Academic Preparation Kit Tbilisi 2013 – 74th International Session of the European Youth Parliament
Disclaimer – This Academic Preparation Kit was compiled for the 74th International Session of the European Youth Parliament in Tbilisi, Georgia, on 4–13 October 2013. The topic overviews are written by the committee chairpersons and serve as background material for the participants’ discussions at the conference. They aim to identify the key issues at stake, while synthesising the topic area. They are written with the intention of providing stimulating, yet neutral, introductions. The content of the overviews does not reflect the position of the European Youth Parliament.
European Youth Parliament (EYP) – The EYP, founded in 1987, is one of the largest European platforms for intercultural encounters, political educational work and the exchange of ideas among young people. Its mission is to support the development of young people into politically aware and responsible citizens by involving them in European political thinking and promoting intercultural understanding. Each year, the EYP involves thousands of young people in voluntary roles in 41 European countries. The EYP is a programme of the Schwartzkopf Foundation.
European Youth Parliament | Sophienstraße 28–29, 10178, Berlin, Germany | Tel.: +49 (0)30 97 00 50 95 | Fax: +49 (0)30 280 95 150 Academic Preparation Kit – 2
Dear delegates of Tbilisi 2013, Congratulations on getting selected to represent your country at the 74th International Session of the EYP! You have gone through tough competition, and now a wonderful journey lies ahead of you on the “frontiers of Europe”.
Introduction to the Academic Preparation Kit By the chairs’ team of Tbilisi 2013.
The photograph used on front and back covers: © William Carraway http://www.flickr.com/photos/carraway/9119267730/
At the session, you will be discussing and debating some of the most pressing issues of our time. None of them have easy answers, and your task will be formidable. Thus, sufficient preparation for the discussions is crucial. We, the chairs’ team of the session, have prepared this Academic Preparation Kit to assist you in your preparation. In the Preparation Kit, you will find a so-called topic overview for your committee. The overviews aim to explain the relevance of each committee topic and cover the most basic terms and facts you will be using in Tbilisi. We have aimed to structure the overviews so that the information is easily accessible. Each overview covers the following areas: relevance and explanation of the issue, key terms, key actors, key conflicts, measures already in place and key facts and figures. Finally, the chairpersons have listed a number of key questions for you to focus on and suggested links you can use in your research. The list of links is by no means exhaustive! You should remember that the overviews are neutral. It is up to you to form your own stance on the issues at hand. It is indeed crucial for you to do so, rather than merely collecting facts after facts. Tbilisi 2013 is your chance to make your opinion heard on these issues. Use it well. Academic Preparation Kit – 3
In the upcoming days, you will also be contacted by your committee’s chairperson. The chairperson will give you further instructions for academic preparation. Please follow the instructions carefully. They will further facilitate your preparation for the session. Remember to also like and follow the session Facebook page at facebook.com/ Tbilisi2013! Finally, we also recommend closely following the newspapers for any last-minute developments regarding your topic. Printing your topic overview and some relevant materials for the session is also a good idea. Most of you will be spend quite some time on the way to the session. Why not use the time well? As busy students ourselves, we fully understand that you are very busy with schoolwork before the session and that you may feel that you don’t have enough time to prepare. However, by doing at least some preparation you will ensure that Tbilisi 2013 will be as good an experience for you as it should be. Good luck, and see you soon, Charif, Dunja, Hanna, Jan, Jari, Jonathan, Jorge, Kristina, Nathan, Oğulcan, Oona, Oscar, Pınar, Sophie, Teresa and Valentina PS. The citations in the overviews may often be sparse. If you wonder about a specific fact or claim in your overview, please contact your chairperson.
Committee topics
1. Committee on Constitutional Affairs I
4. Committee on Foreign Affairs II
Of the people, for the people, by the people: with the voter turnout for the 2014 election of the European Parliament expected to reach an all-time low, what measures should the EU take to revitalise the culture of democratic participation and ensure the democratic legitimacy of its Parliament?
Two steps forward, one step back: how should the EU contribute to the development of rule of law and good governance in the Western Balkans on the countries’ path toward EU membership?
On pages 6–11 >>
5. Committee on Foreign Affairs III
2. Committee on Constitutional Affairs II
Building partnerships: with the Vilnius Summit approaching, what should the EU’s strategy for the summit and with the Eastern Partnership countries be?
Leadership for the EU’s external relations: in light of the EU’s continuing inability to have credible foreign policy, how should the EU restructure the leadership of its external relations?
On pages 24–29 >>
On pages 30–35 >> 6. Committee on Climate Change
You can access the topic overviews by clicking the titles or page numbers.
On pages 12–17 >> 3. Committee on Foreign Affairs I The hottest region in the world: with the melting of Arctic ice exposing unprecedented economic opportunities, how should the EU position itself in the global race to control the Arctic region?
Two degrees and more: with the scientific community claiming that global warming cannot realistically be kept under the desired limits anymore, what measures should Europe take to prepare for extreme weather phenomena and their consequences for the environment, public health and food supplies? On pages 36–41 >>
On pages 18–23 >>
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7. Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs
10. Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality
13. Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs I
On pages 42–47 >>
Prostitution and its impact on gender equality: in light of the varied legal practices across Europe, how best should the European governments review their prostitution legislation in order to minimise the negative consequences of prostitution for European societies?
The case of government espionage: in light of growing concerns over government surveillance in Europe and overseas, how should the EU, in tandem with the Member States, ensure their citizens’ privacy while addressing their legitimate security concerns?
8. Committee on Employment and Social Affairs
On pages 60–65 >>
On pages 78–83 >>
The startup economy: with high youth unemployment and stagnant economies, how should European governments promote entrepreneurship in order to create a generation of young entrepreneurs?
11. Committee on International Trade
14. Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs II
The end of austerity? In light of growing concerns about the effects of austerity policies on economic growth, how should European governments balance their budgets while maintaining economic growth and social stability?
On pages 48–53 >> 9. Committee on Environment, Public Health and Food Safety
Reaching across the Atlantic: with negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership set to start, how should the EU position itself to reach maximum gains amid unanswered political and economic questions?
Freedom of religion and the limits of multiculturalism: in an increasingly multicultural Europe, to what extent should governments respect religious values, attitudes and traditions in order to ensure the integration of minorities and cohesion of European societies?
On pages 66–71 >> On pages 84–89 >>
Talking about sex: in light of young people in Eastern Europe often lacking adequate sex education, what measures should be taken on the local and administrative levels to tackle the issue and consequent problems related to reproductive health?
12. Committee on Industry, Research and Energy 15. Committee on Security and Defence Space, the final frontier: with the European Space Policy in place, how can the EU further utilise space research as a means to gain a global lead on scientific and technological research, and what other uses can space research have?
On pages 54–59 >>
Egypt’s game of thrones: with the situation remaining ever more fragile and violent and with stable development nowhere in sight, how should the EU approach the question of Egypt?
On pages 72–77 >> On pages 89–95 >>
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “We cannot build the European Union without citizens, we can only build the EU with the people it is made for and based on their ideas.” –Viviane Reding, Vice-President of the European Commission, Commissioner for Justice, Fundamental Rights and Citizenship
Committee on Constitutional Affairs I Of the people, for the people, by the people: with the voter turnout for the 2014 election of the European Parliament expected to reach an all-time low, what measures should the EU take to revitalise the culture of democratic participation and ensure the democratic legitimacy of its Parliament?
There is a gap between the European decision-makers and the European citizens. The European Commission (EC) leaders have been making every effort to promote European identity and establish more democratic governance but many Europeans are losing confidence in the poorly understood and complex system of EU governance. The Union is ofthen seen remote and at the same time too intrusive. In the EU, political participation ‘by the people’ and citizen representation ‘of the people’ has generally been much weaker than effective governance ‘for the people’. Moreover, the recent economic crisis is seen to have further contributed to the European citizens’ disilussionement vis-à-vis the European Union (EU) and to have increased distrust between core nations, including Germany, France and the UK, thus creating a major threat to European unity and the European project as a whole.1 With political participation and electoral turnout ever decreasing, the need to engage citizens and particularly Europe’s youth in the political process and democratic life is now more pressing than ever. For this, political struc1 http://uk.reuters.com/article/2013/05/13/uk-eu-surveyidUKBRE94C12420130513
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tures, electoral legislation, as well as technological opportunities need to be considered in an attempt to empower citizens’ participation. 2. Key terms Democratic participation – The act of participating in the process of decision making, either directly or through elected representatives. Democratic deficit – A situation in which political structures, organisations, or decision-making processes lack democratic legitimacy, i.e. democratic accountability and control over the decision-making process. Lobbying – The act of attempting to influence policy on a particular issue. Lobbying is done by a group of supporters and representatives of particular interests. Direct democracy – A form of democracy in which people decide policy initiatives directly, as opposed to a representative democracy in which people vote for representatives. 3. Key actors European Parliament (EP) –The only EU institution directly elected by the European citizens. It consists of 751 Members, elected every five years by voters from across the 28 Member States. The EP has been steadily gaining power over recent years and now acts as a co-legislator, together with the Council of the EU, for nearly all EU law by adopting or amending proposals from the Europe-
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an Commission. The EP also supervises the work of the Commission and adopts the European Union’s budget. European Commission (EC) – The executive body of the EU responsible for proposing legislation and implementing decisions. The Commission has 28 members, one member per Member State, though members are represent the interests of the EU as a whole and not of their Member States. The Commission’s President is proposed by the European Council and elected by the EP. The 28 members as a single body are subject to a vote of approval by the EP which has the power to dismiss the entire EC but not an individual Commissioner. Council of the European Union – Also referred to as the Council or Council of Ministers, is composed of several configurations of 28 national ministers depending on the topic in discussion.The Presidency of the Council rotates every six months among the governments of Member States. It should be noted that European citizens also have an indirect input in EU policy making through electing their national governments which then sit in the Council of the EU. European citizens can directly influence EU policy through the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) or as part of the civil society, through their participation in organised interest groups that can lobby and submit petitions. National governments have the power to alter their election procedures when it comes to the EU elections and promote awareness and education in their country in order to engage their citizens in democratic participation.
4. Key conflicts A key conflict arises from within the fundamental structures of EU governance, mainly from the fact that the main executive and legislative body of the EU, the European Commission (EC), is chosen by the national governments without any involvement or input from the citizens. The main channel that European citizens have for democratic input within the EU is through directly electing Members of the European Parliament (MEPs). However, although the EP’s powers in legislative procedures have grown considerably since the Lisbon Treaty, these powers are still considered weak as the EP cannot formally initiate EU legislation and there are a number of policy fields in which the EP has no full legislative powers. Finally, the EP has only limited competencies in electing and controlling the EC, thus its powers for ensuring the EC’s accountability are questionable. Another channel for democratic input is the inclusion of organised civil society in EU policy making, especially through the consultation procedures of the EC. However, doubts arise as to whether civil society participation can ultimately secure an unbiased connection between the preferences of citizens and the outcome of EU decision making. First, as the stakeholder representatives consulted by the EC are usually professional lobbyists, whose positions need not reflect the preferences within society. Moreover, the EC can choose to include or ignore the positions of the organised civil society in the consultative process and there is little the consulted groups can do if the EC fails to include their positions.
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Previous spread: the European Parliament building in Strasbourg. This page: European Parliament elections are usually accompanied by European-wide promotional campaigns. “It’s your choice!”, reminded the slogan for the 2009 election. This page: MEPs submit votes in the election for the President of the Parliament. The incumbent President of the European Parliament is Martin Schultz.
A different conflict to consider, as far as the European elections are concerned, is that currently each Member State is free to chose which electoral procedures to adopt when it comes to local, national or EU elections. These procedural rules have an impact on the conditions under which EU citizens participate in local and European elections. Some Member States have introduced key developments at national level in order to make voting more accessible, examples include postal voting, e‑voting, advance voting or even voting from abroad. Furthermore, some critics question the way EU elections are conducted altogether and advocate for the MEPs to be elected not at national level, as it now stands, but across the EU based on their views of how Europe should develop. As a result, voters would have the opportunity to vote for candidates irrespective of which country they come from. The main argument behind such a change would be that currently elections to the EP are mainly fought on national issues and not on European issues. However, others are sceptical of such a change as it is seen as shifting more powers to the EU. 5. Measures already in place European Citzens Initiative (ECI) – Introduced by the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the ECI is the first transnational instrument of participatory democracy in world history . Its primary aim is to allow European citizens to have direct impact on EU legislation. An ECI must be signed by one million EU citizens, representing at least 7 Member States, and be within an area of EU competence in order to be considered by the EC. Nonetheless, the EC is not obliged to propose legislation on the proposal.
EU Citizenship Reports – In 2010, the Commission presented its first EU Citizenship Report and announced 25 actions to ensure that EU citizens can enjoy their rights in their daily lives without unnecessary obstacles. Since then, the Commission has acted on these commitments. In 2013, it published the 2013 EU Citizenship Report which puts forward twelve new actions in six key areas to further remove obstacles standing in the way of citizens’ enjoyment of their EU rights.2
Citizens Pact for European democracy – Launched in December 2012, the Citizens Pact is a bottom-up effort to tackle the democratic deficit in Europe by empowering citizens to take action and participate in the development of a European political sphere. The Pact brings together a coalition of citizens and organisations and aims to agree on a set of demands in time for the next European Parliamentary elections in 2014 in order to voice the citizens’ visions and priorities of how Europe should be.
2 http://ec.europa.eu/justice/citizen/files/2013eucitizen-
shipreport_en.pdf
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Citizens Dialogue – An initiative of the Commission to reach out to citizens in the debate about the future of Europe. European Commissioners are visiting towns across Europe and asking them directly for their views.
on how to lobby, fundraise and defend European citizenship rights.
Structured Dialogue – An attempt by the EU to reach out to young people. Governments and administrations, including EU institutions, discuss chosen themes with young people, in order to obtain results which are useful for policy-making. Although a valuable process for engaging young people in discussions about politics, the process could be further improved by making it more structured and inclusive.
• The turnout at European elections has been steadily decreasing since the first elections held in 1979, with the 2009 elections reaching a record low 43%.3 • A recent Eurobarometer showed 7 out of 10 EU citizens believe that if political parties displayed on their campaign material the European political party they affiliate to, voter turnout would be higher as a result • According to the same Eurobarometer, 6 out of 10 think having party candidates for the EC President and a single voting day would help turnout.4 • A recent study by LSE on youth participation underlines that ‘free political education is seen as a prerequisite for more participation’.5
Europe for Citizens programme (2007–2013) – A programme that strives to fund projects, run by local authorities, NGOs, think tanks, universities which encourage citizens to participate in shaping the future of the EU. European Year of Citizens 2013 – The EC proposed designating 2013 as the European Year of Citizens, underlining the importance of raising awareness on citizens’ electoral rights in view of the 2014 elections. Under this initiative, the EU has allocated a total of €1 million in funds for projects of relevance to citizenship. Citizen House – A website providing a “one‑stop shop” for EU citizens submitting complaints to the EC, requesting access to EU documents, submitting a petition to the EP, delivering a request to the European Ombudsman or launching an ECI. It is created by the European Citizen Action Service and aims at making the voice of European citizens heard within the EU by providing information
6. Key facts and figures
7. Key questions • What can the EU do to re-engage the European citizens in the EU democratic life and decision making process? • How can national governments assist these efforts internally? • What further ways for engaging the youth in the shaping of the EU’s future? 3 http://www.europarl.europa.eu/aboutparliament/en/000cdcd9d4/Turnout-%281979-2009%29.html 4 http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_SPEECH-13-604_ en.htm 5 http://ec.europa.eu/youth/documents/lse_study_on_ youth_participation_-_2013.pdf
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The Committee on Constitutional Affairs I will be chaired by Valentina Mina (Vice-President, CY).
Photographs Page 7: © European Union / European Parliament http://www.flickr.com/photos/european_parliament/8260880473/ Page 8: © Geert Schneider http://www.flickr.com/photos/geertschneider/3603682814 Page 9: © European Union / Pietro Naj-Oleari http://www.flickr.com/photos/european_parliament/6715420103
Links for further research Introductory material
Opinions
• A report on the Participation of EU citizens in the Union’s democratic functioning: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/2226-FRA-2012_ annual-report-2011-chapter7_EN.pdf • Youth participation in democratic life: http://ec.europa.eu/youth/documents/ lse_study_on_youth_participation_-_2013.pdf • EU Citizenship Report 2013, particularly pages 3–7 and 34–41: http://ec.europa.eu/justice/citizen/files/2013eucitizenshipreport_en.pdf • EU Citizenship Report 2010: http://ec.europa.eu/commission_2010-2014/ reding/factsheets/pdf/citizenship_report_en.pdf • Press Release on Duff report: improving the organisation of the elections to the European Parliament in 2014: http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_ SPEECH-13-604_en.htm
• Sir Graham Watson about More Democracy in Europe – a different approach for the elections: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6VZ3hdXpAcA • Towards a more democratic European Union: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=aE9qYr7Iu6w
Measures in place • European Citizen’s Initiative: http://ec.europa.eu/citizens-initiative/public/ welcome, http://www.citizens-initiative.eu/ • Citizens Pact for European Democracy: http://www.citizenspact.eu/about/, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m78rNRcDGi0 • Citizens Dialogue: http://ec.europa.eu/debate-future-europe/index_en.htm • EU’s Structured Dialogue: http://ec.europa.eu/youth/focus/structured-dialogue_en.htm • Europe for citizens programme: http://ec.europa.eu/citizenship/about-theeurope-for-citizens-programme/index_en.htm • Citizens house: http://www.citizenhouse.eu
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “So far this year, the EU’s foreign policy has been like jazz improvisation: messy and discordant and the patterns are at best obscure.” –Roderick Parkes, Head of the EU Programme at Polish Institute of International Affairs
Committee on Constitutional Affairs II Leadership for the EU’s external relations: in light of the EU’s continuing inability to have credible foreign policy, how should the EU restructure the leadership of its external relations?
Three years have passed since the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force and introduced a wide range of reforms to the institutional functioning of the EU. Positions of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR/VP) and the President of the European Council have been established with a view to enhancing the Union’s external representation capacities and improving the consistency and coherence of its actions. The European External Action Service (EEAS) was also set up to aid the work of the HR/VP in coordinating and implementing EU foreign policy, and many more changes and innovations followed. Since then, on rare occasions, such as the EU brokered deal between Pristina and Belgrade on the level of autonomy for Serbs in northern Kosovo, EEAS, led by the HR/ VP, have managed to display the role of a ‘collective EU foreign ministry’. On other issues, however, it is said to still “amount to little more than a secretariat for foreign policy coordination among the Member States.”1 This, coupled with the high number of bodies, institutions and individuals involved in shaping and executing the EU’s external action and foreign policy, and the consequent 1 http://carnegieeurope.eu/2013/07/18/between-hesitations-and-aspirations/gfy9
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leisurely fashion things are handled in Brussels, show that the idea of a European Union that “speaks – and acts – as one in world affairs”2 is still a work in progress. In a nutshell, the EU continues to get its share of harsh criticism for failing to produce and deliver solid and cohesive foreign policy at a turbulent time of international crises and global politics. The Committee on Constitutional Affairs II will find itself tasked with proposing improvements to mend the currently existing shortcomings of EU foreign policy, and ensuring it is consistent, effective and well suited to tackle major political issues on the international arena. A complex topic with a multitude of dimensions; a comprehensive understanding of how various EU institutions function and insight into relevant EU legislation will be of utmost importance to undertake the challenges surrounding the topic. 2. Key terms Treaty of Lisbon – Signed in October 2007 and entered into force on 1 December 2009, the Lisbon Treaty is a treaty that amends and modifies two pre-existing treaties: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Among other reforms, it contains important provisions related to the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), and the creation of the External Action Service under the authority of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy.3 2 http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/council_europe/key_ eu_policies/common_foreign_security_policy/index_en.htm 3 http://eeas.europa.eu/csdp/about-csdp/lisbon/index_ en.htm
Catherine Ashton at the European Parliament in May 2011. Ashton is the incumbent High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy.
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Herman Van Rompuy at a G8 Summit in Deauville, France, in May 2011. Van Rompuy is the incumbent President of the European Council.
Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) – Organised foreign policy of the EU that deals with international issues of diplomatic or political nature. Based on diplomacy and backed where necessary by trade, aid and security and defence, the CFSP aims to preserve peace and strengthen international security, promote international cooperation and develop and consolidate democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.4 Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) – A major component and the operations arm of the CFSP. In addition to its military and defence elements, the CSDP includes activities such as judicial and police training, conflict prevention, crisis management, humanitarian missions and post-conflict stabilisation.5 3. Key actors The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR/VP) is arguably the most prominent actor in issues pertaining to EU’s foreign affairs, external action and security policy. A position created under the Lisbon Treaty, the HR/VP combines the previously existing roles of the High Representative for CFSP, the Commissioner for External Relations, and the Foreign Minister of the rotating presidency country. The HR/VP is charged with representing and coordinating the CFSP, ensuring coherence and consistency in EU foreign policy, and “seeking to be an institutional bridge 4 http://europa.eu/pol/cfsp/ 5 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/policies/common-security-and-defence-policy-(csdp)?lang=en
linking together and coordinating the intergovernmental and ‘community’ dimensions of EU external policy”.6 On more loose terms, she could be considered as the ‘dayto-day’ voice of CFSP at the ministerial level. The HR/ VP also serves as Vice-President of the European Commission.7 The European Council plays a pivotal role in the defining and formulating of the CFSP. Considered as the EU’s highest level of political authority, it is tasked with ‘identifying the strategic interests and objectives of the Union’ with regards to its external action.8 Naturally, the President of the European Council takes a leading role in the process by facilitating the work of the European Council. The President could be considered as the voice of CFSP at the heads of state or government level. The Council of Ministers, and in particular, the Foreign Affairs Council (FAC) can be seen as the second primary forum for developing political direction and consensus. It is made up of the Member State Ministers responsible for Foreign Affairs, Defence and Development and referred to as the place “where the most formal mechanics of CFSP decision-making are carried out”.9 FAC meetings are typically held once a month to discuss foreign policy, trade, security, defence and development matters and are chaired by the HR/VP.
vice specifically designed to support the HR/VP as well as other top ranking EU officials in fulfilling their external relations related roles and functions in the EU system. The service works in cooperation with the diplomatic services of the Member States, ensures the consistency and coordination of the Union’s external action, and prepares policy proposals and implements them after their approval by the Council.10 The entire network of EU delegations around the globe are a part of the EEAS structure. The Political and Security Committee (PSC) can be viewed as a support body to the HR/VP and the FAC. The PSC is composed of ambassadors and other similar high-ranking officials from the MSs. Functioning in close cooperation with the HR/VP and the EEAS, the PSC’s primary role is to keep track of international situations and provide input into CFSP and CDSP decision-making. The European Commission and the European Parliament also come into play on issues related to external policy areas such as trade, EU enlargement, and foreign aid. The European Commission is arguably the most influential of the three main EU institutions in said areas. Additionally, the President of the European Commission also serves as a member of the European Council. 4. Key conflicts
The European External Action Service (EEAS) is a ser6 http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41959.pdf p. 3 7 http://www.eeas.europa.eu/ashton/ 8 Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (New York: Public Affairs, 2004) 9 http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41959.pdf p. 6
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The main part of the challenge with regards to the EU ensuring a collective voice on foreign policy matters, 10 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ pressdata/en/ec/111301.pdf
An observer of EUMM Georgia, the EU Monitoring Mission in Georgia, in South Ossetia in February 2012. The power to authorise similar civilian monitoring missions and military missions is one of the issues for AFCO II to discuss. mentation and evaluation are all carried out by different bodies and actors, however, this is a highly ambitious aspiration. It also brings back the question on what fundamental approach should be adopted as the way forward: sovereignty for the MSs, or more unison and coherence within the Union to strengthen its role in global politics.
stem from the inherent difficulties of reaching a complete consensus among 28 sovereign countries that are the Member States. In other words, forming and maintaining joint positions on a wide range of highly political issues is a process that is often slow, and can be seen as an subsistent condition of the EU. Furthermore, the lack of long-standing EU institutions that are able to act upon such issues in a swift and cohesive manner also contribute to the EU’s uncoordinated external image. As such, the primary conflict could be argued to revolve around
28 different set of perspectives, priorities and preferences, and the mammoth task of melting all of them in one pot. One way to go about this could be to establish a stronger EU foreign policy chief and less powerful EU capitals, as recently suggested by a number of Member State Foreign Ministers.11 Given a political spectrum where the Member States are divided over a fundamental issue, such as the status of a breakaway republic that is Kosovo, and in an EU system where policy planning, making, imple11 http://euobserver.com/institutional/117581
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Another challenge currently faced by the EU is to evaluate the performance of the EEAS and take measures to address its shortcomings. This is no easy task. One-third of the EEA’s personnel is drawn from the Commission, one-third from the secretariat of the Council of the European Union, and one-third is seconded from the national diplomatic services of the Member States.12 That makes it very difficult to turn the EEAS into an agency with a clear institutional vision. In essence, while a great deal has been achieved since its establishment, the EEAS still has a long way to go before it can play a role of key importance. Las but not least, while the Treaty of Lisbon, to a large extent, seems to have ironed out Henry Kissinger’s famous question on “who to phone in Europe”, ambiguity still remains on the areas of responsibility of top EU officials. Essentially, the President of the European Council, the HR/VP and the President of the Commission still have a degree of competence overlap in foreign policy. 12 http://carnegieeurope.eu/strategiceurope/?fa=52524
5. Measures already in place Strictly speaking, there are no current measures in place to further restructure the leadership of EU external relations. The drafting and ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon was a long and overwhelming process in itself, and a move that would introduce equally drastic changes is not likely or possible to take place in the foreseeable future. There are, however, ongoing talks on how to address some of the setbacks that came to fore with the reforms. Most notable of them is the official review of the EEAS by the HR/VP published last July. As part of a Council decision, the HR/VP identifies some of the challenges the EEAS has been facing since its establishment, and advices and makes recommendations on how to proceed with shaping and executing the EU’s foreign policy and external actions. The review, as well as the discussions on the future of the EEAS are expected to be taken up as an agenda point at the upcoming European Council meeting on defence in December. 6. Key facts and figures • Most foreign and security policy decisions within the EU are taken by unanimity – all Member States have to agree on a decision.13 • Both High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and President of the European Council positions were introduced and established with the Treaty of Lisbon to ensure clear leadership for the EU on foreign affairs and external action matters. 13 http://europa.eu/pol/cfsp/
• The EU is currently represented through 139 EU Delegations and Offices around the world. The Delegations and Offices act as the eyes, ears and mouthpiece of European Commission vis-à-vis the authorities and population in their host countries.14 • The EEAS was established by the decision of the Council of Ministers on 26 July 2010 based on a proposal by the HR/VP, and formally launched on 1 January 2011.15 • The EU is currently conducting 16 operations under its Common Security and Defence Policy, four of which are military missions and operations.16 7. Key questions • Is it possible to reach a satisfactory degree of harmony between Member States and different EU institutions in the field of a joint foreign policy? • In what areas of foreign policy and external action is a common European stance called for? • How best can the CFSP and the CSDP be further developed in conformity with the individual Member States’ foreign policy strategies? • How can the EEAS structure be improved to ensure strong and cohesive external action for the EU? • What measures can be taken to avoid any potential role overlaps between top EU officials? • What are the ideal roles different EU bodies and institutions should be playing in the forming and executing of EU foreign and security policy? 14 http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/ 15 http://eeas.europa.eu/background/docs/index_en.htm 16 http://www.eeas.europa.eu/csdp/missions-and-operations/
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The Committee on Constitutional Affairs II will be chaired by Ogulcan Torun (Vice-President, TR).
Photographs Page 13 (left): © European Union / Pietro Naj-Oleari http://www.flickr.com/photos/36612355@ N08/5709772722/ Page 13 (right): © Guillaume Paumier http://www.flickr.com/photos/17267678@ N00/5847557259/ Page 15: © International Crisis Group http://www.flickr.com/photos/internationalcrisisgroup/6890826639
Links for further research Development of EU Foreign Policy and External Action • Nouvelle Europe: “The EU does have a foreign policy – and here is why we like it”: http://www.nouvelle-europe.eu/en/eu-does-have-foreign-policyand-here-why-we-it • Carnegie Europe: “Promoting a Comprehensive Approach to EU Foreign Policy”: http://carnegieeurope.eu/2013/02/21/promoting-comprehensive-approach-to-eu-foreign-policy/fiou# • Derek E. Mix (2013): “The European Union: Foreign and Security Policy”: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41959.pdf Current state and the future of the European External Action Service • “EEAS Review” by Catherine Ashton: http://eeas.europa.eu/library/publications/2013/3/2013_eeas_review_en.pdf • Carnegie Europe: “At Long Last, a Sign of Leadership From Ashton”: http:// carnegieeurope.eu/strategiceurope/?fa=52524 European Union sources • European Union: The Common Foreign and Security Policy: http://europa. eu/pol/cfsp/ • European External Action Service: The Common Security and Defence Policy: http://www.eeas.europa.eu/csdp/ • Council of the European Union: Foreign Affairs: http://www.consilium.europa.eu/policies/council-configurations/foreign-affairs.aspx?lang=en
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To be able to fully understand the relevance of the issues put forward by the Arctic race, one must first divide the topic into its three main themes: political (country disputes, treaties, etc.), economic (trade and energy) and environmental (ecosystems and wildlife).
the trade route that passes through Siberia (the Northern Sea Route, or the formerly known Northeast Passage) will eventually turn into the “Suez of the North”1. This route makes it quicker and cheaper to transport goods from Shanghai to European ports and so the Russians are investing billions in infrastructure for the area. However, the relevance of natural resources is arguably higher than that of trade routes. As energy prices steadily increase and dominate political discourse, it is evident that whoever wins control of the vast amounts in the Arctic will become a key player in the power politics that will ensue.
Political
Environment
With the melting of the Arctic ice, new possibilities for trade, energy resources and scientific research are opening up. While these are all positive things, problems lie in the fact that the Arctic area does not belong to any State – it is a political grey area. This coupled with the potential the Arctic encompasses makes it a cornerstone in today’s political world. Not only is this region under scrutiny from the members of the Arctic Council, but also the EU, who are currently pushing for a more permanent role on the Council. If this were granted, the EU would then have a greater say in the future of the region and better access to the economic benefits that come with it.
The Arctic area is home to millions of animals that either live on the Arctic ice throughout the year or migrate every spring or summer. The ‘spring melt’ is relied upon by the animals as are the millions of krill and cod that only become accessible once the ice has melted from this region. This feeds the seals, whales and birds, which go on to feed the larger animals (such as polar bears) in the Arctic food chain. It is clear that even a small leak of pollutants could have dramatic consequences. Physicist Marcel Nicolaus of the Alfred Wegener Institute for Polar and Marine Research warns that “toxic substances have a far greater impact here than at other latitudes because they are degraded very slowly”.2 These pollutants would be more likely to infect the polar region if it is opened up for trade or excavated for resources. This would only have a negative effect on the wildlife and ecosystems of the region.
1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “He who controls the Arctic controls the world.” –Valeriy Aleskin, Head Navigator of the Russian Navy, 1995
Committee on Foreign Affairs I The hottest region in the world: with the melting of Arctic ice exposing unprecedented economic opportunities, how should the EU position itself in the global race to control the Arctic region?
Economic The two main benefits that come from the clearing of the Arctic ice take the form of trade routes and the huge availability of natural resources that lie below the seabed. President Putin, for instance, has expressed his hope that Academic Preparation Kit – 18
1 http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/russia-movesto-promote-northeast-passage-through-arctic-ocean-a-917824. html 2 See previous.
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2. Key terms Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) – Beyond its own territorial waters, every country has the right to establish an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), which extends 200 nautical miles (230 miles) from shore. Within their own EEZ, countries have the exclusive rights to the sea bottom and resources below the bottom. United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) – This treaty resulted from the third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and defines the responsibilities and rights of nations in the use of oceans, while founding guidelines for the environment, business and the management of maritime resources. Continental shelf – The area of seabed around a large landmass where the sea is relatively shallow compared with the open ocean. Once a country ratifies the UNCLOS, a country has ten years to prolong its continental shelf. If validated, this gives a country exclusive right to the resources on/below the seabed of the extended shelf – i.e. beyond their EEZ. However, a valid continental shelf does not extend a State’s EEZ. Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS) – The job of the CLCS is to facilitate the implementation of UNCLOS in reference to creating the outer limits of the continental shelf beyond the 200 nautical miles of the EEZ. Ice-breaker – A ship designed for breaking a path through ice.
3. Key actors The Arctic Council is a vital actor in the race to control the Arctic. In 1996, the Ottawa Declaration established the Council as a medium for endorsing coordination, interaction and cooperation among the Arctic states. The Council is made up of the eight countries which border the Arctic along with twelve permanent observer states, two ad-hoc observer states, several non-governmental observers, as well as representatives of the Arctic indigeAcademic Preparation Kit – 20
nous communities acting as permanent participants. The Council has, since 1996, conducted studies on oil and gas, shipping and climate change. Recently the Council admitted China to the list of permanent observer states, while a decision on the EU was deferred due to opposition from Canada. The Council itself has very limited power, issuing non-binding protocol on Member States, such as calling for the reduction in methane and black carbon under the Montreal Protocol (set up by the UN).
Previous spread: an ice-breaker of the Canadian coast guard sails through Arctic waters. Previous page: while Arctic ice melts, wildlife are at risk of losing their natural habitat. Here, two polar bears can be seen drifting on a piece of ice. The Nordic Council is an inter-parliamentary forum for the cooperation between Nordic countries, established in 1952. As a large part of Nordic land and sea lies in the Arctic region, the Council takes a strongly involved role in the area. The Nordic Council of Ministers’ Arctic Cooperation Programme sets the framework for the Nordic Council’s projects and activities there. This program is used in cooperation with countries in the Arctic Council. While not being a permanent member of either of the aforementioned Councils, the EU does have the EU Arctic Policy that is built around three main policy objectives: protecting and preserving the Arctic in unison with its population, promoting the sustainable use of resources, and international cooperation. The EU intends to work closely with its partners to safeguard the Arctic environment while developing the region economically. In 2012, the EU published a new paper on policy towards the Arctic, which follows up from that published in 2008. The Arctic Forum Foundation functions as an independent body made up of three pillars: the Arctic Economic Forum, the EU Arctic Forum and the Science Policy Forum. It uses its networks to contribute to balanced decision-making and efficient cooperation in the region.
The Administration of the Northern Sea Route (NSRA) was created in Moscow in March 2013 in order to develop infrastructure and increase traffic on the Northern Sea Route. As of August 2013, it had already issued 431 permits to ships wishing to sail through the route.3 The United Nations (UN) has been a key actor in the Arctic for a number of years. It has released several sets of protocol and treaties, such as the Montreal Protocol and UNCLOS, in order to attempt to slow the ice melting and protect the area from man-made disruption. All countries or clusters which were named as stakeholders by the 2013 Arctic Frontiers summit: Iceland, the British Isles, Fenno-Scandinavia, Greenland, Nunavut, the Northern Territories, Alaska, Northern Europe, Eastern Europe, Siberia, and the Far East.4 4. Key conflicts Political – The major conflicts seen on a political level with the race for control of the Arctic all stem around different countries wanting to have the region for themselves. Russia, for example, does not technically control the entire path through which the Northern Sea Route travels through, yet it does claim to be the only power that will reap the rewards of it usage. The problems are not only confided to the European side of the Arctic; the U.S. has refused to accept Canada’s continental shelf and 3 http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/russia-movesto-promote-northeast-passage-through-arctic-ocean-a-917824. html 4 http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2013/01/23/arctic-frontiers-a-critical-cartography/
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tested missiles in her water. It is already clear that political conflict is arising between the individual states constantly. Economic – The economic conflicts stem out of the Russian monopoly of the Northern Sea Route and the ‘murky’ fee structure, which the NSRA has put in place. Extrapolating this case, it is evident that the region will face conflict whenever an issue comes to surface regarding how best to decide about the vast economic benefits. Environmental – Environmental concerns can be summarised as follows: ‘What if the water becomes polluted?’; ‘what if the ecosystem is damaged while natural gas is being extracted?’; ‘what will happen to all the animals and natural beauty of the region?’. Polar countries, like Norway, have to deal with increasing pressure from environmental groups about – these groups would like to see the resources remain untapped for fear of what the process of getting to them would do to the Arctic. 5. Measures already in place Strictly speaking there are no real measures already in place in the Arctic apart from those of each State’s EEZ and continental shelf (which are put forward in the UNCLOS). The Arctic is a neutral area, falling under international law, which makes it a very hard area to implement measures. This can clearly be seen when one notices that not all states give their agreement (or even acknowledgement) to international agreements and treaties. The U.S. is not party to UNCLOS and Russia has not ratified several of the international agreements applicable to Arctic.
6. Key facts and figures
Environmental
Political
• Coastal ice in Siberia has been disappearing every summer since 2007 opening up routes through seas that until now have remained unmanageable.11
• 2013 has seen a record number of ships passing through the Northern Sea Route in the Arctic Ocean.5 • Russian gas producer Novatek is investing around €15 million off the coast of the Yamal Peninsula to build ports and a liquefied gas terminal.6 • The Icelandic president has argued that China (along with other Asian countries) should have a greater say in the role of the region.7 This is a stark contrast to the general views on China’s involvement which was described by the Stockholm International Peace Institute as ‘raise[-ing] concern – even alarm”.8
7. Key questions Political • After having been rejected for membership before, what measures could the EU take to be accepted into the Arctic Council? • How can it be ensured that countries respect the EEZs and continental shelves of their neighbours? Economic
Photographs
Economic • The importance of pipelines will decrease as the popularity of the Northern Sea Route increases.9 • The Northern Sea Route Administration (NSRA) generally requires ships to be accompanied with an Arctic skipper and rent ice-breakers.10 5 http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/russia-movesto-promote-northeast-passage-through-arctic-ocean-a-917824. html 6 See previous. 7 http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2013/apr/16/ china-future-arctic-iceland 8 http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/growing-chinese-interest-in-the-arctic-worries-international-community-a-879654.html 9 http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/russia-movesto-promote-northeast-passage-through-arctic-ocean-a-917824. html 10 See previous.
• Where and what are the economic benefits the Arctic has to offer the EU? • How can the EU become a key actor in the region and avoid being monopolised by any other state? Environmental • What effects would taking advantage of the economic benefits of the region have on the wildlife and ecosystems already present? • If there was a man-made disruption of the area, what could be done to remedy the situation?
11
The Committee on Foreign Affairs I will be chaired by Dunja Tanovic (Chairperson, UK).
See previous.
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Page 19: © Philip Squires http://www.flickr.com/photos/ philsquires/7720801862/ Page 20: © U.S. Geological Survey / Jessica Robertson http://www.flickr.com/photos/usgeologicalsurvey/8594929349/
Links for further research Political • European Commission report on the European Union Policy towards the Arctic in 2012: http://ec.europa.eu/maritimeaffairs/policy/sea_basins/arctic_ocean/documents/join_2012_19_en.pdf • EU Arctic Policy: http://eeas.europa.eu/arctic_region/ • The Nordic Council and their Arctic Policy: http://www.norden.org/en/theme/ arktis/nordic-co-operation-in-the-arctic • The Nordic Council of Ministers’ Arctic Co-operation Programme 2009–2011: http://www.norden.org/en/nordic-council-of-ministers/ministers-for-co-operation-mr-sam/the-nordic-council-of-ministers-arctic-co-operation-programme-200920132011 • Sea basin strategy: Arctic Ocean (EU): http://ec.europa.eu/maritimeaffairs/ policy/sea_basins/arctic_ocean/index_en.htm • The Arctic Portal: http://portlets.arcticportal.org/introduction-to-the-arctic • Lee Teslik: “Who owns the Arctic?”: http://www.slate.com/articles/news_ and_politics/explainer/2007/10/who_owns_the_arctic.html • Definitions of Sea Law can be found here: http://www.un.org/depts/los/index.htm • United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS): http://www. un.org/depts/los/convention_agreements/texts/unclos/unclos_e.pdf • Opening paragraph and ‘background’ section very informative on the Arctic: http://www.arcticcentre.org/InEnglish/RESEARCH/The-Northern-Institute-for-Environmental-and-Minority-Law/Research-projects---NIEM/International-Arctic-Law • Summary of 2013 Arctic frontiers summit: http://foreignpolicyblogs. com/2013/01/23/arctic-frontiers-a-critical-cartography/ • The Guardian: “China should have a say in future of Arctic – Iceland president”: http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2013/apr/16/china-future-arctic-iceland
• Ben McGrath: “China joins Arctic Council but a decision on the EU is deferred”: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/science-environment-22527822 Economic • Marco Evers (2013): “Northeast Passage: Russia Moves to Boost Arctic Shipping”: http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/russia-moves-to-promotenortheast-passage-through-arctic-ocean-a-917824.html • Map showing the Northeastern passage and what route that has melted: http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/bild-917824-535557.html Environmental • The Sunday Morning Herald: “Melting Arctic prompts race for routes, resources”: http://www.smh.com.au/environment/climate-change/meltingarctic-prompts-race-for-routes-resources-20130513-2jhsj.html • Greenpeace Save the Arctic campaign site: http://www.savethearctic.org
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “Croatia’s entry provides fresh evidence of the transformative power of the European Union’s enlargement policy.” –Štefan Füle, European Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy
Committee on Foreign Affairs II Two steps forward, one step back: how should the EU contribute to the development of rule of law and good governance in the Western Balkans on the countries’ path toward EU membership?
With armed conflicts only being put to rest in the late 1990s, the Western Balkan region’s difficult history still weighs heavily on the current state of affairs. The underlying tensions in the region revolve around differences between the nations. Since its unilateral declaration of independence in 2008, Kosovo1 has presented an unresolved question and a major bump on Serbia’s road to EU accession. The struggles in Bosnia and Herzegovina haven’t been forgotten after the 1995 Dayton Agreement. While formally treated as a complete state, the country is internally divided into the regions of Bosnia, Herzegovina and Republika Srpska, a separation that is also reflected in the government. Additionally, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is still at odds with Greece over the name of the country, resulting in a tense situation between the two. Against a background with such political tensions, it is obvious that the relations between Western Balkan countries will remain difficult and that this will affect the development of the countries and the region as a whole.
however, even Serbia, officially declared candidate country, is arguably a long way from fulfilling the membership criteria. Internal problems are many: corruption and organised crime, especially, are major obstacles for development. The Western Balkan countries’ economic growth also remains negligible; the unemployment rate in Kosovo, for instance, is around 35%.2 The question for the Committee on Foreign Affairs II to answer is: how can the EU use both “carrot and stick” to push the Western Balkans toward sustainable political, social and economic development. 2. Key terms Western Balkan Countries (WBCs) – The WBCs are defined by the EU as all states of the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, excluding Slovenia. The WBCs include candidate countries: the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia; and potential candidate countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo.3
Despite the political tensions, accession to the EU remains a general goal in the region, and Croatia’s recent accession stirred further hope in the region. For now,
Good governance – Good governance is one of 10 Eurostat sustainable development indicators (SDI). Good governance has eight major characteristics: it is participatory, consensus oriented, accountable, transparent, responsive, effective and efficient, equitable and inclusive and follows the rule of law. It assures that corruption is minimised, the views of minorities are taken into account and the voices of the most vulnerable in society are heard
1 The status of Kosovo as a sovereign state remains disputed. Currently, 103 members of the United Nations and 23 out 28 EU Member States have recognised it.
