Fort Worth Weekly // September 16-22, 2020 by Fort Worth Weekly

September 16-22, 2020 FREE fwweekly.com

NEWS Why did the county hire out a Dallas firm to help spend CARES funds? BY S TAT I C

ART Gallery Week reminds us what the event is all about. BY EDWARD BROWN

STUFF The underdog Stars are going to the Stanley Cup. BY PAT R I C K H I G G I N S

MUSIC A local musician claims he was kicked out of a Westside restaurant for being “a liberal.” BY ANTHONY MARIANI

A Monumental Undertaking

Protests to remove racist statues and iconography are part of a larger effort to reframe Texas history. B Y

M I C H A E L B A R A J A S , T E X A S O B S E R V E R

Vo lum e 16

Number 26

S ep tember 16-22, 2020

INSIDE

STAFF Anthony Mariani, Editor Lee Newquist, Publisher Bob Niehoff, General Manager Ryan Burger, Art Director Jim Erickson, Circulation Director

Lending a Hand

Edward Brown, Staff Writer Taylor Provost, Proofreader

Local do-gooders are filling the gaps left by the county health department.

Jennifer Bovee, Marketing Director Stacey Hammons, Senior Account Executive Julie Strehl, Account Executive

Tony Diaz, Account Executive Wyatt Newquist, Digital Coordinator Clintastic, Brand Ambassador

Slow Burn

7 11 12 15 16 20

Fantastic art, not soirees, is the thing at Gallery Week. By Edward Brown

By Patrick Higgins

Cover image by Lily Yeargins

BLOTCH The Fort b Worth Weekly Blog

l tch

Feature Art N&D Stuff Eats & Drinks Music

Backpage . . . . 24

PRIZM Bubbles Up

Danni & Kris deliver a candy-coated billet-doux to ’80s dance-pop. By Anthony Mariani

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B R O W N

For individuals living in poor and underserved Tarrant County communities, access to screenings for sexually transmitted infection (STI) was difficult before COVID-19 hit. To provide access to vital screenings for HIV, hepatitis C, and other transferable diseases, Tarrant County Public Health staff and a patchwork of nonprofits provide regular screenings through pop-up events, health clinics, and outreach programs. Jen Sarduy (director at the reproductive justice group Re+Birth Equity Alliance) and Lizzie Maldonado (director at the drug overdose prevention nonprofit O.D. Aid) serve different missions but perform similar work by providing affordable

Static Cutting into CARES Around 3.5 million Texans have filed for unemployment since mid-March, when the novel coronavirus led to the shutdown of nonessential businesses. Some of those stores and companies are scraping by. Others have shuttered for good. COVID-19 kills indiscriminately, but the economic pain has decidedly fallen on small businesses and working-class folks who don’t have savings to live off or health insurance to rely upon if stricken with COVID. Last March, Congress passed and Donald Trump signed the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act (CARES), the $2.2 trillion economic stimulus bill that gives local government the financial resources to combat COVID and partially offset the economic damage caused by the pandemic. Tarrant County received $209 million in CARES funds, according to the county website. The first

federal funds arrived April 22, and the first payments were divided out to cities on May 28 and to small businesses on July 28, according to a county spokesperson. While the county maintains a large auditing department, including one specifically for disbursing grants like CARES, Judge Glen Whitley and the commissioners court approved a $476,280 contract to hire an outside consulting firm, Guidehouse, to help determine where CARES funds should be spent, among other CARES-related services. The fourmonth contract, paid using CARES funds, expires December 30 with an option to renew the contract for 12 months. CARES funds must be spent by December 30, according to federal guidelines. Guidehouse was not the most competitive bidder, according to county documents. Runner-up Grant Thornton Public Sector, with 50 offices around the United States, scored 25 out of 25 on the county’s competitive pricing score, compared to Guidehouse’s 17.5. Several Guidehouse positions — Subject Mat-

Maldonado, Sarduy, and members of the Tested and Rested team have managed to stay safe while providing important STI screening services by offering drive-thru testing kit giveaways and walk-up screenings where the technicians rely on personal protective equipment and social distancing to stay safe.

to be half a year of our focus.” In an email, a spokesperson for the county said that “Tarrant County Public Health maintained its STI testing readiness despite the impact of COVID-19. While the testing availability did not decrease, the number of visits from the public did. In comparing March 1, 2019, to August 31, 2019, and March 1, 2020, to Au-

gust 31, 2020, there were 59% fewer tests requested from the public.” A quick phone call to the Tarrant County Public Health Main Campus confirmed that the county has reduced STI testing due to COVID-19.

ter Expert ($391), Engagement Partner ($310), Program Manager ($295), Project Manager ($249), Associate III ($200) — garner exorbitant hourly wages. According to the county website, CARES funds are being disbursed through four pillars: COVID-19 testing, economic stimulus, rental assistance, and direct payments to cities. Of a total of $254 million in federal funds (including estimated FEMA reimbursements), the county has spent $77,523,391.47 of those funds, according to Tarrant County Auditor Renee Tidwell. “The Tarrant County Auditor’s Office provides Guidehouse a weekly update of COVID-related grants (other than CARES Act) awarded and the related expenditures,” Tidwell said in an email. “Guidehouse has been given access to [the county’s] accounting system to review and/or read only the county’s expenditures.” We reached out to Dallas County to see who is handling their CARES funds

disbursements. Dallas County administrator Darryl Martin said in an email that his county “created an internal CARES team to manage the funds. We have contracted with an outside entity to disburse the Small Business Assistance Grants and contracted with nonprofits to disburse rental assistance funds.” A cursory glance at Guidehouse’s website shows it to be a capable and highly experienced company on these matters. Guidehouse’s consulting services may indeed help small businesses, nonprofits, and individuals receive much-needed financial help from Uncle Sam, but the decision to hire a private company to do public work has cut nearly half a million in much-needed funds from local businesses and individuals who aren’t fortunate enough to be earning nearly $400 an hour.

Weekly: When is the next STI pop-up test?

The Weekly welcomes submissions of all political persuasions. Please contact Editor Anthony Mariani at anthony@fwweekly.com.

