Bauministerium hat man unlängst errechnet, dass bis 2010 weitere 20 Prozent gehen werden. “Dramatisch ist“, sagt Reibetanz und legt die Stirn in Falten, “dass es erstmals in der Geschichte der Städte keinen mehr gibt, der am Marktplatz einer Stadt mit 23.000 Einwohnern investieren möchte.“ Man überlegte sich eine Zeit lang, einige der Gebäude umzugestalten und aus dem ganzen ein paar Stadtvillen zu machen. Das Problem war, dass die Wohnungsgesellschaft der Stadt Forst dafür kein Geld hatte. Schließlich stehen auch in den andern Plattenbauten am Markt Wohnungen leer, auch die mit Balkons. Es klingt, als hätte man Forst aufgegeben, jene Stadt, von der ein

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Vom Krieg hat Margarete Packwitziv nicht viel mitbekommen. Drei Jahre war sie alt, als Forst dem Erdboden gleichgemacht wurde. Über die Nachkriegszeit dagegen kann sie viel erzählen, über die Flüchtlinge aus dem Osten, die Teilung der Stadt, die Jahre der “Oder-Neiße-Friedensgrenze“. Und über die Gegenwart. In einer Pension in der Bahnhofstraße, gleich neben “Worrichs Pub“, hilft Margarete Packwitz etwas aus, bringt den Gästen das Frühstück, erkundigt sich nach ihrem Befinden, erzählt von den Radtouren, die man hier unternehmen kann, “neuerdings auch nach Polen.“ Vor allem aber erzählt sie von ihrer Tochter. Die ist vor einigen Jahren in den Westen gezogen, an die Lippe, Nordrhein-Westfalen. Nicht unbedingt, weil sie keine Arbeit hatte, sie hat Verkäuferin gelernt und hier auch gearbeitet. Nun hat sie dort einen Job, stundenweise, wegen der Kinder. In den Westen ist die Tochter gegangen, weil ihr Mann, ein Westdeutscher, nicht in den Osten wollte. Schon gar nicht nach Forst. Margarete Packwitz erzählt sie gern, diese Geschichte, es ist schließlich auch ihre eigene Geschichte, die ihres Bleibens, und das ihres Mannes. “Aus Forst“, erklärt sie, “ziehen seit einigen Jahren nicht nur die Jungen in den Westen, sondern auch die Alten, den Jungen hinterher“ Ihr Mann und sie aber haben sich entschieden, zu bleiben. “Wir würden uns doch im Westen nicht mehr zurechtfinden. Vielleicht würden uns die Schwiegereltern der Tochter mal zum Kegeln einladen. Aber in so eine Clique kommen wir nicht mehr rein. Was sollen wir denn dort?“ So also bleiben die Packwitz’ in Forst, genießen das Leben, solange sie noch können, wie Margarete Packwitz sagt, und gehen, wenn es die Arbeit in der Pension zulässt, auf Reisen. Im nächsten Herbst soll es nach Krakau gehen, das liege ja vor der Haustür. Schließlich ist Forst, die sterbende Stadt, noch nicht tot. Es gibt ja noch den Bahnhof, den Forster Anschluss an die Welt. Zweimal am Tag hält hier ein Fernverkehrszug, der Intercity “Wawel“ von Hamburg-Altona über Berlin nach Krakau sowie ein Nachtzug. “Wir müssen nur einsteigen, dann sind wir da.“ Aber auch Margarete Packwitz weiß, dass nur wenige Reisende aus Forst die Züge nach Polen besteigen. Genauso wenige, wie in Forst aus dem Zug steigen. “Und wenn“, sagt sie, “sind es meistens Touristen aus dem Ausland, die nicht wussten, dass sie für Polen ein Visum brauchen.“ Die Geschichten, die Margarete Packwitz dann erzählt, handeln nicht von der sterbenden Stadt Forst, sondern von der Grenzstadt. “Ein paar Mal schon hat der Bundesgrenzschutz an der Pension geklingelt. Die hatten jedes Mal Touristen im Schlepptau, aus Neuseeland, aus Kanada. Arme Schweine waren das, die gefragt haben, wo sie hier sind. An der Grenze, habe ich gesagt und ihnen auf der Karte gezeigt, wo Forst liegt. Da haben sie den Kopf geschüttelt und gesagt, das wäre wohl am Ende der Welt.“

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Die Forster Grenzschützer

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standsbeseitigung. Manchmal, wie in Forst, dringt dieser Leerstand sogar bis an den Marktplatz vor. Inzwischen hat das dritte Motiv das Gebäude ins Licht gesetzt. “Wie wird die Zukunft sein? Wird die Zukunft sein wie in einem Aquarium?“ Wieder gehen die Lichter an, nur getanzt wird nicht mehr. Hinter den Fenstern schwimmen Fische, Seepferdchen, Fabeltiere aller Art. “Was denn“, ruft einer, “sollen wir bald untergehen?“ “Oder wird hier bald ein Schloss gebaut?“ Der Conferencier ist hartnäckig. Einige fangen an zu lachen. “Es ist auch Ihre Entscheidung“, mahnt der Mann auf den Stelzen. “Wir laden Sie

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zeitgenössischer Beobachter 1927 geschrieben hatte: “Ein Wald von Schornsteinen mit langen Rauchfahnen bildet die charakteristische Silhouette dieser Stadt. Fabrik reiht sich an Fabrik, ganze Viertel bedeckend in allen Stadtteilen. Lokomotiven durchfahren die Straßen und schleppen Waggon um Waggon, auf Rollböcke gesetzt, in die zahllosen Fabrikhöfe. Überall das Sausen des Weberschiffchens, das Klappern der Stühle; Dampf pufft aus, Kohlestaub wirbelt umher“. “Deutsches Manchester“ hatte man die Stadt damals genannt und die Forster waren stolz auf ihr “Manchester“, auf die “Schwarze Jule“. Nicht nur nach

Einen Kilometer vom Forster Marktplatz entfernt liegt der Gutenbergplatz. Hier, am Ufer der Lausitzer Neiße, stehen noch immer prächtige Villen, drei- oder viergeschossig, mit mächtigen Säulen und einem herrlichen Blick auf den Fluss und die Aue. An der Neiße pulsierte nicht das Leben wie in anderen Städten, am Gutenbergplatz haben sich die Forster erholt. Auch die Lange Brücke von Stadtbaurat Rudolf Kühn steht noch, zumindest in Teilen. Vom Gutenbergplatz aus kann man die Brücke sogar betreten. 50 Meter führt der Torso in Richtung Polen, dann ist Schluss. Unter einem liegt die Neißeaue. Doch schon zwanzig Meter weiter setzt sich der Torso fort, bis die Brücke am Neißeufer wieder abbricht. So geht das weiter bis zum polnischen Flussufer, den polnischen Auen, dem polnischen Brückenkopf. Offenbar war die Sprengung der Langen Brücke keine einfache Angelegenheit gewesen, und irgendwann schließlich geriet sie in Vergessenheit. Jedoch nicht ganz: “Im Gedenken an alle unbekannten Flüchtlinge, die in Oder und Neiße bei dem Versuch, Verfolgung und Not zu entgehen, ertranken“. Die in Holz gravierte Inschrift ist eine der Hinterlassenschaften, die Forst von den Grenzcamps geblieben sind, den jährlichen Treffen linker Gruppen, die den Alltag einer Grenze thematisieren wollten, der im Zusammenleben zwischen Deutschen und Polen kaum eine Rolle spielt: die Grenze zwischen dem Osten des Kontinents und der “Festung Europa`“. Diese Grenze hat auch in Forst viele Opfer gefordert, die beim Versuch durch die Neiße zu schwimmen ertranken. So sind die Teilnehmer des letzten Grenzcamps 2000 nach Forst gekommen, um Fragen zu stellen und “den Alltag zu durchbrechen, ihn zu stören und zu informieren“, wie es ein aus Göttingen angereister Teilnehmer formulierte. Die Fragen, die sie stellten, betrafen auch die Forster. Warum sie sich nicht wehrten gegen die Versuche des Bundesgrenzschutzes, die Grenzbewohner zu Helfershelfern zu machen? Warum sie immer wieder von Kriminellen und Schleusern