2 http://euobserver.com/enlargement/117769 3 http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/international/non_ eu/western-balkan/index_en.htm
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in decision-making. It is also responsive to the present and future needs of society.4 Stabilisation and Association Agreement – The agreement constitutes the framework of relations between the EU and the WBCs and serves as the basis for the implementation of the accession process.5 Dayton Agreement – The agreement, signed in 1995, that officially set an end to Bosnian War. It also set out the guidelines for the functioning and internal division of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina.6 3. Key actors The national governments of the Western Balkans Countries (see “Key terms”) are responsible for setting the development agenda in their respective countries and conducting negotiations with the EU and other parties. The European Commissioner for Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy has acted as a mediator between the respective national governments and the European Commission and is largely responsible for coordinating all accession efforts. In cooperation with the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), reform programmes are enforce in the WBCs, primarily in monitoring reforms within the public service sector.7 4 http://www.unescap.org/pdd/prs/ProjectActivities/Ongoing/gg/governance.asp 5 http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/international/non_ eu/western-balkan/index_en.htm 6 http://www.ohr.int/dpa/default.asp?content_id=380 7 http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/pdf/nf5703249enc_web_
The Regional Coordination Council (RCC), attended and led by representatives of the national governments of the WBCs, provides a platform for exchange on a common path towards EU membership. Moreover, multinational NGOs are active in the field of humanitarian aid as part of the efforts to assist with damage done during the wars. Nonetheless, international organisations and their respective interests should not be underestimated. This accumulation of donors has not always worked to
the benefit of the region and thus efforts are being made to align foreign assistance.8
en.pdf
8 http://www.rcc.int/
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The European Investment Bank (EIB) is the largest international financier in the Western Balkans. Since 2009, the EIB, the EC, the Council of Europe Development Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development have been cooperating under the Western Balkans Investment Framework (WBIF). The WBIF
Previous spread: Croatia is welcome to the EU. Previous page: members of the German Bundeswehr in Kosovo as part of the EULEX mission. This page: in a Kosovar graffiti, the EULEX operation is seen as “made in Serbia”. provides a joint grant facility and a joint lending facility for priority investments in the region. The objective is to simplify access to credit by pooling and coordinating different sources of finance and technical assistance.9 4. Key conflicts Next to the obvious conflicts between the nations, the central issue is how the EU can aid a reform process despite all these hurdles. Can the Western Balkans be united on this part, or should the EU seek to promote progress individually in each state? A lack of an independent jurisdiction complicates the fight against organised crime and corruption and finding effective means of monitoring the judicial system and generating greater transparency has proven difficult. While the European Union Police Mission (EUPM) is a first step towards more effective police work, long term results are the responsibility of local authorities. Good governance also requires full protection of human rights, and impartial enforcement of laws depends upon an independent judiciary and an impartial and incorruptible police force. While some experts argue that organised crime and corruption are issues that can only be dealt with internally, the Committee on Foreign Affairs II is invited to consider how the EU as an external actor can further promote rule of law in the region. 9 http://www.eib.org/projects/regions/enlargement/ the-western-balkans/index.htm?lang=en
Another key issue is the substantial lack of freedom of press and media. Personal freedoms are valued highly within the EU and are a cornerstone for transparent decision making and accountability. Participation needs to be informed and organised and information must be freely available and directly accessible. With a persistent feeling of competition and defamation between the nationalities, the Committee is required to explore ways for a fair basis of participation to be established where governments can be effectively monitored by informed citizens. Academic Preparation Kit – 27
5. Measures already in place The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) is a foreign relations instrument aiming to tie the EU’s neighbouring countries to the Union. It is a framework for different kinds of assistance. The Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP) is part of the ENP, and the agreements formulated under this process constitute the guidelines for countries aspiring to gain EU membership. The WBCs are currently the focus of the SAP.
The High Level Dialogue on the Accession Process consists of dialogues launched between Brussels and the governments of prospective MS. The dialogues aim to explain the requirements for EU accession and state what reforms and development are expected of countries wishing to join. National programmes for the adoption of the acquis (NPAA) are provided by the accession partnerships and are drawn up by each applicant country. They set out a timetable for implementing the priorities defined by the accession partnership and the human and financial resources allocated to this purpose. Interim Agreement on Trade and Trade-Related Matters: This 2008 agreement was the foundation for opening the European Economic Area to the WBCs. The Support for Improvement in Governance and Management (SIGMA) is a joint initiative of the OECD and the EU which supports the public governance reform efforts of EU Candidates and Potential Candidates. The European Union Police Mission (EUPM) is a programme supporting and monitoring local police reforms. EUPM members provide assistance in developing new ways to fight organised criminal groups which present a threat to European stability. 6. Key facts and figures • Statistical comparison for the region is rather difficult to track due to the ongoing changes of state borders
and can be contradictory depending on the authority it was issued by. • After the Yugoslav War, several thousand internally displaced persons (IDPs) are still unable to return to their original area of residence, further complicating the matter of being part of a local community. • Over the past ten years, the European Investment Bank has financed projects totalling over €7.3 billion in the region and thus became the main investor in the WBCs. 7. Key questions • How can sustainable long term solutions in fighting corruption and promoting the rule of law be implemented in a region where the much needed trust between partners is consistently undermined? • Which key areas of reform can be targeted by the EU and which areas must be tackled by the respective national governments? • Which mechanisms can be put in place in order to promote more efficient and lasting implementation of already existing reform programmes? • How is it possible to facilitate a reconciliation process and foster tolerance and cooperation in the region? • Which means, other than the promise of membership, does the EU have in order to stimulate reform in the WBCs? • With the predicted accession date constantly being suspended and frustration rising amongst the affected population, how can the EU provide a realistic timeframe for the accession process?
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The Committee on Foreign Affairs II will be chaired by Teresa Stadler (Chairperson, AT).
Photographs Page 25: © European Union / European Parliament http://www.flickr.com/photos/european_parliament/9186030836/ Page 26: © Bundeswehr / Bienert http://www.flickr.com/photos/augustinfotos/8596630301/ Page 27: © Matthijs Gall http://www.flickr.com/photos/15389652@ N00/5005725494/
Links for further research EU Enlargement • Enlargement Strategy and main challenges 2012 - 2013: http://ec.europa. eu/enlargement/pdf/key_documents/2012/package/strategy_paper_2012_ en.pdf • A brief summary on the accession process (How it works to join the EU): http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/enlargement/ongoing_enlargement/l14536_en.htm • Interactive Online Platform for updated information on the current status of potential EU members and current candidates: http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/index_en.htm • Update on the situation of Montenegro following a visit by Commissioner Füle: http://ec.europa.eu/commission_2010-2014/fule/headlines/ news/2013/08/20130801_en.htm • The Sigma Programme (2012), an OECD and EU initiative to aid public sector reforms: http://www.oecd.org/site/sigma/ • Council Conclusions on the WBCs per country, starting p.10: http://www. consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/en/gena/76201.pdf • Video Messenger to the Western Balkans from Štefan Füle: http://www. youtube.com/watch?v=Tva0NkvlEKA
• Freie Universität Berlin: Working Paper on Good Governance in the EU (especially 3.4 and 3.5): http://www.polsoz.fu-berlin.de/polwiss/forschung/international/europa/arbeitspapiere/2008-7-Boerzel_et_al_GoodGovernance. pdf History of the Western Balkans and recent developments • Maps displaying the historical development of the Western Balkan region: http://europelostandfound.net/files/elf/images/artoff2037_0.preview.jpg • The Guardian: the obituary of Slobotan Miloševic: http://www.theguardian. com/news/2006/mar/13/guardianobituaries.warcrimes • The name issue of FYROM and Greece (a Greek point of view): http://www. everygreek.com/blog/the-fyrom-name-issue-329.html
Regional Reforms and Performance Indicators • Regional Cooperation Council: http://www.rcc.int/ • Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index 2012 (and a video to explain how it works): http://cpi.transparency.org/cpi2012/ • WBIF Project database: Here you can look up country specific investments in different sectors: http://www.wbif.eu/projects • United Nations ESCAP on ‘What is Good Governance?”: http://www.unescap. org/pdd/prs/ProjectActivities/Ongoing/gg/governance.asp
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue
Committee on Foreign Affairs III Building partnerships: with the Vilnius Summit approaching, what should the EU’s strategy for the summit and with the Eastern Partnership countries be?
“Vilnius summit has the potential to become a dividing line in EU relations with Georgia and with the Eastern neighbourhood. [...] I call this change in the game rules. [...] Eastern partnership is not cloths to fit everyone equally. Our partners can determine themselves what they mean in close relations with EU. We of course can offer the partners who aspire for closer relations a wide range of support – differentiation is very important." –Štefan Füle, European Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy Through its Eastern expansion of 2004 and 2007, the EU absorbed several former states of the Soviet bloc and moved its borders closer many Eastern European countries. The Eastern Partnership (EaP) programme was initiated by Poland in 2008 in cooperation with Sweden, and was officially launched by the Czech Republic in 2009. The EaP was put in place to facilitate increased political association and the deepening of economic integration between the EU and the EaP countries. However, the initiative raised many security related questions, bringing security policy as part of the EU-Russia dialogue. This region in transition has undergone turbulent years and Russia continues to claim a dominant position in the region. This creates additional internal struggles for the Eastern partners on their path to transformation as they are willing to deepen their cooperation with the EU. The Eastern Partnership is the latest extension of the European Neighborhood Policy, that was earlier largely concentrated on the Euro- Mediterranean Partnership initiaAcademic Preparation Kit – 30
tive with the southern neighbours, established in 2007. Its vision underlines closer relationship with the newest neighbours (since the 2004 and 2007 enlargements) but without necessarily leading to the talks about membership. This is particularly significant to notice in terms of the upcoming Vilnius summit – that the success of it is not only determined by the Agreements signed there but by the succesful continuation and development of this partnership that remains meaningful for all the partners involved. 2. Key terms Eastern Partnership (EaP) – Launched in 2009, the Eastern Partnership is an initiative consisting of the European Union and Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. There to provide an institutionalised forum for discussing different issues between the EU and its Eastern neighbours, its instruments aim to help the countries in question in their transformation. The EaP aims to strenghten bilateral relations, support reforms in these countries and bring them closer to the EU. The issues discussed range from trade to travel agreements and strive to promote human rights and the rule of law in the region. European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) – EU’s tool for working with its neigbouring countries in the east and in the south. It aims at closer political association and increased economic integration. Association Agreement (AA) – Framework for cooperation in a range of issues, designed to bring the part-
The official photo opportunity at the previous Eastern Partnership Summit in Warsaw, Poland, in September 2011. The heads of key EU institutions, EU Member States and the EaP countries are to meet again in Vilnius, Lithuania, in November 2013.
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ner countries closer to the EU standards. Divided into four main areas of cooperation: political dialogue and foreign and security policy; justice, freedom and security; economic and sectoral co-operation. The fourth part is a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA), negotiated separately. Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum (CSF) – Acts as an umbrella organisation and a common platform for different civil society organisations to monitor and discuss the democratic and human rights developments within the six partner countries. Vilnius Summit – The EaP summit that will take place in Vilnius, Lithuania, in November 2013. Highest representatives of the EU institutions, the EU Member States and the six EaP countries are expected to take part. The Eastern Partnership summits are held every two years. Bilateral and multilateral dimensions of cooperation – The relations between the EU and the partner countries remain predominantly bilateral and maintain their focus on Actions plans. By the multilateral dimension of EaP we mean the institutional approach aimed at fostering cooperation between the EU and all the partner states, as well as between the partner states themselves. Eastern Partnership Integration and Cooperation (EaPIC) – A programme focusing on promoting democratic transformation and institution building. It is being set up with an indicative allocation of €130 million for 2012–13 as an addition to the 2010–13 EU commitment to the Eastern European partners, worth €1.9 billion.
3. Key actors The Eastern Partnership does not have its own secretariat but it is controlled directly by the European Commission. The objectives for the partnership are discussed at the EaP Summits held every two years. Moreover, there are meetings of Foreign Ministers and thematic platforms aiming to enable exchange of information, opinions and experience between the senior officials of the EC, the EU Member States and the partner states. Academic Preparation Kit – 32
National governments are divided over the question of deepened cooperation with the region, for example concerning the signing of the Association Agreement with Ukraine. Some EU Member States, such as the Czech Republic, Lithuania and Sweden, have lobbied for the strenghtening of the EaP, whereas some older MSs, such as France and Germany, remain hesitant and are concerned of the effects that deeper cooperation might have on the EU–Russia relations or Russia’s relations with individual Member States.
Previous page: Štefan Füle, the European Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy, at the European Parliament. Commissioner Füle has played a prominent role in the EaP issues over the past few years.
The Russian Federation has a strong influence in the area, and it sees the EU’s involvement as an attempt to expand its sphere of influence, both politically and economically. Even though cooperation between the EU and the EaP countries is not entirely out of the question for Russia, the developments have led Russia to tighten its grip over the region and remain strongly suspicious over the EU’s ambitions in the region. The Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum aims to provide a common platform to facilitate cooperation between civil society organisations from the EU Member States and the Eastern Partners and to enable them to come together, discuss and monitor the developments on the ground. The Euronest is a parliamentary assembly consisting of 60 representatives of the European Parliament and 60 representatives of the partner states’ parliaments. Its main function is to monitor the work of other EaP bodies and ‘act as a forum for dialogue between the members of the European Parliament and the representatives of the partner states’ parliaments’.
4. Key conflicts Russia’s influence in the region, and its economic and political pressure put on the Eastern Partner countries: with the Eastern Partners voicing their European aspirations and deepening cooperation with the EU, Russia has become more alert and increased its presence in the region through economic and political means. From Russia’s perspective, the EU is trying to reach across the boundaries of its sphere of influence. The Neighbours of Europe vs. the European Neighbours: certain Member States have always stated that the ENP should not be connected to future accession to the EU. The creation of an umbrella policy which includes both Eastern and the Southern members has weakened the link between the relations with the neighbours and the question of membership, the latter being ruled out in the case of the Southern ENP partners. However, the promoters of the Eastern cooperation have skilfully differentiated between these two approaches – namely the “Neighbours of Europe” and the “European Neighbours”. Older Member States, like France and Germany do not want the EaP to be seen as a stepping stone towards membership. Nonetheless, the EaP utilises a range of instruments and mechanisms used in the enlargement process which has recovered the link between the neighbourhood policy and the policy of enlargement. Dissatisfaction among the Eastern partners: Many Eastern partners, most vocally Ukraine, have expressed their criticism towards the ENP. The concern raised most frequently is the lack of membership prospects. This ‘more Academic Preparation Kit – 33
to less’ dilemma presents a situation where the Eastern partners do not feel that their efforts are met with sufficient rewards from the EU. The EaP is criticised for not taking a clear stand in the membership issue. Finally, the current situation in the Eastern partner countries doesnt not promise quick integration. Internal political instability remains an issue:examples are many, and they underline the vulnerability of the region and its transitional nature. The global economic crisis has also hit the region hard. Together, these varied developments have resulted in a situation where the membership ambitions of these countries are currently at their lowest since the introduction of the ENP, and the goals for the establishment of free trade and visa-free travel seem nearly as hard to reach as EU membership itself. The original, optimistic goal of visa-free travel has been replaced with more modest ‘visa liberalisation’. In a similar manner the ambitious plans for a ‘free trade area’ are faced with the reality that the partner countries will not be ready for such a development in the near future. 5. Measures already in place All EaP partner countries (excluding Belarus) signed Partnership and Cooperation Agreements (PCA) in the late 1990s. Those are set to be replaced by Association Agreements, to be negotiated individually. The current situation is described in a Roadmap report by the Commission as follows: “Negotiations with Ukraine on an Association Agreement, including a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, have been finalised [...] Negotiations of Association Agreements have been launched with the
Republic of Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, and are advancing well, while the decision to launch negotiations on Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) as an integral part of the Association Agreements, with Georgia and Moldova was taken in December 2011 and with Armenia in February 2012.” Since 2008, both Ukraine and Moldova implemented visa facilitation and readmission agreements with the EU and are now implementing Visa Liberalisation Action Plans. Mobility Partnerships are in place with Georgia, Moldova and Armenia. Since March 2011, Georgia has also been implementing visa facilitation and readmission agreements with success. Negotiations on similar agreements have also started with Armenia and Azerbaijan. 6. Key facts and figures • All five partner countries (excluding Belarus) have signed Partnership and Cooperation Agreements (PCA) and are part of the European Neighbourhood Policy. • The Eastern Partnership Roadmap was agreed at the Eastern Partnership Summit held in Warsaw in 2011, laying out the future goals for the partnership. • For the three year period ranging from 2010 to 2013 the European Commission has reserved €600 million for these six partners, as part of the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument. • The EU has been one of the largest trading partners for the Eastern partner countries: the commodity turnover of these countries vary between 30% and 50% of total, but their access to the EU market is
not as preferential as for many other neighbouring countries. • The EaP offers upgrade of relations within three major dimensions: (a) the Association Agreement (AA), (b) Agreement on a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), and (c) Visa Facilitation and Readmission agreements. • The Eastern partners trade with the EU on the basis of the MFN (Most Favoured Nation) regime, and five EaP countries, with the exemption of Belarus, use privileges provided by the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP), the GSP+ or the autonomous trade preferences (as in the case of Moldova).
The Committee on Foreign Affairs III will be chaired by Oona Kiiskinen (Chairperson, FI).
7. Key questions • What should the EU’s priorities concerning the outcome of the Vilnius Summit be? Can those be agreed by the majority of Member States? • In what ways can the EU further support its neighbouring Eastern Partners in their struggle towards more stability and in their democratic aspirations? • What measures should the EU take in order to guarantee a fair treatment of the Eastern partners in terms of their expectations of cooperation with the EU? • What approach should the EU take vis-à-vis Russia and its involvement in the area?
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Photographs Page 31: © European Council http://www.flickr.com/photos/europeancouncil/6207530180/ Page 32: © Bond154 http://www.flickr.com/photos/61528940@ N07/5872373914/
Links for further research Description of the topic • Definition of the Eastern Partnership: http://eeas.europa.eu/eastern/index_en.htm • EU cooperation for succesful Eastern Partnership: http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/where/neighbourhood/eastern_partnership/documents/eastern_partnership_flyer_final_en.pdf • A report by the European Commission on the Eastern Partnership: http:// ec.europa.eu/world/enp/docs/2012_enp_pack/e_pship_roadmap_en.pdf • Eastner Partnership Community, describing the EaP institutions: http:// www.easternpartnership.org/eap-institutions/general • Layout of the EaP’s multilateral dimension, including different actors: http:// www.easternpartnership.org/content/eap-s-multilateral-dimension • Thematically divided evaluation of country specific performances in Eastern Partnership: http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/moldova/documents/press_ corner/eap_index_pilot_edition.pdf Critical approach • Evaluating the multilateral framework of the Eastern Partnership: http:// cejiss.org/econtributions/evaluating-multilateral-framework-eastern-partnership • Comment by Olga Shumylo Tapiola: “A Succesfull Vilnus Summit: Mission Possible”: http://carnegieeurope.eu/2013/06/04/successful-vilnius-summit-mission-possible/g88t • A Status Checklist featuring Eastern Partners and their situations sepately: http://www.rferl.org/content/eu-eastern-partnership-checklist/25061049. html
• Security focused analysis of the region: “A new start for Russian- EU security policy? The Weimar Triangle, Russia and the EU’s Eastern Neighborhood”: http://www.robert-schuman.eu/en/doc/actualites/genshagener-papiere-2011-7-eng.pdf Eastern Partnership in the media • EU2013: “Crucial time for Eastern Partnership”: http://www.eu2013.lt/en/ news/pressreleases/crucial-time-for-eastern-partnership • Reuters: “Sweden lashes out at Russian ‘economic warfare’ in East Europe”: http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/09/06/us-eu-east-idUSBRE9850XA20130906 • Reuters: “EU rejects Russian pressure on Ukraine, seeks trade ties”: http://uk.reuters.com/article/2013/09/11/uk-eu-ukraine-russia-idUKBRE98A0CG20130911 • Carnegie Europe: “Successful Vilnius Summit – Mission Possible“: http:// carnegieeurope.eu/2013/06/04/successful-vilnius-summit-mission-possible/g88t
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “Climate is what we expect. Weather is what we get.” –Mark Twain
Committee on Climate Change Two degrees and more: with the scientific community claiming that global warming cannot realistically be kept under the desired limits anymore, what measures should Europe take to prepare for extreme weather phenomena and their consequences for the environment, public health and food supplies?
The impacts of climate change can no longer be ignored. With the average European temperature currently at 1.3ºC above the pre-industrial level1, there is little doubt that the impacts of climate change are already affecting Europe and will continue to do so for the foreseeable future. Although mitigation of CO2 emissions remains an important factor, it is now considered unlikely that global temperatures will remain within the recommended 2ºC increase.2 The effects of this are already being felt across the continent. As temperatures rise, the frequency and severity of weather events is expected to increase. The minimum costs of not adapting to climate change are estimated as €100 billion a year in 2020 and €250 billion a year in 2050.3 It will therefore be crucial to ensure that all Member States take proactive steps to prepare for extreme weather events.