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E D W A R D

SEPTEMBER 16-22, 2020

B Y

FO R T WO R T H W E E K LY

As county resources for HIV and other infectious diseases pull back, bootstrapped nonprofits step up.

disease screenings, information about infectious diseases, and other preventative services. Last May, Sarduy and Maldonado began hearing feedback from clients and public health officials about a pullback in county STI tests due to COVID-19. Any cuts in already limited STI screenings could mean that an HIV or hepatitis C outbreak would go unrecorded and untreated and an individual could go years without knowing that they have the transmittable diseases, Sarduy said. To avert a potential health crisis, Sarduy and Maldonado recently created the Tested and Rested program to provide affordable STI screenings, directions on what to do in the event of a positive screening test result, blood glucose tests, free condoms, and other essential public health services. Tested and Rested partners with local Black-owned businesses. The first STI screening event was held at The Dock Bookstore, and the second was at Black Coffee. Those businesses, Sarduy said, “are in communities with the lowest level of care.” Maldonado said the shift to providing services normally offered by the county has diverted important resources from her nonprofit. “I’m glad we were able to identify this and respond to it,” she said. “Because we put the mechanisms in place, we feel responsible for continuing services through the gap in services. We did not plan for this

C o u r t e s y o f Te s t e d a n d R e s t e d

Tested and Rested

METROPOLIS

Campus operator: As of right now, due to COVID, they are no longer doing those. They are only working by appointment.

TO ALL INTERESTED PERSONS AND PARTIES:

Which clinics are open?

— FORT WORTH —

GRAND OPENING

The only one that’s open right now where they are doing this testing is here in Fort Worth near Rosedale [Street] and Main Street. So were there other clinics open prior to COVID-19 for STI testing? There was an Arlington one, but that one is closed. Are pop-ups closed indefinitely because of COVID? Yes, as of right now.

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One possible explanation for the disconnect between the county’s statement and Maldonado and Sarduy’s observations is that the county is unaware of its reduction in public health services, even as the federal government has provided around $220 million to the county and Tarrant County Public Health through the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act (CARES) (see: “Cutting into Cares,” pg. 4). “It shows a lack of care from the county,” Sarduy said. “The county is where [poor] people go for help, and they are not receiving help. When you look at our health care disparities, these are the first people who get cut off. For people who need these services, the fact that there isn’t any creates a hopeless feeling.” Information on the county’s website shows that March had a robust STI testing lineup scheduled: March 3 (Tarrant County College’s Northeast Campus), March 7 (5201 Roberson Blvd.), March 24 (8201 Calmont Ave.), March 26 (TCC South Campus), and testing every Friday at the Resource Connection Building. The county, Maldonado, and Sarduy do agree on one thing. Many people are scared to visit any clinic right now. “We know that stay-at-home orders and fear also played a role, but [the county] grossly underestimated how much the scale-back of services impacted people,” Maldonado said. Providing health care and preventative services in the age of COVID has become a potentially deadly affair. Texas recently surpassed 10,000 deaths due ALS0 to COVID, and health care workers account for around 1,000 COVID-19-related deaths nationwide. Maldonado, Sarduy, and members of the Tested and Rested team have managed to stay safe while providing important STI screening services by offering drive-thru testing kit giveaways and walk-up screenings where the technicians rely on personal protective equipment and social distancing to stay safe. “We won’t see the effects of these testing lapses until years later,” Maldonado said. “The multimillion-dollar government system was responsible for helping these people. I have questions for [the county] when it’s all over.” l

Paramont Mfg LLC, has applied to the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality (TCEQ) for issuance of Proposed Air Quality Permit Number 160425, which would authorize continued authorization of a Automotive/Transportation Parts Surface Coating and Manufacturing Plant located at 10285 North Freeway, Fort Worth, Tarrant County, Texas 76177. Additional information concerning this application is contained in the public notice section of this newspaper.

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A Monumental Undertaking Protests to remove racist statues and iconography are part of a larger effort to reframe Texas history. B Y M I C H A E L B A R A J A S , T E X A S O B S E R V E R

FO R T WO R T H W E E K LY

L i l y Ye a r g i n s

SEPTEMBER 16-22, 2020

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he party Demetria McFarland’s family throws every Juneteenth is so big they usually need at least three trailer-size smokers to cook enough food for everyone. McFarland’s brother-in-law invites extended family each year to his home in the rural East Texas countryside near Marshall, and it typically takes several days of work to prepare for the gathering. This year, even with many not attending due to the pandemic, more than 100 people showed up. For the cooks in the family, the party often starts the night before, on June 18. McFarland, 50, says that people at this year’s party were more somber and reflective than usual. “Here we are celebrating this day which is supposedly about freedom for Black people, and yet look at what happened to George Floyd,” she says. “ ‘We’re not free because look at how we’re still losing our lives.’ That was kind of the conversation at the barbecue that Friday. ‘We’re celebrating our freedom, but are we really free?’ ” Conversation easily drifted to Floyd’s death in no small part because the following day, McFarland planned to drive across the country to the spot where Minneapolis police killed him the month before. McFarland, joined by a sister and niece, drove through the night, making few stops. Upon reaching Minneapolis, they went directly to the block that mourners from across the country had transformed into a public memorial. McFarland saw the streets full of signs and flowers and other evidence that there were more people like her who felt the gravity of the moment. “There were mounds of flowers that had dried up, just piles of flowers that had faded,” she says. “That’s where a movement happened. A movement took place when he took his last breath.” As protests against police brutality transformed into a larger reckoning with the nation’s history of racial violence, McFarland looked for ways to bring the movement home to Deep East Texas, a region long plagued by white supremacist violence. She eventually focused her efforts on a marble statue of a Confederate soldier atop a granite pedestal emblazoned with a Confederate flag that has sat outside the county courthouse in Marshall for more than a century, surrounded by restaurants, boutiques, and law offices. She calls it “a symbol of hate” in her hometown and started circulating a petition demanding its removal. “That statue reminds me of the rape, torture, and dehumanization my ancestors went through,” McFarland says. “It’s boasting of white supremacy. I’m tired of it.” Those demands echo across Texas and the country. Democrats and Republicans in Congress have pushed to strip military bases of Confederate names, including a sprawling military installation in Central Texas named after Confederate Lt. General John Bell Hood.

Cour tesy of Demetria McFarland

Demetria McFarland, left, and her sister drove through the night to visit a memorial for George Floyd in Minneapolis.

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Protests and acts of civil disobedience have underscored the disturbing legacies of even traditionally revered historical figures, such as George Washington and Ulysses S. Grant, who participated

in the genocide of Indigenous people and enslaved others. Companies, sports franchises, and universities face increased pressure to drop racist slurs and slogans. In Weatherford, the Confederate

monument at the Parker County courthouse was the site of several clashes between protesters and monument supporters in July, attracting national attention. County commissioners, citing

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public input, unanimously voted not to remove the monument. In Austin, Democratic lawmakers have called for the removal of tributes to the Confederacy perched around the Capitol and demanded the renaming of the John H. Reagan state office building, named after a top Confederate official who held that African Americans were “incapable of selfgovernment.” If successful, the push to acknowledge a history of violent racism could change the way Texans remember their history and the memorials, monuments, and names that make up the image cultivated by the Lone Star State. “Today, we find ourselves at a crossroads,” the Texas lawmakers wrote in July. “Will we situate ourselves on the right side of history by removing these symbols of hostility, or will we continue to side with ‘tradition’ and ignore the ills of our past?”