sprachen, wo man doch genauso gut von Flüchtlingen und Fluchhelfern hätte sprechen können? Es waren wütende Fragen, die die Fremden aus Berlin, Göttingen und anderen Städten den Einheimischen stellten. Aber es waren auch Fragen, die sich aufgedrängt haben. Ein BGS-Sprecher in Rothenburg nördlich von Görlitz sprach von 70 bis 80 Prozent Festnahmen infolge von Hinweisen aus der Bevölkerung. Und hatte sich nicht auch in Forst ein Vorfall abgespielt, der tagelang die Schlagzeilen bestimmt hatte? Ein dunkelhäutiger Deutscher war damals auf dem Nachhauseweg von einer Bürgerwehr gestellt worden, einer Gruppe selbsternannter Grenzschützer. Eine halbe Stunde haben sie ihn festgehalten, dann kam der Bundesgrenzschutz, der Jugendliche durfte gehen. Erst aufgrund der gerichtlichen Klage seiner Mutter war später bekannt geworden, dass der BGS systematisch mit der Bürgerwehr zusammengearbeitet hat. In Forst waren, wie bei der Massenfestnahme in Frankfurt-Markendorf, wieder Erinnerungen wach geworden an die dunkelsten Zeiten der deutschen Geschichte. Die Forster und die Linken Vielleicht waren es Fragen wie diese, unbequeme Fragen, die jeden einzelnen bei seiner Verantwortung nahmen. Vielleicht waren es auch die Berichte der Lokalpresse, die von anreisenden Chaoten aus Berlin sprachen. Vielleicht war es auch das selbstgerechte Auftreten der - zumeist deutschen - Campteilnehmer. Die Forster jedenfalls konnten mit den Linken auf den Grenzcamps wenig anfangen. Zwar schlug den Aktivisten in Forst nicht, wie in Guben, offene Ablehnung entgegen, zwar hielt sich der Bundesgrenzschutz und die Polizei während der Aktionen der Grenzcamper im August 2000 auffallend zurück. Zwar freuten sich die Asylbewerber in Forst und Umgebung über die gegen Bargeld getauschten Wertgutscheine. Die meisten Forster aber blieben auf Distanz. Obrigkeitshörigkeit hat in Deutschlands Osten schließlich eine lange Tradition. Und hatte nicht der Bürgermeister von Forst, Gerhard Reinfeld, das ganze Spektakel rundheraus abgelehnt. Antirassismus, hatte er gesagt, interessiere ihn nicht. “So etwas geht nur, wenn es ordentlich organisiert ist, und dann muss auch ein Schirmherr her, zum Beispiel der Bundestagspräsident.“ Gerhard Reinfeld muss vielen Forstern aus dem Herzen gesprochen haben. So wie er es schon Anfang der neunziger Jahre getan hat, nur ging es damals nicht gegen die Flüchtlinge aus Sri Lanka oder der Ukraine, sondern gegen die Polen. Während überall im deutsch-polnischem Grenzgebiet vom “Brücken bauen“ die Rede war, manchmal nur symbolisch, oft auch praktisch, setzte sich Reinfeld an die Spitze der Brückengegner. Eine Brücke von Forst nach Polen, meinte Reinfeld damals, würde nur zu einem Anstieg der Grenzkriminalität führen. Unterstützt wurde der Bürgermeister in dieser Argumentation von den Forster Geschäftsleuten. Die verwiesen abwechselnd auf den Brötchenkrieg von Frankfurt (Oder) und die drohende Konkurrenz aus Polen oder auf lange Autoschlangen deutscher Schnäppchenjäger auf dem Weg zu den polnischen Grenzbasaren. Die Ablehnung Reinfelds gegen eine Zusammenarbeit mit Polen war damals so groß, dass sich sogar die brandenburgische Landesregierung und Vertreter der “Euroregion Spree-Neiße-Bober“ einschalten mussten. Ohne Erfolg. Reinfeld blieb stur, und die Forster honorierten diese Sturheit. Mit großer Mehrheit wurde der Bürgermeister bei den nächsten Wahlen wiedergewählt. Die neue Brücke Auf der Suche nach der Forster Zukunft kümmert man sich seit einiger Zeit auch wieder um die Vergangenheit. Zur gleichen Zeit, in der die Diaprojektoren auf den Abrissbau am Forster Marktplatz eine Schlossfassade beamten, wurde im Textilmuseum der Stadt eine Ausstellung eröffnet. Es ging um den Grafen Brühl und seine Grafschaft Forst-Pförten. Brühl war, wenn man so will, ein Pionier der Forster Tuchmacherproduktion. In den Jahren 1740 bis 1747 hatte der sächsische Graf nicht nur die Standesherrschaft Forst-Pförten erworben, sondern ganz nebenbei auch noch die Stadt Forst selbst. Doch das, so lautete die Botschaft der Ausstellung, sollte nicht unbedingt zum Nachteil der Forster gewesen sein. Als einer der ersten sorgte der Graf für wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung im Neißestädtchen und richtete zahlreiche Textilmanufakturen ein. Selbst von Rückschlägen und Katastrophen ließ er sich nicht aus der Fassung bringen. Als im Jahre 1748 fast die gesamte Stadt einem Brand zum Opfer fiel, veranlasste Brühl den Wiederaufbau. Nicht mehr mittelalterlich, sondern modern sollte es nun zugehen. Der Plan des Dresdner Stadtbaumeisters Johann Christoph Knöffel war sogar so modern, dass er im 19. Jahrhundert schließlich genug Platz gelassen hatte, um mit dem Bau riesiger Fabrikareale zu beginnen. Die Grafschaft Forst-Pförten gibt es heute nicht mehr, doch die Verbindung beider Orte ist den Forstern wieder in Erinnerung gerufen. Pförten, das heute Brody heißt, ist von der Neißestadt keine zwanzig Kilometer entfernt. Und mittlerweile muss man auf dem Weg dorthin auch nicht den Autobahnübergang Forst Olszyna benutzen, sondern kann über den neuen Übergang Forst-Zasieki fahren. Die neuen Pioniere der Region, das sind nicht mehr die Grafen, sondern die Touristen. Zum Beispiel jene, die mit Ingolf Zägel die Länderein der Grafschaft mit dem Fahrrad erkunden. Zwölf Euro kostet seine Tour, die um acht Uhr morgens an der neuen Grenzbrücke beginnt, über das ehemalige Gelände der Sprengchemie GmbH in Forst-Scheuno und das Schloss Brody führt und um 16 Uhr wieder auf deutscher Seite endet. Ihr Titel: “Eine naturnahe geschichtliche Fahrradexkursion“. Es muss ein schwieriger Tag für Gerhard Reinfeld gewesen sein, dieser 14. September 2001. Nicht wegen der Anschläge von New York und Washington drei Tage zuvor, sondern wegen dem, was vier Kilometer nördlich des Forster Marktplatzes zu erledigen war. An diesem 14. September waren sie alle gekommen, der Bürgermeister von Brody, Zbigniew Wilkowiecki, der brandenburgische Bauminister Hartmut Meyer, der Marschall der Woiwodschaft Lebuser Land, Andrzej Bochenski, und zahlreiche Vertreter der Forster Wirtschaft sowie der Euroregion SpreeNeiße-Bober. “Meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren“, begann

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Gerhard Reinfeld seine Ansprache an diesem 14. September, “zur heutigen Grundsteinlegung der Grenzbrücke zwischen Zasieki und Forst darf ich sie - auch im Namen von Marschall Bochenski - ganz herzlich begrüßen.“ Je länger Reinfeld, der ehemalige Wortführer der Forster Brückengegner sprach, desto mehr geriet seine Ansprache zu einer Ode an die deutsch-polnische Freundschaft. “Die Entwicklung von Forst“, sagte er, “ist nicht zu trennen von der Entwicklung der gegenüberliegenden polnischen Region.“ Reinfeld sprach von den Vorteilen für die Wirtschaft der Stadt, den Einzelhandel, den grenzüberschreitenden Tourismus und schloss mit den Worten: “Wir begegnen uns selbstverständlich über die zukünftige Brücke nicht nur als Kunden, als Touristen oder Wirtschaftspartner, sondern als Nachbarn, die in der gesamten Vielfalt des gesellschaftlichen Lebens zusammenwachsen werden.“ “Hat sich Reinfeld etwa vom Saulus zum Paulus gewendet?“, fragte Sandra Dassler angesichts dieses Happy Ends der mehr als zehnjährigen Brückendebatte im Tagesspiegel. Die ausgewiesene Kennerin des Grenzgebiets zögerte allerdings auch nicht, eine Antwort für den plötzlichen Wandel des Gerhard Reinfeld zu geben. Böse Zungen, so Dassler, behaupteten nämlich, dass Reinfeld den ursprünglich geplanten Trassenverlauf der Grenzbrücke zwischen Gutenbergplatz und dem ehemaligen Rathenauplatz nur deshalb so vehement abgelehnt hatte, weil er in einer der Villen am Neißeufer wohne. Mit dem Bau einer Stadtbrücke weit außerhalb des Zentrums habe er sich dagegen anfreunden können.