European coastal areas. Heat waves and drought will have the greatest effect on Mediterranean regions.4 The effects of extreme weather phenomena are far reaching, this topic focusing on the abovementioned key impacts. Disaster risk reduction (DRR) is becoming increasingly important at the European level, but there are a number of challenges to face. There are multiple actors across local, regional, national and international levels, resulting in a complex and fragmented approach to preparing for extreme weather phenomena and their consequences. The bureaucratic procedures of different institutions and bodies often prevent cooperation; this is compounded by scarce financial resources which create competition.5
The changes affecting Europe over the next few decades are by no means certain, and the different regions across Europe will face vastly different challenges. Northern Europe is expected to suffer more from issues relating to extreme cold, whereas storms, coastal erosion and flooding with have the greatest impact on Northern and Western
Currently, only 15 Member States have comprehensive adaption strategies in place.6 The recent EU Strategy on Adaption to Climate Change aimst to tackle this by encouraging MSs to act and by providing funding. The strategy also promotes adaption in key vulnerable sectors, for example agriculture and fisheries. However, there are several areas, such as public health, food supplies and the environment, that the strategy does not address. Further action is therefore needed. It is important to note that whilst the EU only has a supporting competence in this area, it is necessary to implement policies on a European level: extreme weather phenomena and their consequences do not observe country borders.
1 EEA report N°12/2012. “Climate change, impacts and vulnerability in Europe 2012” 2 Peters, G. P. et al (2013), “The Challenge to Keep Global Warming Below 2ºC”. Nature, 3, pp. 4-6 3 EEA report No 12/2012. “Climate change, impacts and vulnerability in Europe 2012”
4 DG Regional Policy (2009), “The Climate Change Challenge for European Regions” 5 Council of Europe (2011), “Climate Change Adaption and Disaster Risk Reduction in Europe: A Review of Risk Governance” 6 http://ec.europa.eu/clima/news/articles/ news_2013041601_en.htm
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2. Key terms Climate Change Adaption (CCA) – An adjustment in the natural or human systems in response to actual or perceived climatic stimuli or their effects, which moderates harm or exploits beneficial opportunities associated with climate change.7 Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) – The concept and practice of reducing disaster risks through systematic efforts to analyse and manage the casual factors of disasters, including through reduced exposure to hazards, lessened vulnerability of people and property, wise management of land and the environment, and improved preparedness for adverse events.8 Extreme weather events – Infrequent meteorological events that have a significant impact on a society or ecosystem at a particular location9. It is difficult to define exactly which phenomena are considered as ‘extreme’. Floods, drought, landslides, heatwaves, wind storms, heavy precipitation, forest fires and extreme cold are all within the scope of the topic, however this list is not exhaustive. Disaster – A disaster occurs if measures taken by the community fail to reduce losses and to return to normal life without substantial external assistance. Disasters can be defined as sudden/long-term and natural/human-made10. 7 EEA (2007), p12 8 UNISDR 9 WHO EHG 96.7 (1996), “Climate Change and Human Health”, Chapter 6 10 WHO EHG 96.7 (1996), “Climate Change and Human
3. Key actors11
and actions to implement, the EU have a role in coordinating policies between them.
There are several European policy institutions that are involved in shaping policies by working with Member States. The main bodies are located within the European Commission as Directorate Generals (DGs) and include DG Climate, DG Development and Cooperation, and DG Environment. However, the most relevant is the DG Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection (DG ECHO); this is able to provide a supporting competence, meaning that although Member States decide on policies
In addition, there are several European research institutions that support policy institutions by providing them with the necessary information and research; this ensures that policies are as targeted and effective as possible. These institutions include the DG Research and Innovation, International Centre for Climate Governance, Joint Research Centre and the South East European Virtual Climate Change Centre.
Health”, Chapter 6 11 Council of Europe (2011), “Climate Change Adaption and Disaster Risk Reduction in Europe: A Review of Risk Governance”
A number of national governments have tried to incorporate DRR into national policies, however this is often
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Previous spread: a man drives his motorcycle in flooded Hanoi, Vietnam. Previous page: heavy rains have led to serious floods in Central Europe over the past few years. This page: to “balance” the floods, droughts are likely to be another extreme weather phenomenon. ineffectual due to inadequate funding and political backing. DRR responsibilities are often passed down to local government departments who do not have the resources and capabilities to tackle the issue. Possible actors include national Ministries of the Environment or Emergency Management Agencies. On a global level, the United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR) acts to ensure that DRR becomes integral to development, environmental protection and humanitarian action. Platform organisations are also of importance. At a European level, the European Forum for Disaster Risk Reduction (EFDRR) aims to facilitate knowledge sharing. Its members include representatives of national platforms, UNISDR-Europe, representatives from the Council of Europe, and European Commission representation through the DG ECHO. Action is also taken by non-governmental organisations (NGOs), for example the Red Cross. Although some NGOs are involved in disaster preparedness and DRR, they are often more focused on the response to extreme weather phenomena and disaster management.
4. Key conflicts How can the conflicting needs for action at both a European level and a local level be mitigated? It will be necessary to decide at what level it is necessary for the EU to act, and what tasks are more appropriately carried out at a national, regional or local level. Although disasters often span national borders, the variety of infrastructure and local environments may require different responses in different regions. Academic Preparation Kit – 39
How can the effects on the environment, public health and food supplies be dealt with sufficiently? These three areas often compete for resources e.g. land, water supplies. This has the potential to create conflict within a common policy when considering the scarcity of such resources.
5. Measures already in place A key policy that will require consideration is the EU White Paper 2009 “Adapting to Climate Change: Towards a European Framework for Action”. The paper sets out several phases: Phase 1 (2009–2012) lays the groundwork for a comprehensive EU adaption strategy to be implemented in Phase 2, commencing in 2013. A key deliverable was the web-based European Climate Adaption Platform, launched in March 2012. The EU Strategy on Adaption to Climate Change (April 2013) to promote action by Member States, initiate better informed decision making and promote adaption in key vulnerable sectors.Some individual Member States have been investing in support for DRR and its incorporation into national policies. However, there is often still a reactive mindset of disaster management and response instead of reduction and adaption strategies. On a global level, the Cancun Adaption Framework 2010 is relevant. Its objectives are to enhance action on adaption through international cooperation. It focuses on implementation of adaption actions by Member States and supports developing countries and the establishment of organisations at a variety of levels. A number of more specific policies exist, including the EU Water Framework Directive, the EU Communication on “Addressing the challenge of water scarcity and droughts in the European Union,” and the EU Flood Framework Directive. 6. Key facts and figures • Hydro-meteorological events account for 64% of the
reported damages due to natural disasters in Europe since 1980; climatological events account for another 20%.12 • Overall damages from extreme weather events have increased from €9 billion in the 1980s to more than €13 billion in the 2000s.13 • Precipitation trends in the 20th century showed an increase in Northern Europe by 10–40% and decrease in some regions in Southern Europe by up to 20% in average annual precipitation.14 • Sea level has risen by 17cm during the 20th century.15 7. Key questions • To what extent is the EU able to act? Which organisations are best placed to act? • Should policies focus on longer term strategies and proactive measures or is a reactive approach more suitable? To what extend can these be combined? • How can competition between different organisations and institutions be avoided? • How can research institutions and policy makers best be brought together? • How can the variety of weather phenomena and the differing challenges faced by regions across Europe be united and accounted for?
12 EEA (2012), “Damages from Weather and Climate-Related Events” 13 EEA (2012), “Damages from Weather and Climate-Related Events” 14 DG Regional Policy (2009), “The Climate Change Challenge for European Regions” 15 IPCC (2007a) p. 7.
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The Committee on Climate Change will be chaired by Sophie Duffield (Chairperson, UK).
Photographs Page 37: © Hanoi Mark http://www.flickr.com/photos/61431010@ N00/108950943 Page 38: © Nathan Ryan http://www.flickr.com/photos/nateryan/901125125/ Page 39: © Bert Kaufmann http://www.flickr.com/photos/22746515@ N02/3487433937/
Links for further research General Information
Food Supplies
• European Climate Adaption Platform: http://climate-adapt.eea.europa.eu/ • The website of the DG Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection: http://ec.europa.eu/echo/index_en.htm • DG Regional Policy (2009), “The Climate Change Challenge for European Regions”. A useful overview of the impacts of extreme weather events: http:// ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/sources/docoffic/working/regions2020/pdf/ regions2020_climat.pdf
• The Guardian: “NFU Claims Extreme Weather Poses Biggest Threat to British Farming”: http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2013/jul/28/weather-heatwaves-climate-change-uk-farming • CNN: “How Severe Weather Impacts Global Food Supplies”. The article has a more global point of view but raises some important points about affordability: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/12/04/world/asia/food-price-impact/ index.html
EU Institutes and Legislation
Environment
• EU Strategy to Adaption on Climate Change (April 2013): http://ec.europa.eu/ clima/policies/adaptation/what/docs/com_2013_216_en.pdf • Council of Europe (2011), “Climate Change Adaption and Disaster Risk Reduction in Europe: A Review of Risk Governance”. This is a very useful overview of the current situation, however it is quite long: http://www.preventionweb.net/files/submissions/20591_governanceccriskeurope.pdf • European White Paper 2009, “Adapting to Climate Change”: http://ec.europa. eu/health/ph_threats/climate/docs/com_2009_147_en.pdf
• Science Daily: “Wilder Weather Exerts a Stronger Influence on Biodiversity then Steadily Changing Conditions”: http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2010/01/100115182629.htm • Early View: “Extreme Weather Threatens Rich Ecosystems”: https://www.liu. se/forskning/forskningsnyheter/1.335624?l=en • Collaborative Partnership on Forest (CPF) Press Release 2011: http://www. cbd.int/idb/doc/2011/iyf-cpf-abiotic-disturbances.pdf
Public Health • A general overview of the potential health effects of extreme weather: http:// www.unspecial.org/UNS684/t24.html • WHO Europe: Disaster Preparedness and Response: http://www.euro. who.int/en/what-we-do/health-topics/emergencies/disaster-preparedness-and-response
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “Play the game for more than you can afford to lose…only then will you learn the game”. –Winston Churchill
Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs The end of austerity? In light of growing concerns about the effects of austerity policies on economic growth, how should European governments balance their budgets while maintaining economic growth and social stability?
The controversial quotation by Winston Churchill reflects the ongoing mentality of worldwide economic institutions as well as nations. It seems, however, that only the first part of the quotation is the currently emphasised course of action. This is because no one has seemed to learn the economic game after the sheer volume of economic crises faced. Indeed, economies have been tailored to withstand debt; it is one of the main tools for acquiring funds for investments into prosperous ventures, but when all economies are in constant debt for decades, then how is it possible that we still have not learned the game? Politicians and decision-makers seem to always have the one and only viable solution to crises. One year they treat the economy as something organic that can find its own way back on track as long as we continue on living, but when things get worse and everyone is scared for their money, then austerity seems to be the right way to go. These are not, of course, the only solutions. Investing into Research & Development or into the private sector are also viable options, but when large monetary unions, such as the Eurozone, are at stake, taking potentially better, though riskier, solutions are avoided because of the amount of fear that spreads. Was this the case when Greece went into an economic crisis, or has Europe just been bullied into austerity by its creditors, such as the IMF, who wanted to secure assurances for their money to Academic Preparation Kit – 42
return to their accounts? Some claim that neither of these were the cause for austerity, but that it truly was the most effective way out. Economics is not an exact science – some even argue that it is not a science at all – and the question is: Who is to decide how our money is spent and how much impact do the common people, us, have on these decisions? Austerity is a measure of cutting government spending, and in most cases, increasing taxation to keep our budget deficits under control, which in reality leaves the possibility of economic growth in quite a large part, to pure luck. When one looks at Greece and Spain in crisis, under strict austerity measures, one would see that the budget deficit has not inflated since these measure came into practise, but it also has not made life of the citizens much better nor has it significantly decreased unemployment. Austerity has been the word of the last 5 years, is it time for it to change or is it time for the power to make these decisions to go somewhere else? 2. Key terms Austerity – Measure for cutting spending and increasing taxation in order to reduce or stabilise a budget deficit. Budget deficit – A situation when the outgoing cash flow is great than the incoming cash flow; also known as National Debt. Creditors – People, institutions or nations that lend money.
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Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) – Created in order to ensure economic stability and control in the EU, among other things, it sets boundaries for debt and the budget deficit. SGP was reformed in 2005 and 2011 as reactionary reforms to counter ongoing issues. International Monetary Fund (IMF) – An international money lending body with a board consisting of representatives from countries with greatest economic and trade shares of the world. Money is lent to nations or institution in desperate need of funds with country and situation specific conditionalities. Economic growth – An increased capacity of a certain economy to produce services and goods, compared to previous period(s). Shared competences – The institutions of the European Union have different amounts of power in different fields. When it comes to economic issues, the EU has shared competencies with National Governments. This means that no institution alone can impose an absolute course of action on any Nation. 3. Key actors The European Commission and its economic department, Directorate General of Economics and Financial Affairs (DG ECFIN), are the main actors that monitor and enforce the policies in accordance with the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU. More specifically, DG ECFIN is tasked with improving the economic conditions of EU citizens as a whole, through “policies designed to pro-
mote stable public finances and financial stability, a high level of employment and sustainable economic growth.”1 National governments are the main actors within any given country and have the final decision making power on accepted or declining terms and setting up their own relationships with creditors. Also, numerous economically effective countries, such as Germany, have more power than others as they may also act as creditors. 1 http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/economy_finance/index_en.htm
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Creditors such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have the capital and the power to impose conditions under which countries can borrow money. The IMF consists of a board with members from the main economic and trade powers in the world.
4. Key conflicts The conflicts in this topic are of a multilateral nature, involving numerous parties. As economics is an area of shared competences, there is often, just like now, a dispute on what the EU can do and what responsibilities lie with the national governments. Furthermore, the issue of austerity does not lie only in the theoretical, but it also affects the daily lives and spending of citizens of every country. This, in turn, means that more often than not, there is a concrete response from the public towards their own governments about the limitations on their lifestyle. The secondary parties of the issue are the creditors. They do not have direct impact on the policies that countries enforce, but they do demand that certain conditions are followed when they lend money to countries. This is considered an indirect decision-making power, but does have severe repercussions in practise when a country has no choice and has to accept the money anyway. 5. Measures already in place Previous spread: Against the government’s austerity measurs. Previous page: Olli Rehn, Commissioner for Economic and Financial Affairs, has been one of the key proponents of austerity measures. This page: the IMF, under the leadership of Christine Lagarde, has recently started to question its previously steadfast support of austerity measures.
As mentioned before, the measures that are in place are unique for each country, but all have to follow the same guidelines in order to meet the requirements of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). These guidelines are set by the Stability and Growth Pact and consist of two cornerstones: the preventive arm and the corrective arm. Firstly, the preventive arm demands a country specific medium-term budgetary objective to be fulfilled by submitting their budgetary plans in Stability Academic Preparation Kit – 45
and Convergence Programmes (SCPs). Secondly, the corrective arm asks for a step-by-step corrective procedure for correcting excessing budgets, under the Excessive Budget Procedure (EBP). Countries cannot exceed a 3% budget deficit in relation to their GDP and public debt cannot exceed 60% of GDP, else the terms of the TFEU are breached.2 In 2005 and 2011 new reforms were added to the SGP that consist of the Euro Plus Pact and the Six Pack. These increased the surveillance and enforcement of the SGP, and then made them even more comprehensive with the Two Pack in 2013.3 6. Key facts and figures • The institutions of the European Union and national governments have shared competences in economic matters. Both have limited decision-making power. • Stability and Growth Pact is the main tool for control and monitoring of debt and budget deficits; it was initially approved in 1997 and reformed in 2005 and 2011.4 • Euro Plus Pact, Six Pack and Two Pack are reforms and extensions of the Stability and Growth Pact that have been tailored for issues arising during the crisis • Directorate General of Economics and Financial Affairs is the department of the European Commission that surveils and monitors economic matters around 2 http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/economic_governance/sgp/index_en.htm 3 See previous. 4 http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/economic_governance/sgp/index_en.htm
the EU and is responsible for enforcing the Stability and Growth Pact. 7. Key questions • Is austerity an effective measure to combat crises, and what pillars of society does it affect? • What other measures are there to cure countries from economic crises? • Who makes the decisions about what countries do in an economic crisis? • How much power to creditors have on what National Governments do? • Do the voters, people, citizens actually have a direct impact on what decisions are made on the economic front, and should they? • What are the countries with most power when it comes to economic matter in the EU and why?
The Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs will be chaired by Jan Bubienczyk (Chairperson, FI).
Photographs Page 43: © William Murphy http://www.flickr.com/photos/infomatique/8214026557/ Page 44: © Alberto Novi http://www.flickr.com/photos/aldeadle/6673884143/ Page 45: © World Economic Forum / Remy Steinegger http://www.flickr.com/photos/worldeconomicforum/368917516/
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Links for further research Austerity • The Telegraph: “France and austerity overkill” (2013): http://www.telegraph. co.uk/finance/financialcrisis/10308506/IMF-warns-France-on-austerityoverkill.html • Financial Times: “Spain reaps benefits of austerity measures” (2013): http:// www.ft.com/cms/s/0/65c0e9fe-1556-11e3-b519-00144feabdc0.html • The Independent: “Germany can’t ignore austerity backlash” (2013): http:// www.independent.co.uk/voices/editorials/leading-article-germany-cant-ignore-the-austerity-backlash-7743398.html Stability and Growth Pact • European Commussion, Stability and Growth Pact: http://ec.europa.eu/ economy_finance/economic_governance/sgp/index_en.htm Heavy Reading • Paul Krugman: How has Austerity Crumbled (2013): http://www.nybooks. com/articles/archives/2013/jun/06/how-case-austerity-has-crumbled/?pagination=false
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “Entrepreneurs are risk takers, willing to roll the dice with their money or reputation on the line in support of an idea or enterprise. They willingly assume responsibility for the success or failure of a venture and are answerable for all its facets.” –Victor Kiam, an American entrepreneur
Committee on Employment and Social Affairs The startup economy: with high youth unemployment and stagnant economies, how should European governments promote entrepreneurship in order to create a generation of young entrepreneurs?
Youth unemployment has shown a steady increase since the financial crisis hit Europe in 2007.1 The European Commission has launched several action plans in order to fight the issue, such as the Youth Guarantee and the Youth Employment Initiative. These action plans aim to provide young people with either a job, an apprenticeship, education or a traineeship. This was a staggering €6 billion investment, but new ways of dealing with the issue of youth unemployment have to be explored. Youth entrepreneurship might offer an interesting solution. Firstly, so called startups are accountable for most of the new jobs created in the economy in general. Secondly, startups by young people that survive the first three years show stronger growth rates than startups by adults. Thirdly, 40% of those aged 15–24 consider self-employment as a feasible option and have ideas for startups.2 Youth entrepreneurship can add a lot of value and give the European economy the necessary boost to keep up with global competition.
1 http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/statistics_explained/ index.php?title=File:Youth_unemployment_rates,_EU-28_and_EA17,_seasonally_adjusted,_January_2000_-_July_2013.png&filetimestamp=20130830073725 2 http://euskillspanorama.ec.europa.eu/docs/AnalyticalHighlights/EntrepreneurialIniative_en.pdf
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A number of issues exist with youth entrepreneurship. First, young people lack the experience and skills to start a new business. The lack of entrepreneurial skills makes it hard to translate new ideas into an actual business plan and often result in failure. Second, it is extremely difficult for a young entrepreneur to receive finance for their startups. In the EU, the possibility for state funding varies very much from sector and country.3 Important support for start-ups such as business incubators, advisory platforms and special courses on entrepreneurship are not available in all Member States. Third, many Member States still require a lot of paperwork in order to start a company. The regulatory burden is time consuming, difficult and expensive for a startup. Costs associated with registering your business can be as high as €2000 in some countries, raising the entry bar even higher. These issues: education, capital, support and regulatory burden, make it extra difficult, more costly, more time consuming and more risky for a young entrepreneur to successfully start a new company. As such, it is the task of the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs to find new ways of supporting these young entrepreneurs in their quest for finance, business success and innovative ideas. Furthermore, the Committee should not forget to exploit current measures aimed at easing the regulatory environment and levelling the playing field in all Member States. Only through a strong common strategy can the EU reignite the entrepreneurial spirit and ensure the success of young entrepreneurs in Europe.
3 http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/policies/finance/risk-capital/venture-capital/
Left: young entrepreneurs at a “Startup Weekend” event in Los Angeles in July 2012. Traditionally, the entrepreneurial culture has been much stronger in the US than in Europe. Mark Zuckerberg (right) and Facebook are one offspring of that culture.
