Denitsa Raichkova

What does democracy mean to me? A collection of essays by Florida International University students

The concept of democracy holds profound personal significance because of my background. As a Bulgarian citizen, I have experienced several political structures and economic regimes. Growing up in a country from the Eastern Bloc puts into perspective the importance of democracy and civil liberties. Today, people living in Western cultures take democracy for granted when they should zealously guard it: indifference to the political process can be democracy’s biggest enemy. As an international student in the United States of America, I am deeply concerned with the preservation of democracy, because I am knowledgeable about what is on the other side. In this essay, I examine the importance of democracy in relation to my personal background, my home country’s political history, and my transition to the United States.

The word “democracy” is from the Greek: demos means the people, and kratos means power. In a democratic society, the power belongs to the people. The Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines democracy as “a political system in which the power is granted to the majority and exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually involving periodically held free elections.” The ancient Greek city-states, particularly Athens, were the first to put into place a democratic political system. Even though it was strictly homogeneous, citizenship in Athens was acquired by birth; therefore, all native adult males (NAMs) were allowed to participate in the political process (Ober 2005, 98). Each Athenian citizen—excluding women, children, foreigners, and slaves—had equal rights in terms of voting, public speech, and equality before the law (98–101). There was no discrimination on the basis of wealth, which was common in nondemocratic societies at the time, in regard to political engagement. Furthermore, the inclusiveness of Athenian democracy toward day laborers, small-scale traders, and craftsmen led to the establishment of quasi-rights and the expansion of legal immunities (negative liberties) to noncitizens (113–25). Even those who were not granted citizenship status and did not share the same rights as NAMs were granted protection and legal immunity by the law, known as “quasi-rights” (113–16), including safeguarding from aggression, coercion, and acts of hubris (113–16). This concept of “basic democracy,” although imperfect, laid the foundations for modern liberal democracy; it gave ordinary Athenians the ability to engage in their own governance, advancing the political rights of common citizens. It provided liberal norms that have guided the evolution into the Western liberal democracy system evident today (125–27).

I began my analysis of the meaning of democracy with a brief historical background because I want to emphasize the importance of understanding “basic democracy.” Only after one understands the foundation provided by ancient democracy can one comprehend contemporary democratic thinking. In addition, a study of democracy must consider both theory and practice. The meaning of democracy to me intertwines both the brilliance of “basic democracy” and my encounters with several political regimes. As fascinated as I am by the Athenian system of democracy, the true meaning of democracy comes from my Eastern European background. Democracy is not simply an ancient concept to be studied by academia but entails an analysis of contemporary struggles between Western liberal democracies and authoritarian states. To examine the meaning of democracy, I therefore use my exposure to the Bulgarian communist regime and contrast it with liberal values guiding the state after the democratic transition of 1989.

I was born in Sofia, Bulgaria, in the year 2000, more than a decade after the fall of communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Yet I grew up with stories about the communist regime and its consequences. As I grew older and became conscious of the political environment,

* Denitsa Raichkova is a student of international relations and political science at Florida International University. Born in the country of Bulgaria, Denitsa has moved to the United States to pursue her educational goals. Her research interests include political philosophy, geopolitical conflict resolution, and policy analysis.

Václav Havel Program for Human Rights & Diplomacy Steven J. Green School of International & Public Affairs

I noticed there were recurring themes in the tales of the socialist/communist past. These included seizures of private property, the inability of citizens to change the government, suppression of opposing voices, food rations, compulsory military training, and social conformity. The common elements were always oppression and social control.