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Rosia Montana’s riches have at- - tracted several foreign powers over the times, including the Romans. -- Now this region is being confronted with a transnational company. Dragos Zaharia provides an overview. -

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James Nachtwey’s book “Inferno” focuses on war torn countries like Rwanda, Sudan, Bosnia, Chechnya, Zaire, Somalia, Kosovo as well as Romania (looking at the orphanages generated by the Ceausescu regime). It seems quite telling that “peaceful” Romania is on his list. From this perspective Romania seems like a Third World country. We wonder how you would describe the situation in Rosia Montana? The area of Rosia Montana with the Apuseni Mountains is primarily important both from the human point of view and the aspect of natural resources. Rosia Montana is the oldest documented region of Romania. The Romans and then the Ostrich, the Hungarians, the Turks, and the Russians mined gold from its resources. Now, the Canadian company is doing the same thing, but although the deposit of gold has been enough for 2,000 years, the company wants to exhaust its reserves in just 16 years. The situation can be described as the following: the largest golden bed in Europe, an underdeveloped community and a company very eager to make profit. Mingling these three facts, the officials came up with the Rosia Montana Gold Company Project as the only solution for the development of the area. Yet this is completely contradictory to the wishes of the community. Indeed, a small part of the community is in favor of the project and is organising under the banner of the Pro Rosia Montana NGO. However the majority of people from the community, who are against the development project, are organizing under the banner of the Alburnus Maior NGO. This is the situation of Rosia Montana, a community which is trying to survive.

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Dr. Günther Altenburg - NATO Assistant Secretary General for Political Affairs NATO Headquarters Blvd Leopold III 1110 Brussels, Belgium natodoc@hq.nato.int

Budapest, 04. 02. 2004

tical unrest among the populations concerned in Eastern Hungary

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nia. For decades Hungary experienced the indifference of neighbours about -

ref: Gabriel Resources’ Rosia Montana gold mining project (Romania)

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If Rosia Montana-type enterprises are not stopped in time, then real environmen- -

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- the continuing pollution of the Mures/ Maros River will create social and poli- -

trans-frontier pollution of those rivers.

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is likely to increase the flow of internally displaced persons.

- Hungary imports 98% of its water from neighbouring countries such as Roma- -

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- an ecological disaster caused by GR’s project with downstream consequences -

Dear Sir,

tal aggressions are likely to rise in the near future. Complacency and silence from the part of governments and relevant institutions does not absolve them of re- -

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We would like to inform you about a commercial open cast gold/silver pro-

sponsibility. The 1992 decision of the Slovak government to finish the Gabciko- -

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ject in Romania whose effects will be of a trans-boundary nature with Hun-

vo-dam brought to the unilateral diversion of the Danube by the government of -

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gary. This has even been acknowledged by Gabriel Resources (GR); the Ca-

the Republic of Slovakia. Despite the ruling of the Hague International Court of -

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nadian project sponsor. In addition to Hungary; both Serbia and Bulgaria

Justice, Slovakia has for years done nothing to ensure the proper influx of water -

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have triggered the Espoo Convention regarding the trans-boundary impact

in the Szigetköz-area; an absolute necessity for the rehabilitation of the dama- -

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of this project. The reason for this letter to you is that we are deeply con-

ged environment. Almost ironically is the fact that the Romanian government -

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cerned about the risks inherent to this mining project. It has the potential

still refuses to pay damages to Hungary over Baia Mare. Since summer 2003 the -

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for causing security problems for both; Hungary and Romania. The matter

Romanian government authorised Esmeralda to take up production again at its’ -

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is a “clear and present danger”, unless immediate steps are taken to prevent

Baia Mare plant; this whilst the company paid no damages for what it caused in -

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it. Although the Romanian and Hungarian governments have discussed

January 2000.

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the matter; so far there have been no constructive results.

We are aware that in September 2003, NATO together with relevant Romanian -

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Whilst it is true that Hungary has triggered the Espoo Convention regar-

governmental authorities organised a seminar to start a pilot study on Soil and -

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ding GR’s Rosia Montana project, it is worth noticing that the June 2003

Water Pollution. It was held in Baia Mare. The various contributions included mi- -

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inter-government agreements on trans-frontier river waters protection are

ning and mining related pollution. It would be interesting to know whether in -

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not yet implemented. Parties are not applying even the possibilities offered

terms of prevention, GR’s Rosia Montana project was elaborated and what con- -

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by Espoo.

clusions were drawn for projects whose risks clearly outweigh benefits.

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Given the above it is ever more important for civil society representatives

It is for the same reasons that are of concern to Hungary, that Romania’s civil -

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to raise their voices. As mentioned earlier, the threat is real and immedia-

society does not support GR’s project; either. The Save Rosia Montana campaign, -

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te, and the consequences may seriously deteriorate relations between Hun-

initiated by the local opposition, has given rise to the largest civil society move- -

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gary and Romania.

ment since the revolution. Public opposition from civil society and institutions -

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We also would like to inform you that GR has already launched significant

such as the Orthodox Church, the Historic Hungarian Churches, the Romanian -

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preparatory works that form an integral part of their mining project; this in

Academy, the Romanian League of Majors and Municipalities, to name but a few; -

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absence of the pre-requisite Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA). This

deserve being honoured.

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is well worth noting given that in addition to national and international op-

Possibly unrelated but still interesting to note is the fact that the role of NATO in -

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position, there exists significant local opposition from the part of property

the Rosia Montana case has been acknowledged by Frank Timis, GR’s founder -

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owners refusing to make way for GR’s project. Contrary to Gabriel’s claims,

and Ovidiu Tender, a Director of GR. According to the Romanian press, both busi- -

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many locals have been forced to leave their homes.

nessmen sponsored two recent NATO conferences; whose main speaker was Wil- -

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Whilst, if realised, the Rosia Montana project would be Europe’s largest of

lem Matser.

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its kind, GR holds significant additional mining concessions in Rosia Mon-

As civil society organisations of a NATO-member country, we are calling upon -

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tana’s adjacent area. From the information available we can see that the-

you to use all means and procedures to stop the Rosia Montana project and so -

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se additional projects, whilst again being situated in densely populated are-

prevent the unfolding of a social and environmental disaster.

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as, contain the same inherent risks as the Rosia Montana project. Putting

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a stop at the Rosia Montana project would equally prevent GR from deve-

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loping these additional operations.

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GR’s 13Mt/a Rosia Montana project intends to employ sodium cyanide at

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0.8g/t. The cyanide laced tailings, or metal sludge, will be deposited in a

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‘pond’. In order to hold the 800ha large ‘pond’, a dam with a final height of

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185m will be build from rock waste across Corna; an inhabited valley adja-

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cent to Rosia Montana. The 185m high dam will be situated less than 1km

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from the city of Abrud, which counts 13.000 inhabitants. Given the mine’s

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size, 26 mio. tones of ore and waste will be extracted per year. This means

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500.000 tones per week or70.000 tones per day. If the proposed carbon in

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leach (cyanide) method is used, the Corna valley will, at the end of the 14

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year mine life, contain 250 mio. tones of unconsolidated tailings. Out of the

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total waste material contained in the tailings pond, 2% will be pure sulpha-

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tes (2% equals 5 mio. tones). This will, in addition to the rocks and waste

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deposits, generate ARD for generations.

