Leaders and Followers: A Psychiatric Perspective on Religious Cults by articles

Copyright© 1992 Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED Manufactured in the United States of America on acid-free paper. 94 93 92 91 4 3 2 1 Published by American Psychiatric Press, Inc., 1400 K Street, N.W., Washington, DC 20005.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Leaders and followers : a psychiatric perspective on religious cults / formulated by the Committee on Psychiatry and Religion, Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry p. cm. -- (Report; no. 132) Includes bibliographical references ISBN 0-87318-200-6 (alk. paper) 1. Cults--United States--Psychology. 2. Cults--Dead Sea Region (Is rael and Jordan)--Psychology--History. 3. Psychiatry and religion. I. Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry. Committee on Psychiatry and Religion. II. Series: Report (Group for the Advancement of Psychi atry : 1984) ; no. 132. RC321.G7 no. 132 [BP603] 616.89s--dc20 91-20979 l291' .0973]

British Cataloguing in Publication Data A CIP record is available from the British Library.

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Leaders and Followers: A Psychiatric Perspective on Religious Cults

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Leaders and Followers

Jews and, with a carefully designed program, has tried to engage and hold them. In their emphasis on ecstatic modes of worship, on archaic attire, and on dynastic community organization, the Hassidim set themselves apart from other orthodox Jews. But their deviations are inward, toward traditional forms, rather than out ward, toward the alien. By the definition we suggest, this centrip etal group would be called a sect rather than a cult. Almost contemporaneously with the appearance of Hassid ism in Eastern Europe, there appeared a small but active group led by a charismatic adventurer, Jacob Frank. He was able to recruit some of the residue of a failed messianic movement led by Sabbatai Zevi a century before. This new group turned away from tradi tional Judaism by embracing orgiastic sexuality as a mode of worship and ultimately accepting baptism into the Catholic Church. They also plotted against the Jews with their enemies, supporting accusations of blood libel. By the early nineteenth century, the group had largely dissolved. In terms of the definition we suggest, this centrifugal group would be called a cult. While the distinction between cult and sect is important when studying the philosophy or rationale of a given group, cults and sects tend to be similar in structure and organization. Thus there is some justification for considering them together when describing these latter aspects.

References Appel W: Cults in America: Programmed for Paradise. New York, Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1983 Cushman P: The Politics of Vulnerability. Psychohistory Review 12(4):5-17, 1984 Jewish Community Council of Philadelphia: The Challenge of the Cults, 1978 Melton JG: Encyclopedic Handbook of Cults in America. New York, Garland Publishing Co, 1984

Chapter 2

Is Psychiatry Relevant?

iffe�ent disciplines will provide different perspectives from which to study cults. Theologians have characterized reli gious groups in terms of the form of their beliefs, as gnostic, millenarian, messianic, heretical, liturgical, mystical, evangelical, or charismatic. Sociologists describe the cult's relation to society in such terms as deviance, marginality, and radicalism. Social psy chologists study leadership styles and patterns of relationship within the group. Anthropologists look for indicators of tribal or ethnic cohesiveness, gender role differentiation, and collectively held mythical conceptions. Psychiatrists too have a special approach to contribute to the study of cults. We are in a unique position to understand the personalities, needs, and motivations of the individuals who lead cults and of those who constitute their membership. We are in possession of a system for categorizing behaviors, thoughts, and affects in terms of their defensive and adaptive purposes. We can discriminate between unusual behaviors that serve a developmen tal end and those behaviors that are clearly pathological under any circumstances. In his article "The Politics of Vulnerability: Youth in Religious Cults" Philip Cushman (1984) wrote about the aggressive recruit ment methods of many cults and the ready availability of young people with shaky identities who are likely to be victims of these methods. He identifies the propensity of cults to abuse power by exploiting the powerless. These are the psychologically frail young persons, often naive in the ways of the world, prone to poorly reflected idealism, who are at the time of recruitment in a state of developmental transition, in need of friendship, authoritative 5

Leaders and Followers

guidance, and a sense of meaning. Cushman thus explains psychiatry's legitimate concern with cults: there is a population that is potentially at the mercy of religious entrepreneurs who have low regard for individuality, self-determination, and personal growth. Cushman's article contains many first-hand accounts of pre vailing recruitment and induction techniques aimed at fostering a symbiosis between leaders and members; this symbiosis interrupts the individuation process that psychiatrists believe is necessary and normal. Such frontal attacks upon the self by cults aiming at self-transcendence threaten the mental health of the unprepared who suffer from incomplete differentiation between themselves and others, as described by Engler (1983). In such instances, cults are symptom reinforcing rather than symptom relieving, so that the "cure'' may be worse than the ailment. Another practice of some cults is an insistence that inductees not only disown their original religion but also distance themselves from their families. This process is often accomplished in the context of seductive "love bombing" by proselytizers who-for the time being-overplay the role of "good parent." By inducing a cognitive and emotional regression, they "capture" the recruit. Feelings of alienation from the family of origin are manipulated so as to encourage discord and effect estrangement. Instead of healing family rifts or fostering the overdue process of separation-individ uation, this kind of cult sows discord, encourages emotional con striction, and interferes with personal growth. Some cult leaders have become known as pious frauds who accumulate immense personal wealth and claim a quasi-divine status that legitimatizes their desire for absolute control over their followers. This view may not be perceived by the group or it may be condoned or lauded. As psychiatrists we may speculate that those followers who idealize this behavior share the leader's pen chant for deviousness, hypocrisy, and self-deception. These char acteristics are all variants of the basic primitive defense mechanism of denial and permit the wide scale dissembling and cheating in the name of higher religious aims that is often observed. In this case, fraudulent leadership reinforces or worsens the developmen tal arrest and poor reality testing that made cult followers easy targets for proselytizers in the first place (Pruyser 1977, 1978). In undertaking any assessment of cults, psychiatrists must be aware of clements unique to their own personal and professional experience, which might influence their perspective and interfere with objectivity. Among these experiences is a history of previous