As I matured, I began developing a sense of democratic thinking, influenced by my perception of the past. My earliest encounter with the concept of democracy— actually with its nonexistence under Bulgarian communist rule—occurred in my early school years. The first elements I thought about were the notion of social order and the lack of individualism and of freedom of expression. It was exceptionally strange to me how different my school years were in comparison to my parents’. My mother would describe how her school authorities would check her fingernails to make sure they were neat and short, punish girls wearing certain hairstyles and makeup, enforce a strict school uniform code, and compel children to engage in political marches/events in support of the Bulgarian Communist Party. During the socialist period in Bulgaria, little freedom of expression was allowed, and citizens were expected to portray a conformist image, encouraged by the party in power (“Early Communist Era”): the community was given priority over the individual (Todorova 2009, 623–30). Social order was to be followed, and all citizens were expected to abide by the set norms. Religion, a Western-style lifestyle, and glorification of the West were banned.

My experience in school was entirely different, because I had the privilege of attending after Bulgaria’s democratic transition. I never wore a school uniform, was never policed about my appearance, and was never forced to engage in political demonstrations. From early on, before I knew what the terms “communism” or “authoritarianism” meant, I was already aware that I was growing up in a preferable period. My childhood years were filled with individualism, freedom, and the ability to make choices. My parents had not been as fortunate. Consequently, my first contact with the new Bulgarian democracy was through my freedom of expression and the notion of self-direction. Therefore, one element of the meaning of democracy entails just that: the ability of individuals to express their beliefs, ideas, and thoughts, free from governmental control.

The second element of democracy is the absence of political oppression. Over the years, I heard numerous stories about the repressive nature of the Bulgarian communist regime, as evidenced by the public beatings, the detainments without trial, the suspicious disappearance of individuals foolish enough to speak against the authorities. The government’s use of tyrannical police and secret services to collect intelligence and monitor compliance with the regime is a textbook example of nondemocratic governance (“The Early Communist Era”). Unfortunately, thirty years after the fall of communism, most public high schools are still constrained by fear; many purposefully dilute and water down the tyranny of the regime, and students remain unaware of the painful past.

Thanks to my wonderful parents, however, I was able to attend a private international high school, unbound by government control. There I was taught the uncensored truth about the communist regime by teachers unafraid to speak sincerely. My international high school shaped my perspective on democracy and authoritarian regimes by teaching me twentieth-century history and its importance. Georgi Markov’s novels about the communist regime were part of the curriculum. Markov was a dissident writer who was famously poisoned via an umbrella by the Bulgarian government for his literary works and political broadcasts about the communist repression (“Georgi Markov”). Even though his novels were somewhat sensationalized and exaggerated, they illustrated the reality of political oppression. Novelists, screenwriters, artists, and musicians were all expected to obey the regime and produce art in line with political propaganda slogans. Moreover, political opposition was outlawed, and opponents of the regime were severely subjugated (“The Early Communist Era”). Given the Bulgarian Communist Party’s control of the instruments of power, the hopes of the noncommunist opposition were crushed. Simply telling jokes could get an individual into trouble with the authorities and result in imprisonment. All these instances of tyranny can be found in Markov’s novels and are supported by my personal encounters with victims of the state.

In contrast, the democratic transition of the 1990s created a multiparty system and allowed for opposition

What does democracy mean to me? A collection of essays by Florida International University students

to the government. During summer 2020, Bulgaria was engulfed in large protests against the corruption of the authorities (Barzachka and Yordanova 2020). Being able to raise objections to certain policies, having freedom of association, and living out Locke’s idea that a government works for its people are all instances of democratic developments that were new for Bulgaria (Tuckness 2020). To sum up, democracy encourages resistance and pluralism as part of the growth of a nation-state.

The third element of democracy is the notion of justice and due process. The presumption of innocence, the legal principle that every person accused of any crime is considered innocent until proven guilty, is often nonexistent in authoritarian regimes. I regard justice as a representation of integrity and essentially the truth. A democratic society promotes fairness and justness, instead of using the law in an unfair way to suppress its citizens. Law and justice should be synonymous in a liberal society; however, during the Bulgarian communist rule, they were not. In an authoritarian regime, justice cannot be guaranteed since the laws have been manipulated to suit the party in power. Anyone can be charged with “plotting against the regime.” Before the democratic transition of my home country, anyone believed to be guilty could be imprisoned and sentenced to death without a just trial (“The Early Communist Era”): a whisper by a jealous neighbor could result in a ruined life. In addition, even if a trial were to be held, the judiciary system was subordinate to the Communist Party and certainly would not rule against its interests (Solomon 2007, 122–25). Judges, juries, and other judicial appointees cannot guarantee the protection of justice in a nondemocratic society (123).