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The Corna valley is riddled with rivers and rivulets flowing into the Abru-

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del and Aries Rivers. GR does not intend to line the tailings pond. The Aries

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River is the most important water source of the Apuseni Mountains; it then

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flows into the Mures and Tisza Rivers.

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Several cyanide accidents have occurred in the past years. The most famous

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is the Baia Mare disaster of January 2000. To date the ecological balance of

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the Tisza has not been recovered. Whilst Rosia Montana’s waters all lead

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into the Aries River, GR’s Rosia Montana project will in comparison to Es-

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meralda’s Aurul plant be a 13Mt/a project. Given this, the dangers which

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GR project could cause to Romania and Hungary is far greater.

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We are amazed that Gabriel has been let to commence project associated

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works; this at a time when the company has not secured a project insurance

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nor has it given financial guarantees for mine closure and clean-up. Both

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should be a condition for authorisation.

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Given the endemic risks inherent to GR’s mining project, we are deeply con-

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cerned about what a minor or major accident, such as the leaking or bur-

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- Dragos Zaharia (1980) - is a political analyst and activist. He is working for the NGO “Support the Children”, which coordinates a variety of projects, including a campaign on EU realted issues. He also sup- ports the project “Save Rosia Montana”. - ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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sting of the dam, might cause.

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- Szeged, a major town situated on the Tizsa River is directly threatened by

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GR’s project. This has repeatedly been acknowledged by the Szeged ‘s major.

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- major towns along the Mures River (Maros) in Romania - i.e. Arad, Deva

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Uwe Rada (1963) ist seit 1992 Redakteur bei der tageszeitung. Er ist Autor einiger Bücher, darunter “Mietenreport“ (Verlag Ch. Links, 1991), “Hauptstadt der Verdrängung“ (Verlag Schwarze Risse, 1997) und “Zwischenland“ (be.bra-Verlag, 2004), aus dem wir an dieser Stelle einen Auszug abdrucken.

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richtet sich vor allem an polnische Kunden. “Liebe Gäste, liebe ForsterInnen“, heißt es im Vorwort in deutscher und polnischer Sprache, “mit der Eröffnung der neuen Grenzbrücke ergeben sich für Forst Chancen zur Profilierung als Einkaufsstadt. Dieser Einkaufsführer für den Citybereich soll Ihnen den Zugang zu den Handelseinrichtungen der Stadt eröffnen und gleichzeitig ein Ratgeber sein. Ich wünsche Ihnen nun viel Vergnügen bei der ‚Entdeckungsreise’ und würde mich freuen, Sie in Forst begrüßen zu dürfen.“ Unterschrieben ist das Vorwort mit: “Ihr Dr. Gerhard Reinfeld, Bürgermeister der Stadt Forst (Lausitz)“. Die Hoffnungen des gewandelten Bürgermeisters haben sich, da ist man sich in Forst einig, nicht erfüllt. Ein Jahr nun ist die Brücke offen, doch der erhoffte Umsatzsprung durch polnische Kunden blieb aus. “Die einzigen, die etwas von der Brücke haben, sind die Forster selbst, die nun mit dem Rad nach Brody fahren können“, heißt es im Forster Fremdenverkehrsamt. Auch bei der Diashow am Marktplatz war die Nachbarschaft zu Polen keine Illuminierung wert. Selbst die Hoffnung, polnische Staatsbürger könnten einmal in die leeren Wohnungen am Marktplatz ziehen, wurde nicht geäußert. Was in Görlitz oder Frankfurt (Oder) inzwischen offizielle Politik ist, wird in Forst nicht einmal von Künstlern und Architekten erwogen. “Anders als Guben“, sagt der Sanierungsbeauftragte von Forst, Bernd Reisner, “ist Forst eine Stadt ohne Gegenüber.“ Aber Forst ist, immerhin, eine Grenzstadt, eine Stadt an der Grenze, ein Ort im Zwischenland. Während bis Ende der neunziger Jahre die Grenzlage zu Polen vielen Städten und Gemeinden an Oder und Neiße als Standortnachteil schien, hat man inzwischen umgedacht. Nun ist die Grenzlage keine Bedrohung mehr, wie es Reinfeld noch im Jahr 2000 verkündet hatte, sondern eine Chance. Und zeigt nicht das Beispiel von Görlitz, dass polnische Kunden auch Geld in die Kassen bringen? Hat Guben nicht von der Kläranlage in Gubin profitiert? Das alles mochte Reinfeld im Kopf gehabt haben, als er sich vom Brückengegner zum Brückenbauer gewandelt hatte. Es sind Hoffnungen wie diese, die Forst von anderen schrumpfenden und auch sterbenden Städten unterscheidet, von Hoyerswerda, Lauchhammer oder Wittenberge. Dort kümmern sich nur noch wenige um die Zukunft und wenn, dann schauen Sie in den überregionalen Tageszeitungen und im Internet nach Stellenanzeigen in Stuttgart, Hamburg oder München. In Forst dagegen hat der Bau einer Brücke, auch wenn sie vorerst auf kein unmittelbares Gegenüber führt, ein Fenster geöffnet. Nicht nur die Radtouristen schauen seitdem mit anderen Augen nach Polen. Auch die anderen Forster beginnen zu ahnen, dass sich hinter der Neiße etwas befindet, das die Stadt verändern könnte. Und ist nicht eine Veränderung, auch wenn man noch nicht weiß, was sie bringt, allemal besser als Stillstand oder Agonie? Vielleicht zahlt sich der “Przewodnik Handlowy“, der Einkaufsführer, ja doch noch einmal aus für die Forster Einzelhändler. Vielleicht investiert am Forster Marktplatz sogar ein Geschäftsmann aus Polen. An der Grenze zu Polen, das haben die Forster gelernt, ist alles möglich.

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Inzwischen hat Forst nicht nur eine neue Brücke, sondern auch einen Einkaufsführer. “Przewodnik Handlowy“, heißt der und

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The conflict in Rosia Montana with the Canadian Company Gabriel Resources places Romania on the map of a global economy. At the same time it recalls problems between transnational conglomerates and African countries. Would you agree? Legally speaking, the large multinational companies must struggle to implement their projects in countries whose legal system is weak. We must admit that Romania is now finding itself in such a position. A contributory factor to the situation is the problem of corruption, which encourages projects that may lead to precarious development.

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In 1999 many East European countries entered the NATO before they were even a part of the EU – in doing so, they demonstrated their proximity to the US. At the moment Romania is in the process of membership negotiations to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Some NGOs, like the ones from Hungary, have revealed in a letter to the NATO1 their concerns over the gold-mining project. Regarding these factors, how has your NGO sought involvement with the EU or the NATO? Last year Alburnus Maior NGO asked for help from the Environmental Commission within the European Parliament. They offered their help by personally coming to Rosia Montana this year in January. This link demonstrates the openness of the Romanian civil society towards Europe. The organization has a wide range of collaborations, both nationally (The National Academy, Cultural, Youth, Environment, Social NGOs) and abroad (Green Peace).

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What is the Rosia Montana NGOs vision for and expectations from Europe? Rosia Montana sees Europe as the last solution in preventing the community’s destruction. 2007 is the year of hope for the natives living there, since it is only by being part of the EU that Romania can stop the Canadian company from following through with the project.

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Yours sincerely

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Védegylet – Protect the Future Society 1051 Budapest Nádor u. 32. ++ 36 1 269 12 43 iroda@vedegylet.hu www.vedegylet.hu mtvsz@elender.hu

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Magyar Természetvédok Szövetsége (MTVSZ) National Society of Conservationists 1091 Budapest, Ülloi út 91/b ++ 36 1 216 72 97 www.mtvsz.hu

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Csongrád Megyei Természetvédelmi Egyesület (CSEMETE) Csongrád County Conservationist Society 6725 Szeged Boldogasszony sugárút 6. ++ 36 62 424 392 csemete01@gyaloglo.egon.hu www.tiszanet.hu/csemete/

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are equally threatened. In December 2003, the city of Arad issued an offi-

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- Slavimir Futro (1969) is a Slovenian designer, who describes his work as being dedicated to “experiment, humor and a better life“. www.futro.co.uk -

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Notes Notizen

“Willkommen im Wunderland!”