Is Psychiatry Relevant?

encounters with neurotic and psychotic distortions of religious thought. All varieties of religion have proven to be highly vulner able to idiosyncratic, sometimes psychotic distortions (GAP Report 67, 1968). The psychiatrist's attitudes may be selectively influenced by those relatively few cult members or ex-members and their relatives who have appealed to them for help. Few psychiatrists participate in the ongoing life of cults, and most cult members avoid psychiatrists. Finally, self-scrutiny may make the psychia trist aware of competitive feelings toward cults, evoked by the latter's use of "pop" psychology and therapeutic techniques. This rivalry has been described by Kilbourne and Richardson (1984).

References Appel W: Cults in America: Programmed for Paradise. New York, Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1983 Cushman P: The politics of vulnerability. Psychohistory Review 12(4):5-17, 1984 Engler JH: Vicissitudes of the self according to psychoanalysis and Buddhism: a spectrum model of object relations develop ment. Psychoanalysis and Contemporary Thought 6(1):2972, 1983 Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry: The Psychic Function of Religion in Mental Illness and Health, formulated by the Committee on Psychiatry and Religion, 1968 Kaslow F, Sussman MB (eds): Cults and the Family. New York, Haworth Press (Marriage and Family Review, Vol 4, No 3/4), 1982 Kilbourne B, Richardson JT: Psychotherapy and New Religions in a Pluralistic Society. American Psychologist 3:237-251, 1984 Pruyser PW: The Seamy Side of Current Religious Beliefs. Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic 41:329-348, 1977

Leaders and Followers

dictated that followers live in communally owned property in which members did not have exclusive relationships. Westward expansion made little provision for the Indian way of life. Forced by the government to live in reservations, their religious beliefs challenged by missionaries, and a principal food source-the buffalo-destroyed, Indians saw their culture devas tated. Two major religious movements arose in response: The Ghost Dance and the Native American Church. The Ghost Dance was a millennial movement founded in 1889 by a Northern Paiute named Wovoka. It was believed that "The Dance would hasten the coming of the renewed earth, where the living would be reunited with the dead, game would be plen tiful, and the White Man would no longer be dominant over the Indian" (Halperin 1983). The movement died out, weakened by the Wounded Knee massacre in 1890 and the passing of the spring of 1891, the date set for millennial redemption. The Native American Church, based on the ritual use of peyote, began among the Kiowa, Comanche, and Navajo. Peyote ingestion was used as a method of gaining insight to help in dealing with problems of everyday living, and their common religious practice served to unite the various tribes. Similar circumstances contributed to cult formation in the Hawaiian Islands. With settlement by foreigners, the life of the native population was tragically altered. Diseases to which they had no immunity reduced the population from 300,000 in 1778 to 28,000 by the end of the nineteenth century. The Congregational Church replaced the old religious system, and descendants of the missionaries eventually dominated the business community. The missionaries altered the Hawaiian language when they put it into print. The overthrow of the monarchy gave the coup de grace to the Hawaiian attempt to regain autonomy. Beginning in the 1850s the Hawaiian cult of Kaona attempted to bring back a way of life that was fast disappearing. Joseph Kaona, a native who had been a member of the Hawaiian House of Representatives and a district magistrate, studied the millennial teachings of the Millerites, who envisioned the end of the world and the second coming. Kaona became convinced that he was God and had visions. "Kaona was one of a long line of native prophets in the Pacific who came to realize that time was running out for their people, and whose revelations made it clear that nothing but a universal convulsion could bring back a world without white men" (Daws 1969). By 1868 Kaona had acquired a following of a few hundred who gave up their belongings, dressed in white robes,