Formerly enslaved people in Texas were denied political power for years, even after General Gordon Granger famously marched his Union occupation force into Galveston on June 19, 1865, to deliver news of emancipation. The state constitution drafted after the end of the Civil War in 1866 denied equality to freedmen in Texas, prohibiting them from voting, holding public office, or

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after he was freed and was later elected to represent Harrison County in the Texas Legislature in 1872. Roberts, who became a local minister in Marshall, ultimately helped establish Wiley College. David Abner similarly moved to Marshall, in 1866, after being freed from slavery and became a prosperous farmer who later served in the state Legislature and helped found Bishop College, another historically Black institution of higher learning in the city. Throughout Reconstruction in Texas, Black voters and officials alike faced retaliation and reprisals for accessing their rights or seeking financial independence from people who once enslaved them.

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In Weatherford, the Confederate monument at the Parker County courthouse was the site of several clashes between protesters and monument supporters in July.

White Southerners sought to preserve the old racial order through violence and intimidation: Freedmen’s Bureau records from the time show that African Americans across Texas were threatened, attacked, and killed for voting, challenging an employer, or even socializing in public. In 1878, after the federal government pulled the last troops out of the South, effectively ending Reconstruction, white Democrats seized power in Harrison County through fraud, force, and coercion. They established an all-white primary process to exclude African Americans from local politics. Parties across the state eventually adopted all-white primaries, which, like poll taxes, soon became a new favored method of voter suppression. Black representation in the Texas Legislature dwindled and then disappeared by the end of the 19th century. Nearly seven decades would pass without an African American serving in the Legislature. By the early 1900s, monuments to the Confederacy proliferated across Texas and the rest of the South, as did Jim Crow laws designed to disenfranchise Black Americans — both visual and legal reminders that Reconstruction had failed. In 1903, a mob of several hundred white men stormed the jail in Marshall and lynched Walter Davis, a Black man accused in the death of a local constable. Two years later, in 1905, the Marshall chapter of the United Daughters of the Confederacy erected a monument in the town square. Officials dedicated it the following year on Robert E. Lee’s birthday. In Gainesville, a town of 17,000 an hour north of Dallas, officials installed a pair of Confederate memorials in 1908 and 1911. The statues of lone soldiers went up a generation after a Confederate

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resonate today: They pushed for public education and voting rights while fighting against labor exploitation, the redrawing of district lines to reduce Black voting power, and the segregation of public services and accommodations such as railroad coaches. “These are problems we would face for generations,” Pitre says. “Some of them, like voting and gerrymandering, we’re still dealing with.” Demetria McFarland’s hometown of Marshall became a center of Black political power in the state in the years after emancipation, producing some of Texas’ first African-American lawmakers. Meshack Roberts, who was born into slavery in Arkansas, moved to Marshall

L i l y Ye a r g i n s

serving on juries. Those rights came only after Congress intervened through a series of Reconstruction Acts in the following years. In 1868, the first year freedmen could cast a ballot in Texas, 10 Black men were elected to serve as delegates to the next Constitutional convention. In the next state election, African Americans were elevated to the Texas Legislature for the first time — 12 House members and two senators, most of whom had survived slavery. Merline Pitre, a scholar of Reconstruction and African-American history at Texas Southern University, says many of the priorities for Black lawmakers in those first years after slavery still

Since 2015, following the church massacre in Charleston, South Carolina, and the violent white supremacist protests in Charlottesville, Virginia, Texas officials have removed more Confederate monuments and markers than any other state. One of them was a plaque installed inside the Capitol in 1959, during the civil rights era, perpetuating the lie that the South didn’t fight the Civil War to preserve slavery. In 2019, legislation filed by Republican state Senator Brandon Creighton to make it more difficult to scrub Confederate iconography from public places in the state drew emotional testimony from Black lawmakers. (The bill passed the Senate but died in the House.) During a floor debate, Democratic state Senator Royce West pointed to a 9-foottall painting of a Confederate general that hangs in the Senate chamber. “Look over my shoulder,” he told the bill’s supporters. “Every day that I come into this chamber I’m reminded of the Confederacy.” San Antonio was one of several cities in Texas where officials pulled down Confederate monuments and stripped schools of their Confederate names and mascots following Charlottesville, but the movement isn’t contained to just Confederate symbols, either. This past July, after protests once again focused attention on a Christopher Columbus statue that Indigenous activists in San Antonio have tried to remove for decades, the city took it down. San Antonio College announced later that month that it would drop the school’s “Ranger” mascot, part of a growing acknowledgement of the Texas Rangers’ legacy of racial violence. Historians who study the country’s racist roots say there’s never before been

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such a widespread conversation over the nation’s collective memory as we’ve seen in the past five years, but in San Antonio, efforts to revamp the Alamo could test the limits of the movement in Texas. Some of the earliest depictions of the mythologized 1836 battle at the Alamo were racialized, including a 1905 painting of shadowy, faceless Mexican troops that hangs in the state Capitol. The oldest surviving film about the Alamo, produced by D.W. Griffith, portrays Mexicans as a threat to white women, the same racist framing Griffith used to depict African Americans in his best-known film from the era, The Birth of a Nation. Raúl Ramos, a historian and professor at the University of Houston, argues that the popular story of the Alamo — a 13day siege that ended in the massacre of outmatched anti-federalists by soldiers from Mexico — has largely functioned as a tool for emphasizing a certain racial order, marginalizing Mexican and Indigenous people who lived at the site for more than a century before the battle. Ramos says the popularized story of the Alamo also omits slavery as an animating force in the larger story of Texas independence. The enslaved population in Texas skyrocketed after it seceded from Mexico, which had abolished slavery. Ramos sees parallels with the “Lost Cause” narrative that followed the Civil War — that the war wasn’t fought over slavery — and its growing popularity around the time officials erected Confederate monuments across the South. “It essentially covers up the prevailing conflict of the past,” he says. State and local officials are now overseeing a multimillion-dollar redevelopment project to reconfigure the streets around the Alamo and rehabilitate the grounds, which Ramos calls a unique opportunity to “show what inclusive monuments and historical sites look like.” Yet recent conflicts with Indigenous communities in and around the city illustrate the continued hurdles. Over the past year, the Tap Pilam Coahuiltecan Nation has filed state and federal lawsuits seeking to be included in the process of handling human remains unearthed during the Alamo Plaza redesign. The tribe’s citizens include descendants and relatives of Mission Indians who lived on the Alamo grounds prior to 1836 and were likely buried there. Ramón Vásquez, a member of Tap Pilam’s tribal council, says the lawsuits are part of a larger fight to more fully explore the site and its history. “If we were to change the narrative and showcase the interrelations that were established here,” he says, “maybe we wouldn’t have such a hard time with conversations about race relations today.” Vásquez remembers the message he came away with after a field trip to the site as a child: As an Indigenous student