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2. Key terms Entrepreneurship – An entrepreneur is someone who has recently started his or her own company. The term entrepreneurship refers to the starting up of new businesses in general. Youth entrepreneurship – Entrepreneurship by people aged between 15–24 years. Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) – An enterprise is a synonym for company, as is firm or business. Small and medium enterprises are defined as having, respectively, less than 50 and 250 employees. SMEs comprise 99% of all European businesses. Enterprise birth rate – The percentage of newly established businesses compared to the total of active businesses in a country. Entrepreneurial competences – Entrepreneurial knowledge refers to understanding the legal environment, the way the economy works and managerial knowledge on how a company should be organised. With entrepreneurial skills we mean the ability to plan, communicate, assess risk, identify business opportunities, get finance, etc. Financing – In order to start a company you need money to buy, for example, office supplies, licenses, rent a working space, etc. This startup finance is called seed money or venture capital. This type of finance means that the person or company giving the money becomes partly owner of the start-up. Other forms of financing a new business
can be in the form of borrowing money from a bank, friends or family. Business incubator – A special program available to startups that provides an environment to nurture a new business. Such programs usually offer offices, workspaces, technological facilities, legal advice, business advice, mentorship, networks and access to finance. Most top business universities have some kind of an incubator program. Academic Preparation Kit – 50
3. Key actors The primary actors can be divided into the European level actors and the national actors. On a European level the most important player is the European Commission. They provide action plans, with proposed laws, to the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament. For example, the Small Business Act, Youth Guarantee and Entrepreneurship 2020 action plan are initiatives of the Commission. The Commission also drafts
Previous page: entrepreneurship has also been promoted through promotional campaigns. Sir Richard Branson and Ryan Holmes, CEO of social media company Hootsuite, at an event of the “Entrepreneurs are great” campaign of the UK government. many specialist reports, such the Guide Book series to improving youth entrepreneurship in education. The role of the European Parliament, in particular the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs and the Committee on Economic Affairs, is more reactive in this field and generally amounts to reviewing EC proposals and providing feedback to the EC. Furthermore, the European Social Fund is involved as a main provider of funds. As one of the structural funds of the EU it reallocates money from Member States to different projects targeted at European regions with the aim of improving employment. Other smaller European networks such as Erasmus for Young Entrepreneurs, European Network on Youth Employment, European Progress Microfinance Facility, European Regional Development Fund and Community of Practice on Inclusive Entrepreneurship (CoPIE) offer assistance and guidance in more specialised areas of youth entrepreneurship. Most of these networks receive funding from the EU budget. On the national level, Member State governments are responsible for most of the regulation that applies to startups. Other actors on the national level are universities, schools, business incubators and local investors.
4. Key conflicts
5. Measures already in place
A major conflict is that Member States have very divergent regulatory policies and practices regarding entrepreneurship. This causes large differences in the number and success of new startups and the cost and time it takes to start a new business. Some examples of this regulatory burden include different registration procedures for starting anew company (1.5 days in Belgium vs. 28–29 days in Spain) and the costs associated with a startup (€0 in Denmark vs. €2,673 in Italy).
Currently three major policy plans are in place, all of which have been proposed by the Commission. The first and more general piece of legislation comes in the form of the Small Business Act. It aims to reduce the regulatory burden for all SMEs in the EU. It operates by providing exemptions to EU law and easing the administrative requirements for small companies. Some examples include the introduction of a directive lowering the VAT rates for locally supplied products by SMEs; the General Block Exemption Regulation on State Aid, which lowers the regulatory burden on SMEs by exempting them from notifying any state aid they have received; the establishment of one-stop-shop solutions at a national level, this means that all administrative duties can be taken care of through a single website or other type of platform, reducing the administrative burden for SMEs.5
Regional and demographic differences in the level of entrepreneurial spirit and the number of young entrepreneurs exist. Under certain immigrant groups we observe much higher rates of entrepreneurship. Two examples are the Turkish and Chinese immigrants in Germany and Italy: for example, the famous Döner Kebab introduced by Turkish entrepreneurs or the many Chinese garment businesses in Tuscany.4 Additionally, between Member States large differences in enterprise birth rates are observed. Other conflicts exist between investors and young entrepreneurs. Since young startups are usually considered riskier than existing firms or startups of adults, it is extremely difficult to receive any type of finance for a new business. However, public funds are often inefficient and are less effective at allocating funds because they do not have a profit incentive. Instead, reducing the effective cost for investors of financing young entrepreneurs, such as tax benefits or cost sharing could offer a solution. 4 http://www.coe.int/t/democracy/migration/Source/migration/congress_public_3.pdf
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The Youth Guarantee offers an almost complete package to reduce youth unemployment through creating more jobs, providing more education, offering apprenticeships and traineeships. This is to be achieved through national offices who have been allocated a total of €6 billion. One of the benefits of this package is that it includes measures to support youth entrepreneurship by means of sharing knowledge through an Erasmus program for young entrepreneurs. The program offers 600 placements for a period of 1–6 months. €3 million has also been made available for technical support of youth entrepreneurs.6 5 http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ. do?uri=COM:2008:0394:FIN:EN:HTML 6 http://ec.europa.eu/social/main.jsp?catId=1036
A last major set of measures is called the Entrepreneurship 2020 action plan. This can be considered the most ambitious of the measures in place. Three pillars make up the action plan: (1) Entrepreneurial education and training, (2) creation of an environment where entrepreneurs can flourish and grow and (3) developing role models and reaching out to specific groups whose entrepreneurial potential is not being tapped to its fullest extent or who are not reached by traditional outreach for business support.
• €3 million ESF funding has been made available by the EC to support young entrepreneurs.9 • Only 8 Member States have a specific strategy on implementing entrepreneurship teaching in their educational systems.10 • The time it takes to register a start-up in the EU ranges from 1.5 days to as much as 29 days.11 • The costs of registering a startup in a Member State range from €0 to a maximum of €2,673.12
As you will have observed, a tailored approach to promoting youth entrepreneurship does not yet exist. The task of the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs will be to come up with such a framework, building on existing measures and finding innovative ideas.
7. Key questions
6. Key facts and figures • The current unemployment rate equals 23.2% compared to an overall rate of 11%. 40% of those aged 15-24 have an interest in starting a new business. Only 4% in that age range actually has their own company compared to 15% of adults.7 • About 60% of the 4% of young entrepreneurs did not follow any kind of special training or education on entrepreneurship or entrepreneurial competences. A majority of youth entrepreneurs indicate that this lack of competences together with a lack of finance and a lack of ideas are the main sources of entrepreneurial failure.8 7 http://euskillspanorama.ec.europa.eu/docs/AnalyticalHighlights/EntrepreneurialIniative_en.pdf 8 See previous.
• What are the major difficulties faced by young entrepreneurs in Europe? • How can the EU best facilitate entrepreneurship on a European level and what should Member States do on a more national and regional level? • How can the EU make finance more accessible for young entrepreneurs? • How can the EU not only improve the birth rate but also the success rate of startups? • How can the EU incentivise other important actors like investors, universities and schools, national governments, etc. to act in the interest of young entrepreneurs? • What possibilities exist within EU competences to influence the different administration and legal environment for start-ups in different Member States? 9 http://ec.europa.eu/social/main.jsp?catId=1006&langId=en 10 http://eacea.ec.europa.eu/education/eurydice/documents/ thematic_reports/135EN.pdf 11 http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/policies/sme/files/support_measures/start-ups/startups2009_en.pdf 12 See previous.
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The Committee on Employment and Social Affairs will be chaired by Charif Van Zetten (Chairperson, NL).
Photographs Page 49 (left): © Philippe Lewicki http://www.flickr.com/photos/lewicki/7631395416/ Page 50 (right): © JD Lasica http://www.flickr.com/photos/jdlasica/8137944554/ Page 51: © British High Commission, Ottawa http://www.flickr.com/photos/ukincanada/7290949724/
Links for further research Entrepreneurship 2020 Action Plan
Entrepreneurship education
• EU Commission, Entrepreneurship 2020 Action Plan: http://eur-lex.europa. eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=COM:2012:0795:FIN:EN:PDF
• Eurydice, Entrepreneurship education at school in Europe: http://eacea. ec.europa.eu/education/eurydice/documents/thematic_reports/135EN.pdf • European Commission Committee on Industry and Entrepreneurship, Guidebook nr. 1 on Building Entrepreneurial Mindsets and skills in the EU: http:// ec.europa.eu/enterprise/policies/sme/regional-sme-policies/documents/ no.1_entrepreneurial_mindsets_en.pdf
Potential solution to entrepreneurship problems • OECD, Policy Brief on Youth Entrepreneurship: http://www.oecd.org/cfe/ leed/Youth%20entrepreneurship%20policy%20brief%20EN_FINAL.pdf • European Microfinance Network, EMN Study for Youth Entrepreneurship: http://www.european-microfinance.org/data/file/section_nos_services/publications/etudes/Youth%20entrepreneurship%20Study.pdf Current measures in place • Current measures regarding youth entrepreneurship: http://europa.eu/youreurope/business/starting-business/setting-up/index_en.htm • European Parliament, review of current Youth Strategy of the European Commission: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/ getDoc.do?pubRef=-%2F%2FEP%2F%2FTEXT%2BREPORT%2BA7-2013-0238%2B0%2BDOC%2BXML%2BV0%2F%2FEN&language=EN
Media on youth entrepreneurship • The Economist, Why entrepreneurship fails in Europe: http://www.economist.com/node/21559618 • Bloomberg, Youth entrepreneurship in the US: http://www.bloomberg.com/ news/2013-01-08/don-t-call-them-students-they-re-entrepreneurs-.html • Der Spiegel, Berlin as an example of how to nurture startups: http://www. spiegel.de/international/business/europe-s-silicon-allee-berlin-on-theroad-to-becoming-a-start-up-mecca-a-758097.html
Small Business Act • What the Small Business Act has done and what still has to be done: http:// europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-11-109_en.htm?locale=fr
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “Sex education, including its spiritual aspects, should be part of a broad health and moral education from kindergarten through grade twelve, ideally carried out harmoniously by parents and teachers.” –Benjamin Spock, Dr. Spock’s Baby and Child Care
Committee on Environment, Public Health and Food Safety Talking about sex: in light of young people in Eastern Europe often lacking adequate sex education, what measures should be taken on the local and administrative levels to tackle the issue and consequent problems related to reproductive health?
Throughout the past few decades, attitude of the general public towards marriage and relationships has changed dramatically. Today, young people in Europe have their first sexual contacts before making a match, usually between ages 16 and 18. They have several partners prior to marriage around age 25 and they have their first child between ages 28 and 30.1 During this period leading up to a stable relationship, the twin risks of unintended pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections are of concern to all from both individual and public health perspectives. To fully grasp the situation at hand, one must take a closer look at the historical process. Availability of modern and reliable methods of contraception, particularly “the Pill”, and the legalisation of abortion in most of Western European countries during the 1970s and 1980s was accompanied by the introduction of sexuality education in schools. Traditionally, sexuality education has focused on the potential risks of sexuality, such as unintended pregnancies and STIs. This negative focus has often been considered frightening for children and young people, or not fully responding to their need for information and skills and simply having no seeming relevance to their lives. 1 WHO and BZgA, “Standards for Sexuality Education in Europe” (2006), p. 11
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Today, school curricula, as well as the methods and timing of its delivery vary greatly in many parts of Western and Northern Europe. Countries such as France, Germany and the UK provide sexuality education as an obligatory subject, whereas in Finland, the Netherlands and Sweden, the topic is only incorporated in other core subjects like biology, health or history. The situation in Eastern Europe, on the other hand, is certainly more troublesome. Unlike their Western counterparts who have – despite still having their differences – continuously and consistently built up an expertise in the field since the 1970s, majority of Eastern European countries have only witnessed the introduction of some form of sexuality education 20 to 30 years later, following the fall of the Iron Curtain (e.g. Slovakia, Poland, and Hungary). In several other Central and Eastern European states, this development has also been slowed down as a result of the emergence of fundamentalism (political, cultural and religious) in different public spheres. Overall, disturbingly high HIV/AIDS rates2 in the Eastern European region, as well as constant increase in teenage pregnancies and STIs continue to demonstrate that the lack of knowledge on contraception and sexual health is of great concern to the society. Committee on Environment, Public Health and Food Safety will need to carefully examine the wide variety of practices across Europe, identify areas in which Eastern Europe is lagging behind, and propose potential ways forward to improve the situation – a complex task with a multitude of dimensions. 2 http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_ file/0007/178369/HIV-AIDS-surveillance-in-Europe-2011-v4.pdf
Sex?
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2. Key terms Sex(uality) education – An age-appropriate, culturally relevant approach to teaching about sex and relationships by providing scientifically accurate, realistic, non-judgmental information. Sexuality education provides opportunities to explore one’s own values and attitudes and build decision-making, communication and risk-reduction skills about many aspects of sexuality.3 Sexual health – The integration of the somatic, emotional, intellectual and social aspects of sexual being in ways that are positively enriching and that enhance personality, communication and love.4 Sexually Transmitted Infections (STIs) – Also known as Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STDs) or Venereal Diseases (VD), are diseases that are passed on from one person to another through sexual contact, and sometimes by genital contact – the infection can be passed on via vaginal intercourse, oral sex, and anal sex. Some sexually transmitted infections can also spread through the use of unsterilized IV drug needles, from mother to baby during childbirth or breastfeeding, and blood transfusions.5 Sexual rights embrace human rights that are already recognized in national laws, international human rights documents and other consensus statements. They include the right of all persons, free of coercion, discrimination and violence, to: 3 UNESCO (2009b), p. 2 4 WHO (1975) 5 http://www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/246491.php
• the highest attainable standard of sexual health, including access to sexual and reproductive health care services; • seek, receive and impart information related to sexuality; • sexuality education; • respect for bodily integrity; • choose their partner; • decide to be sexually active or not; • consensual sexual relations; Academic Preparation Kit – 56
• consensual marriage; • decide whether or not, and when, to have children; • pursue a satisfying, safe and pleasurable sexual life. The responsible exercise of human rights requires that all persons respect the rights of others.6
6 WHO and BZgA, “Standards for Sexuality Education in Europe” (2006), p. 18
3. Key actors National governments play the role of regulators in the sphere of sexuality education. Different countries have a wide variety of institutions involved in this field. For instance, besides the national analogues of Ministry of Public Health, it is also common for state institutions responsible for welfare, sports, education, justice and social affairs, and in some cases, even foreign affairs to be involved in dealing with sexuality education. The World Health Organisation (WHO) is the directing and coordinating authority for health within the United Nations system. It is responsible for providing leadership on global health matters, shaping the health research agenda, setting norms and standards, articulating evidence-based policy options, providing technical support to countries and monitoring and assessing health trends.7 WHO Regional Office for Europe in cooperation with German Federal Agency for Health Education (Bundeszentrale für gesundheitliche Aufklärung – BZgA) has developed a framework called “Standards for Sexuality Education in Europe”.
agencies, communities, NGOs, foundations and the private sector to raise awareness and mobilise the support and resources to achieve its mission.8 International Planned Parenthood Federation European Network (IPPF EN) is a global non-governmental organisation (NGO) with the aims of promoting sexual and reproductive health, and advocating the right of individuals to make their own choices in family planning. IPPF European Network believes that sexual and reproductive health is integral to an individual’s physical, mental and social wellbeing.
initiatives to improve the health and general wellbeing of young individuals. In the place where the Protestant north meets the Catholic south, we observe a so-called ‘religion belt’, in which strong religious convictions result in problematic introduction of sexual education at schools. The collapse of communism in some Central and Eastern Europeans countries (e.g. Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic) have indeed created conditions for the revival of Catholic interest. 5. Measures already in place
4. Key conflicts As previously discussed in this document, while sexual education has been an important element of formal education curricula in Western Europe for a considerable time already, their Eastern neighbours are unfortunately following behind. This is possibly the single statement that lays out where the significant part of the challenge derives from.
United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) is body of the UN. It is aimed at establishing a world where every pregnancy is wanted, every birth is safe, and every young person’s potential is fulfilled. The fund engages itself with population and development strategies, sexual and reproductive health, family planning, gender equality, women’s empowerment and supports adolescents and youth. UNFPA partners with governments, other United Nations
Additionally, it is also crucial to keep in mind that even though there are differences between rural and urban areas, no formal mechanisms for monitoring the standards of provision in sexual education currently exist in a vast majority of Eastern European countries. Furthermore, there are currently no comprehensive tools available to measure the effectiveness of sexuality education offered in schools. Sexuality education programmes are usually isolated, and not seen as integral components of broader
7 http://www.who.int/about/en/
8 http://www.unfpa.org/public/home/about
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The past decade has produced a number of initiatives on sexuality education. In 2001, the WHO European Regional Strategy on Sexual and Reproductive Health was developed. November 2006, BZgA and the WHO Regional Office for Europe organised a European conference on ‘Youth Sex Education in a Multicultural Europe’, thereby encouraging collaboration and networking in the field across Europe. Almost simultaneously with the conference in Cologne, the first round of results of the ‘SAFE Project’ (Sexual Awareness for Europe) were made available. ‘SAFE Project’ was set up in 2005 as an initiative of IPPF European Network in collaboration with the WHO. Said partnership seeks to raise awareness on issues pertaining to sexual and reproductive health, as well as related rights of young individuals in Europe. The exhaustive and innovative project resulted in three main reports, one of them being a “Reference Guide to Policies and Practices in Sexuality Education in Europe” that has been used extensively throughout this introduction.
IPPF European Network Member Associations – many of which are the primary actors in the field of sexuality education in their respective countries – successfully share their expertise with one another. There have been more than a few cases of collaboration between Central and Eastern European Member Associations and those from other European countries that have particular experience in implementing and advocating comprehensive sexuality education.
personal and sexual growth and development perspective. This is also known as the ‘holistic approach’. • In Europe, sexuality education is, for the most part, personal-growth-oriented. In Western European countries, programmes falling under Type 3 predominate, whereas the Eastern bloc, just like the US, has been greatly influenced by Types 1 and 2 throughout the history. 7. Key questions
In 2001, UNFPA funded creation of a “Sexuality and Life-skills Education Set” which consisted of a manual for teachers, a notebook for students and a manual for parents, published in 2005. However, negotiations over introduction of this material to school curricula are still ongoing. 6. Key facts and figures • Concept of ‘adolescence’ emerged in the context of the ‘sexual revolution’ in the 1970s. • First country to introduce sexuality education at schools was Sweden in 1955. • There are three main approaches to delivering sexuality education at schools: Type 1 – Programmes that focus primarily or exclusively on abstaining from sexual intercourse before marriage; Type 2 – Programmes that put forward abstinence as an option in addition to covering contraception and safe sex practices in a thorough manner. These programmes are often referred to as ‘comprehensive sexuality education’; Type 3 – Programmes that include Type 2 elements, as well as expand upon them in a wider
• How can governments and local authorities in Eastern European countries ensure that young people in the region receive adequate education on reproductive health related issues? • How can it be ensured that the information provided in sexual education courses are tailored to the needs of youngsters in the region? • Should professionals (e.g. doctors, nurses, experts) be involved in the school curriculum on sexual education? • What other ways besides formal education can be utilised to deliver sexual education? • Should sexual education primarily focus on biology or on human interaction and relationships? • Is there a need for a common sexual education curriculum across Europe?
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The Committee on Environment, Public Health and Food Safety will be chaired by Kristina Chelmakina (Chairperson, UA).
Photographs Page 55: © David Foggo http://www.flickr.com/photos/foggodavid/4290566667/ Page 56: © Bob MacCallum http://www.flickr.com/photos/uncoolbob/8581472322/
Links for further research Standards of Sexuality Education • WHO Regional Office for Europe and BZgA “Standards for Sexuality Education in Europe“ (2010): http://www.bzga-whocc.de/?uid=76a851b389c6567444c2462baaac431f&id=Seite4489 Policies within the European space • “A reference guide to policies and practices. Sexuality education in Europe” (2006): http://www.ippfen.org/NR/rdonlyres/7DDD1FA1-6BE4-415D-B3C287694F37CD50/0/sexed.pdf, http://www.sexeducationforum.org.uk/policy-campaigns.aspx Current situation on the continent • HIV/AIDS Surveillance in Europe (2011): http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0007/178369/HIV-AIDS-surveillance-in-Europe-2011-v4.pdf • The Global Post: ‘Eastern Europe struggles to contain the spread of HIV/ AIDS’: http://www.globalpost.com/hiv-aids-europe-london-global-health • The Telegraph: ‘Better sex education campaign: more than 25k sign petition’: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/women/sex/better-sex-education/10291108/Better-sex-education-campaign-more-than-25k-sign-petition.html • The Guardian: ‘How to teach sexual education: http://www.theguardian.com/ education/teacher-blog/2013/jun/10/sex-education-teaching-resources • European Voice: ‘No sex education, please, we’re Italian’: http://www. europeanvoice.com/article/imported/no-sex-education-please-we-re-italian/72811.aspx
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “Let’s also admit it: we are not able yet to provide women and girls with the appropriate support and protection.” –Kathleen Lynch TD
Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality Prostitution and its impact on gender equality: in light of the varied legal practices across Europe, how best should the European governments review their prostitution legislation in order to minimise the negative consequences of prostitution for European societies?
Prostitution is a complex moral and legal issue drawing on several areas of concern, including employment, health and human rights. In several EU Member States, legal changes are being introduced to fight the negative consequences of prostitution, recognising that banning prostitution may jeopardises sex workers’ safety. Human trafficking, exploitation, health, the “black economy” and labour rights are often discussed in the EU, and are all relevant topics impacting on prostitution. Each EU Member State has its national prostitution legislation. While not empowered to impose legislation on prostitution, the EU remains an important policy advisor on the issue. There is no consensus on the best legal framework for prostitution so as to minimise the negative consequences of prostitution; indeed, with so many moral and legal questions and views, there may be none. As a consequence, the legal practices vary across Europe. Currently about a third of EU Member States prohibit prostitution entirely, penalising prostitutes, procurers and the clients. This often results in prostitution being forced underground where, unregulated, organised crime often becomes involved and prostitution tends to no longer be voluntary, but instead dependent on procurers. The lack of regulation also has severe impacts from a public health point of view. At the other end of the spectrum, certain countries, most notably Germany and the Netherlands, Academic Preparation Kit – 60
have decriminalised prostitution entirely. Whether such an approach results in better conditions for the sex workers or the society as a whole remains disputed. It is worth noting that the legislations currently in place is fraught with ambiguities, contradictions and are often left unenforced which only serves to further the vulnerability of the sex workers. Prostitution and its moral and legal complexities also force us to examine a woman’s right to bodily autonomy. Arguably, the EU and its Member States do have a responsibility towards protecting the more vulnerable members of society, recognising the personal and practical issues which affect sex workers, such as, addiction issues, childhood abuse, mental health issues, poverty and lack of education. The Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality needs to take a stance in order to tackle the negative consequences of prostitution. When dealing with the negative consequences, prostitution should be tackled from all sides, because most of the prostitutes face violation of their human rights whether it is due to sexual exploitation and human trafficking or poor working conditions. 2. Key terms Prostitution – The act of engaging in sexual activity with someone in exchange for money or other valuables. Regulationism – One of the three prevalent approaches to prostitution: both “outdoor” (street prostitution) and “indoor” (brothels) prostitution are legalised and regulated.