Cults in the United States

and settled on land they called "Lehuula" (red ashes). There they chanted, danced, and prayed, awaiting the end of the world. When the ownerof the land on which they had settled attempted to regain it by force, the Kaonites killed the sheriff who led the posse and were arrested. Kaona was sent to prison and the cult disbanded. Mary Baker Eddy established Christian Science in 1875 fol lowing the publication of her book, Science and Health. Eddy be lieved that God ruled the material world through a system of laws, and that illness, like sin, could be overcome by a proper mental attitude. This attempted rebuttal to scientific doctrine and Protes tant ideals "provided some sort of resolution for the key anxieties of the era" (Albanese 1981). The founder of the Shakers (formally called the United Soci ety of Believers in Christ's Second Appearing), Mother Ann Lee, was regarded by her followers as Christ returned in the second coming. The popular name of the group was derived from its ritual dance, a trembling brought about by intense religious fervor. Be lieving that God possessed both male and female natures, and that sex was evil, the group lived communally and practiced celibacy. Two movements that developed among American Blacks can be seen as a response to their disadvantaged position in society. Father Divine' s Peace Mission was a syncretistic blend of Pentecos tal faith, positive thinking, and secular pragmatism. It became an emotional support system for hundreds of American Blacks who were struggling in the process of urbanization. In return for sub mission to the group, which regarded Divine as the personification of God, members received food, clothing, and housing at minimal cost. In addition, the Mission supported civil rights and welfare for the poor. The Black Jews began in Harlem around 1919. Claiming to be descendants of Ethiopian Jews, the Falashas, they rejected the term "Negro" and regarded Christianity as foreign. They claimed He brew as their original sacred tongue and observed Jewish dietary laws. Their religious services were somber and restrained, in con trast to those of the Southern Baptists and Pentecostals with whom they had been affiliated before coming North. George Simpson, a historian, speculated that "they invented a history, a culture, and a religion in an attempt to escape the stigma of being black and from being rejected by whites" (Simpson 1978). The period between the two World Wars did not see a prolif eration of cults, perhaps because the grim economic realities of the time affected individuals of all ages and classes and united families in a common response. By contrast, the conflict surrounding the

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Chapter 4

Cult Leaders

n 1972, a 35-year-old American calling himself Baba returned from an Indian ashram and began daily sittings on a park bench in New York City. He had never experienced a happy family life: His father killed his mother and then committed suicide when Baba was 21, and Baba left his own wife and children when he was 30. During the next four years he acquired about 30 followers who, interestingly enough, called themselves "The Family" (Deutsch 1975). Vegetarian meals were prepared in a disciple's nearby apartment, and Baba and most of the others slept on an adjoining rooftop. Baba spoke only in sign language, translated to outsiders by his first disciple, Sid. During the day Baba held forth on religious themes to passersby. About five months after Baba began his sittings, The Family purchased an old bus and moved to a hilltop in a nearby state. There, some 100 followers formed a farm commune. No vows were taken, and people came and went as they wished. Baba's central teaching was the necessity of letting go of attachments to ambition, sex, possessions, and guilt. Baba's behavior became increasingly bizarre, sadistic, and domineering. He often struck his disciples and was sexually abu sive with some of the women. By 1975 he had deteriorated to the point where his sign language was unintelligible even to his closest followers, and he was grimacing constantly. He saw his former Indian teacher as the devil incarnate and wanted no more follow ers. The commune disbanded, and Baba's fate is unknown. In 1965, a 67-year-old retired pharmaceutical executive from India, A.C. Bhaktivendanta Swami Prabhupada, came to New York City with six dollars in his pocket and founded the Intema-

Leaders and Followers

tional Society of Krishna Consciousness (ISKON). In India Prabhupada had been a follower of a Krishna sect and had edited its "Back to Godhead" magazine. At age 58 he forsook all ties to his wife, five children, and job and became a Hindu monk. Nine years later he came to New York to begin his teaching. Beginning in a storefront mission in the lower East Side, he offered free vegetarian meals while preaching his message of wor ship of the Lord Krishna as the personal manifestation of the Godhead, using as his text the Indian spiritual classic the Bhagavad Gita. His early followers were mostly youths from the hippie culture. ISKON, commonly known as the Hare Krishnas, grew rap idly, aided by the publicity it received by attracting the poet Alan Ginsberg, Beatie George Harrison, and the rock group The Grateful Dead. The group has become familiar to the public through its orange-robed, shaven headed devotees intoning their Hare Krishna chant on urban streets and requesting donations in return for a flower. Today the movement seems well established, having survived Swami Prabhupada's death in 1977. One contribution to its success was the founder's foresight in appointing governing commissioners to oversee the movement before he died. There are now about 40 temples in Europe, Australia, and New Zealand. These examples, both derived from the Indian religious scene, illustrate two contrasting outcomes of a cult. In the first, Saba's psychotic disorganization caused the cult to be abandoned. In the second, Prabhupada presided over the group's growth until his death and wisely made plans for the group beyond his own survival. Many factors determine if a cult will flourish, but the figure of the leader is a major factor (Deutsch 1980).

The Figure of the Leader Study of the cult leader has been rather neglected, most of the attention being focused on the followers. The typical cult leader is by nature not likely to offer himself or herself as a subject for evaluation by a mental health professional. Descriptions made available by the cults themselves present their leaders in a favor able, larger-than-life portrait that masks their actual personalities. Nonetheless, it is possible to make inferences from these portraits about the cult leader's ideal self-image. Certain aspects are typi cally encountered and contribute to the mythology prevailing