May 1st, 2004

The Final Countdown: Europe

Challenge Accepted! The Natives

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Excalibur City 1 provides an ideal starting point to dig - ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- - into issues concerning European identity. As a free tax zone set in the no man’ s land between the Czech - Balkanize it. - and Austrian borders, it is being suspended in a vacuThe Balkans has often been constructed as Europe’s heart of darkness - barbar- ian, exotic, anarchic, with constantly shifting geographical and political borders. - Like a virus, Balkanism can flow upstream along the Danube to infect Austria, - um due to EU enlargement. French artist David Jour- Germany - perhaps the entire civilised world. Last April, 7 Austrian artists un- dertook a tour of the Balkans, accompanied by 2 Serbian artists. Their travels are dan uses this event as a backdrop to contextualize - documented in a web site, an ‘interactive map of the mental Balkans,’ and a live - multimedia performance to take place in Graz, Austria in October. To add your - various forms of cultural and popular representations - own thoughts about the Balkans, visit the web site and choose an area on the map to Balkanize by uploading an image, text or sound; or browse through the - diverse Balkanistic experiences and opinions of others. - pertaining to the Excalibur-myth. What follows is part of a media campaign that promotes local change in - Helen Varley Jamieson, balkanize.mur.at - ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- this mythological shopping themepark. - 1.

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http://www.excaliburcity.com

Candida TV What is Candida TV ? Candida TV (www.candida.thing.net) is a core group of 7 people working together on visuals and videos since 1999. We realize video productions for television and we distribute them through different channels and the internet (www.ngvision.org). We organize and run workshops to categorize the audiovisual language. We promote the do-it-yourself-television idea because TV can be made by everyone using everyday tools. Please describe the initial motivation for and current perspective of the “SuperVideo>>>G8” project. We were bored with the usual “global demo”. We were unsure about going to Genoa because all the official media hype was already creating the stage for a tragedy. So the only way to go to Genoa was to create our own narration, despite all the other media. SuperVideo, like the ancient carneval masks, was born to give expression to all desires and needs that come from below. We know that searching for a proper job he is now trying to reintegrate into civil society, but soon he will be called again for a new mission. There is still the need for a creative disruption of sleepness

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What is your vision for an alternative European media scene - especially having in mind the extension of the EU on May 1st ? It has been more than 3 years that we have been in contact with different media-activist all over Europe (and also Canada, Australia, USA). Especially throughout the past year an important and conscious movement on the issues of free and independent communication and on freedom of sharing has been growing and developing. There have been more and more occasions of European networking. In 2003 an important example of a European/global grassroots movemement on communication and information has been the “Wsis? We seize!” event (www.geneva03.org), which took place parallel to the World Society Information Summit. The basic elements of a European movement will be the accessibility to communication / information means, the abolishment of the actual intellectual property policies, the creation of spaces for networking and the research of funds to sustain independent communication. The extension of the EU to the countries of East Europe will be a good chance because a lot of different groups working on independent media are coming from East Europe and a real network does already exist (MAMA in Zagreb, novi-sad in Ljubljana). The extension of EU simply confirms what is already happening between people and ideas.

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Plotki describes itself as “a project from around the bloc“. Founded in 2000 by a group of students from Berlin, Warszawa and Praha, the goal of Plotki is to increase and intensify the contact between the former East and West, between neighboring countries and people. In the form of a magazine Plotki brings together writers, photographers and graphic artists from Central and Eastern Europe. But the project is not only about the production of a magazine that investigates a cultural sphere, but also about finding out more about the actual coming and working together of this project. In the meantime so-called “plotkisty“ from all over Central and Eastern Europe have joined the group to bring this idea to life. Although Berlin has been the headquarters since the founding of the project, editorial seminars are held in a different place in Central Eastern Europe every year to make the project as international as possible. Contributors are always welcomed to participate.

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“In the dispute over who “owns” Kosovo, Serbian and Albanian nationalists have brandished arguments from history going back to antiquity or the Middle Ages. Yet nations are a recent creation, barely two centuries old. They were literally invented. And, once invented, they were consolidated by founding myths - and sometimes by bouts of ethnic cleansing. The recent upsurge of nationalism in Europe reflects above all a failure of politics and the difficulty of forging new collective identities based on a genuine political project. ” “Just as the maturing European Union is beginning to supersede the nation-state, the banner of nationalism is being raised all over the continent - not only in former communist countries but also in Western European states like Spain, Belgium and the United Kingdom. The supranational prospect held out by the EU appears to be threatened in two ways: by a deficiency of European identity, in striking contrast to the continuing vigour of national identities, and by a process of fragmentation into micro-nations. The real issue in this month’s European Parliament elections is a supra-national Europe versus a union of nation-states. But these alternatives raise crucial questions that need to be faced squarely. In the first case, supra-national sovereignty must be based on a “European people“. But how is such a people to come into being? In the second case, how is the number and the composition of the constituent nation-states to be decided? ”

King Arthur in Excalibur, John Boorman, 1981.

European Union Jack Straw discusses EU enlargement with Turkey ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… ………………………………………………………………………………………………………

Anne-Marie Thiesse, “Inventing national identity”, in “Le Monde Diplomatique”, June 1999. http://mondediplo.com/1999/06/05thiesse “No man takes what’s mine”, inscription on the original poster of the movie “The Fountainhead”, King Vidor, 1915. Adaptation of the eponymous best-seller of Ayn Rand.

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- www.comune.genova.it/sociale/citt/aice2004.htm -

No man takes what’s mine. King Vidor

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“Another City is Possible: The Future of the City as Collective Project” is the title of the 8th International Congress of Educating Cities which will take place in Genoa in November 2004. The “educating city” project was founded in Barcelona at the beginning of the ‘90s. It brings together with Genoa representatives of many cities of the world, along that have joined the International Association of Educating Cities (AICE) and have underwritten the Charter of Educating Cities. The idea at the basis of the congress is the enhancement of the educational function of cities in the conviction that education - understood as an opportunity for constant moral, cultural and social growth for citizens - constitutes an absolute priority for contemporary society. The initiative reflects the themes of Genoa as a contemporary city dedicated to contemporary life and the city as a laboratory for social relations.

In “Gangs of New York” (Martin Scorsese, 2002), the gang of the “Dead Rabbits”, composed of Irish newcomers, faces the “Natives” for the control of the district of Five Points in lower Manhattan in a country which is barely a century old.

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International Congress of Educating Cities

“- I have lost for all time the ancient sword of my fathers, whose power was meant to unite all men, to serve the vanity of a single man. I am nothing.”

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“Our message for these countries is clear; their destiny is the membership of the European Union, but of course they will have to make efforts. That depends entirely on them. The membership of the EU must be deserved”, said Chris Patten, commissioner in charge of the European Commission of External Relations, during the European Summit in Thessaloniki, 2003. Source: AFP.

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European Union Jack: The Ripper

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“The countries of Central and Eastern Europe want to regain their rightful place in the mainstream of Europe. As a result, the leaders of the Fifteen and the Commission have been unable to imagine any arrangement other than the indefinite enlargement of the Union and the straitjacket of the “acquis communautaire”. After ten years of painful reforms, the peoples of the candidate states are now being forced to accept ever greater sacrifices as the price of their new-found freedom.”

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Mightiest Spectacle! The Birth of a Nation

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In 1986, the Swedish band “Europe” were no. 1 with “The Final Countdown” in more than 25 countries. The album was released again by Sony in 2001.

“The Mightiest Spectacle!” is the inscription on the original poster of the movie “The Birth Of A Nation” (1915) by D.W. Griffith. “The Birth Of A Nation” recounts the history of the Civil War and Reconstruction through the eyes and experiences of Southern Whites, who vehemently opposed the political and social progress made by the newly freed African Americans.