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Abolitionism – One of the three prevalent approaches to prostitution: prostitution is not prohibited. Procuring, however, is criminalised. Prohibitionism – One of the three prevalent approaches to prostitution: all activities related to prostitution, such as procuring and brothel-keeping, are criminalised. New-abolitionism – A newer approach: prostitution is not prohibited, except in brothels. However, as prostitution is considered to fall under ‘violence against women’, procurers and clients are also penalised. Violence against women – “Violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether in public or private life.”1 Human trafficking – “The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.”2 3. Key actors 1 www.un.org/documents/ga/res/48/a48r104.htm 2 www.unodc.org/documents/treaties/UNTOC/Publications/ TOC%20Convention/TOCebook-e.pdf
National governments decide on and implement legislation on prostitution. At the European level, the European Commission can propose some decisions on gender equality, violence against women and human trafficking, all issues closely related to that of prostitution. These decisions are often based on the protocols and reports published by the United Nations (UN) and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Academic Preparation Kit – 62
The Council of Europe’s Group of Experts on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings (GRETA) is responsible for monitoring the implementation of the Council of Europe Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings. The convention is in force in 34 European countries. GRETA makes recommendations to the states concerning the measures to be taken as a follow-up to its reports.
Previous spread: the red light district of Amsterdam, the Netherlands. The Netherlands is among the most liberal countries in terms of its prostitution legislation. Previous page: a prostitute and a potential client. It is a hotly disputed issue whether both buying and selling of sex should be criminalised.
In the European Parliament, the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM) has the say on matters concerning women and gender equality. In the Council of the EU, the Employment, Social Policy, Health and Consumer Affairs Council (EPSCO) primarily tackles equality issues. While taking action on these issues, the European Commission also gets advice from several non-governmental organisations (NGOs), the most important being the European Women’s Lobby (EWL). The EWL is the largest association for women in Europe and works with around 200 NGOs. The EWL regularly establishes reports on the current regulations on prostitution and their outcomes. 4. Key conflicts There are a number of conflicts, stemming from whether or not prostitution itself is an acceptable occupation. If it is decided that it is not, then where do we draw the line? While the vast majority of sex workers are female, a key conflict presented by this topic is the issue of gender equality regarding prostitution. Given the assumption
that each individual has bodily autonomy, in the cases of voluntary prostitution, is this considered as an act of violence against women? Or, can we even say in today’s society, that prostitution is anything but an antiquated act of subservience which demeans the entire feminist movement, albeit unconsciously?
tion and making decisions based on any assumptions is not beneficial, therefore, the European Union should focus on the bigger picture and try to minimise the negative consequences.
Given that prostitution still occurs despite criminalisation and that research has shown that prohibition may only serve to cause more harm to those involved in the sex industry, a conflict occurs in deeming whether or not the rejecting of outright criminalisation would be a preferred approach. There is, thus, a conflict between fundamental moral views and more pragmatic approaches.
The national strategies used to mitigate the problems with prostitution can largely be divided into two camps; countries either criminalise prostitution completely or allow it with certain restrictions. More specifically, the strategies can be said to vary according to three broad approaches: prohibitionist, abolitionist and regulationist.
A key challenge is to find an approach that would help as many sex workers as possible, bearing in mind that the lack of regulation, which stems from criminalisation, can have serious negative consequences for sex workers. Furthermore, the presence of organised crime, as well as the strong relations to drug use, abuse and violence, within prostitution highlight the need to better protect the more vulnerable members of society and eliminate human rights violations in connection with prostitution. In this way it is also a priority to create better working rights and conditions for professional prostitutes while decreasing the social stigma on prostitutes. Another point of discussion is whether or not sex sector is a valid job sector. Some organisations call for the economic recognition of the sex industry and others want to put an end to prostitution. In addition, since prostitution may be either forced or voluntary, generalising prostituAcademic Preparation Kit – 63
5. Measures already in place
When criminalising prostitution, the national government criminalises activities by all parties involved: the prostitutes, the procurers, and the clients. The penalties for prostitution are often severe, even when prostitution is forced. Latvia, Romania and the Balkan countries are examples of countries that operate with a prohibitionist approach, meaning that all activities relating to prostitution are criminalised. If only the purchasing of sex is criminalised, the country then falls under the “new-abolitionist” model. In this way, prostitution, considered to be an act of violence against women, results in the criminalisation of the purchasing but not the selling itself. Prostitution is prohibited at brothels, however. The most important example of the new-abolitionist approach is Sweden. In the Swedish model, prostitution is considered as an ‘act of violence against women’ and therefore as a gender equality issue.
In the regulationist approach, activities by all parties involved are decriminalised – both outdoor and indoor prostitution are legalisesed and regulated. In most countries with the regulationist approach, prostitutes go through occasional health checks, are registered as sex workers, pay taxes and have the right to advertise. For instance, in 2000, the Netherlands lifted the ban on brothels and Germany decriminalised procuring, brothels and prostitution businesses and gave the prostitutes the right for contracts and benefit agreements. 6. Key facts and figures • The number of purchases of sexual activities by Swedish men was reduced from 13.6% in 1996 to 7.8% in 2008.3 • According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the most common form of human trafficking in Europe is sexual exploitation (76%). Women form 70% of the victims of sexual exploitation.4 • 68% of women involved in prostitution suffer from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD).5 • According to Interpol, a procurer, on average, earns about €110,000 per year per prostituted person.6 • 47% of all female sex workers are migrants.7 • In Europe, 69% of prostitution takes place indoors. 40% of the migrant sex workers and 60% of national sex workers have control over their working condi-
tions.8 7. Key questions • What are the benefits and disadvantages of each legal approach to prostitution? • Which, if any, parties involved in prostitution should face charges? • Can prostitution be seen as a valid occupation – do women become prostitutes voluntarily, or does it always happen in forced circumstances? • If prostitution is allowed (with or without restrictions), how can governments tackle human trafficking and other negative phenomena behind it? • If prostitution is prohibited or severely restricted, how can governments ensure it doesn’t take place? • What can national governments do to improve the working conditions of prostitutes? 8
See previous.
The Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality will be chaired by Pınar Akkor (Chairperson, TR).
Photographs Page 61: © Marco Bellucci http://www.flickr.com/photos/50451886@ N00/9106864655/ Page 62: © Nils Hamerlinck http://www.flickr.com/photos/36937478@ N08/9709661902
3 http://www.thesolutionsjournal.org/node/895 4 http:// www.womenlobby.org 5 See previous. 6 See previous. 7 http://tampep.eu/documents/TAMPEP%202009%20European%20Mapping%20Report.pdf
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Links for further research Women’s Rights and Gender Equality • Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM): http://www. europarl.europa.eu/committees/en/FEMM/home.html • European Women’s Lobby: http://www.womenlobby.org • “Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action” (1995): http://www.un.org/ womenwatch/daw/beijing/pdf/BDPfA%20E.pdf Prostitution • TAMPEP (2009): “Sex Work in Europe” http://tampep.eu/documents/TAMPEP%202009%20European%20Mapping%20Report.pdf • Transcrime for the European Parliament (2005): “Study on National Legislation on Prostitution and the Trafficking in Women and Children”: http:// ec.europa.eu/anti-trafficking/entity.action;jsessionid=d1hLRWMh7STcHJTmmFLQH3hWtXh1qDqq8pRsyB14Gz1Q17TJXh26!-1698180008?path=Publications%2FNationand+al+legislation+prostitution • Judith Kilvington et al. (2001): “Prostitution Policy in Europe: A Time of Change?” http://www.hawaii.edu/hivandaids/Prostitution_Policy_in_Europe__A_Time_of_Change.pdf • Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (2004): “A summary of the Prostitution Regulations in the EU Member States” http://www.europarl. europa.eu/hearings/20040119/femm/document1_en.pdf • Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (2007): “Prostitution – Which Stance to take?” http://assembly.coe.int/Main.asp?link=/Documents/AdoptedText/ta07/ERES1579.htm • The Guardian: “Why Germany is now ‘Europe’s Biggest Brothel’” http://www. theguardian.com/world/shortcuts/2013/jun/12/germany-now-europes-biggest-brothel
• Der Spiegel: “Unprotected: How Legalizing Prostitution Has Failed” and “Germany’s Human Trafficking Problem”: http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/human-trafficking-persists-despite-legality-of-prostitution-in-germany-a-902533.html • BBC: “Zurich Introduces ‘Drive-in’ Sex”: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/ world-europe-23839358 • The Prague Post: “Out in the open”: http://www.praguepost.com/ news/16280-out-in-the-open.html • Max Waltman (2011) : “Prohibiting Sex Purchasing and Ending Trafficking: The Swedish Prostitution Law”: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1966130 • Hannah Carrigg (2008) : “Prostitution Regimes in the Netherlands and Sweden: Their Impact on the Trafficking of Women and Children in Illicit Sex Industries”: http://web.wm.edu/so/monitor/issues/14-1/1-carrigg.pdf Human trafficking • European Parliament (Working Paper): “Trafficking in Women”: http://www. europarl.europa.eu/workingpapers/libe/pdf/109_en.pdf • UNODC: “Human Trafficking”: http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/human-trafficking/what-is-human-trafficking.html?ref=menuside • Fair Observer: “Prostitution and Human Trafficking: The Middle Road of Regulation” http://www.fairobserver.com/article/prostitution-human-trafficking-middle-road-regulation • DW: “Europe Reconsiders Prostitution as Sex Trafficking Booms”: http://www.dw.de/europe-reconsiders-prostitution-as-sex-trafficking-booms/a-3283530
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “A future deal among the two most important economic powers will be a game changer. Together we will form the largest trade zone in the world.” –José Manuel Barroso, President of the European Commission, in Brussels in February 2013
Committee on International Trade Reaching across the Atlantic: with negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership set to start, how should the EU position itself to reach maximum gains amid unanswered political and economic questions?
At a time where on both sides of the Atlantic economic growth is lethargic at best and full structural reforms are far from complete, a comprehensive free trade agreement between the United States and European Union seems like the ultimate easy growth package; stimulating growth and reducing costs whilst harmonising best practices that could be imitated across the globe. Yet whilst its potential is vast and easy to see, the heart of the issue lies not in simply lowering tariffs and conceding subsidies but the regulatory allignment of two of the worlds largest economic trading blocs. Whilst potentially problematic; ‘simple’ tariffs and subsidies such as agriculture, clothing, culture and public contracting are considered within relatively easy reach of agreement given the reciprocial nature of such negotiations.1 Non-tariff barriers, however, involve more than the opening up of protected industries. Instead complex agreements must be reached on the integration of detailed legislation when attitudes to risk management and harmonization vary greatly. In practice European ideals of very centralised standardisation can be tough to reconcile with freer American principles of self-legislation, however it is within these areas where the 1 http://www.economist.com/news/finance-and-economics/21580512-trade-negotiations-between-america-and-european-union-will-not-be
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majority of savings and therefore economic boost arise.2 However despite their philosophical differences the two parties are more often that not politically and economically alligned as many cases involve simple bureacratic divulgences such as the environment in which car safety tests must be performed. Topic areas under the umbrella of non-tariff barriers, or co-regulation, are many. Combining elements of mutural recognition of the other party’s regulation practices and promises of future ‘upstream co-operation’, these sub-topics combine legal, ethical and practical concerns3 in everything from the environment and technical standards to data protection and banking. In reality the fact that energy companies legal claims against the German cancellation of its nuclear energy programs comes under the same roof as protecting the name of Parmesan cheese shows how broad yet interlinked ambitious trade negotiations can be. Or, as Gregor Peter Schmitz of Spiegel writes: “Whether it has to do with the length of car bumpers, the permissibility of genetically modified corn or the correct method to be used when slaughtering beef, trade talks are often just as complicated as nuclear non-proliferation negotiations. By their very nature, they touch on issues that are often vital to the cultural identities of certain countries or regions.”4 What both sides of the negotiating table have in common 2 http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R43158.pdf 3 http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/worldviews/ wp/2013/02/13/the-transatlantic-trading-partnership-how-chlorinewashed-chicken-prevents-u-s-e-u-trade/ 4 http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/us-president-obama-backs-trans-atlantic-free-trade-agreement-witheu-a-883104.html
Left: The EU–US trade agreement is discussed on a high political level at a G8 Summit in June 2013. Right: on the European side, the Commission and its DG Trade has the primary responsibility of the negotiations; Karel de Gucht is the respective Commissioner.
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is self-interest in gaining maximum advantage from an agreement whilst bearing in mind that a mutually beneficial agreement involves sacrifices on both parts. The challenge is therefore to comprehensively analyse which policy options ensure maxiumum gains, however those gains may be defined, whilst remembering that trade talks are never one sided. 2. Key terms Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – A proposed free trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. Formal negotiations of this far reaching partnership began in July 2013 and are expected to be concluded in late 2014. Tariffs – Taxes on imports of a certain product or service. Most transatlantic tariffs are already relatively low with the main exceptions of clothing and financial services. Subsidies – Government support for economic sectors or individual firms, in this context mostly focused on farming and other industries with national or regional importance. Non-tarrif barriers (NTBs) – Trade barrier that restricts imports but are not in the form of a tariff. The barrier is in the aim and practice of regulations in a broad array of sectors that greatly increase the cost of doing business in different legislative environments. Examples include quality standards, shipping and label requirements and technical or legal requirements for imported products.
Mutual recognition – The mutual recognition principle guarantees free movement of goods and services without the need to harmonise Member States’ national legislation, thereby eliminating non-tarrif barriers. Goods which are lawfully produced in one Member State cannot be banned from sale on the territory of another Member State, even if they are produced to technical or quality specifications different from those applied to its own products.
Future partnership – The aim of enhancing regulatory coherence and cooperation through joint consultation in future field of regulatory interest such as foreign direct investment and data flows. Free Trade Agreement (FTA) – A binding agreement between two parties to jointly lower tarrifs and barriers on goods and services between them. Comparative advantage – The theory that if countries
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Previous page: though High Representative Catherine Ashton and Secretary of State John Kerry may laugh at a photo-op, the current policitical situation between the EU and US is not without its problems, and these problems may reflect on the upcoming negotiations. produce the goods and services that best fit their individual skills and resources, effectivity savings will mean that everybody will be better off. When applied to trade the theory implies that the lowering of tariffs and subsidies along with the elimination of NTBs will mean overall everybody will necessarily be better off. Protectionism – Opposing comparative advantage in theory and practice protectionism supposes that a nation will benefit from the protection of its internal market from outside forces through subsidies and trade barriers. 3. Key actors The European Commission acts on behalf of the Member States in negotiations, working with the Council of Ministers and keeping the European Parliament informed. The Commission drafts a negotiating mandate which the Council must approve before negotiations start. Although the Parliament has no formal role during negotiations it is free to convey its advice and opinions whilst it must also approve the final agreement along with the Council of Ministers. Other actors are stakeholders which span an incredibly broad array of sectors including, but not limited to;
• • • • • • • • • •
Farming and agriculture, Culture, Public contracting, Data protection, Banking, Risk management, Foreign direct investment, Investor-state dispute settlement, Technical standards, The environment.
The stakeholders related to these areas interact in the political proccess through public advocacy groups, lobbyists and NGOs, the countless number of which may all be considered important actors. 4. Key conflicts Issues combining mutual respect and future partnership in questions of co-regulation are key conflicts in most sub-divisions of negotiation. Whilst the answers are specific to the area in question the broader question of if these two types of co-regulation are feasible on such a large scale given that previous attempts have not fulfilled expectations must be asked. Another key recurring conflict is one of prioritizing purely economic gains over social, cultural and environmental issues that sometimes divide opinion between Member States. Thus a key confict is if free trade negotiations must consider other non-economic values when making informed decisions and furthermore how to rank these values in lieu of the broad range of issues at hand. Academic Preparation Kit – 69
Thought must also be given to the sectors that will be negatively affected. With areas such as electrical machinery estimated to be negatively affected by up to 7% there exists motivation for direct proactive measures even though this negative effect would be spread relatively evenly across member states. 5. Measures already in place In general, tarrifs between the EU and US are already relatively low given the size of the trading bloc, however they are not entirely eliminated. The average MFN (standard non-discriminating tariff) of the US and EU are 3.5% and 5.2% respectively.5 The rapid rise of developing economies has also lead to the intensification of regional free trade agreements such as trade agreements with South Korea from both the EU and US. This has happened at the same time as progress with the Doha roundtable worldwide free trade talks have slowed which may in turn be further affected by a EU-US trade agreement.6 Whilst there is nothing like the TTIP in terms of scale there are many other FTAs that have paved the way for these talks as free trade has been on and off the global agenda for many decades with the trend being undisputedly towards lowering of tariffs and barriers although few attempts have been made at NTBs before. 5 http://stat.wto.org/TariffProfiles/E27_e.htm; US: http:// stat.wto.org/TariffProfiles/US_e.htm. 6 http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2013/march/tradoc_150759.pdf
6. Key facts and figures
7. Key questions
• The EU–US transatlantic economy represents the largest economic relationship in the world, accounting for 40% of world trade in services and half of global GDP.7 • Nearly 70% of total foreign direct investment in the U.S. comes from Europe. • 80% of welfare gains will come from successfully tackling non-tariff barriers.8 • There remains a strong sense of optimism that the EU and US will be able to come to an agreement, with 88% of stakeholders answering yes in one study.9 • Winners and losers; the United States is expected to grow by and extra 13.4% in long-term GDP per capita whilst Canada’s per capita GDP will shrink by 9.5%.10 • The USA gains substantially more than the EU. In the tariff scenario, the real per capita income rises about 0.8%; in a deep liberalization of non-tariff barriers, the gains rise to about 13.4%.11 • The TTIP would partially devalue existing preference agreements; EU trade with neighboring states in North Africa and Eastern Europe would decline by an average of 5% given a comprehensive agreement.12
• Should Genetically Modified and hormone based products be exempt from current bans? • Are national exemptions such as for culture and film justified? • Can ‘Buy American’ clauses be removed from practice to open up the US Public Contracting market to EU firms? • Should Geographical Indicators take precedence over the Trademarking system? • Is it feasible to include banking regulation in the scope of negotiations? • Reform of existing regulation; mutual recognition, complying with one set of rules or developing a harmonised set? • What role does the effect on other third parties’ economies play in the TTIP negotiations? • Which sectors will experience losses as a result of the TTIP and can these losses be mitigated?
The Committee on International Trade will be chaired by Oscar Stenbom (Chairperson, SE).
Photographs Page 67 (left): © European Council http://www.flickr.com/photos/europeancouncil/9068438474/ Page 67 (right): © European Union http://www.flickr.com/photos/eeas/6830481076
7 http://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/in-focus/ttip/ 8 http:// trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/press/index. cfm?id=877&serie=587&langId=en 9 Ambitious but Achievable; A Stakeholder Study and Three Scenarios – The Bertelsmann Foundations and the Atlantic Council 2013 10 See previous. 11 TTIP; who benefits from a free trade deal? – Prof. Gabriel Felbermayr, Global Economic Dynamics 2013 12 See previous.
Page 68: © European External Action Service http://www.flickr.com/photos/eeas/8475492267/
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Links for further research General overview • An accessible and well written overview from Foreign Affairs magazine: http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/139569/thomas-j-bollyky-and-anubradford/getting-to-yes-on-transatlantic-trade • A breif, concise and easilly understood breifing on the TTIP from the Congressional Research Service: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R43158.pdf • A very critical assessment of the TTIP which concisely summarizes the challenges faced, with links and references to key further reading: http:// www.techdirt.com/articles/20130704/11501523720/leaked-eu-policy-papersshow-taftattips-huge-challenges-some-subtle-signals.shtml • A director of the Centre for Economic Policy Research in the UK slates the TTIP, published in the Guardian: http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/jul/15/us-trade-deal-with-europe-hype Impact assessment • A comprehensive impact assesment of the TTIP from the European Commission. Key Sections: 2.3, 2.4, 5.4 – 5.7, 6: http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/ docs/2013/march/tradoc_150759.pdf Other analysis • A report from the Cato Institute; ‘The Challenges of Negotiating a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership’. Provides an American and more pessimistic perspective: http://www.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/ ftb-51.pdf
• An independent and comprehensive analysis including original research going into detail regarding the macroeconomic effects of a free trade agreement: http://www.fundacionbertelsmann.org/fundacion/data/ESP/media/ Estudio_Transatlantic_Trade_BST_en.pdf • An economic theory based journal article from the Center for Academic Studies that partly focuses on the impact of the TTIP on other free trade agreements and the third world: http://www.cesifo-group.de/ifoHome/publications/docbase/details.html?docId=19093256 Other concerns • A privacy advocacy group’s opinion on the TTIP which shows the broad range of stakeholders involved, many of which have published working papers with their views on the TTIP (see list of stakehold areas in Key Actors): https:// www.eff.org/deeplinks/2013/03/transatlantic-declaration-leave-copyright-patent-issues-out-tafta • A group of advocacy organizations collectively voice their concern about the nature of the ongoing negotiations: http://www.s2bnetwork.org/fileadmin/ dateien/downloads/TAFTA-TTIP_SIGN-ON_LETTER__7-8-13_.pdf • A collection of statements from stakeholders advocating EU-US trade talks, from the US Trade Representative’s Office: http://www.ustr.gov/about-us/ press-office/blog/2013/february/stakeholders-ttip, http://www.ustr.gov/ about-us/press-office/blog/2013/february/stakeholders-ttip-2
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “Many say exploration is part of our destiny, but it’s actually our duty to future generations and their quest to ensure the survival of the human species.” –Edwin ‘Buzz’ Aldrin, Jr.