Cour tesy of Facebook

militia rounded up suspected Union sympathizers there and carried out one of the largest mass hangings in American history. Only recently, and somewhat reluctantly, has the North Texas city begun to acknowledge and memorialize its past. After protests and sit-ins, the city council voted unanimously to pull one of the statues down. The second statue is still standing a mile away. Etched below the figure are the words, “No nation rose so white and fair, None fell so free of crime.” “I think a lot about the people who have worked in that courthouse,” says Torrey Henderson, one of the local citizens working to tear down the monuments. “How can you walk past those words every single day and never go, ‘You know what? Maybe this isn’t right?’ ” Henderson and others, who continued to protest throughout the summer near the monument that still stands outside the local courthouse, say officials have tried to intimidate them with arrest warrants and high bail for walking in the street during demonstrations.

In San Antonio, Raymond Hernandez, left, and Ramón Vásquez, members of the Tap Pilam Coahuiltecan Nation tribal council, have fought to be included in the process of the Alamo Plaza redesign.

in a predominantly white class, Vásquez remembers other kids eyeing him with suspicion after touring the battle site and learning about the Mexican hordes who slaughtered the brave Texians. “I was that fourth grader, that brown child that walked away from there with his tail tucked between his legs,” Vásquez says. “How many more children went through that?”

In Marshall, the fight for equality has been hard and long. In 1959, fighting segregation and disenfranchisement, students and professors at local colleges established by some of Texas’ first AfricanAmerican lawmakers launched a campaign for desegregation. They recruited students at both Bishop and Wiley colleges to train them on sit-in tactics. The following year, Martin Luther King Jr. delivered a speech at Wiley College about the right to protest. Nine days later, students began a series of sit-ins at the Woolworth’s lunch counter downtown. The backlash was intense. Police arrested dozens of students and trained high-pressure water hoses on others who protested in front of the courthouse by singing songs. Large crowds of white people, some with attack dogs, showed up in town to intimidate the protesters. Then Gov. Price Daniel ordered an investigation into the supposed Communist ties of a professor who helped organize the sit-ins. The professor, Doxey Wilkerson, was fired. Downtown businesses rejected integration by removing all lunch counters for the next three decades. Demetria McFarland considers her petition to take down the Confederate monument in Marshall to be the latest iteration of an old struggle. The removal of the statue, which has symbolized racial oppression for more than a century, would be a sign that her son may grow up in a

different world than she did. “It would help us to heal and look forward to the next generation that won’t be bound by systemic racism and hate because of skin color,” she says. The protests to take down monuments have also triggered an ugly backlash in places like Marshall. As McFarland tried to topple the Confederate statue outside the old Harrison County courthouse, another local woman started circulating her own petition seeking to save it and “preserve history.” It sparked a counterprotest when McFarland and others led a demonstration outside the courthouse on July 4. One monument defender referred to McFarland’s effort as “statue genocide.” Tasha Williams, who protested with McFarland that day, says people drove by the site, yelling racial slurs at her and other demonstrators. She reported at least two instances to local police where white men in trucks threatened to kill her while flashing guns. Williams remembers one of them telling her, “How about I relocate your Black ass today?” Her car has been scratched up so many times since the protest that she suspects it’s vandalism and recently changed her license plates. She now has trouble sleeping. Williams sees the racist threats as a more explicit version of the message the statue has been sending to African Americans in Marshall for more than a century. “It’s a reminder to Blacks to stay in your place,” she says. “That’s what they’re telling me now. It’s the same thing that statue is saying to me.” This article was originally published by the Texas Observer, a nonprofit investigative news outlet. Sign up for their weekly newsletter, or follow them on Facebook and Twitter. l

E D W A R D

B R O W N

Taking heavy precautions, the directors of the Fort Worth Art Dealers Association (FWADA) have brought back Fall Gallery Night as a weeklong event that features around three dozen galleries. Not every FWADA member was ready to reopen to the public, but the gallery options once again cover central Fort Worth, the North Side, the TCU area, and Arlington. FWADA directors recommend reaching out to every gallery or viewing the venue’s website for details on how each art space is handling entry. Some galleries are requesting appointments, offering timed entry, or showcasing works virtually. As always, wear a mask, wash your hands, and stay home if you are feeling unwell. The regionally renowned Artspace 111 is celebrating its 40th anniversary with To 40 More!, a showcase of selections from every one of the gallery’s 32 painters, sculptors, and installation artists. The once private studio of twin brothers Daniel and Dennis Blagg has created a visually resplendent show that features local treasures Carol Ivey, Nancy Lamb, and Winter Rusiloski, among many others. Greeting gallerygoers is Pat Gabriel’s “Immanent Domain,” a large rendering of a flowering tree that swallows up much of the foreground. A lightly cloudy steel-blue background and photorealistic barren landscape do little to detract from the white-flowered tree that burns with radiance. The reverence given to the placement and treatment of the tree elevates the large plant (and presumably the Earth) to godlike stature similarly to how Medieval iconography deified martyrs and saints on artistic pedestals. Dennis Blagg takes a detour (sort of) from his popular sun-bleached landscapes of Big Bend National Park with “Dog House.” An empty room fills the entirety of the canvas. Sitting near the dilapidated back wall, a white dog looks at the viewer with an expression of ennui that has become the new normal of our homebound lives. Blagg’s signature landscapes make a subtle appearance behind two small windows. It was refreshing to see how the artist

Cour tesy of Ar tspace 111

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“Cabrito Boy” is steeped in humor and dark undertones, like an off-color joke that makes you chuckle and wince at the same time.

addressed the pandemic through his work. Nancy Lamb’s “Cabrito Boy” is steeped in humor and dark undertones, like an off-color joke that makes you chuckle and wince at the same time. A small boy reaches over a grocery aisle of lambs’ heads (get it?) to poke one of the packaged head’s eyes. The large oil painting offers ample Easter eggs for the well-attuned. The artist’s signature is creatively hidden in plain sight, for example, and the expiration dates have symbolic meanings. Themes of ethnic diversity versus corporate homogony

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After a spring cancellation, Gallery Night is now a social distancing-friendly weeklong event.

