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News & Notes................................16,17 Calendar.......................................18,19 Classifieds
PAGE 20 |SEPTEMBER 22 - 28, 2022
PUBLIC NOTICE
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NOTICE OF PUBLIC HEARING CITY COUNCIL CITY OF FALLS CHURCH, VIRGINIA
The ordinance referenced below was given fi rst reading on September 12, 2022. A public hearing, second reading, and fi nal City Council action is scheduled for Tuesday, September 27, 2022 at 7:30 p.m., or as soon thereafter as the matter may be heard.
(TO22-15) ORDINANCE TO AMEND ORDINANCE 2008 TO CONTINUE THE SUSPENSION OF CERTAIN ZONING REGULATIONS FOR SIX MONTHS AFTER THE END OF THE COVID-19 EMERGENCY DECLARATION BY CITY COUNCIL
All public hearings will be held in the Council Chambers, 300 Park Avenue, Falls Church, Virginia. Remote participation information at www.fallschurchva.gov/publiccomment. Comments may also be sent to cityclerk@fallschurchva.gov. For copies of legislation, contact the City Clerk’s offi ce at (703-248-5014) or cityclerk@fallschurchva.gov or visit www. fallschurchva.gov/councilmeetings. The City of Falls Church is committed to the letter and spirit of the Americans with Disabilities Act. To request a reasonable accommodation for any type of disability, call 703-248-5014 (TTY 711).
CELESTE HEATH, CITY CLERK
NOTICE OF PUBLIC HEARING CITY COUNCIL CITY OF FALLS CHURCH, VIRGINIA
The following, regarding “Founders Row” (110 Founders Ave.), was heard at the August 8, 2022 City Council meeting. A public hearing and fi nal City Council action is scheduled for Tuesday, September 27, 2022 at 7:30 p.m., or as soon thereafter as the matter may be heard.
(TR22-35) RESOLUTION TO AMEND RESOLUTION 2018-37 TO CHANGE THE APPROVED VOLUNTARY CONCESSIONS, COMMUNITY BENEFITS, TERMS AND CONDITIONS, AMENDED AND DATED FEBRUARY 22, 2021 (RESOLUTION 202107) TO REDUCE THE MINIMUM NUMBER OF THEATER SEATS REQUIRED AND PROVIDE FOR THE WITHHOLDING OF ADDITIONAL RESIDENTIAL CERTIFICATES OF OCCUPANCY UNTIL THE THEATER LEASE IS EXECUTED FOR THE PROJECT KNOWN AS “FOUNDERS ROW” ON APPLICATION BY MILL CREEK RESIDENTIAL TRUST (FOUNDERS ROW HOLDING, LLC)
(TR22-36) RESOLUTION TO ADOPT AN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE CITY OF FALLS CHURCH, VIRGINIA, THE CITY OF FALLS CHURCH ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AUTHORITY, AND FOUNDERS ROW HOLDINGS LLC
All public hearings will be held in the Council Chambers, 300 Park Avenue, Falls Church, Virginia. Remote participation information at www.fallschurchva.gov/publiccomment. Comments may also be sent to cityclerk@fallschurchva.gov. For copies of legislation, contact the City Clerk’s offi ce at (703-248-5014) or cityclerk@fallschurchva.gov or visit www. fallschurchva.gov/councilmeetings. The City of Falls Church is committed to the letter and spirit of the Americans with Disabilities Act. To request a reasonable accommodation for any type of disability, call 703-248-5014 (TTY 711).
CELESTE HEATH, CITY CLERK
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We are pledged to the letter and spirit of Virginia’s policy for achieving equal housing opportunity throughout the Commonwealth. We encourage and support advertising and marketing programs in which there are no barriers to obtaining housing because of race, color, religion, national origin, sex, elderliness, familial status or handicap. All real estate advertised herein is subject to Virginia’s fair housing law which makes it illegal to advertise “any preference, limitation, or discrimination because of race, color, religion, national origin, sex, elderliness, familial status or handicap or intention to make any such preference, limitation, or discrimination.” This newspaper will not knowingly accept advertising for real estate that violates the fair housing law. Our readers are hereby informed that all dwellings advertised in this newspaper are available on an equal opportunity basis. For more information or to file a housing complaint call the Virginia Fair Housing Office at (804) 3678530. Toll free call (888) 5513247. For the hearing impaired call (804) 367-9753. FALLS CHURCH NEWS-PRESS | FCNP.COM
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LOCAL
SEPTEMBER 22 - 28, 2022 | PAGE 21
Record Turnout Saturday for Post-Pandemic F.C. Fall & Food Festival
FALL FESTIVAL WINNERS Best Overall Menu: (Tie) Café Kindred and Taco Rock, Best Overall Taste: Island Fin Poke – Falls Church. People’s Choice Award: Harvey’s. Shots from around the Falls Church Fall Festival include Hot N Juicy Crawfish, as well as Owner and Editor Nichols F. Benton of the Falls Church
News-Press with Brogan Mutarelli (Photo: News-Press, Sue Johnson, Cameron Whitman Photography, LLC.)