Cult Leaders

among his followers. These include: The Hero, The Outsider, The Narcissist, The Charismatic Figure, and The Entrepreneur. Any particular leader can manifest more than one of these aspects in combination. Because most leaders among the cults we have stud ied are men, the male pronoun is used throughout the paragraphs that follow. The Hero. He is portrayed in Joseph Campbell's The Hero With a Thousand Faces (Campbell 1968). Typically the Hero is born in relative obscurity, during a time of danger or turmoil. Prophe cies often herald his coming. Frequently he is said to have one divine parent and one human parent. He displays extraordinary capacities early in life: prodigious strength and extreme precocity involving wisdom or cleverness. His powers develop during a period of relative obscurity. An event then occurs in which the Hero recognized his uniqueness and the calling to a chosen mis sion. He may disregard this for a time but eventually embarks on a mission that will be attended by suffering and pitfalls. The Outsider. The leader has generally been an outsider in relation to the mainstream. He feels alienated and opposed, he spends his life compensating. By acquiring an intensely loyal band of followers he creates a world in which he is the supreme insider. He takes an adversarial stance toward the outside world, regarding it as something to fear, avoid, manipulate, or "save." Hence the leader comes to see himself as the persecuted savior. The Narcissist. "By taking on the identity of master [the leader] acquires an identity that carries with it the nurninosity of the Self in its most undiluted concrete form" (Satinover 1980). The leader, and to a much lesser extent his disciples, live in the infant's narcissistic world of fantasies of grandeur and power, modified as little as possible by limitations and frustration. Whatever difficul ties are encountered within the cult and outside are seen by the leader as flaws in an imperfect and unenlightened humanity, as goading obstacles to be overcome on the way to perfection. Typi cally, leaders leave their nuclear families to pursue their calling, and the external world is regarded as subservient to the mission. The Charismatic Figure. Max Weber defines charisma as "a certain quality of an individual personality by virtue of which he is set apart from ordinary men and treated as endowed with supernatural, superhuman, or at least specifically exceptional qualities or properties" (Weber, original 1922, translated 1947). The cult and the leader desperately need each other. The leader must be the bearer for all the idealizations and projections attributed to him by his followers. He must successfully project these attributes. To do this his belief in his own uniqueness and calling and his ability to convince others of this are indispensable. As we shall see, the followers are in dire need of an anointed figure.

Leaders and Followers

age was 24.7 years. Most came from intact families and were partially or wholly dependent on their parents for support at the time they joined the church.

Who Joins In an effort to characterize those who enter cults, a number of variables have been considered: social and cultural factors, family and religious background, personality characteristics, and devel opmental difficulties. All of the factors that predispose individuals to join cults may also contribute to psychopathology. In fact, many individuals who join cults show evidence of previous psychopa thology, though estimates differ as to its nature and degree of severity. The fact that cults appeal to late adolescents and young adults directs our attention to developmental concerns in these age groups.

Social and Cultural Factors The Vietnam War, the nuclear arms race, and the resultant fear of nuclear disaster are commonly considered to have undermined established institutions and spawned the counterculture of the late 1960s and 1970s. In addition, many feel that the burgeoning of technology and bureaucracy has been dehumanizing and has led to fear of loss of individualism. There is no generally accepted proof for either of these hypotheses. The counterculture offered new political, social, sexual, and religious options. These options were adopted by many young adults who felt disappointed by the established social order. For others, the new freedom was frightening. The cults were particu larly attractive to this latter group; many joined after becoming disillusioned or frightened by their experiences with drugs, sex, or other aspects of the counterculture. Cult membership permitted, even demanded, rebellion against conventional society while it provided an alternative source of structure, purpose, and support.

Cult Followers

The Religious Factor Definitive data regarding the religious upbringing of cult members ar � �ot available, but one thing seems certain: those from strong religious backgrounds are less likely to join cults than those with out such backgrounds. Relatively few devotees come from obser vant Catholic or Orthodox Jewish families, while a dis proportionately large number are Jews from liberal, nonobservant families. It should be borne in mind that the religious attitudes of young people are often determined by the nature of their relation ships to their parents. Those who feel rebellious in the context of a structured religious atmosphere will be unlikely to feel attracted to the dogmatic, structured life-style of the cults. On the other hand, cults have appealed to many who saw their less observant families as insincere in their beliefs.

Family Background Our clinical experience suggests that difficulties in achieving nor mal adult separation from family is a prime motivation for joining a cult. Most cult members come from intact, close-knit, middle class, achievement-oriented families. For them, the cult may enable a counter-dependent rebellion against family by providing a sub stitute group with similar dynamic characteristics. We wondered whether some families are particularly ''cultogenic." It seems clear that there is no one personality pattern or central conflict that is specific to those who chose to join cults. However, sociologists and psychologists have enumerated the following several family characteristics that may so predispose ch�dren: 1) Authoritarian, protective parents who fail to prepare children for the adult task of decision making. A child from such a background may need to seek out a group in which all decisions are made by others. 2) Overly permissive parents who do not provide a consistent system of values and expectations. Children from these homes may fail to internalize an adequate set of ideals on which to base adult identity. The charismatic nature of the cult leader may appear particularly attractive to them. 3) Families that demand_more than the child can achieve. Their children may find comfort m the fact that cults do not demand achievement and may even discourage it. 4) Families that seem sound and lack overt