SEPTEMBER 16-22, 2020

A Fort Worth Treasure Returns

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ART

and Chinese wet markets intermingle in the thoughtful and masterful painting. All of the works at To 40 More! are new or newish, and many works comment (subtly, of course) on our politically divided country and its xenophobic president. Artspace 111 is requesting reservations via Artspace111. com or its Facebook page. A 30-minute notice is fine, one gallery director said. Fort Worth Contemporary Arts at TCU is one of a handful of galleries that is presenting its works virtually. “Caribbean Fantasia” by French artist Raphaël Barontini can be viewed via a 3D walkthrough available at Finearts. tcu.edu/art/events-and-programs through Saturday, September 26. One click on the 3D Walkthrough button swoops the viewer into a photorealistic rendering of the TCU gallery. The interface is easy to use and similar to Google Maps. The centerpiece of Barontini’s show is a large canvasbased installation that occupies much of the gallery floor. The semi-transparent fabric creates a semicircle in which the viewer can become immersed. The fantasia theme plays out via vibrant blues, purples, and yellows that lend a tropical feel to the work. Three heroically poised Black men in 18th-century officer’s garb ride atop horses. Paintings of Black men posed like a triumphant Napoleon Bonaparte are exceedingly rare due to the disproportionate attention given to white figures in Western art. Kehinde Wiley uses this whitewashing of history to great effect by inserting strong Black figures into fictitious portraits. While Wiley recasts history, Barontini is acknowledging it. The figures in “Caribbean Fantasia” are pulled from leaders of the Haitian Revolution and are a powerful reminder of an event that precursed Black liberations in the United States several decades later. 1000 Words features 35 photos by local photographers, including several by Edgar Miller, who organized the Waterside show in partnership with Madeworthy magazine. Photography remains underrepresented in the local fine arts landscape, and the show offers an entertaining survey of what lens-wielding artists can convey. Miller’s “Early Light Near” captures nature in flux. A desert landscape veiled in mist begins to take shape as the ground-level clouds are gently blown to the right of the frame by an unseen force. Susan Taylor’s “Texas Gothic” plays off the inner psychology of the viewer. The subject is a closely cropped stained-glass window that glows behind the end of a church pew. The photo felt constricting even as the golden hues of the window added some level of ease and comfort to the unwelcoming inner environment. Brian Hutson’s “Holiday Motel” is pure Americana mirth. The cartoonish hotel sign feels lost in time with its jutting spires and curved, yellow arched arrow pointing to some presumably equally fanciful nearby motel. 1000 Words can be viewed for the third and final time Saturday (5 to 8 p.m.) at 5924 Convair Dr. This Saturday marks the end of Gallery Week, but many of the shows will be available to view for weeks to come. This fall’s celebration of Fort Worth’s galleries was without large crowds and the bustle of party buses and DJs, but it offered a contemplative environment to be alone with incredible artworks. Experiencing Gallery Week without the typical party environment was a refreshing reminder of what this biannual event is really all about. l

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NIGHT&DAY

Covington vs. Woodley is Sat on ESPN.

Painting for fun has become a standard group Wednesday activity, but youâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re usually working with acrylics. From 2pm to 5pm, take a lesson in watercolor and drawing techniques at the Painting a Boxcar event at Show Me the Monet (4720 S Cooper St, Arlington, 817-313-6327). It is hosted by Recollections 54: The Art of David Trip. The cost is $55. Call for a reservation.

Get on your bikes and ride out to the Biketoberfest. At 5pm, head to 2830 Thursday W I-20 in Grand Prairie for the Longhorn Harley-Davidson Biketoberfest Block Party. Enjoy local beer, food trucks, ax throwing, a bikini bike wash, and live music by Super Kilo. Call 972-988-1903.

From Fri to Sun, Fort Worth Tattoo Expo, Friday hosted by Ink Masters Tattoo Show, is at the Will Rogers Memorial Center (3401 W Lancaster Av, 817-392-7469). More than 80 tattoo artists will be doing live tattooing of all styles. Tickets are $20 per day or $35 for a three-day pass at doors.

UFC Fight Night is back with welterweight bout Covington vs. Woodley Saturday as the main event on pay-per-view live from Las Vegas at 7pm on ESPN. Also on the card will be Cerrone vs. Price as the co-main event, plus Chaemaev vs. Meershaert and Holland vs. Stewart in the middleweight division, among others. If you still prefer the shelter-at-home method of taking

BIG TICKET OPEN

WE ARE MODERN ART MUSEUM OF FORT WORTH

At 6:30pm, learn to make goat milk soap at a hands-on class at Monday Hop and Sting Brewing (906 Jean St, Grapevine, 817-488-2337). The ticket price of $60 includes all the materials needed. Choose from exfoliants like coffee grounds, oats, pumice, and essential oils like eucalyptus, lavender, lemongrass, palm oil, or peppermint. The base oil will be a mixture of coconut, olive, and palm oil. The liquid in the soaps will be raw goat milk provided by Stone City Farm. Reserve tickets at StoneCityFarm.com.

The Fort Worth Weekly wants to celebrate our fantastic city and spread Tuesday the word about the best things to do in and around the area. With its glossy magazine-style cover, incredible photographs, and insightful opinions from our critics, Best Of 2020 will be the perfect guide for the rest of the year. Readers, please pick one up in stands on 9/23. Business owners, Tue is the final deadline. Contact the Weekly today thru Tue to reserve space by emailing questions@fwweekly.com.

Days a Week

The State Fair of Texas 2020 was canceled. Wait, no. It’s now a drivethru experience. Either way, Fletcher’s Cornydogs hasn’t missed a step with pop-up events all summer. Just in time for fall, Fletcher’s has struck a deal with Golden Chick. Thru Oct 25, you can now buy a Fletcher’s Cornydog at most Golden Chick locations in Texas, Louisiana, and Oklahoma.

North Texas Giving Day is here.

Spend a quiet, relaxing day in our spacious, air-conditioned galleries with plenty of room for social distancing. Explore work by nationally and internationally renowned artists, and visit the special exhibition Mark Bradford: End Papers, on view through January 10.