Another feature of communist rule in Bulgaria was delegating power to and appointing individuals to positions because of their allegiance to the Communist Party. Appointing an individual with no education in economics to the position of finance minister because he was loyal to the socialist ideology used to be a common occurrence. This nepotism would occur with lower-ranking governmental positions, but the consequences of individuals’ lack of experience would be truly catastrophic on the highest level, resulting in disastrous nationwide policies. Corruption, bribery, and fraud are related attributes of a nondemocratic system that does not wish to guarantee fairness to its citizens.

In contrast, the liberal values that stem from the development of contemporary democracy aim to intertwine law and justice. Democracy entails inalienable rights and provides citizens with certain protections from the government (Tuckness 2020). These include rights to a fair trial, due process, safeguard from torture, equal protection under the law, and access to lawyers. Today, democratic Bulgaria still struggles with examples of corruption, but the judicial system has been democratized and strives to protect individual rights and provide checks and balances, instead of working for the government (“Bulgaria Corruption Report” 2020). In sum, my understanding of the third element of democracy is that it includes the right to fair treatment and to be granted protections from the government.

The fourth element that I associate with democracy is the conduct of free and fair elections. As in Athenian democracy, open participation in the political process is a long-standing element of “basic democracy.” After the Communist Party openly took power and Bulgaria was declared a People’s Republic, the coalition Fatherland Front was formed (“The Early Communist Era”). Even though elections were held and people could be said to be participating in the political process, those elections’ fairness could not be guaranteed. Intensive voter suppression efforts during the period of power consolidation and the strong control of the Ministry of Interior were the main reasons why the Communist Party and its allies won the election by a substantial majority (“The Early Communist Era”). When the opposition is defeated and there is no fear of repercussions for electoral violations, no election system can be regarded as fair. In a one-party system, the concept of democracy and Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s social contract theory are lost (Barker et al. 2013).

In contrast, after the democratic transition of 1989, Bulgaria developed a multiparty system with fair elections in which all citizens above the age of eighteen could vote. This system ensures that a government’s authority derives from the people’s will, and not the other way around (“Functions of Elections”). Fair elections also allow for the change of leadership once it no longer suits the national interests. Lastly, democratic participation in the political process is different from that permitted by authoritarian regimes. In democratic societies, people engage with their government, campaign for specific politicians, and demand action on certain issues because they wish to improve and safeguard their democracy. Thus, the meaning of democracy demands fair elections and is inclusive toward all citizens.

The process of democratization for any state is chaotic and intricate. The current political state of Bulgaria is imperfect and differs greatly from Western liberal democracies; however, Bulgarian democracy is under constant development and improvement. It is addressing corruption, outmoded education standards, and the lack

Václav Havel Program for Human Rights & Diplomacy Steven J. Green School of International & Public Affairs

of modernization. Nevertheless, I believe that democratic states can never achieve perfection because of changing needs and societal issues. That is why democracies need to adapt continuously. Successful democratic states are ever evolving and shape the international sphere by their actions. The greatest example is the United States of America.