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy Space, the final frontier: with the European Space Policy in place, how can the EU further utilise space research as a means to gain a global lead on scientific and technological research, and what other uses can space research have?
When one thinks about space and the policy governing this we often tend to only focus on the big exploration missions that entail putting a man on the moon or dropping an unmanned vehicle on Mars. This image however could not be further away from the truth. Space systems and space-based technologies are already an essential part of our daily lives and keep on gaining importance without us properly realising. Many vital services upon which we rely in our daily lives, such as telecommunication and weather forecasting, are strongly dependent on space. Space thus not only has its impact on the domain of security and defence, but according to the 2011 European Commission Communication benefits the EU’s social, economic and strategic needs.1 The policy making in the field of space has taken a flight with the 2007 Space Policy, driven forward by the EU’s fear of being put in the defensive by Russia and China and losing our technological lead on swiftly developing countries, such as China and Indonesia.2 In 2009, with the Lisbon Treaty coming into force, the Member States attributed to the EU a stronger role in space matters, enshrining space policy as an EU policy in its own right 1 http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/policies/space/files/policy/ comm_pdf_com_2011_0152_f_communication_en.pdf 2 http://euobserver.com/news/23883
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within the framework of ‘parallel competence’. The 2011 EC Communication makes use of these extended powers by putting forward a strategy that defines the key priorities and areas of development for the European space sector.3 Despite the aforementioned policy developments, it is important to note that because of the European dual approach, space affairs form a bridge between several industrial policies and the CSDP. This entails that the decision-making in these matters is a bit of a legal maze, mostly dominated by the intergovernmental aspect.4 Intertwined with all the policy developments in the sector are the strong technological achievements attained through European space research. Key research programmes, such as the Copernicus programme, the Space Situational Awareness programme and many more, are flagships for the European space industry and strive for a more sustainable environment on earth as well as in space. Nonetheless, despite being one of the world leaders in space technologies and research, the influence of the economic and monetary crisis is not to be underestimated. Funds are limited so it will be vital to look into new ways of funding state of the art research projects. Initiatives like Alphasat also prove that Public Private Partnerships (PPP) can be a vital asset for future space research.5 It is also important to note that big partnerships with for3 http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/policies/space/files/policy/ comm_pdf_com_2011_0152_f_communication_en.pdf 4 http://www.espi.or.at/news-archive/910-espi-report-45entitled-the-eu-dual-approach-to-security-and-space-twentyyears-of-european-policy-making-available-online 5 http://www.eib.org/infocentre/press/news/all/eib-innovation-reaching-into-space.htm
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eign space agencies, such as NASA and Roscosmos, will continue to provide opportunities in the near future. Research will remain an easy sector for cut expenses; however space research is expected to greatly contribute to the Europe 2020 objectives, especially as far as smart and sustainable growth is concerned. Furthermore, space research is expected to play an important role in maintaining the security of citizens, while increasing Europe's competitiveness and reducing its dependency on imported space technologies. 2. Key terms Dual approach in space policy – The practice with which the EU structures its space policy around the dual use of infrastructure, such as satellites, which results in an inevitable connection between military and civil policy aspects. Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) – The CSDP, in the past referred to as the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), is one of the most important elements of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union (EU). This policy covers the main part of competences relating to space and is mainly still subject to intergovernmental decision making. Parallel competence – Areas of parallel competence are where the EU has competence to carry out activities and conduct a common policy, but this shall not result in Member States being prevented from exercising their competence in the same areas. The EU’s and Member States’ policy in these areas “should complement and re-
inforce each other”.6 The CSDP is the subject of parallel competences. Copernicus programme – The new name of the European Commission’s Earth Observation Programme, previously known as GMES (Global Monitoring for Environment and Security). This research programme aims at gathering information through space and earth based monitoring for environmental and security applications. Space Situational Awareness programme – An observation programme by the European Space Agency (ESA) that monitors space debris and weather in order to create a safe environment for satellites and other aerospace equipment. Public Private Partnerships – A business relationship between a private sector company and a government agency for the purpose of completing a project that will serve the public. 3. Key actors European Commission – The Directorate-General (DG) Enterprise and Industry of the EC is responsible for the implementation of the space-related competences that reside under the industrial policy of the EU, such as the Copernicus Programme (previously known as Global Monitoring for Environment and Security, GMES). European Space Agency – The ESA is an intergovern6 https://www.gov.uk/eu-law-and-the-balance-of-competences-a-short-guide-and-glossary
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Previous page: a long exposure photograph of the night sky in Europe, with light trails of the Moon, various stars and a satellite (left corner). This page: spectators follow the launch of the first two Galileo satellites in October 2011.
mental organisation dedicated to the exploration of space and strongly affiliated with, though not an agency of, the EU. The ESA exploits the European Spaceport in Kourou (French Guyana) and is in charge of several space exploration and research missions. European Defence Agency – agency of the EU responsible for fostering cooperation within the CSDP to improve European defence capabilities in the field of crisis management. This agency is responsible for programmes like the Space Situational Awareness programme and works together with the ESA on several other space related matters. National governments – Some Member States retain a high degree of sovereignty in this matter, especially those countries that have a strong national space policy and independent space agencies like France, Germany and Italy. These countries have substantial influence on policy making in this area, whether it be directly through funding or indirectly through the Council of the EU. 4. Key conflicts The main challenge for the EU’s space programme in the years to come will be to cope with the current unstable economic situation in which the EU finds itself. Balancing budgetary constraints with the endowments for vital research projects has already proven to be a very difficult exercise. With cutbacks in public funding pertaining to space research yet another conflict arises; namely the prioritising of certain areas of development, whether this be the environmental aspect or rather other civil and mili-
tary applications. This dilemma departs from the assumption that a pick and choose is inevitable, but is this really the case? Lastly, one of the major conflicts within the topic relates to decision making in this area. This follows from the Westerwelle report in which major Member States call for a further degree of cooperation in the area of the CSDP.7 This would mean that the strenuous intergovernmental procedures present in the matter of space policy would be phased out. 5. Measures already in place The 2007 European Space Policy is still the basic document relating to space affairs in the EU and puts forward the main goals for the European space sector. This policy document has been specified by, amongst others, the 2011 EC Communication on a Space Strategy that Benefits its Citizens. Herein the Commission proposes the strategic priorities for space policy and research. The strategy attaches great importance to the development of flagship programmes like Copernicus, Space Situational Awareness and Galileo. These initiatives are destined to put the EU in a leading position regarding space research relating to the environment and alleviate us from our dependence on the US dominated GPS system. In an effort to deepen cooperation, there are some bilateral cooperation agreements that are worth mentioning in 7 http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/cae/servlet/ contentblob/626338/publicationFile/171844/120918-Abschlussbericht-Zukunftsgruppe.pdf
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This page: ESA astronaut Samantha Cristoforetti engages audience at a public event in Germany in 2011.
this context. Firstly, the 2011 EDA–ESA Administrative Arrangement aims to provide a structured relationship and puts forward the objective of developing European capabilities in the area of crisis management. In addition, the 2003 EU–ESA Framework Agreement strives to establish a mutually beneficial framework for the execution of missions and research activities and was one of the contributing factors to the European Space Policy. 6. Key facts and figures • In 2011 the European space industry employed around 35 000 people and generated a total turnover of €9.8 billion.8 • In 2011, the European aerospace industry reached an accumulated market share of 37% of the global market.9 • Two of the six main global satellite manufacturers (EADS Astrium and Thales Alenia Space) are European, as well as one of the four global commercial launcher companies (Arianespace, with close to a 50% market share). • In the previous multiannual budget, the EC dedicated some €2.6 billion to space applications and activities, of which €1 billion was earmarked for the Galileo satellite navigation programme. A further €2.4bn was approved in December 2007 to ensure Galileo’s full deployment.
7. Key questions • How can we further stimulate EU integration and cooperation in the matter of space policy? • In the light of limited resources and budgetary limitations, should the EU focus more on international cooperation when implementing its space strategy? • Should the EU strive towards the integration of the European Space Agency that is capable of unifying both civil and military aspects of space policy into the EU framework? • What should the priorities for the EU’s space programme be? Should there still be room for costly long-term exploration operations or should the focus mainly be on environmental applications? • How can the EU make its space programme as environmentally sustainable as possible whilst at the same time guaranteeing its financial viability? • Should the EU further promote the practice of Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) in matters relating to space in order to bypass budgetary constraints and stimulate innovation in the private sector? • Which measures should be taken to foster innovation in the sector of space research in order to further new applications of existing technologies?
The Committee on Industry, Research and Energy will be chaired by Jonathan Piepers (Chairperson, BE).
Photographs Page 73: © MomentsForZen http://www.flickr.com/photos/momentsforzen/8439099045 Page 74: © European Union / Pietro Naj-Oleari http://www.flickr.com/photos/european_parliament/6266147351/ Page 75: © Alexander Stirn http://www.flickr.com/photos/12307601@ N04/6920269054
8 http://www.asd-europe.org/fileadmin/user_upload/Client_documents/Attachments/Facts___Figures/ASD_Facts_and_Figures_2011.pdf 9 See previous.
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Links for further research Policy documents and institutional information • European Space Policy and Commission Communication, executive summary (full text available): http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/policies/space/policy/ eur-space-policy/index_en.html • Overview of all relevant space policy actors, with links to policy documents: http://europa.eu/pol/space/index_en.htm • Summary of decision making within the CSDP: http://europa.eu/legislation_ summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/lisbon_treaty/ai0026_en.htm Information on major research projects • Copernicus Programme - overview of activities: http://copernicus.eu/pages-principales/overview/copernicus-in-brief/ • Space Situational Awareness Programme - executive summary: http://www. esa.int/Our_Activities/Operations/Space_Situational_Awareness/SSA_Programme_overview Opinion and analysis • Facts and figures on the European Space sector: http://eurospace.org/Data/ Sites/1/eurospace_facts_and_figures_data2011.pdf • European Space Policy Institute: reports and perspectives on space policy (especially check reports number 45 and 42 and perspectives number 65 and 63): http://www.espi.or.at/reports
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “The amount of control you have over somebody if you can monitor Internet activity is amazing. You get to know every detail; you get to know, in a way, more intimate details about their life than any person that they talk to because often people will confide in the Internet.” –Sir Tim Berners-Lee, Inventor of the World Wide Web
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs I
Data protection is a fundamental right, in the EU and in its Member States. It has been a fundamental right formally since the European Convention on Human Rights under “right to respect of one’s private life, family life and correspondence”.1 More recently, the EU Charter for Fundamental Rights adopted with the Lisbon Treaty lists in Article 8 the right to protection of personal data.2
The case of government espionage: in light of growing concerns over government surveillance in Europe and overseas, how should the EU, in tandem with the Member States, ensure their citizens’ privacy while addressing their legitimate security concerns?
The revealed US National Security Agency (NSA) documents in June 2013 brought the discussion on citizen surveillance by governments and institutions to the table. The former NSA employee Edward Snowden exposed the surveillance activities by the NSA, but also the connections and parallel activities of the British intelligence agency GCHQ and the German counterparts, BND and Federal Office for Information Security (BSI). According to the documents leaked by Snowden, the NSA has collected and stored vast amounts private information. Online activities are particularly closely monitored. Even where users are not required to provide personal data when accessing services on the Internet, individuals can 1 European Convention on Human Rights, Article 8 2 Charter for Fundamental Rights of the European Union, Article 7 and 8
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be identified through the Internet Protocol (IP) address of their computer, and often through digital ‘cookies’ or electronic identifiers left on their browser by Web sites. Internet communication and browsing tends to leave logs of Web pages visited, e-mail and instant message senders and recipients, voice over IP callers, goods examined and purchased, advertisements viewed and searches. The current Data Protection Directive in the EU dates back to 1995 and has since not been updated to suit the technological advances we have reached in 18 years.3 In January 2012, the European Commission launched the plans for a General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and Directive on protecting personal data processed for the purposes of prevention, detection, investigation or prosecution of criminal offences and related judicial activities that would supersede the 1995 Data Protection Directive. The GDPR’s adaption is set for 2014 and is planned to take effect in 2016 in all EU Member States. The main objective of the regulation draft is to fulfill the ambitious harmonisation of the data protection laws of EU Member States and enhance consumers’ trust on the Internet through stronger data protection rules at the EU level. The key changes the regulations brings along can be divided into: scope, a single set of rules, responsibility & accountability, consent, data breaches, fines, the right to be forgotten and data portability. These changes have further implications and a fair share of controversies, for example one of the more substantial implications would be the assigned Data Protection Officer (DPO) for over 250 employee companies and the EU Data Protection 3 Directive 95/46/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 24 October 1995
privacy
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Agency (DPA). Additionally, difficulties arise in the legal definitions of data protection and consent. This spring, the Irish Presidency of the Council of the European Union released its draft compromise text on the European Commission’s draft GDPR, suggesting a more risk-based approach to the regulation. The compromise also proposed to continue to use a directive as the legal instrument, repealing the current Directive and replacing it with an updated one. This would give Member States more flexibility in the implementation, compared to using a regulation as the legal instrument for data protection. Another area of concern is how cross-border information, constantly entering and exiting the EU, could be controlled. Critics are sceptic of the real difference legislation can made as long as we are using offshore services. Mikko Hyppönen, the Chief Research Officer at the Finnish internet security company F-Secure comments: “The long term solution is that Europe should have a dot.com industry just like the United States, which would give us economic benefits but more importantly would make us independent of the wholesale surveillance of the U.S intelligence agencies.”4 The Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs I’s extremely challenging but ever so important task will be to review the legislative changes suggested in the GDPR, review them and develop a motion for a resolution, reflecting the opinion of young Web-users, with 4 http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/06/08/us-europe-surveillance-prism-idUSBRE95614M20130608
vast experience in navigating the fast-changing Internet landscape. 2. Key terms Personal data – Any information concerning a person’s private, professional or public life. It may be a name, a photo, an email address, bank details, posts on social networks or a computer’s IP address. Academic Preparation Kit – 80
Data controller – A person who, either alone or jointly or in common with other persons, determines the purposes for which and the manner in which any personal data are processed. Data protection by design – Privacy by design is an approach whereby privacy and data protection compliance is designed into systems holding information right from the start, rather than being bolted on afterwards or ignored, as has too often been the case.
Previous page: privacy has been a hotly debated issue through 2013. Here, a demonstration in Berlin in in July 2013. The demonstrators were requesting the German government to grant Edward Snowden asylum.
Data protection by default – To implement mechanisms for ensuring that, by default, only those personal data are processed, which are necessary for each specific purpose of the processing. Data processor – In relation to personal data, any person (other than an employee of the data controller) who processes the data on behalf of the data controller. Data breach – The intentional or unintentional release of secure information to an untrusted environment. Data portability – The ability for people to reuse their data across interoperable applications and ability for people to be able to control their identity, media and other forms of personal data. Digital Single Market – The Digital Agenda will update EU Single Market rules for the digital era. The aims are to boost the music download business, establish a single area for online payments, and further protect EU consumers in cyberspace.5 Legitimate Interest Clause – In data protection, this refers to a data processor having a legitimate claim to per5 https://ec.europa.eu/digital-agenda/en/our-goals/pillar-i-digital-single-market
sonal data. E.g. a government institution storing and using your data. However, due to its vague definition, data controllers have often misused this clause. Cyber security – Measures taken to protect a computer or computer system against unauthorised access or attack. Data Protection Officer – The Data Protection Officer is required to keep a register of all the processing operations on personal data carried out by the organisation, which has appointed him/her. Right to be forgotten – The right to erase your information online by the data controller. E.g. this would demand Facebook to remove photos that people post about themselves and later regret, even if the photos have been widely distributed already. 3. Key actors Reformation of the EU Data Protection Directive from 1995 is done under the Ordinary Legislative Procedure, with the European Commission submitting a proposal for a regulation or directive for the Council and the Parliament. A regulation, such as the GDPR is binding to all EU nations and implemented by the Commission, namely the Directorate General for Justice (DG JUST), while directives lay down the end result and Member States are left with deciding how to achieve these goals. The bodies on EU level responsible for data protection are European Data Protection Supervisor (EDPS) and the EC’s Data Protection Officer. Simultaneously, each Member State has its own data protection agencies. Additionally, data Academic Preparation Kit – 81
protection has with the recent NSA scandal risen to the top of the debate in media, activating several Non-Governmental Organizations and Interest Groups in the EU and overseas. In January 2013, the appointed lead rapporteur of the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs issued the Committee’s draft report on the Proposed Regulation, proposing a number of significant amendments. Four other Committees also released opinions proposing amendments. In total, over 3,000 amendments have been put forth, resulting in the Committee further postponing its orientation vote, originally been scheduled for March but was first delayed until May and is now to take place in September or October. 4. Key conflicts It is easy to agree that the current Data Protection laws in the EU need a reform. Nevertheless, agreeing on the scope and legal instruments divide opinions. The most disputed issues have been concerning the legal instrument to be used: directive or regulation, how to deal with international data transfer and the Regulation’s sanctions regime. Furthermore, issues concerning the right to be forgotten, i.e. Article 16, data portability and the legitimate interest clause have been widely commented on by several interest organizations. In order to pursue the GDPR these issues have to be agreed upon. However, it is important to realise that mere legislation cannot completely limit the Web and users behaviour. It is an instrument to sanction those committing grave offence and to force organizations and businesses to update their data
protection. We have endless information, but power over that information is everything. 5. Measures already in place On the EU level, the Directive 95/46/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 24 October 1995 on the protection of individuals with regard to the processing of personal data and on the free movement of such data is the one in force. The second directive, Directive 2002/58/EC, also called the Directive on privacy and electronic communications, is concerned with the processing of personal data and the protection of privacy in the electronic communications sector. Implementation on national level varies with the directive, however, the proposed regulation, would bind Member States to an EU wide legal framework. The protection of data collected by the EU is secured by re Regulation (EC) No 45/2001 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 18 December 2000 on the protection of individuals with regard to the processing of personal data by the Community institutions and bodies and on the free movement of such data. 6. Key facts and figures6
more personal information than necessary when they proposed to obtain access to or use an online service. • 70% of Europeans are concerned that their personal data held by companies may be used for a purpose other than that for which it was collected. • Even though a majority of European Internet users feel responsible themselves for the safe handling of their personal data, almost all Europeans are in favour of equal protection rights across the EU (90%). • More than four in ten Europeans would prefer the European level of administration for enforcing regulation (44%), while a somewhat smaller number would prefer the national level (40%).
The Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs I will be chaired by Hanna Ollinen (Vice-President, FI).
7. Key questions • How does the data protection reform strengthen citizens’ rights? • Will the data protection reform meet the challenges of the fast changing online environment and the age of big data? • How will the EU’s data protection reform benefit European businesses? • Will the reform affect non-EU hoarders? • How will it deal with user-generated consent? • How will it deal with the legitimate interest clause?
• 74% of the Europeans see disclosing personal information as an increasing part of modern life. • 43% of Internet users say they have been asked for 6 Eurobarometer 359: Attitudes on Data Protection and Electronic Identity in the European Union http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb_special_359_340_en.htm
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Photographs Page 80: © Mike Herbst http://www.flickr.com/photos/21604182@ N04/9211754914/
Links for further research Other EU sources • Commissions archive on the Data Protection Reform: http://ec.europa.eu/ justice/newsroom/data-protection/news/120125_en.htm • Summary of 1995 Data Protection Directive: http://europa.eu/legislation_ summaries/information_society/data_protection/l14012_en.htm • The Proposal for a Regulation on Data Protection (2012): http://ec.europa. eu/justice/data-protection/document/review2012/com_2012_11_en.pdf • The Proposal for a Directive on Data Regulation (2012): http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:52012PC0010:en:NOT • Eurobarometer 359: Attitudes on Data Protection: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/ebs/ebs_359_en.pdf • European Commission: Why do we need a EU data protection reform?: http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/document/review2012/factsheets/1_en.pdf Media • The Guardian “The NSA Files”: http://www.theguardian.com/world/the-nsafiles • “EU Data Protection Reform” by The Chaos Computer Club: http://www. youtube.com/watch?v=XYsE6s2FFqI • The Guardian “Europe deadlocked over data protection reform”: http://www. theguardian.com/news/datablog/2013/aug/12/europe-data-protection-directive-eu • BBC “German Chancellor Merkel urges better data protection rules”: http:// www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-23309624 • NY Times February 2, 2013 “Data Protection Laws, an Ocean Apart”: http:// www.nytimes.com/2013/02/03/technology/consumer-data-protection-lawsan-ocean-apart.html?_r=0
• ICO: http://www.ico.org.uk/for_organisations/data_protection/the_guide/ key_definitions • Stanford Law Review: Right To Be Forgotten: http://www.stanfordlawreview. org/online/privacy-paradox/right-to-be-forgotten • “Vote on EU Data Protection Regulation Again Postponed” by Jorg Walter (2013) Inside Privacy: http://www.insideprivacy.com/international/ vote-on-eu-data-protection-regulation-again-postponed/ • “EU Businesses prep for Regulations Requiring 24-Hour Data Breach Notification” August, 2013, Info Security: http://www.infosecurity-magazine. com/view/34102/eu-businesses-prep-for-regulations-requiring-24hour-data-breach-notification/ • “Legal Analysis of the New Proposed EU Regulation on Data Protection” by Fabio Di Resta and Nicola Fabiano, IAPP (March 2012): https://www.privacyassociation.org/publications/2012_03_01_legal_analysis_of_the_new_proposed_eu_regulation_on_data_prot • Hunton Privacy Blog: http://www.huntonprivacyblog.com/2013/06/ articles/council-of-the-european-union-releases-draft-compromise-text-on-the-proposed-eu-data-protection-regulation/
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “We become not a melting pot but a beautiful mosaic. Different people, different beliefs, different yearnings, different hopes, different dreams” –Jimmy Carter
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs II Freedom of religion and the limits of multiculturalism: in an increasingly multicultural Europe, to what extent should governments respect religious values, attitudes and traditions in order to ensure the integration of minorities and cohesion of European societies?