ONLINE PROGRAMS

North Texas Giving Day Many nonprofits here in North Texas are still suffering from the dramatic impact of the pandemic. They still need our help. With the cancellation of fundraising events, an increase in demand for critical services, and the loss of volunteers, charitable organizations are in dire straits. The most impactful way to support these great organizations is by giving financially, but other ways to help include donating requested supplies to community clinics, animal rescue groups, homeless shelters, and arts organizations around town. Thu is the fall date for North Texas Giving Day, and every nonprofit organization will be rallying for donations. Choose from more than 3,000 participants in 20 North Texas counties. For more information, visit NorthTexasGivingDay.org/ NonProfits.

By Jennifer Bovee

Experience the Modern from home by visiting www.themodern.org/online-learning-programs.

VIRTUAL PROGRAMS: • Drawing from the Collection • Drawing from the Collection for Children • Wonderful Wednesdays • Slow Art Tours • Curator Talks 10 PAGES – Projects for kids to enjoy at home Explore the Modern’s COLLECTION ONLINE.

Modern Art Museum of Fort Worth 3200 Darnell Street Fort Worth, Texas 76107 817. 738.9215 Follow the Modern

Photo cour tesy of NTGD

www.themodern.org

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At 8pm, see the iconic 1982 movie Tron on the rooftop at Free Play Fort Sunday Worth (1311 Lipscomb St, 682-231-1444). Drinks and food items will be available at the rooftop bar. Reserve a table for $10 at FreePlayMerch. com. After the film screening, enjoy a free-to-play Bomberman tournament on the 20-foot screen.

SEPTEMBER 16-22, 2020

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in your entertainment and don’t have ESPN, sign up for $49.99 annually at Plus.ESPN.com. You’re welcome.

fwweekly.com SEPTEMBER 16-22, 2020 FO R T WO R T H W E E K LY 14

COLLECTION S IN CON VERSAT ION Experience the depth and diversity of the permanent collection as selected African, Ancient American, Asian, and European works appear in thoughtful dialogue throughout the iconic Louis I. Kahn Building. kimbellart.org | Admission to the permanent collection is always free.

P A T R I C K

H I G G I N S

As he stood in the locker room in the comical, oversized, baby diaper-looking remnants of a de-padded goalie’s shorts, Anton Khudobin accepted the giant game chain awarded to the night’s team MVP, and in his thick Russian accent roared, “We’re. Not. Go-ink. Hhhhhhhhhkkkkkkome!” The words, originally an expression of awe and relief from teammate Joel Kiviranta after Dallas survived a thrilling back-and-forth Game 7 in the previous series, have become a de facto team mantra of sorts, a declaration, a battle cry. One can imagine it bannered across a line of official team merchandise sold to commemorate

taking place away from fans in an isolation “bubble” in a foreign country. Yet despite all of that, or perhaps because of it, somehow, the Stars’ season continues into the final round. To achieve a chance to play for the Stanley Cup takes every sports cliche there is: your best players playing at the highest level, boundless determination, guts forged from cast-iron, the will of that Austrian guy who keeps setting the world record for most time spent submerged naked in a giant tank of ice, and, yes, some catcha-leprechaun-and-force-him-to-grantyou-wishes-type magic. Led on the ice by captain and prototypical “strong silent type” hero Jamie Benn — who has played like a demon in search of a soul to eat — and in the crease by Dobby with what so far is a Conn Smythe-worthy performance, now that they’re in it, the Stars seem to have all the requisite mojo to make it count. Make no mistake, they are likely about to run into a veritable 19-man woodchipper in the form of the Tampa

Bay Lightning once they close out their own series against the New York Islanders (provided they haven’t already by the time of this printing). The Bolts feature two of the top three scorers in the playoffs in Nikita Kucherov and Brayden Point, six of the Top 10 +/- leaders (including Victor Hedman’s playoff best +16), and a netminder in Andrie Vasilevskiy that is the only human in the postseason that has potentially been better than Dobby at the position. This last series will be Dallas’ toughest challenge yet — as it should be. When this last series is over, the Stars will actually finally be “go-ink hhhkkome,” but considering the divinely ordained script they seem to be following in this crazy year, I would no longer be surprised if they have another large silver hunk of hardware for Benn, Dobby, and co. to bring home with them. l

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Not only are they not “go-ink hhhkkome,” but the Stars in are in the Stanley Cup.

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Riding one of the playoffs’ hottest goalies and a captain with a belly full of fire, the Stars advance to the Stanley Cup Finals for the first time in 20 years.

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Twelve Down, Four to Go

Cour tesy of Facebook.com

STUFF

an already all-time unforgettable season, one that amazingly is still going on. With Monday’s Game 5 overtime victory (their fourth of the playoffs!) against the bully Vegas Golden Knights, the Dallas Stars — and I can’t express how unbelievably bizarre it is to actually type these words — are Western Conference Champions and will advance to the Stanley Cup finals. The last time the Stars entered a Stanley Cup Final round, I had to drive my crumpled-hooded, stick-shifted ’92 Honda Civic — with the shoddy cassette deck that at steady three-second intervals briefly slowed and dropped the pitch of whatever music it was playing — the whole 45 minutes from Denton to my parents’ house in Arlington to watch the games because the crappy wood-paneled tube set in my tiny student apartment didn’t get over-the-air TV. The fact that many reading the previous sentence would likely be confused by references to such quaint and archaic technologies is a testament to just how long ago it was. The drought is nearly old enough to buy beer. The ultimate loss to the New Jersey Devils took place just as we were all coming down from the paranoia of the Y2K freakout. Sure, a multi-decade absence in competing for a championship is in part an indictment on the probable mediocrity of a franchise, but it also highlights just how difficult a mountain a championship run is to schlepp, especially in the sport of hockey. Naturally, because we live in The Upside Down and nothing makes sense anymore, the Stars would somehow manage this feat in a season that saw them begin the year with a last place-ranked 1-8 record, the sudden, unexpected firing of a head coach (after he reversed the abysmal season start, lifting them to five games over .500 at the time), a season-capping nine-game losing streak that straddled a four-month-long suspension of play due to an unprecedented global pandemic, and a subsequent playoff run that found them the underdog in three straight series, all

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PRIZM Go All Night Long Danni & Kris’ alter-ego releases a spellbinding dose of pure power pop. B Y

A N T H O N Y

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HearSay Cheeseburger in Paradise

Things are crazy, we know. With the election looming, prickly nerves over the fate of democracy are being thrown into relief by minor infractions or spoken/ misspoken words. “Did you fold the laundry?” “Did you fold the laundry?” “Did you do the dishes last night like I did?!” “Did you run the vacuum cleaner like I did?!” “Did you agghhh!” “Aggghhh!” Republicans think that if the old white guy with dementia wins, Western civilization will be cast into a burning pit where everybody rubs blood on their bellies and gyrates to industrial techno while making out with farm animals. The Do-Nothing Dems believe that if the other old white guy with dementia wins, well, we may never have another fair election until 2050 or beyond and that Black and brown people will be caged or deported or worse. Rage is all the rage now, and I’m referring specifically to a story I’ve been working on that doesn’t make sense no matter how