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Leaders and Followers

fidence and faulty optimism may lead to rejection of conventional society and its values; but without society's ideals to aspire to, the young person is left without any direction or restraints, and can easily become confused and overwhelmed. The cult and the cult leader offer a ready solution. As one cult member put it, "Being told what to accept was a relief. You could give up the constant struggle." A high proportion of cult members report that they had few close friends before joining and were unable to identify themselves with any place, institution, or occupation. The cult offers meaning, a sense of belonging, and even drama to an otherwise lonely existence. Here they feel they are doing good work; they may even save the world. They have become special. The revised self-image undoes the previous feeling of isolation and emptiness. A new and better society in which one plays an important role replaces the rejected group of origin. Poor self-esteem and the resultant alienation will in turn cause an individual to become hostile, resenting those whom he or she feels unable to measure up to. Cult members justify these sentiments in a variety of ways. Some say they are reacting to a society that is corrupt and evil. Others blame their parents, whom they perceive to be hypocritical and inconsistent in their practices. The cult provides assistance with these hostile feelings by sanction ing their expression in defense of the cult's superior aims. This is sometimes accompanied by claims of love for every living creature. For those who fear the intensity of aggressive impulses, the rituals of cult life provide an external source of control that compensates for the lack of inner controls. A significant number of cult members report episodes of disorientation or fragmentation accompanied by the sensation that their life is falling apart (Appel 1978). Erikson (1963) has referred to this state as "identity diffusion" and attributed it to "a combina tion of experiences which demand simultaneous commitment to physical intimacy, decisive occupational choice, energetic compe tition and psycho-social self-definition." In essence, this fragmentation is a severe response to the demands of adulthood by those who cannot otherwise tolerate them. Apocalyptic cults may appeal particularly to young people in this state. The concept of world destruction resonates with their fears, while cult membership promises survival.

Cult Followers

Incidence of Psychopathology The characteristics we have described above may be manifesta tions of developmental problems, or they may be embedded in more serious psychopathology. Reliable statistical data are not available, as there is great variability among groups studied and diagnostic criteria applied by investigators. Thus studies can rarely be compared. Most agree that the majority of cult members suffer from problems that antedate their commitment to the cult, but estimates of the nature of the problems differ widely. Willa Appel (1978) asserts that most cult members are essen tially normal people who turn to cults at a moment of particular difficulty in their lives. Psychologist Margaret Singer (1979) esti mated that 75'fo of cult members are "basically normal." A study based on 100 "rehabibtation" cases conducted by a deprogram ming group, G. Kelly Associates, indicates that 68% (mostly ex members of the Unification Church) were "stable" individuals who were experiencing "mild adolescent difficulties" at the time of their conversion. In contrast, psychiatrist John Clark (1978) has maintained that some 60% of people in all stages of cult involvement, examined by him personally, were "chronically disturbed." The other 40% were found to be essentially normal, but susceptible to conversion because of "crises of maturation" and pressure from an aggressive proselytizer. There is general agreement that seriously disturbed people are a minority in cult populations. Truly psychotic individuals do not make good converts or group members. Despite their initial enthusiasm, they undergo a crisis sooner or later and revert to a more autistic relationship to reality. Spero (1982) has reported on the testing and therapy of 65 devotees. 35 were members of "mildly to seriously disturbed" families; of these, 20 had histories of prior consultations with psychiatrists or school psychologists. Psychological tests were given to all 65 before, during, and after therapy, and revealed two basic profiles: 1) significant constriction in cognitive processes with a preference for stereotypy or 2) a manic denial of depressive trends. The most important findings were problems in differenti ating between self and non-self and between inner and outer reality. Twenty-four of the 65 manifested ''borderline" phenom ena. Three had frequent episodes of "slippage" or "floating" (that is, attention disorders) during early months of treatment. Spero

ū ȝ ǘ ȝ ơȝĮ Y(Ŭ ȝ ' 6·ȝ KC * ȝ 9 ¥ȝ ȝ Ũ ȝ mȝ +ƢTǙįß ŭȝťȁ>R ¦ȝ N 5 ȝ ǹ R¡ȝİ ȝ ȝ 7 ȝh1 ȝǀ §ȝ ȝ ȝ -Q Ƌ ŝ ȝƠ ȝ ȝ* t ȝ [ı * ȝ ȝƣ Ş ȝ ȝĲ ȝ 3 ȝ Ƥ V u ȝȓT ȝ8 ƥ HȝÏğ Ů ȝ ȝpx7 v ȝ1 ȝ ĳȏ ȝ$OȝF. = Ĵ ȝ Ʀȝ! Xw ȝ ǚ ¨ȝÌ ƻ ȝ ũ ȝ-$ȝPy ȝ $. v+ȝi ț * ȝ ȝ ǁȝ ȝ ĵ ñ ȝ S ȝ 7ò -à ȝ 9ȝ Ȑ 5 ȝ ?ȝ ȝ < S ȝ ¸ȝ Å Ġ ȂĚrȝ ȝá * ůȝě ȝ ĎȝǛ4 ȝ ȝ# ȝ Dùȝ 2 ȝ 2 ȝ ȝJ ȝ ȝ] ȝ ȝ ȝ m Ķ { ȝ=$ LŸ ©ȝ ġ ȝ : ȝ ŢƊ :,/ ķ ȝ ĸ ÿ ȝĖ ȝǜ ȝŰĹ #ǝ Ƽ ȝĺ ȝ' ȝ ȝ Ź ȝ × : ȝ ǂ4 ȝǃĻĜ Ǆȝ ?ȝƚ G ş^aȝ$Ƨȝ ȑĀ $ZƄā Ǟ ȝ ļǅ$ƨ G IȝË ȝ 8 Øǟªȝ Ģ ƛ ű ȝ ďȝk(ź ȝƅ ! ȝ ȝÙ ȝ ȝ ȝ ǠA ȝ Ľâȝã [ľĂ ȝ ȝ 6V«ȝ ǡȝ }ä(6 Ų ȝ NO Ʃ ȝ?G ȝ ) ȝ ĝ ƪ ȝ ~ ǢU ƌ¹ȝÍ) ȝ 0 ƽ ~ŻȝĿ +ŀú åăȝ ĐȝFǆ +ģ Ĥ ų ȝw.ȝ Y& !Ñ!6aȝ ǣ ¬ȝÚ(Ǥȝ ) ȝ ȕ ȝ đȝ Ł ȝ ĘĄ\ æ ȝł ȝ _ȝŪ Ƙ ºȝ

