Tbilisi 2013 – 74th International Session of the European Youth Parliament
Committee topics With introductions
INTRODUCTION Dear participants, The 74th International Session of the European Youth Parliament will focus on the “wider Europe”, Europe’s role in the world, and the European Union’s external relations, especially to Eastern European countries. While the European decision-makers’ focus has been on the ongoing economic crisis of late, the EU remains a global actor with global responsibilities. These responsibilities, and the EU’s readiness to carry them, will be discussed from different angles at the session. Tbilisi 2013 is supported by the Office of the European Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy, and questions relating to EU enlargement and the EU’s neighbourhood policies will be discussed by several committees. The session precedes the Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius, Lithuania, taking place in November. At the summit, the EU and the Eastern Partnership countries are expected to take further steps towards closer integration. At Tbilisi 2013, the delegates will have the chance to discuss the prospects for the summit and further developments in the region. Delegates will also discuss the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy, both from the institutional viewpoint and in the context of specific policy issues. Three years after the establishment of the European External Action Service, the delegates will have their say on the development of the EU’s foreign policy leadership, for instance. In addition to the EU’s external relations, the committees will also discuss and debate several other pressing issues, such as austerity policies, multiculturalism and protection of privacy. Together, the topics will cover the theme of “Europe on its frontiers” from multiple and often unexpected viewpoints, reaching not only the continent’s physical but also its mental frontiers. Through their work on these issues, the participants will also explore the frontiers of their own views and knowledge. Choose carefully! Jari Marjelund President of the session CONTENT 3.
Committee on Constitutional Affairs I – AFCO I
Committee on Constitutional Affairs II – AFCO II
Committee on Foreign Affairs I – AFET I
4.
Committee on Foreign Affairs II – AFET II
Committee on Foreign Affairs III – AFET III
Committee on Climate Change – CLIM
5.
Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs – ECON
Committee on Employment and Social Affairs – EMPL
Committee on Environment, Public Health and Food Safety – ENVI
6.
Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality – FEMM
Committee on International Trade – INTA
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy – ITRE
7.
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs I – LIBE I
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs I – LIBE II
Committee on Security and Defence – SEDE
2
1. COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS I – AFCO I Of the people, for the people, by the people: with the voter turnout for the 2014 election of the European Parliament expected to reach an all-time low, what measures should the EU take to revitalise the culture of democratic participation and ensure the democratic legitimacy of its Parliament? The European Parliament is the only directly elected body of the European Union, and its powers have steadily increased over the years. The European citizens, however, seem increasingly apathetic about it. Since the first direct election of the Parliament in 1979, voter turnout has steadily declined, reaching 43% in the 2009 election. Signs for the next election in May 2014 are not promising: in Croatia, for instance, a mere fifth of eligible voters turned out to vote for the country’s first representatives to the Parliament in 2013. The decline is a significant threat for the democratic legitimacy of the Parliament and the entire European project. Most worryingly, the turnout is particularly low among young Europeans, which is likely to pose a further demographic threat to the turnout in the near future. The Committee on Constitutional Affairs I will have the chance to approach this crucial issue and explore the measures the EU could take to rekindle its citizens’ interest in the European project and democratic participation on the European level, before the 2014 election and it the years to come. 2. COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS II – AFCO II Leadership for the EU’s external relations: in light of the EU’s continuing inability to have credible foreign policy, how should the EU restructure the leadership of its external relations? The European Union has often been characterised as an economic giant but a political dwarf. After years of internal quarrel to make the EU’s foreign policy leadership more simple, unified and efficient, the Lisbon Treaty established the positions of the President of the European Council and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. The High Representative was to create and lead the new European External Action Service, coordinating the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy and effectively representing the union abroad. Baroness Ashton, the first High Representative, has now managed to build the service. While her work has also been hailed as a “little miracle, in which we should rejoice”, Baroness Ashton and the new external action machinery have also been criticised as bureaucratic, inefficient and invisible. As the case of Egypt shows, the EU still isn’t able to answer the calls for strong, unified foreign policy. Thus, calls to further redesign the foreign policy set-up have again been heard. For instance, a group of Member State foreign ministers recently proposed a stronger foreign policy chief for the EU. Despite these continuing pleas for institutional changes and tangible action, the fundamental challenges remain, and the Committee on Constitutional Affairs II will not find its task easy. However, the issues at hand will determine whether Europe can remain a credible actor on the global arena. 3. COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS I – AFET I The hottest region in the world: with the melting of Arctic ice exposing unprecedented economic opportunities, how should to the EU position itself in the global race to control the Arctic region? The effects of climate change are very visible in the Arctic region: the polar ice cap continues to lose record amounts of ice each year, and the Arctic Ocean is expected to be entirely free of summer ice by 2100. The concerns are not merely environmental, however. In fact, the developments have widely been seen as economically beneficial, as new oil fields and commercial sea routes are opening. The geopolitical importance of the region has rapidly increased, as all great powers have become interested in the economic and political dominance of the region. The Committee on Foreign Affairs I needs to approach this topic from multiple viewpoints, carefully considering the different environmental, political and economic questions, as well as the short- and long-term aims of the different actors. The Arctic region might well become the hottest region of the 21st century, a hotspot for both cooperation and rivalry – and the European Union needs to find its position early on. 3
4. COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS II – AFET II Two steps forward, one step back: how should the EU contribute to the development of rule of law and good governance in the Western Balkans on the countries’ path toward EU membership? In July 2013, Croatia became the 28th Member State of the EU, a development hailed as a significant landmark in the Western Balkans’ development. Serbia has also gained candidate status, and development in the region has by many accounts been positive, and the countries’ willingness to gain EU membership can be seen as a significant driving force for this development. Considerable challenges, however, remain. According to the European Commission’s 2010 enlargement strategy, corruption and organised crime, for instance, are major obstacles for the Western Balkans’ development. The countries’ economic growth also remains negligible; the unemployment rate in Kosovo, for instance, is around 35%. The question for the Committee on Foreign Affairs II to answer is: how can the EU use both “carrot and stick” to push the Western Balkans toward sustainable political, social and economic development. The Western Balkans is one of the few remaining regions where the EU can still make change happen through its example and the promise of membership. With confidence on the EU’s role on the international arena waning, this is a challenge it direly needs to overcome. 5. COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS III – AFET III Building partnerships: with the Vilnius Summit approaching, what should the EU’s strategy for the summit and with the Eastern Partnership countries be? Through its Eastern Partnership programme, the EU has aimed to strengthen its ties to its Eastern periphery and promote international law, democracy and human rights in the region. The Vilnius Summit, to be held in November, is expected to take stock of the programme’s progress and provide it with new momentum. At the summit, the EU is hoping to sign the Association Agreement with Ukraine and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas with Moldova, Georgia and Armenia. Success, however, is not guaranteed. Most importantly, it depends on both sides’ willingness to reach tangible results instead of a mere “photo-op conference”. The relations between the EU and the countries involved are not without problems. From the beginning, many Member States have been cautious with labeling Eastern Partnership as a “stepping stone” for EU membership, and the non-Member States on the other side have been critical of this overly careful approach to the question of membership. The Committee on Foreign Affairs III is required to examine the views of both sides and maneuver in a complex political environment, with Russia as a factor not to be forgotten. The results may well shape the region for decades to come. 6. COMMITTEE ON CLIMATE CHANGE – CLIM Two degrees and more: with the scientific community claiming that global warming cannot realistically be kept under the desired limits anymore, what measures should Europe take to prepare for extreme weather phenomena and their consequences for the environment, public health and food supplies? Cancún, Durban, Doha – despite big headlines and sincere hopes, global actors have repeatedly failed to reach a legally binding international climate agreement. It is becoming increasingly clear that the rise in average global temperature cannot be kept under two degrees Celsius, the commonly accepted goal and the limit after which consequences are expected to get very serious. While the exact effects of further warming of the planet are hard to predict, there is strong evidence for a connection between temperature rises and extreme weather phenomena, such as droughts, floods and storms. The consequences of such phenomena for the environment, public health and food safety may vary from extremely difficult to catastrophic. Thus, strategies for climate adaptation and mitigation mark a highly topical and relevant topic for the Committee on Climate Change to discuss. The decisions made today will have direct effects on the Europe of tomorrow – a Europe where winter may not be coming.