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We’re heading for Venus and still we stand tall / Cause maybe they’ve seen us and welcome us all / With so many light years to go and things to be found / I’m sure that we’ll all miss her so / It’s the final countdown

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- Please describe the approach of your telestreet workshops and what the par- ticipants do with their new skills afterwards. Our telestreet workshop did not have the goal to create technicians of audiovisuals, but to discuss and create together a critical view on how television works: sharing knowledge and tools so that everyone can make their own television program with few means. To create collective content on community issues. To create a collective immaginary. To create connections and comunication between neighbors. The aim is to overcome the distinction between consumer and producer, the spreading of a direct approach to technology and audiovisual language. The results of the workshops usually come from people becoming their own producers as they realize that they can make it. -

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We’re leaving together / But still it’s farewell / And maybe we’ll come back / To earth, who can tell? / I guess there is no one to blame / We’re leaving ground / Will things ever be the same again? / It’s the final countdown

„We are used to Hollywood hype where adjectives like epic, stupendous, spectacular, cutting edge and incredible are silly exaggerations. This time they are understatements.” Joel Sigel, ABC, Good Morning America

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Join the Fellowship

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You described your approach as follows : “to infiltrate a mass medium like television means to us inserting new meanings into the mainstream, not final truths or ‘real informations’ but rather seeds of awareness.” What reaction do you get from the public ? When people watch us at work or work with us or watch our videos they remain shocked by the amount of chaos that we can rase. After that the usual reaction is to be amazed because of the engendering of new meaning through usual languages. We make a large use of irony, and that is very effective.

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In the current state of affairs Europeans seem to be equipped with various national identities but deprived of an European identity. The Euro currency reveals this contradiction: while the coins are different for each country and refer to their particular national symbols, the bills are decorated with fictitious architecture inspired by the chronology of architectural styles in Western Europe. In the past, images on coins and bills used to illustrate the historical highlights of a country, its heroes or artistic and architectural masterworks, but with the Euro currency the question of an European identity has been dismissed. On the one hand, the various designs on the Euro coins support the idea of an Europe of nations-states against a supranational Europe. They assume that the European identity, one that would give substance to a real citizenship, develops essentially by the addition of its respective national identities. On the other hand, the common illustrations retained for the bills, which are supposed to give an image to a rising community of people, are pure fantasy. The imaginary bridges, doors and windows illustrate foremost the difficulties of the 15 states in adopting a common history construed of national identities, which the respective states want to maintain. They bring into mind the fact that the nations themselves had literally to be invented. National identities are not natural but constructions of patriotic militantism. This patriotic militantism has created over the last two centuries specific but similar identities based on an identical checklist: some founding ancestors, a history, heroes, a language, monuments, landscapes and a folklore.

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Whiz-Bang Wizard of Whimsy! The Sword in the Stone In the no man’ s land between the Czech and Austrian borders the Viennese Ronald Seunig and the Czech Jaro Vlasak established in 1993 Excalibur City, a tax-free zone designed as a themepark. Excalibur City sets up a fanatasy landscape in free association to the myth of the sword of King Arthur: huge puppets of Merlin and three immense dragons on top of the central building, a shopping centre in the shape of an immense globe displaying on top in red gothic letters “The World Is Yours”, an old jet of Lauda Air customized and converted into a restaurant, a supermarket straight out of Flash Gordon, etc., are among the attractions. The cardboard scenery maintains an imagery of heroic fantasies, which evokes as much science fiction as mythology. Excalibur City is not only Andorra; it is also Avalon, the magic island in the fog. And of course it is Camelot, the center of the Arthurian universe. Seunig and Vlasak have confiscated the icon of a collective heritage in order to instantaneously establish their brand-mark. The myth of Excalibur provides them with the narrative and fantasmatic conditions of a familiar environment. Because this myth is strongly anchored in the Western collective memory, it is able to evoke an immediate appropriation of the place by the visitor. To my surprise, every child knows the story of the sword in the stone, which only the “One” will be able to deliver. And it is this image that one finds in the middle of the playground in Excalibur City. It is interesting that the story is still so prevalent, because the last reference to this story in a venue aimed at a young audience is – to my knowledge – the Disney cartoon “The Sword in the Stone” dating back to 1963. The appropriation of the myth for the place could also, however, be read differently, when one keeps in mind the reference to the mythology of its European origins: Excalibur, representing in the sword of King Arthur the foundation myth for the unity of the kingdom, could make of Excalibur City a peculiar symbol of the European unification. Especially since the location of Excalibur City is particularly intriguing in regard to the fact that the Czech Republic is being integrated with eight other countries in the European Union on May 1st, 2004. Following the analogy of the loss of Excalibur with the subsequent fall of the kingdom and its prosperity, the integration of the Czech Republic means that with the loss of the exemption from custom duties comes the loss of the terms of existence for Excalibur City. As the knights of the round table went on the quest of the holy grail, Seunig too has to find new attractions for his kingdom.

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‘’Whiz-Bang Whizard of Whimsy ! – inscription on the original poster of the movie “The Sword in the Stone”, Walt Disney, 1963, inspired from the eponymous novel of T.H. White, 1938.

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More Than This: Avalon

It’s Showtime! Land der Lügen “The lie is at least as large as the fantasy”. (Ronald Seunig)

More than this - there is nothing / More than this - tell me one thing / More than this - there is nothing. Roxy Music, “More than this”, in Avalon, 1982. Now the party´s over / Then I see you coming / Out of nowhere / Much communication in a motion / Without conversation or a notion / Avalon Roxy Music, “Avalon”, in Avalon, 1982.

In accordance with the fact that no duty-free business is allowed at the borders of the member states, Excalibur City will no longer be that attractive a bargain anymore. Ronald Seunig, the head of Excalibur City, has anticipated this and commenced upon the enlargement of his paradise : a brand new designer outlet - the Freeport factory – which has already opened in autumn 2003 and a 60 millions euros / 172.000 m2 theme park, the “Land der Lügen” (“The Country of Lies”), which will open by 2006. You will have to visit many places in search of the Key of the Truth: become involved in the Network of the Lies, tour the Palace of Falsifications, risk drowning in the Sea of the Lies, and come to the Oasis of the Fraud. Finally, after the Battlefield of the Losers, you may end up in the Greatest Liars’ Jail to find among Pinocchio, Baron Münchausen or Casanova almost all of the politicians and dignitaries throughout history. During the recent launching campaign of the “Land der Lügen”, Seunig did not conceal his great admiration for Hitler. “What is said about him is a downright historical lie, over-exaggerated propaganda”. Will the “Land der Lügen” be the first revisionist entertainment park?

Goodbye Hello: Ende Neu Goodbye Hello / Island to give away / But no fresh country any more / Let others tread beaten tracks / leaving stones behind them / We’ll become what we are, and: / Ending new / Once new buildings / On the island collapsed / Shut that door! We’ll dance on / Tightly entwined, only / Hold me tight on those two words: / Ending new / We’ve known each other ages / The phoenix and I / I taught with two words / So he could talk to me: / Ending new / Goodbye Hello / Take two: / Ending new / Ending new / Ending ending ending new / Island to give away / but no fresh country any more / We’ll make a good start / and launch a phrase as great as New York / and more beautiful than the sun / As a gift / A phrase with just two words / Ending new

David Jourdan (1974) is based in Vienna and Paris. He works with various methods like field research, commentary, and aesthetic analysis in various medias, thematizing the production mechanisms as well as conceptions of spatial politics. His playful systems are based on a wide field of cultural, theoretical and popular material, cut-and-paste to make it possible to piece together individual facts within a broad structure. Jourdan is currently transcribing Laurence Sterne’s “Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy” into a redneck vernacular. Recent exhibitions include “And other bargain goods” (Calais, 2002), “Site- seeing” (Vienna, 2003), “1%” (Paris, 2004) and “La ville qui fait signes” Einstuerzende Neubauten, “Ende Neu”,1996. (Tourcoing, 2004). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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Notes Notizen

“Willkommen im Wunderland!”