Political System ‘Gives Its Power’ To Party With Most Supporters
Continued from Page 5
labor. “We stand for the segregation of the races and the racial integrity of each race, the constitutional right to choose one’s associates; to accept private employment without governmental interference, and to earn one’s living in any lawful way,” reads the States’ Rights Democratic platform, unanimously adopted at their convention in Oklahoma City the next month. We favor, they continued, “home-rule, local self-government and a minimum of interference with individual rights.”
Of course, this meant the maintenance of Jim Crow, the subversion of the constitutional guarantees embedded in the 14th and 15th amendments, and the continued domination of Black Americans by a tyrannical planter-industrial elite.
From its inception in the late 1820s as the movement to elect Andrew Jackson president, the Democratic Party relied on the Solid South to win national elections. Now it had a choice. Democrats could reject their new civil rights plank, accommodate the Dixiecrats and fight with a unified front against a hungry and energetic Republican Party, shut out of power since Herbert Hoover’s defeat in 1932. Or they could scorn the socalled States’ Rights Democrats and run as a liberal party committed to equal rights and opportunity for all Americans.
They chose the latter and changed American politics forever. And while much of this choice was born of sincere belief, we also should not ignore the powerful force of demographic change.
From 1915 to 1965, more than 6 million Black Americans left their homes in the agrarian South to settle in the cities of the industrial North, from New York and Chicago to Philadelphia and Detroit and beyond.
Their arrival marked the beginning of a tectonic shift in American political life. “The difference in laws between the North and the South created a political coming-of-age for Black migrants,” political scientist Keneshia N. Grant writes in “The Great Migration and the Democratic Party: Black Voters and the Realignment of American Politics in the 20th Century.” “Seeing political participation as a badge of honor and hallmark of success in northern life, migrants registered to vote in large numbers. Northern parties and candidates worked to gain Black support through their election campaigns, and the parties expected Black voters to turn out to vote for their nominees on Election Day.”
For a Democratic Party whose national fortunes rested on control of urban machines, Black voters could mean the difference between four years in power and four years in the wilderness. With the rise of Franklin Roosevelt, who won an appreciable share of the Black vote in the 1932 presidential election, Northern Democratic politicians began to pay real attention to the interests of Black Americans in cities across the region.
By 1948, most Black Americans who could vote were reliable partners in the New Deal coalition, which gave liberals in the Democratic Party some of the political space they needed to buck Jim Crow. Yes, the Dixiecrats would withdraw their support. But for every white vote Truman might lose in Alabama and Mississippi, there was a Black vote he might gain in Ohio and California, the two states that ultimately gave him his victory over the fearsome former prosecutor (and New York governor) Thomas Dewey.
Not only did the Dixiecrat rebellion fail: it demonstrated without a shadow of a doubt that Democrats could win national elections without the Solid South. The segregationists were weaker than they looked, and over the next 20 years the Democratic Party would cast them aside. (And even then, with the Dixiecrat exodus, Truman still won most of the states of the former Confederacy.)
There is no equivalent to northern Black voters in the Trumpified Republican Party. Put differently, there is no large and pivotal group of Republicans who can exert crosspressure on MAGA voters. Instead, the further the Republican Party goes down the rabbit hole of “stop the steal” and other conspiracy theories, the more it loses voters who could serve to apply that pressure.
In a normal, more majoritarian political system, this dynamic would eventually fix the issue of the MAGA Republican Party. Parties want to win, and they will almost always shift gears when it’s clear they can’t with their existing platform, positions and leadership.
The problem is that the American political system, in its current configuration, gives much of its power to the party with the most supporters in all the right places. Republicans may have lost the popular vote in seven of the last eight presidential elections, but key features in the system — equal state representation in the Senate, malapportionment in the House of Representatives and winner-take-all distribution of votes in the Electoral College (Nebraska and Maine notwithstanding) — gives them a powerful advantage on the playing field of national politics.
To put it in simple terms, Biden won the national popular vote by 7 million ballots in the 2020 presidential election but, if not for roughly 120,000 votes across four states — Arizona, Georgia, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin — Trump would still be president.
Which is all to say that someone like Youngkin is only doing what makes sense. To make MAGA politics weak among Republican politicians, you have to make MAGA voters irrelevant in national elections. But that will take a different political system — or a vastly different political landscape — than the one we have now.
By Jamelle Bouie © 2022 The New York Times