Æ W ȝ ƫ ȝ ȃj' ȝ ȝ óż8 ȝŃ q & ǥń ƍȝƬ ÒG Ņ ȝ ƿ Ǻ 7ȝ nȝ Ǉ g ȝ %ȝ%# ǈȝ oȝ '% ņ Ǝ»ȝf ȝo#Lǻȝ # ȝO ȝLȄ6 ȝ h 9 ȝ ȝ ; %ȝ ȝÃÄȝ£Žą ȝ ĥ ȝÂÁ¢ȝ ++ ƭ x ȝ ȝ Ǧȝ ¤ȝǉȅ ȝ1ȝ3 Ħȝ ! [ȝ pȝ \ (ǧ HȝÊ Û Ʈ ȝ Ư ȝ y; _ ȝ ȝ ȝN ưȝ ȝ0 5 ȝ Ēȝ .ȝ @' ȝ Ň ô X ȝ: Ǩ ȝǩ ȝ`A ȝ% Ǌ ȝ ħ ȝƆ ` ȝ ) ȝ Ǫ ȝŦ ň"ȝţƗȝ'ĨĆȝQ|Ʊ *ȝ Ŵ2çM¼ȝÐćȝ 2"ȝ,ȖƜM ǫȝǬĩÓ`ȝûŉĕ@Ĉ%," ǋȝȔzžſȝMȗzǌǭȝ Ü ȝ B$Ǎ ȝ s ȝ Ȓ ȝ D X ȝ ȝ ȝ ȝ ȝ5Ə Ȇ &tƀ ȝ J õ ȝ ȝ Z& Ğ% ½ȝ e/ȝ ȝĪ ȝ ®ȝ 2 bȝè ȝ Ý :ǎȝ! ö ȝ 0l ȝ ȇƲ Ŋ ȝ ȝ Ɲ Cé W<Ƴȝ 0 FƇ Ǯ ȝ < cȝ ǏȈ ƁƂ ȝ ŵ ȝ Ŷ i Ɛê dȝ S ȝ 4 Șȝ ȝj Dė üȝ Ǽ3ȝƞ& Jŷ ȝ]) aȝ= ýȝE ȝ & ŋ ȝ ƴ 0 ¯ȝ ( ȝ ȝ^ī ȝ ȝ ȝ Y ǯ ȝ@ ȝZ1 ǰ °ȝǱ8ȝg.ǐ( ȝ1 ȝ Ō D ō ȝ ȝ ǲȝ Pȝ ȝ & ±ȝ ȝ ȝē ȝ. ëŎ W¿ȝ eǑȝ ȝ ȉ ǒ²ȝ s Ƶȝ )U ³ȝǓ(kAȝ ȝ ȝ ŏƶ ȝ@ ȝƈÔƾ Ő ȝ Ƒ ȝF Ʒ -ǳ r cȝ Þ ì ȝ ő Àȝ Ç 'ȝ ! B ȝ ȝ ȝ ȝ ! ȝ E K // &bȝ ƒ ȝ #b´ȝŒEȝĔ#K]dȝ / ȝ ȝ4 "í ȝ ȝ 3 ȝ %ȝ#î4œ,; Ȝ Ɠ Iȝ È {Ɣ ȝ = E ȝ ȝ? Š ȝ >ȝn9u ȝ Ȋ C ȝ ȝ÷Ȏ ǽȝ ï - Ȁ Ǵ ȝ<ȝ ŧ8Ƹȝ Ǿš; ǿ ȝę ȝV 0 -RIȝÎĬ ȝ Ŕ 7ð ȝ qȝ ) ȝ ǵŕ ǔȝ ;ĉ ȝ CǕ ȝ ȝþĊƟ\ Ŗ ȝ >ȝ ȋT _µȝ ƕ ȝ>U } ŗ ^ȝ ŘǶĭȝ ȝ Ȍƃ*ȝ Õșȝ ,Ƿȝř"ȝ " ȝ'BċȝŚ"ś |Ö ȝǖČ ø Ŝ "ȝ /ȝ lƹ¾ȝf ,ȝƉ Ɩ Ǹƙ"Țȝ Qȝ A ȝ 5 ȝ ƺ Ť ȝ P ȝȍ ȝ čȝ ! 9ǗHȝ É ȝ 3 ¶ȝ B ȝ

Leaders and Followers

Two factors are important in determining whether an indi vidual will remain in a cult. One involves the cult's efficacy in solving the problems at hand. If membership results in diminished pain and frustration and closer relations, the tendency will be to remain. By the same token, a member will leave if he or she becomes further distressed. The second factor is the tenacity of the problems that motivated joining. Developmental problems and some personality disorders may be transient, so the need for the cult may diminish or disappear in time. When the problems are pervasive and fixed, as in borderline conditions, there will be a greater likelihood of remaining in the cult. Relatively healthy and capable members may also chose to stay in the cult if they achieve positions of power and influence.