Becoming an international student in the United States has increased my understanding and appreciation of democracy. The works of philosophers like John Locke, Thomas Hobbes, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Thomas Paine have revolutionized the concept of democracy. Studying American history has helped me on my journey in the field of international relations and human rights, and I am particularly fascinated by the American Revolution and its global impact. It was largely fought to gain the human right of freedom—politically, religiously, and socially— from a tyrannical government. The Revolution created the first American government and led to ratification of a new constitution (Hylton 2019). The U.S. Constitution and the Bill of Rights codify specific human rights—freedom of speech/ religion/press; the right to bear arms; privacy in one’s personal affairs; protection against unreasonable search and arrest; court protections; and jury trials. The constitutional amendments then further recognize and protect human rights; for example, by ending slavery, extending the right to vote beyond white males, and allowing the direct election of senators (Martenson 1992). As reported by Alexis de Tocqueville in the nineteenth century, American democracy was tremendously progressive, including various protections against the government and emphasizing private property, religious freedom, freedom of speech, and privacy in one’s personal affairs.

In my opinion, the United States is a leader in the promotion of democracy and human rights, just like ancient Athens was. Today, the United States is on the forefront of securing LGBTQ+ rights, women’s rights, globalization, and free trade. I am honored to be a student here and to be able to compare the U.S. government system with the communist Bulgarian regime and the current Bulgarian parliamentary representative democracy. Being an international student at FIU has expanded my understanding of democracy and complemented it with a strong sense of personal freedom, libertarian ideas, and the pursuit of freedom and equal opportunities.

In summary, I examine the meaning of democracy through both its theoretical aspect and its implementation. When dissecting the meaning of democracy, I take bits and pieces of ancient democracy, American democracy, and my own experience with several political regimes. Ancient Athens laid the foundation for “basic democracy” and allowed for the involvement of the majority, the common citizens, in politics. Therefore, democracy entails a government for the people by the people. My personal comparison between communist and then democratic Bulgaria helps me understand the classic elements of democracy—freedom of choice, the ability to change a government, free and fair elections, and protection of rights by the judiciary system. Thus, democracy entails certain characteristics. American democracy sets a progressive tone and evolves with the community while codifying crucial human rights and protections against the government. Consequently, democracy entails constant adaptation and the notion of liberty. Lastly, the transition to democratic rule is bloody, disorderly, and complex. After it has been achieved, democracy is fragile and tyranny can arise from it; therefore, it must be persistently safeguarded. However, despite all the downsides, democracy is worth maintaining as we have not yet found a better alternative.

Works Cited Barker, Ernest, et al. 2013. Social Contract: Essays by Locke, Hume, and Rousseau. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Barzachka, Nina S., and Stefka P. Yordanova. 2020. December 16. “Analysis | Why Bulgaria’s Government Has Survived Months of AntiCorruption Protests.” Washington Post. www.washingtonpost.com/ politics/2020/12/26/why-bulgarias-government-has-survived-monthsanti-corruption-protests/.

“Bulgaria Corruption Report.” 2020, November 5. GAN Integrity. https:// www.ganintegrity.com/portal/country-profiles/bulgaria/.

“The Early Communist Era.” Encyclopædia Britannica. www.britannica.com/ place/Bulgaria/The-early-communist-era.

“Functions of Elections.” Encyclopædia Britannica. www.britannica.com/ topic/election-political-science/Functions-of-elections.

“Georgi Markov.” Forensics Library, aboutforensics.co.uk/georgi-markov/.

Hylton, Raymond Pierre. 2019. “American Revolutionary War.” Salem Press Encyclopedia. search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ers&AN= 89158527&site=eds-live.

Martenson, Jan. 1992. “The United Nations and Human Rights and the Contribution of the American Bill of Rights.” William and Mary Bill of Rights Journal 1: 105–14.

“Presumption of Innocence.” Legal Information Institute. www.law.cornell. edu/wex/presumption_of_innocence.

Solomon, Peter H. 2007. “Courts and Judges in Authoritarian Regimes.” World Politics 60, no. 1: 122–45.

Todorova, Velina. 2009. “Children’s Rights in Bulgaria after the End of Communism.” International Journal of Children’s Rights 17, no. 4: 623–46.

Tuckness, Alex. 2020. “Locke’s Political Philosophy.” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. plato.stanford.edu/entries/locke-political.