FO R T WO R T H W E E K LY

SEPTEMBER 16-22, 2020

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All PRIZM wants to do is get butts shaking. On their recently released debut album, the alter-ego of Fleetwood Mac-y singer-songwriters Danni & Kris throws back to that mythical place in the 1980s and early ’90s where Exposé happily mingles with Cameo. Full of smooth synth lines, swishing beats, and sumptuous vocal melodies, All Night collects 12 pristinely structured, supremely catchy tracks that, while decidedly retro, aren’t stuck in the past. The result is a maximalist piece of ear candy that goes from pink to neon pink mostly via tales of love, joy, and togetherness, which is more than welcome considering all of the hate, pain, and division flooding our brains and newsfeeds

hard I’ve tried to piece it together. It all starts with hamburgers. Last Wednesday, a local guy with a guitar and a harmonica popped into a beloved burger joint where he knew song circles sometimes happened and where he hoped maybe other musicians were hanging out. He was hoping to play a few tunes, maybe drink a few beers, maybe even gnaw on a scrumptious burger. It was the guy’s first time inside. Settling in, he noticed a friend at the bar counter. Their talk soon turned to — guess what — politics, and the guy with guitar and harmonica accidentally revealed his lefty political leanings. After that, we have two conflicting stories. On one side, we have the guitar/ harmonica guy. A former U.S. soldier, he was eminently believable when he told me his version of events. He said the acquaintance he bumped into brought up politics and after not receiving “the right answers” labeled him “a liberal” for all to hear. The bartender allegedly came over, asked what was going on, was told the guitar/harmonica guy was a liberal, and simply told him, “Get out.” The encounter, the guitar/harmonica guy said, was “pretty quick, short and

Cour tesy of PRIZM

MUSIC

now. If the bright and buoyant All Night were a pool accessory, it would be a unicorn floatie big enough for the whole world. As with all of PRIZM’s previous releases dating back to 2019, songstresses Kristen Williams and Danielle James are accompanied by producer Geoff Rockwell, who establishes grooves perfect for where they are but also ripe for extending and remixing. Every track slinks and shimmies. Most of them are anchored by huge singalong choruses driven by Williams and James like a canary yellow Z-28 down the coast in the summer. “We Were Young” stomps with a star-crossed sweetness (replete with sultry sax), while “Closer” is a soulful strut through New Jack City and the rockin’-with-you Michael Jackson homage “Disco Biscuit” crackles with fluffy funk. Michael’s sister Janet gets a nod on the thickly rhythmic “Move Me,” whose chorus of “Moo-oo-oooo-ooove me / Moo-oo-oo-oo-ooove me” rainbows directly from the dance floor to the bedroom. Maybe the strongest tune in a Chess King bargain bin full of them is the title track. It’s big, bold, and sparkly and, with its throbbing, strobelighted, Wall of Sound chorus, perhaps the most contemporary sounding. It — and, since we’re being specific, the album closer “Illuminate” — could easily be spun on KXT during drive time. Easily. Ladled like strawberry syrup on top of every note throughout All Night are vocals that alternate between breathy and powerful. You can almost see the hoop earrings and buckled straps rattling as Williams and James completely take over your speakers as if they own them. Not that you would mind. “Power pop” feels

like the right kind of label here. Genre holds together All Night, which isn’t necessarily a bad thing. PRIZM’s complete immersion in a very specific point in recent history, one that, admittedly, was loaded with bathos and corniness, is bereft of irony because good music is good music, no matter what it’s labeled or what shape it takes. This album could have come out in 1985, and that’s a high compliment from a former pimply faced mall rat. Outdoing early Madonna, as PRIZM does on “Mine” and the sunshine-through-the-rainy “Can’t Go Back,” is by no means easy. Otherwise,

as the old saying goes, everyone would be doing it. The album keeps up with the sugary bombast and confectionary flavor of its predecessors. Lacing them all together is pure joy, the kind that comes with feeling music and letting it move you. For some people, A Love Supreme or Trout Mask Replica does the trick. For others, it’s Physical Graffiti or Appalachian Spring. And for lovers of The Almighty Groove and for folks who just like to sing along, All Night fits like your best pair of acidwashed Girbauds. Tiiiight. l

sweet, and there was no interaction between me and the bartender after that. As soon as he found out I vote liberally at the moment, he went with that. I collected my instruments and moved on out.” On the other side, we have the kicker-outter, the bartender, who was also eminently believable when he told me what he believes he witnessed. “I didn’t kick him out for any political opinion or view. I banned him for cussing at and yelling his opinion to other customers. I didn’t hear the conversation. He just got loud and started cussing his stance. … Looks like he wants to take a personal argument he had with another customer and make it our fault because he blew up and got booted. Some people, these days. It blows my mind.” We may not agree on much, but if there’s one thing I think we can all agree on it’s that we’re growing less tolerant of one another’s political views. The right sees the left as a bunch of anarchists intent on burning down our cities and replacing law and order with vigilante justice. The left sees the right as a cabal of rich white people who hate Blacks and browns and who want a dictatorship led

by Dear Leader. *thinking emoji* The ones among us with a little common sense know that while parts of our political animus may sound palatable, they are most likely farfetched. I know quite a few conservatives. Quite. A. Few. They’re not racists, and they respect the Constitution. I also know a lot of progressives, who love their cities and respect the law way more than many ReTrumplicans. We all need to calm the eff down! No, you calm the eff down! The burger joint’s song circle that night was impromptu, the bartender said. He doesn’t believe gathering large groups of people together is wise. I asked the guitar/harmonica guy for some witnesses but never heard back. I asked the bartender for the same. He gave me a name (not traceable on social media), the acquaintance at the bar. I still haven’t heard from him. I guess instead of talking with me or arguing politics at the bar, he found something better to do with his mouth. Like stick another burger in it. — Anthony Mariani Contact HearSay at anthony@fwweekly.com.