May 1st, 2004

The Final Countdown: Europe

Challenge Accepted! The Natives

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Excalibur City 1 provides an ideal starting point to dig - ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- - into issues concerning European identity. As a free tax zone set in the no man’ s land between the Czech - Balkanize it. - and Austrian borders, it is being suspended in a vacuThe Balkans has often been constructed as Europe’s heart of darkness - barbar- ian, exotic, anarchic, with constantly shifting geographical and political borders. - Like a virus, Balkanism can flow upstream along the Danube to infect Austria, - um due to EU enlargement. French artist David Jour- Germany - perhaps the entire civilised world. Last April, 7 Austrian artists un- dertook a tour of the Balkans, accompanied by 2 Serbian artists. Their travels are dan uses this event as a backdrop to contextualize - documented in a web site, an ‘interactive map of the mental Balkans,’ and a live - multimedia performance to take place in Graz, Austria in October. To add your - various forms of cultural and popular representations - own thoughts about the Balkans, visit the web site and choose an area on the map to Balkanize by uploading an image, text or sound; or browse through the - diverse Balkanistic experiences and opinions of others. - pertaining to the Excalibur-myth. What follows is part of a media campaign that promotes local change in - Helen Varley Jamieson, balkanize.mur.at - ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- this mythological shopping themepark. - 1.

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http://www.excaliburcity.com

Candida TV What is Candida TV ? Candida TV (www.candida.thing.net) is a core group of 7 people working together on visuals and videos since 1999. We realize video productions for television and we distribute them through different channels and the internet (www.ngvision.org). We organize and run workshops to categorize the audiovisual language. We promote the do-it-yourself-television idea because TV can be made by everyone using everyday tools. Please describe the initial motivation for and current perspective of the “SuperVideo>>>G8” project. We were bored with the usual “global demo”. We were unsure about going to Genoa because all the official media hype was already creating the stage for a tragedy. So the only way to go to Genoa was to create our own narration, despite all the other media. SuperVideo, like the ancient carneval masks, was born to give expression to all desires and needs that come from below. We know that searching for a proper job he is now trying to reintegrate into civil society, but soon he will be called again for a new mission. There is still the need for a creative disruption of sleepness

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What is your vision for an alternative European media scene - especially having in mind the extension of the EU on May 1st ? It has been more than 3 years that we have been in contact with different media-activist all over Europe (and also Canada, Australia, USA). Especially throughout the past year an important and conscious movement on the issues of free and independent communication and on freedom of sharing has been growing and developing. There have been more and more occasions of European networking. In 2003 an important example of a European/global grassroots movemement on communication and information has been the “Wsis? We seize!” event (www.geneva03.org), which took place parallel to the World Society Information Summit. The basic elements of a European movement will be the accessibility to communication / information means, the abolishment of the actual intellectual property policies, the creation of spaces for networking and the research of funds to sustain independent communication. The extension of the EU to the countries of East Europe will be a good chance because a lot of different groups working on independent media are coming from East Europe and a real network does already exist (MAMA in Zagreb, novi-sad in Ljubljana). The extension of EU simply confirms what is already happening between people and ideas.

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Plotki describes itself as “a project from around the bloc“. Founded in 2000 by a group of students from Berlin, Warszawa and Praha, the goal of Plotki is to increase and intensify the contact between the former East and West, between neighboring countries and people. In the form of a magazine Plotki brings together writers, photographers and graphic artists from Central and Eastern Europe. But the project is not only about the production of a magazine that investigates a cultural sphere, but also about finding out more about the actual coming and working together of this project. In the meantime so-called “plotkisty“ from all over Central and Eastern Europe have joined the group to bring this idea to life. Although Berlin has been the headquarters since the founding of the project, editorial seminars are held in a different place in Central Eastern Europe every year to make the project as international as possible. Contributors are always welcomed to participate.

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“In the dispute over who “owns” Kosovo, Serbian and Albanian nationalists have brandished arguments from history going back to antiquity or the Middle Ages. Yet nations are a recent creation, barely two centuries old. They were literally invented. And, once invented, they were consolidated by founding myths - and sometimes by bouts of ethnic cleansing. The recent upsurge of nationalism in Europe reflects above all a failure of politics and the difficulty of forging new collective identities based on a genuine political project. ” “Just as the maturing European Union is beginning to supersede the nation-state, the banner of nationalism is being raised all over the continent - not only in former communist countries but also in Western European states like Spain, Belgium and the United Kingdom. The supranational prospect held out by the EU appears to be threatened in two ways: by a deficiency of European identity, in striking contrast to the continuing vigour of national identities, and by a process of fragmentation into micro-nations. The real issue in this month’s European Parliament elections is a supra-national Europe versus a union of nation-states. But these alternatives raise crucial questions that need to be faced squarely. In the first case, supra-national sovereignty must be based on a “European people“. But how is such a people to come into being? In the second case, how is the number and the composition of the constituent nation-states to be decided? ”

King Arthur in Excalibur, John Boorman, 1981.

European Union Jack Straw discusses EU enlargement with Turkey ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… ………………………………………………………………………………………………………

Anne-Marie Thiesse, “Inventing national identity”, in “Le Monde Diplomatique”, June 1999. http://mondediplo.com/1999/06/05thiesse “No man takes what’s mine”, inscription on the original poster of the movie “The Fountainhead”, King Vidor, 1915. Adaptation of the eponymous best-seller of Ayn Rand.

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No man takes what’s mine. King Vidor

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“Another City is Possible: The Future of the City as Collective Project” is the title of the 8th International Congress of Educating Cities which will take place in Genoa in November 2004. The “educating city” project was founded in Barcelona at the beginning of the ‘90s. It brings together with Genoa representatives of many cities of the world, along that have joined the International Association of Educating Cities (AICE) and have underwritten the Charter of Educating Cities. The idea at the basis of the congress is the enhancement of the educational function of cities in the conviction that education - understood as an opportunity for constant moral, cultural and social growth for citizens - constitutes an absolute priority for contemporary society. The initiative reflects the themes of Genoa as a contemporary city dedicated to contemporary life and the city as a laboratory for social relations.

In “Gangs of New York” (Martin Scorsese, 2002), the gang of the “Dead Rabbits”, composed of Irish newcomers, faces the “Natives” for the control of the district of Five Points in lower Manhattan in a country which is barely a century old.

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International Congress of Educating Cities

“- I have lost for all time the ancient sword of my fathers, whose power was meant to unite all men, to serve the vanity of a single man. I am nothing.”

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“Our message for these countries is clear; their destiny is the membership of the European Union, but of course they will have to make efforts. That depends entirely on them. The membership of the EU must be deserved”, said Chris Patten, commissioner in charge of the European Commission of External Relations, during the European Summit in Thessaloniki, 2003. Source: AFP.

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- www.plotki.net

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European Union Jack: The Ripper

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Plotki

“The countries of Central and Eastern Europe want to regain their rightful place in the mainstream of Europe. As a result, the leaders of the Fifteen and the Commission have been unable to imagine any arrangement other than the indefinite enlargement of the Union and the straitjacket of the “acquis communautaire”. After ten years of painful reforms, the peoples of the candidate states are now being forced to accept ever greater sacrifices as the price of their new-found freedom.”

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Mightiest Spectacle! The Birth of a Nation

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In 1986, the Swedish band “Europe” were no. 1 with “The Final Countdown” in more than 25 countries. The album was released again by Sony in 2001.

“The Mightiest Spectacle!” is the inscription on the original poster of the movie “The Birth Of A Nation” (1915) by D.W. Griffith. “The Birth Of A Nation” recounts the history of the Civil War and Reconstruction through the eyes and experiences of Southern Whites, who vehemently opposed the political and social progress made by the newly freed African Americans.