Today, EU Member States no longer contain culturally homogeneous groups of people belonging to the same nationality. With the EU’s free movement of persons policy and the rise of economic migration from the southern Mediterranean countries to their northern neighbours, these states are now more heterogeneous in terms of culture, ethnicity, race and religion than ever before. This fact brings on a social challenge; in order to create cohesive societies, EU Member States can either remain neutral to the cultural and religious differences, or actively embrace these differences by accommodating them. This topic takes a look at how religious differences in culturally diverse societies can be dealt with, in the spirit of multiculturalism. One way to go about is to call for the establishment and introduction of culturally sensitive policies that are not absent-minded of cultural and religious practices and traditions within the society. A great idea, it may seem at first glance, however great difficulties also arise when national legislation is in direct conflict with said cultural and religious practices. To illustrate this difficulty, one can take a concrete example: the controversy over Sikhism traditions and the need to wear a safety helmet on a construction site. In the 1980s a controversial issue erupted in the United Kingdom over Academic Preparation Kit – 84
whether Sikhs should be exempt from employment laws stating that one must wear a safety helmet on a construction site, for they refused to abide on the grounds that it was in direct contradiction with their religion, forbidding them from removing their turban. This, at the time, proved to be a very complex issue since the Sikhs had to decide to either respect the law or their religion; the two were incompatible. After much time in the courts and the media, the employment act of 1989 included section 11 “Exemption of Sikhs from requirements as to wearing of safety helmets on construction sites”, thus deciding in favour of the accommodation of this particular need of the said religious minority in society.1 The previous example is a religious practice coming into conflict with legislation and eventually being overcome. When it’s EU values that clash with religious and/or cultural sensitivities, however, greater issues arise. The controversy over the burqa, leading to its ban in France and Belgium, became a conflict between liberal European values (gender equality and facial recognition) and a specific religious practice (wearing a burqa). There were two main arguments behind the ban; the need to be able to identify each other in public and the empowerment of females.2 The consequences, however, arguably did not facilitate union within society; rather singled out a religious group and caused them to suffer increasing stigmatisation.3
1 http://www.sikhiwiki.org/index.php/Turban,_UK_Legislation_Regarding_its_use_by_Sikhs 2 http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/andrewbrown/2011/apr/12/france-burqa-ban-reasoning 3 http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/sep/19/battlefor-the-burqa
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In a nutshell, the EU aspires to ensure each and every citizen is granted the right of religious freedom. When these rights seem to be no longer compatible with national legislation and/or European values though, the challenge proves to be very difficult to overcome. On that note, the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs needs to both analyse the consequences of such controversial legislation and ask themselves whether they indeed preserve European values or not. Finding solutions that please both the minority groups and the voting majority may not always be the easiest, but is certainly key to a truly multicultural Europe. 2. Key terms Freedom of religion – The right to choose a religion (or no religion) without interference by the government. It can also mean that one’s religious choice should not have any effects upon spheres outside of religion itself (e.g. labour market, education). Multiculturalism – The doctrine that several different cultures can coexist peacefully and equitably in a single country though the accommodation of cultural differences/needs. Respect (in a multicultural context) – To actively or passively accommodate cultural/religious diversity; to form cultural sensitive policies. Minority group – A culturally, ethnically or racially distinct group that coexist with but is subordinate to a majority group.
Social cohesion – Members of the society possessing bonds that link them to one another; working towards a common goal and satisfying the emotional needs of all its members. 3. Key actors National governments are responsible for most of the legislation regarding the integration of immigrant populations and religious practices, though certain international or European restrictions apply (see below). On the European level, several EU institutions are involved in dealing with migration issues, for instance, closely related to the questions of multiculturalim. Under the European Commission, the Directive General for Justice is responsible for protecting the fundamental rights for all EU citizens and fighting discrimination. The European Court of Human Rights may be able to rule against national law using Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), however this article states that the “[f ]reedom to manifest one’s religion or beliefs shall be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of public safety, for the protection of public order, health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.”4
Europe (Front National in France, BNP in the UK, Samboorona in Poland etc), and have also lead to the general rise in Islamophobic sentiment.5 This change is dramatic for the key actors in this topic since the voting majority, today becoming more and more influenced by far right winged parties, has a strong say on the laws which govern the minorities, especially in the case of referendums such as the Burqa controversy in France and Belgium or the minaret controversy in Switzerland.
Over the half decade right winged anti-immigration parties have been gaining power and/or support all over 4 http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/en/Treaties/Html/005. htm
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5 http://www.businessinsider.com/rise-of-far-right-populist-parties-can-derail-the-eu-2011-6?op=1
Previous spread: a woman wearing a burqa in Istanbul. Previous page: a graffiti protesting against the use of burqas in the United Kingdom. This page: Geert Wilders, founder and leader of the Party for Freedom in the Netherlands, has been one of the most prominent European critics of immigration and multiculturalism over the past few years. 4. Key conflicts The most central conflict to this topic is the question on the limits of religious freedom; it could be the case that, since religion offers meaningful choices (having the freedom to watch TV cannot be compared with the freedom to prey), religious practices deserve a higher importance compared to European values. With that being said, one must, then, also bear in mind the issue of social cohesion; respecting religions to this extent may cause society to split up into religious groups destroying any national sentiment and cooperation. The other solution proposed, and a policy held by countries such as France and Germany over the past century, is assimilation; pushing all cultures to become one. This has arguably resulted in racial tensions and increased prejudice. In more concrete terms, it can be argued that the main issue is over who gets to decide where this limit between religious freedom and EU values is/should be. Article 9 in the ECHR suggests that national law may have the final say if it’s for “protecting the public order, health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others”, yet this is too vague and thus begs the question
of who should be in a position to decide whether the laws indeed protect the aforementioned concepts. If it were to be the result of a democratic process, then a referendum would allow the majority to decide what the minority’s rights are and should be. Similarly, if it is to be voted on in a parliament, then the chances are quite high that the topic easily turns into a party politics battle (parties voting in the interest of gaining more voters, and not necessarily caring about the potential effects and implications Academic Preparation Kit – 87
of the legislation in question). The concluding conflict is that there is no ‘good solution’, no right path to success; instead LIBE II will have to compare evils, analyse scenarios, and make sacrifices while writing their policy recommendations.
5. Measures already in place The EU has undertaken many initiatives, such as the Anti-Discrimination Truck Tour with the slogan “For Diversity. Against Discrimination”, widely seen as an attempt to tackle the issue through changing the attitudes of the voting majority.6 The EU’s EMILIE project researches statistical data on multiculturalism throughout Europe to ‘build knowledge for policy’. Belgium, the Netherlands, Italy and France have illegalised the burqa based on the reasoning that one should be identifiable in public, whereas Austria has passed a law allowing police officers to demand the removal of one’s burqa to identify the person in question. Belgium provides different religion classes as well as courses on philosophy that recognise religious diversity within the school population. On the other hand, countries such as Spain, Greece, and Poland still have no provision other than exempting the child from religious classes if the parents ask for it.7 6. Key facts and figures • The majority of EU Member States fund (or partially fund) Catholic and Jewish schools; very few have state-aided Muslim orientated schools.8 6 http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-08-423_ en.htm?locale=en 7 ftp://ftp.cordis.europa.eu/pub/fp7/ssh/docs/emilie_2009_11_26_en.pdf 8 ftp://ftp.cordis.europa.eu/pub/fp7/ssh/docs/emilie_2009_11_26_en.pdf
• Ethnic statistics are a taboo in large EU countries with high immigrant populations such as France and Germany.9 • Earlier cross-national studies show that multiculturalism has a positive effect on reducing prejudice towards religious minorities.10 • 1/25 EU residents were born outside of the EU.11 • More than 44 million Muslims reside in Europe (excluding Turkey), 19 million of which live in the EU.12 7. Key questions • Are minority religions unfairly disadvantaged in Europe? • Is neutrality as a government policy towards cultural and religious differences sufficient to achieve social cohesion? • How does freedom of religion become at odds with the EU values? • How can respecting religious values and traditions lead to the integration of minorities? • Where should the limits of religious freedom be drawn? • What are the consequences of banning the burqa, the construction of more Minarets and allowing Christian and Jewish state-aided schools yet not Muslim orientated ones? • Can Canadian Multiculturalism potentially be seen as an ideal model for the EU? 9 See previous. 10 http://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/multiculturalism.pdf - page 13 11 http://features.pewforum.org/muslim-population/ 12 See previous.
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The Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs II will be chaired by Nathan Hunter (Chairperson, FR).
Photographs Page 85: © Moyan Brenn http://www.flickr.com/photos/aigle_ dore/8274732836/ Page 86: © Newtown grafitti http://www.flickr.com/photos/newtown_grafitti/5053471935/ Page 87: © Roel Wijnants http://www.flickr.com/photos/ roel1943/4818319905/
Links for further research Canadian Multiculturalism as a model for the EU • A description of Canadian multiculturalism: http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/ multiculturalism/citizenship.asp • Canadian Multicultural Policy: http://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/C-18.7/ page-1.html#h-3 • Guardian article against the use of the Candian model: http://www. theguardian.com/commentisfree/2011/dec/06/canada-multiculturalism-europe Religious accommodation controversies • Guardian article against the Burqa ban: http://www.theguardian.com/ world/2011/sep/19/battle-for-the-burqa • Article defending the Burqa ban: http://frontpagemag.com/2011/dgreenfield/ five-reasons-to-ban-the-burqa/ • Minaret ban in Switzerland: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8385069.stm EU research on multiculturalism • Overall view on Europe’s multicultural challenges: ftp://ftp.cordis.europa.eu/ pub/fp7/ssh/docs/emilie_2009_11_26_en.pdf • EMILIE, case by case study of European countries: http://www.eliamep.gr/ en/migration/emilie-a-european-approach-to-multicultural-citizenship/emilie-reports-on-education-and-cultural-diversity-in-europe/
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1. Relevance and explanation of the issue “I want to say from the beginning that we’ve always supported the democratic aspirations of the people of Egypt. We stand with the Egyptian people. Egypt is a crucial partner country, our relationships with the people of Egypt matter enormously to us.” –Catherine Ashton, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy
Committee on Security and Defence Egypt’s game of thrones: with the situation remaining ever more fragile and violent and with stable development nowhere in sight, how should the EU approach the question of Egypt?
Early in 2011 the wave of revolt and social unrest that was sweeping over the Arab world arrived in Egypt. The country had been under a military regime for over fifty years and during his thirty years in office, President Hosni Mubarak kept the country under emergency law, which gave the government extensive powers. As the social media allowed for young Egyptians to take an independent look at how people lived in other parts of the world and with the effects of the global economic crisis painting a bleak future for Egypt, masses took the streets to demand a more democratic government, respect for human rights and a better future for their country. By February of that year the situation had become so unstable that President Hosni Mubarak announced that he was stepping down from power, leaving the government in the hands of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), who were charged with running the country until democratic elections could be held. This constituted a massive victory for the Egyptian people, who had very high hopes for a better democratic future for Egypt. What followed were a series of democratically held elecAcademic Preparation Kit – 90
tions and referenda; the country seemed to be moving in the right direction. In a referendum held in March 2011, the Egyptian population decided to amend the existing constitution rather than scrapping it altogether. Elections where held in late 2011 and early 2012 for the People’s Assembly and the Shura Council, respectively, giving the Muslim Brotherhood its first major electoral victories. Though the voter turnout for both these elections was fairly low, it became clear that Egyptians were set on ousting the military from government, even if that meant supporting an Islamist party. The Brotherhood’s rise to power culminated at the second round of the Presidential elections in June 2012, where the Brotherhood’s candidate, Mohammed Morsi, won 51.7% of the votes, becoming Egypt’s first democratically elected president.1 While the Brotherhood’s candidate won the elections by less than 2%, the organisation saw its chance to reshape Egypt into a much more Islamist state. The Muslim Brotherhood had been acting in the shadows since it was banned in 1954 and now saw its chance to return to the forefront of politics. Protests against Morsi soon started after it became clear that he was prioritising the Islamist agenda over the diverse needs of the Egyptian society. By July 2013 the level of discontent was such that the army seised its chance to remove Morsi from power. He is currently under house arrest awaiting trial in an unknown location. Even Nobel Prize winner Mohamed ElBaradei supported the move: the army was removing Morsi to give the Egyptian people a chance to choose their own future based on demo1 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-23846680
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cratic principles. Nonetheless, more and more the army’s actions are pointing towards re-instating the security state that existed under Mubarak, rather than promoting peace and democracy in Egypt. Much blood has been spilled in recent weeks due to the dismantling of pro-Morsi camps in Nahda Square and Rabaa al-Adawiya Mosque, which left hundreds dead. This resolution comes at a crucial time when the overthrow of Egypt’s government and the attack on civilians by security forces has made it clear that the EU must take a clear stance on the matter. In order for Egypt to shape its future as a democracy, a climate of collaboration and social peace needs to be encouraged. 2. Key terms Arab Spring – An umbrella term used to refer to the uprisings that succeeded in the Arab world since late 2010. Massive protests which started in Tunisia soon spread throughout the region, demanding more democracy and transparency and a brighter future for the Arab youth. Tahrir Square – This central square in Egypt was the epicentre of the revolt against Hosni Mubarak. Since then this has been an important centre for protests in Cairo. Nahda Square and Rabaa al-Adawiya Mosque (pro-Morsi camps) – After President Morsi was overthrown on 3 July 2013, his supporters set up camps in these two locations protesting against the military’s actions. On 14 August, the army entered these two locations with tanks and violently cleared the demonstrators.
3. Key actors One of the hardest challenges for Egypt is to find consensus in a situation with so many different actors – both national and international – each having their own vision for Egypt’s future. The Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist organisation, has perhaps been the most important player in recent Egyptian politics. After Mubarak stepped down from power in 2011, the Brotherhood gained control of the Parliament which allowed them to impose their religious agenda. In 2012 they won the first democratically held elections with Mohammed Morsi as their candidate. General Abdul Fattah al-Sisi has also played a key role in this crisis. President Morsi appointed him as defence minister and general commander of the Egyptian armed forces in August 2012, in an attempt to regain government control over the military. Though al-Sisi was thought to have close ties with Morsi, only eleven months after his appointment Gen Sisi led the army’s threat to overthrow Morsi, which was finally carried out on 3 July 2013. One of the major voices who spoke out in support of the army in July 2013 was that of Nobel Prize winner Mohammed ElBaradei, who has played an important role in recent Egyptian politics through the party he leads: the National Salvation Front. Since its creation in November 2012 it has successfully united the fractioned leftwing and liberal political movements, creating a united front of opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood and Morsi. Academic Preparation Kit – 92
Outside of major politics but also playing a major role is Tamarod, a grassroots protest movement which was founded specifically to protest against Morsi’s government. They successfully attract millions of protesters to the streets and are considered mainly responsible for the massive protests in late June 2013 which culminated in Morsi’s overthrow by the army. On the international field there have been mixed responses, with Western democracies taking a more passive approach to the issue but regional players heavily supporting one of the sides in this conflict. The Saudi government unabashedly support the military, pledging $12bn after Hosni Mubarak stepped down.2 While Gulf countries have been supporting Islamist movements for decades, they now see them as a threat to the status quo of the region. This might explain the ‘chequebook diplomacy’ which they have been employing to support the military. Turkey and Qatar stand on the opposite front and have been backing Islamist movements since the start of the Arab Spring. However, with the recent turn of events it seems like they support a weakened and bruised political group, at least in Egypt. Morsi’s political demise was a hard blow to the Islamists in the Tunisian government, who lost a key ally. Israel looks at the situation from the perspective of protecting their national security. They will back any government that keeps peace treaties with Israel and that 2 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-23775816
Previous page: demonstrators, pro- and antiMorsi, clash near the presidential palace in December 2012. This page: a boy holds a placard of President Morsi in a demonstration at the Tahrir Square in June 2012.
The EU can and must play a key role in this crisis. Through the European External Action Service (EEAS) and its delegation in Egypt, the EU can keep a close watch on events and act as a mediator on-site. During her last visit to Egypt in July 2013, High Representative Catherine Ashton met with several Egyptian ministers to discuss a peaceful solution to the crisis. However, generally the EU lacks a coherent action plan for Egypt. This situation started to be remedied by the extraordinary meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council held in August 2013, which took a few steps towards concrete action. The conclusions of this meeting are expanded upon below. 4. Key conflicts
keeps pressure on Hamas, the ruling Islamist movement in Gaza. For now, this means the Egyptian military. Their strong US lobby will attempt to prevent the US from cutting aid to the Egyptian military. The USA, apart from openly funding the army, is also providing financial support to NGOs and individuals in Egypt through several democracy promotion programmes in the area, such as the Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL), The Middle East Part-
nership Initiative (MEPI) and USAID. Though American law strictly forbids American public funds from being destined to fund foreign political parties or subversive attacks on democratically elected governments, many have accused the US of using this money to buy influence in the area. News that US officials are considering cutting aid to the Egyptian military add another layer of uncertainty to the situation.4 3
3 http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/featur es/2013/07/2013710113522489801.html 4 http://edition.cnn.com/2013/08/20/politics/us-egypt-aid/
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What is clear is that if Egypt is going to move towards a more democratic future, things needs to take a turn for the better. Though the military will play a crucial role in ensuring peace, its involvement in politics needs to be reduced. Whatever government rules in Egypt needs to promote consensus in order to set the foundations for democracy, rather than imposing its own view on how the future of Egypt should look like. The only way forward is collaboration between the different ideologies represented in the Egyptian society. If the EU wants to be a posiindex.html
tive force in this conflict, it needs to start acting now. The EU has repeatedly stated its position, however a concrete action plan needs to be devised to promote peaceful dialogue and real progress in Egypt. 5. Measures already in place Apart from the continued diplomatic efforts made by the EU delegation in Egypt and by the HR Catherine Ashton, who has visited Egypt on several occasions over the past two years, the major steps taken by the EU came after an extraordinary meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council on 21 August 2013. Ten conclusions were published after the meeting, expressing the EU’s commitment to stable democratic development in Egypt.5 The Council stated that the repressive actions taken by the Egyptian military in dissolving the pro-Morsi camps in Cairo were excessive. Member States also agreed to suspend export licenses to Egypt of any equipment which might be used for internal repression. Lastly, the Council raised the issue of reviewing aid to Egypt, which will be discussed by Catherine Ashton in the European Commission. However, no final decision has been made in this matter. 6. Key facts and figures • Saudi Arabia, UAE and Kuwait have pledged $12 billion in aid to Egypt after Hosni Mubarak stepped down from power. • The US also funds the Egyptian military with $1.23
billion annually.6 • The violent repression of the pro-Morsi camps in Cairo on 14 August 2013 left 235 civilians dead according to health officials and over 2,000 according to the Muslim Brotherhood.7 • The Foreign Affairs Council met on 21 August 2013, where Member States agreed to stop selling weapons used for internal repression to Egypt. 7. Key questions • What are the specific steps that the EU can take in order to promote democracy and respect for human rights in Egypt? • Should the EU impose restrictive measures on Egypt? If so, how to ensure that these don’t have a negative effect on the population? • How much should the international community participate in this crisis? • Should the EU fund specific movements and NGOs in Egypt, like the US do through their governmental democracy promotion programmes?
6 http://edition.cnn.com/2013/08/15/world/meast/egypt-uswhat-next/index.html 7 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-23691401
5 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ pressdata/EN/foraff/138599.pdf
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The Committee on Security and Defence will be chaired by Jorge Simelio (Chairperson, ES).
Photographs Page 91: © Moud Barthez http://www.flickr.com/photos/moudbarthez/8254935967/ Page 93: © Bora S. Kamel http://www.flickr.com/photos/bora25/7471774872/
Links for further research Introductory material • Al Jazeera: “Egypt: the unfolding crisis” (video): http://www.aljazeera.com/ programmes/specialseries/2013/09/201395124736350635.html • Al Jazeera: “Lessons from Algeria: Getting Egypt’s revolution back on track”: http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2013/07/2013715124430378462. html • BBC: “Egypt crisis: How the euphoria turned to tragedy”: http://www.bbc. co.uk/news/world-middle-east-23724269 Power Struggle in Egypt • BBC: “Egypt: Who holds the power?”: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/worldmiddle-east-18779934 • The Guardian: “Why Egyptians are cheering a deadly coup – for now”: http:// www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/aug/25/egypt-coup-muslim-brotherhood EU foreign policy • EEAS homepage on the Arab Republic of Egypt: http://www.eeas.europa.eu/ egypt/ • EEAS EU/Egypt Action Plan outlining the areas of collaboration between the two: http://ec.europa.eu/world/enp/pdf/action_plans/egypt_enp_ap_final_en.pdf • Speech by High Representative Catherine Ashton to the European Parliament on the situation in Egypt: http://www.eeas.europa.eu/statements/ docs/2013/130911_04_en.pdf • Council conclusions on Egypt: http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/ cms_data/docs/pressdata/EN/foraff/138599.pdf
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