References Appel W: Cults in America. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Win ston, 1983 Clark JG Jr: The Manipulation of Madness. Unpublished paper presented in Hanover, Germany, 1978, p 12 Conway F, Siegelman J: Snapping. Philadelphia, PA, JB Lippincott, 1978 Information Disease: Have Cults Created a New Illness? Science Digest, January 1982, p 92 Erikson EH: Childhood and Society. New York, WW Norton, 1963 Galanter M, Rabkin R, Deutsch A: "The Moonies": A Psychological Study of Conversion and Membership in a Contemporary Religious Sect. American Journal of Psychiatry 136:165-169, 1979 Gallup G: Gallup Youth Survey. New York, NY, Associated Press, 1978, 1981 Singer M: Coming Out of the Cults. Psychology Today, January 1979, pp 72-82 Spero MH: Psychotherapeutic Procedure With Religious Cult D e v otees. The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease 170:332344, 1982

Cult Followers

Sukhdeo HAS: A Clinician's Reflections on Some of the Problems of the Jewish Family in Contemporary America. Unpub lished pamphlet (see Appel 1983), 1983 Ungerlei��r JT, Wellisch DK: Coercive Persuasion (Brainwashing), Religious Cults and Deprogramming. American Journal of Psychiatry 136:279-282, 1979

Leaders and Follawers

various personality disorders. How disordered the personality has to be to require such a restrictive external structure depends on how far the traditional universe has disintegrated, how shaken are the supports and protection it offers, and how seriously challenged it is by alien, alternate universes. We do not know whether the incidence of personality disorders has fluctuated over time. A priori, there is no reason to believe the incidence fluctuates at all, though it may well be influenced by factors such as nutrition and modes of child rearing.

The Need for Certainty In any case, there is a challenge to the youth of today that is similar to that offered to the youth ofJudea two millennia ago. Aliens have been introduced into most large Western communities not by invading armies but by facile communication, rapid translation, television and movies, and easy travel. Traditional local forms vie with alternatives. Cosmopolitanism has brought with it a tolerance of dissent as well and with it a breakdown of traditional hierarchies and hierarchical values. That breakdown has facilitated both ver tical and horizontal mobility, and this involves a challenge to young people to rise above the status of their parents. It is consis tent with our observations that the youth who are most fearful of competition, making choices, and fulfilling responsibilities seek the security of an apparently noncompetitive fraternity that pro tects them from the harsh, unfriendly universe that the rest of us inhabit. Apocalyptic elements can be found in modern cults, similar to those described in the Dead Sea sects. Jonestown, for instance, destroyed itself in an apocalyptic suicide. But even when these elements are not present, there is evidence of barely controlled fury, usually complemented by exaggerated professions of love within the group. Infuriated by their fear of making their way in a relatively unstructured society, some young people will find cults attractive, offering them a sense of rebirth into a loving fraternity a kind of infinitely loving, understanding, embracing mother. Chasseguet-Smirgel (1985) has described the maternal quality of such groups and has seen the messianic group leader as a guide rather than a father. We all require a sense of the predictability if not the benignity of the world that we inhabit. When inner discontent or external

The Dead Sea Sects

challenge destroys that image, most of us seek a substitute source of certainty. Involvement in cults or sects is one way of addressing this need. Those who require a literal structure promising restora tion of what has been lost may find it either in a sectarian renewal of the origins of one's own tradition or in cultic involvement in form of worship that are exotic and have not yet been sources of disappointment.

References Baron S: A Social and Religious History of the Jews. Vol II. New York, Columbia University, 1952 Betz 0: Dead sea scrolls, in The Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible. Edited by Buttrick GA.Nashville, TN, Abingdon, 1962 Bickerman E: From Ezra to the Last of the Maccabees. New York, Schocken Books, 1947 Broshi M: Beware the wiles of the wanton woman. Biblical Archae ological Review IX(4):54-56, 1983 Burrows M: The Dead Sea Scrolls. New York, Viking, 1954 Chasseguet-SmirgelJ: The Ego Ideal. New York, WW Norton, 1985 Farmer WR Essenes, in The Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible. Edited by Buttrick GA. Nashville, TN, Abingdon, 1962 Gaster TH (trans): The Dead Sea Scriptures. Garden City, NY, Anchor Books, 1964 Josephus: The Jewish War. Translated by Williamson GA. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, Penguin Books, 1959 Licht J: Dead Sea sect, in Encyclopedia Judaica. Edited by Roth C, Wigoder G. Jerusalem, Encyclopedia Judaica Press, 1972