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CLASSIFIEDS

Texas Commission on Environmental Quality

NOTICE OF APPLICATION AND PRELIMINARY DECISION FOR AN AIR QUALITY PERMIT PROPOSED PERMIT NUMBER: 160425 APPLICATION AND PRELIMINARY DECISION. Paramont Mfg LLC, has applied to the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality (TCEQ) for issuance of Proposed Air Quality Permit Number 160425, which would authorize continued operation of a the Automotive/Transportation Parts Surface Coating and Manufacturing Plant located at 10285 North Freeway, Fort Worth, Tarrant County, Texas 76177. This application was submitted to the TCEQ on March 6, 2020. The proposed facility will emit the following contaminants: carbon monoxide, exempt solvents, hazardous air pollutants, nitrogen oxides, organic compounds, particulate matter including particulate matter with diameters of 10 microns or less and 2.5 microns or less, and sulfur dioxide. The executive director has completed the technical review of the application and prepared a draft permit which, if approved, would establish the conditions under which the facility must operate. The executive director has made a preliminary decision to issue the permit because it meets all rules and regulations. The permit application, executive director’s preliminary decision, and draft permit will be available for viewing and copying at the TCEQ central office, the TCEQ Dallas/Fort Worth regional office, and at https://www.publicnotice.live/Paramont%20NSR%20Application%20(Regional)%202020-0306.pdf, beginning the first day of publication of this notice. The facility’s compliance file, if any exists, is available for public review at the TCEQ Dallas/Fort Worth Regional Office, 2309 Gravel Dr, Fort Worth, Texas.

RESPONSE TO COMMENTS AND EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR ACTION. After the deadline for public comments, the executive director will consider the comments and prepare a response to all relevant and material or significant public comments. Because no timely hearing requests have been received, after preparing the response to comments, the executive director may then issue final approval of the application. The response to comments, along with the executive director’s decision on the application will be mailed to everyone who submitted public comments or is on a mailing list for this application, and will be posted electronically to the Commissioners’ Integrated Database (CID). INFORMATION AVAILABLE ONLINE. When they become available, the executive director’s response to comments and the final decision on this application will be accessible through the Commission’s Web site at www.tceq.texas.gov/goto/cid. Once you have access to the CID using the above link, enter the permit number for this application which is provided at the top of this notice. This link to an electronic map of the site or facility's general location is provided as a public courtesy and not part of the application or notice. For exact location, refer to application. http://www.tceq. texas.gov/assets/public/hb610/index.html?lat=32.924166&lng=-97.320277&zoom=13&type=r.

SEPTEMBER 16-22, 2020

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PUBLIC COMMENT/PUBLIC MEETING. You may submit public comments or request a public meeting about this application. The purpose of a public meeting is to provide the opportunity to submit comment or to ask questions about the application. The TCEQ will hold a public meeting if the executive director determines that there is a significant degree of public interest in the application or if requested by a local legislator. A public meeting is not a contested case hearing. You may submit additional written public comments within 30 days of the date of newspaper publication of this notice in the manner set forth in the AGENCY CONTACTS AND INFORMATION paragraph below.

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MAILING LIST. You may ask to be placed on a mailing list to obtain additional information on this application by sending a request to the Office of the Chief Clerk at the address below.

AGENCY CONTACTS AND INFORMATION. Public comments and requests must be submitted either electronically at www14.tceq.texas.gov/epic/eComment/, or in writing to the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality, Office of the Chief Clerk, MC-105, P.O. Box 13087, Austin, Texas 78711-3087. Please be aware that any contact information you provide, including your name, phone number, email address and physical address will become part of the agency’s public record. For more information about this permit application or the permitting process, please call the Public Education Program toll free at 1-800-687-4040. Si desea información en Español, puede llamar al 1-800-687-4040. Further information may also be obtained from Paramont Mfg LLC at the address stated above or by calling Mr. Steve Ettore, Director of Business Development at (276) 451-0811. Notice Issuance Date: September 1, 2020

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public notices BEST OF 2020 Fort Worth Weekly wants to celebrate our amazing city and get the word out about the best things there are to do in and around the area. Best Of 2020 is the perfect guide to get your message out to local shoppers and spenders throughout the year. With its magazine-style glossy cover, great photographs and insightful opinions, Best Of is the issue you can’t afford to miss. Space reservations available thru 9/21. For advertising info, email Jennifer@fwweekly.com today. EMPLOYMENT Crockett Hall Now Hiring RClayton5614@gmail.com The Food Hall is back open and looking for staff. Now hiring for full-time and part-time restaurant positions. If interested, email your resume to RClayton5615@gmail.com. HEALTH & WELLNESS American Standard Walk-In Bathtub 1-877-914-1518 Receive up to $1,500 off, including a free toilet, and a lifetime warranty on the tub and installation! Call us at 1-877-914-1518 or visit www. walkintubquote.com/fort. Physicians Mutual Dental Insurance 1-888-361-7095 Coverage for 350 procedures. Real dental insurance, NOT just a discount plan. Don?t wait! Call now! Get your FREE Dental Information Kit with all the details! Call 1-888-361-7095 or visit www. dental50plus.com/fortworth #6258. Inogen One Portable Oxygen Concentrator 866-970-7551 May Be Covered by Medicare! Reclaim independence and mobility with the compact design and long-lasting battery of Inogen One. Call for free information kit! Planned Parenthood Available Via Chat! Along with advice, eligible patients are also able to receive birth control, UTI treatments, and other healthcare appointments via the smartphone app and telehealth appointments. To chat, you can text PPNOW to 774-636. MIND / BODY / SPIRIT Gateway Church Church time is the BEST time! Join us for online church each weekend. Online services start at 4 pm on Saturdays and are available

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LEGAL NOTICE

The owners or lien holders are hereby notified that the vehicles listed below are being stored at AA Wrecker Service: 5709-B Denton Hwy. Haltom City, TX 76148 (817)656-3100 TDLR VSF Lic. No. 0536827VSF | www.license.state.tx.us

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SUITES AVAILABLE FOR RENT

SEPTEMBER 16-22, 2020

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Notice of Public Sale of property to satisfy a landlord’s lien. Sale to be held at online at www.storageauctions. com. Facility is located at 305 Smith St. Mansfield Tx. 76063. Bidding will open at 9/15/2020-10/1/2020. Seller reserves the right to withdraw the property at any time before the sale. Unit items sold as-is to highest bidder. Property includes the contents of the space of the following tenant Reginald Ramsey: 2018 Black Big Tex Trailer

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LUAHYB1C061000359 L08YCNF06J1001271 LL0TCKPX0JY180060

PRICE

$1002.26 $992.57 $1014.91

*Storage charges accrue daily until the vehicle is claimed *Failure of the owner or lien holder to claim the above vehicles within 30 days is a waiver of all right, title, and interest in the vehicles and a consent to the sale of the vehicle at a public sale.