4
7. COMMITTEE ON ECONOMIC AND MONETARY AFFAIRS – ECON The end of austerity? In light of growing concerns about the effects of austerity policies on economic growth, how should European governments balance their budgets while maintaining economic growth and social stability? Since the beginning of the Greek crisis in 2010, austerity has been a key element in the European Commission’s, the International Monetary Fund’s and European governments’ efforts to restore international creditors’ trust in the struggling economies of Europe. Countries such as Greece and Ireland have been forced to undergo strict austerity measures in exchange for aid packages. Lately, however, austerity has become a target for increasing criticism. It has been argued that austerity in fact hurts growth and has negative effects on European socities struggling under budget cuts and tax increases. The “austerity consensus” has been broken. So far, the Commission has remained adamant in its support for austerity, emphasising that such policies have been and continue to be necessary in securing the markets’ confidence, and that excessive budget deficits are a greater risk. The Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs needs to assess the inconclusive scientific evidence, the different sides’ key arguments and the ever more fragile economic and political situation in Europe. The most effective means of getting the economies back on the growth track are in dire need in today’s Europe. 8. COMMITTEE ON EMPLOYMENT AND SOCIAL AFFAIRS – EMPL The startup economy: with high youth unemployment and stagnant economies, how should European governments promote entrepreneurship in order to create a generation of young entrepreneurs? Youth unemployment remains one of the key problems in today’s Europe. According to EU statistics, youth unemployment is more than twice as high as the adult one, and young people face many obstacles in today’s labour market. If solutions are not found, the threat of a “lost generation” is imminent. The question is: instead of trying to find jobs, should young people try to create them – and how can European governments best facilitate this? In comparison to the United States, Europe has often been seen lacking in a culture of entrepreneurship: whereas even failing entrepreneurs may be highly regarded in the US, Europeans have traditionally been less eager to face the risks of starting their own businesses. In addition to such cultural obstacles, practical obstacles such as over-regulation and inadequate access to capital are also an issue. In this time of economic hardship, however, the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs has the responsibility to seek ways to change the status quo for the better. 9. COMMITTEE ON ENVIRONMENT, PUBLIC HEALTH AND FOOD SAFETY – ENVI Talking about sex: in light of young people in Eastern Europe often lacking adequate sex education, what measures should be taken on the local and administrative levels to tackle the issue and consequent problems related to reproductive health? In many Eastern European countries, sex education has still not been established as a proper, functioning school subject. As a result, Eastern European youth often lack access to information on contraception and sexual health. Teenage pregnancies and spreading of sexually transmitted diseases are typical consequences of this unfortunate situation – in many countries in the region, the rates of both are alarmingly high. Related consequences can also include impacting individuals on social, psychological and personal healthcare matters. The Committee on Environment, Public Health and Food Safety will discuss an intimate yet highly relevant issue and navigate through a field of differing views on such issues as accepted forms of sexual behaviour, gender equality, LGBT rights and religion.
5
10. COMMITTEE ON WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND GENDER EQUALITY – FEMM Prostitution and its impact on gender equality: in light of the varied legal practices across Europe, how best should the European governments review their prostitution legislation in order to minimise the negative consequences of prostitution for European societies? Prostitution remains a highly complex legal and normative issue, as is obvious from European countries’ varying legislations. In many ways, the complexity of this issue stems from the question of woman’s right to her body. In certain countries, prostitution is legal and regulated; in most of Eastern Europe, it is illegal; and, in Norway and Sweden, it is illegal, but only the clients are prosecuted. Many argue that legislation promises safety to the women in question, thus granting them autonomy and ensuring them the right to choose how to use their bodies. However, many argue that prostitution is a more complex issue, an occupation which occurs as a result of extreme circumstance and tends to profit a malevolent industry rather than the sex workers themselves. In this way, the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality needs to ask whether prostitution should be classed as an acceptable occupation or a severely sinister issue which causes nothing but harm in society. 11. COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL TRADE – INTA Reaching across the Atlantic: with negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership set to start, how should the EU position itself to reach maximum gains amid unanswered political and economic questions? The idea of a Transatlantic Free Trade Area is not exactly new. Initially considered and discussed in the 1990s and again in 2007, with no substantial outcome on either occasion, the EU and the US have now brought the issue back to the table. By forming the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, the two parties aim to further their economic cooperation and establish the world’s biggest bilateral trade deal that would cover about half of global economic output and one third of global trade. With such prospects ahead of them, the EU and the US nonetheless have a long way to go. The recently surfaced NSA spying scandal, for instance, has already caused controversy on the EU’s side. Other European concerns derive from the idea of abolishing precautionary principles and paving the way to deregulation, as well as the potential of failing to safeguard important domestic industries. The Committee on International Trade faces lot of questions that need to be ironed out through the negotiations, if the partnership is indeed to be established. How the EU responds to these challenges will play a key role in both its economic prosperity and future as a respected global actor. 