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We’re heading for Venus and still we stand tall / Cause maybe they’ve seen us and welcome us all / With so many light years to go and things to be found / I’m sure that we’ll all miss her so / It’s the final countdown

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- Please describe the approach of your telestreet workshops and what the par- ticipants do with their new skills afterwards. Our telestreet workshop did not have the goal to create technicians of audiovisuals, but to discuss and create together a critical view on how television works: sharing knowledge and tools so that everyone can make their own television program with few means. To create collective content on community issues. To create a collective immaginary. To create connections and comunication between neighbors. The aim is to overcome the distinction between consumer and producer, the spreading of a direct approach to technology and audiovisual language. The results of the workshops usually come from people becoming their own producers as they realize that they can make it. -

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We’re leaving together / But still it’s farewell / And maybe we’ll come back / To earth, who can tell? / I guess there is no one to blame / We’re leaving ground / Will things ever be the same again? / It’s the final countdown

„We are used to Hollywood hype where adjectives like epic, stupendous, spectacular, cutting edge and incredible are silly exaggerations. This time they are understatements.” Joel Sigel, ABC, Good Morning America

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Join the Fellowship

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You described your approach as follows : “to infiltrate a mass medium like television means to us inserting new meanings into the mainstream, not final truths or ‘real informations’ but rather seeds of awareness.” What reaction do you get from the public ? When people watch us at work or work with us or watch our videos they remain shocked by the amount of chaos that we can rase. After that the usual reaction is to be amazed because of the engendering of new meaning through usual languages. We make a large use of irony, and that is very effective.

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In the current state of affairs Europeans seem to be equipped with various national identities but deprived of an European identity. The Euro currency reveals this contradiction: while the coins are different for each country and refer to their particular national symbols, the bills are decorated with fictitious architecture inspired by the chronology of architectural styles in Western Europe. In the past, images on coins and bills used to illustrate the historical highlights of a country, its heroes or artistic and architectural masterworks, but with the Euro currency the question of an European identity has been dismissed. On the one hand, the various designs on the Euro coins support the idea of an Europe of nations-states against a supranational Europe. They assume that the European identity, one that would give substance to a real citizenship, develops essentially by the addition of its respective national identities. On the other hand, the common illustrations retained for the bills, which are supposed to give an image to a rising community of people, are pure fantasy. The imaginary bridges, doors and windows illustrate foremost the difficulties of the 15 states in adopting a common history construed of national identities, which the respective states want to maintain. They bring into mind the fact that the nations themselves had literally to be invented. National identities are not natural but constructions of patriotic militantism. This patriotic militantism has created over the last two centuries specific but similar identities based on an identical checklist: some founding ancestors, a history, heroes, a language, monuments, landscapes and a folklore.

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Whiz-Bang Wizard of Whimsy! The Sword in the Stone In the no man’ s land between the Czech and Austrian borders the Viennese Ronald Seunig and the Czech Jaro Vlasak established in 1993 Excalibur City, a tax-free zone designed as a themepark. Excalibur City sets up a fanatasy landscape in free association to the myth of the sword of King Arthur: huge puppets of Merlin and three immense dragons on top of the central building, a shopping centre in the shape of an immense globe displaying on top in red gothic letters “The World Is Yours”, an old jet of Lauda Air customized and converted into a restaurant, a supermarket straight out of Flash Gordon, etc., are among the attractions. The cardboard scenery maintains an imagery of heroic fantasies, which evokes as much science fiction as mythology. Excalibur City is not only Andorra; it is also Avalon, the magic island in the fog. And of course it is Camelot, the center of the Arthurian universe. Seunig and Vlasak have confiscated the icon of a collective heritage in order to instantaneously establish their brand-mark. The myth of Excalibur provides them with the narrative and fantasmatic conditions of a familiar environment. Because this myth is strongly anchored in the Western collective memory, it is able to evoke an immediate appropriation of the place by the visitor. To my surprise, every child knows the story of the sword in the stone, which only the “One” will be able to deliver. And it is this image that one finds in the middle of the playground in Excalibur City. It is interesting that the story is still so prevalent, because the last reference to this story in a venue aimed at a young audience is – to my knowledge – the Disney cartoon “The Sword in the Stone” dating back to 1963. The appropriation of the myth for the place could also, however, be read differently, when one keeps in mind the reference to the mythology of its European origins: Excalibur, representing in the sword of King Arthur the foundation myth for the unity of the kingdom, could make of Excalibur City a peculiar symbol of the European unification. Especially since the location of Excalibur City is particularly intriguing in regard to the fact that the Czech Republic is being integrated with eight other countries in the European Union on May 1st, 2004. Following the analogy of the loss of Excalibur with the subsequent fall of the kingdom and its prosperity, the integration of the Czech Republic means that with the loss of the exemption from custom duties comes the loss of the terms of existence for Excalibur City. As the knights of the round table went on the quest of the holy grail, Seunig too has to find new attractions for his kingdom.

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‘’Whiz-Bang Whizard of Whimsy ! – inscription on the original poster of the movie “The Sword in the Stone”, Walt Disney, 1963, inspired from the eponymous novel of T.H. White, 1938.

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More Than This: Avalon

It’s Showtime! Land der Lügen “The lie is at least as large as the fantasy”. (Ronald Seunig)

More than this - there is nothing / More than this - tell me one thing / More than this - there is nothing. Roxy Music, “More than this”, in Avalon, 1982. Now the party´s over / Then I see you coming / Out of nowhere / Much communication in a motion / Without conversation or a notion / Avalon Roxy Music, “Avalon”, in Avalon, 1982.

In accordance with the fact that no duty-free business is allowed at the borders of the member states, Excalibur City will no longer be that attractive a bargain anymore. Ronald Seunig, the head of Excalibur City, has anticipated this and commenced upon the enlargement of his paradise : a brand new designer outlet - the Freeport factory – which has already opened in autumn 2003 and a 60 millions euros / 172.000 m2 theme park, the “Land der Lügen” (“The Country of Lies”), which will open by 2006. You will have to visit many places in search of the Key of the Truth: become involved in the Network of the Lies, tour the Palace of Falsifications, risk drowning in the Sea of the Lies, and come to the Oasis of the Fraud. Finally, after the Battlefield of the Losers, you may end up in the Greatest Liars’ Jail to find among Pinocchio, Baron Münchausen or Casanova almost all of the politicians and dignitaries throughout history. During the recent launching campaign of the “Land der Lügen”, Seunig did not conceal his great admiration for Hitler. “What is said about him is a downright historical lie, over-exaggerated propaganda”. Will the “Land der Lügen” be the first revisionist entertainment park?

Goodbye Hello: Ende Neu Goodbye Hello / Island to give away / But no fresh country any more / Let others tread beaten tracks / leaving stones behind them / We’ll become what we are, and: / Ending new / Once new buildings / On the island collapsed / Shut that door! We’ll dance on / Tightly entwined, only / Hold me tight on those two words: / Ending new / We’ve known each other ages / The phoenix and I / I taught with two words / So he could talk to me: / Ending new / Goodbye Hello / Take two: / Ending new / Ending new / Ending ending ending new / Island to give away / but no fresh country any more / We’ll make a good start / and launch a phrase as great as New York / and more beautiful than the sun / As a gift / A phrase with just two words / Ending new

David Jourdan (1974) is based in Vienna and Paris. He works with various methods like field research, commentary, and aesthetic analysis in various medias, thematizing the production mechanisms as well as conceptions of spatial politics. His playful systems are based on a wide field of cultural, theoretical and popular material, cut-and-paste to make it possible to piece together individual facts within a broad structure. Jourdan is currently transcribing Laurence Sterne’s “Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy” into a redneck vernacular. Recent exhibitions include “And other bargain goods” (Calais, 2002), “Site- seeing” (Vienna, 2003), “1%” (Paris, 2004) and “La ville qui fait signes” Einstuerzende Neubauten, “Ende Neu”,1996. (Tourcoing, 2004). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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Imprint

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Publishers:

Lectors:

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Nicolas Bourquin Sven Ehmann Krystian Woznicki

Silvia Kaske Oliver Machcatie

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Media partners:

More information:

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Š 2004

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Camera Austria Springerin

www.etc -publications.com info@etc -publications.com

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Acknowledgements:

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Franziska von Hasselbach Lucas Gehrmann Stefan Kainbacher Johanna Leuner Manuel Mussili Hans Ulrich Obrist Verein mit Zukunft Anna Vosswinckel Stefan Weber

by the authors, the artists, and the publishers.

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All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form without the written permission of the copyright holder.

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