12. COMMITTEE ON INDUSTRY, RESEARCH AND ENERGY – ITRE Space, the final frontier: with the European Space Policy in place, how can the EU further utilise space research as a means to gain a global lead on scientific and technological research, and what other uses can space research have? Throughout history, space has fascinated the human race and offered it an arena for achievement and disappointment, rivalry and cooperation. For the European Union, space is now a “strategic asset”, as stated by the European Commission in its 2007 European Space Policy. Space research is seen to have essential value for numerous policy areas, such as industry and security policy. Under the Space Policy, the EU has already taken some significant steps forward, such as creating the Galileo satellite system, set to challenge the US-dominated GPS system. At the same time, critics point out that space exploration should hardly be the priority for the European economies crippled with budget deficits, and as in so many other areas of European integration, national interests are often at odds in the field of space research and policy. The Committee on Industry, Research and Energy has the opportunity to discuss whether reaching for the skies truly is a challenge that can, in John. F. Kennedy’s famous words, “organise and measure the best of our energies and skills”, and for what purposes. 6
13. COMMITTEE ON CIVIL LIBERTIES, JUSTICE AND HOME AFFAIRS I – LIBE I The case of government espionage: in light of growing concerns over government surveillance in Europe and overseas, how should the EU, in tandem with the Member States, ensure their citizens’ privacy while addressing their legitimate security concerns? In 2013, Edward Snowden uncovered the US National Security Agency’s worldwide spying programmes to international uproar. While the initial outrage was directed at the United States, it has become clear that many European governments are hardly innocent of breaching their citizens’ privacy, either. The citizens’ private information, especially the information circulated via online means, is constantly collected and scrutinised by governments and private companies alike, and privacy is becoming an increasingly vague concept. On the European level, the European Commission is currently hurrying a data protection bill that would, if passed, force Internet and technology companies operating in Europe to explain their procedures of disclosing private data to US authorities. The Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs I has the chance to take a stand for some of the most respected values of Western tradition, while taking into consideration that governments are also required to tackle such threats as international terrorism and cross-border crime. 14. COMMITTEE ON CIVIL LIBERTIES, JUSTICE AND HOME AFFAIRS II – LIBE II Freedom of religion and the limits of multiculturalism: in an increasingly multicultural Europe, to what extent should governments respect religious values, attitudes and traditions in order to ensure the integration of minorities and cohesion of European societies? A multicultural society offers equal status to all cultural and religious groups. In recent years, multiculturalism has often been seen as the right way for European societies to integrate their minority groups: governments have gone to lengths to ensure the minorities’ right to speak their own languages and maintain their cultural and religious practices. Such approach hasn’t come without its critics or what many see as very worrying developments. Critics have pointed out that several religious practices, for instance, are directly at odds with traditional European values, and to uphold our own tradition and the cohesion of our societies, we simply have to draw the line, or lines, somewhere. The Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs II needs to assess both the specific cases, such as the burqa, and the big picture, moving between the abstract and the concrete. 15. COMMITTEE ON SECURITY AND DEFENCE – SEDE Egypt’s game of thrones: with the situation remaining ever more fragile and violent and with stable development nowhere in sight, how should the EU approach the question of Egypt? Mohamed Morsi, Egypt’s first democratically elected president after the Arab Spring, was ousted from power by the country’s powerful army in July 2013. Mass demonstrations and violent clashes between the army and President Morsi’s supporters and the Muslim Brotherhood have continued, and the prospects for democratic development in the country seem doubtful. The EU has already called for “an end to violence, resumption of political dialogue and return to a democratic process”. In general, however, it has again proven powerless to have any real effect in the situation. The situation is very tricky, with members of the international community siding with either of the two “camps” in Egypt. The EU needs to tread carefully, as it can very easily be identified to be siding with either. In theory, the Committee on Security and Defence has multiple policy options to propose, from cutting the EU’s development budget to Egypt to setting embargoes, but few of them are easy decide on, easy to implement or certain to have desired consequences.
7