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Leaders and Followers

sense of the child's general personality style, for example, aggres sive versus passive attitudes. The child's social interactions should be described: What kind of relationship existed between parent and child? How many children are in the family and what was the identified patient's birth order? How did the child feel about his or her place in the family constellation? What were the child's relations with friends of the same and the opposite sex? Was he or she shy? What were his or her sexual attitudes? Was the child envious of others? Did he or she feel mistreated? Did the child seem "spoiled" or entitled? A history of cognitive and intellectual achievement would include a discussion of school performance and estimates of intel lectual potential (including specific intellectual deficiencies, if known), attitudes toward schoolwork, particular areas of profi ciency, and evidence of independent initiative, such as hobbies or extracurricular activities. Was the child ambitious or lackadaisical, independent or conforming? An assessment of moral and ideolog ical development might include a description of the child's reli gious background, and any expressed attitudes toward religion, politics, and world events. Interviews with siblings and, if possible, with the individual himself or herself, would facilitate understanding. Comparison between the parents' description and direct clinical observation would be of particular interest.

Understanding the Cult The cult should be studied from all available perspectives. While the real facts about the cult's beliefs and practices are obviously most important, the way the cult is viewed by parents and by the individual member may well be distorted or at least idiosyncratic. It would be important to be aware of this in planning a treatment approach. One could obtain a description of the group from the parents, from the youth and or from other members, from materials published by the cult itself or by outside investigators. An actual visit to the cult would be a valuable adjunct. The goal of this evaluation would be as full a description as possible of all aspects of cult membership, including the leader, the members, the beliefs, and the life-style. Descriptions of recruiting and induction techniques might reveal evidence of "brainwashing" in its original sense, of seduc-

Suggestions for Therapists and Parents

tive "love bombing," of forcible detention and physical or psycho logical terrorization. Data on members might include demographic description and personals observations. Does behavior appear stereotyped? Are members manneristic or wearing a fixed smile? Are their opinions rigid and dogmatic, or is there room for intellectual flexibility and emotional depth? What is demanded of members? Are they free to leave the cult if they desire? What percentage do so, and over what time course? Does the cult demand absolute obedience? What happens to those who do not acquiesce? Are members humiliated or forced to perform shameful acts? Are they threatened? Are they physically or psychologically abused? Are they sexually abused? Are they well-fed and cared for? Are they permitted adequate sleep? Is the work schedule overly arduous? What is the quality of relationships within the cult? Are members infantilized to an extent that precludes maturation? Are sexual relations encouraged, and if so, to what extent does the cult attempt to control the choice of partners and the nature of the relationship? If children are born or brought into the cult, are the parents permit ted to function as such or does the group take over? Are children beaten or otherwise abused? How are they educated? Questions about the guru would include an assessment of his or her sanity and personal integrity. What is the leader's attitude toward money? Are members expected to raise funds for the group? Are they expected to turn over their personal assets and possessions? Has the group or the guru been sued, and if so, what was the issue and its outcome?

Understanding the Family of Origin Finally, the parents and family need to be studied. Of course, much will have been learned about them in the course of the interviews. Now, gaps can be filled in. What is the character of each parent? Are they introspective, or do they seek explanations that are en tirely external to themselves? Are they interested in understanding the situation at hand, or do they insist on an active "solution"? Is the need for action based entirely on guilt, anger over the child's difficult behavior, or a sense that they have been rejected? Are they self-critical or self-righteous? How do they understand the child's choice of the cult? What is the family's social and economic back ground? How is family life structured? What is expected of chil-

Leaders and Followers

dren and how are expectations communicated? Were parents ei ther excessively strict or excessively indulgent? What is the moral and religious history? What religious rituals were observed, and what was the parental attitude toward them? What sort of behav ioral and social values do parents hold, and how is the value system implemented? Did children appear to be in agreement with family attitudes and practices? Was dissent expressed, and if so was this tolerated or encouraged? What is the emotional state of the parents, and of any other children?

Recommendations If evaluation of the cult indicates that it is not exploitative, and if the youth is both sane and satisfied for the moment in being part of it, there can hardly be good reason to exert extreme pressure on the youth to leave. If the cult is clearly abusive, making extortionate demands and forcing members into dangerous positions, legal action may be reasonable, especially if the child is a minor. As noted previously, the court has even upheld forcible removal of non-minors in situations where there is clear evidence of danger, but disagreements over what constitutes danger and the difficulty of proving such an allegation make the outcome of this course of action uncertain at best. At worst, kidnapping ,md involuntary treatment that fails will seriously compromise any trust that exists between parent and child, and will compound any acrimony. If action was undertaken without legal sanction, parents run the additional risk of legal judgements against them. Discussions with the youth in which parents and psychother apist convey a sympathetic attitude based on informed under standing may in some cases effect a changed view. But most members will not accede to parental requests that they leave the cult, even when the concern seems genuine and well founded. In these cases, parents can only hope that the maturational process will continue, and will eventually render the cult less necessary to the child so that he or she can see its shortcomings and leave of his or her own volition. If this does not happen, chances are that the cult is serving a necessary purpose for the child, however maladaptively, and nothing will be gained by attempting to intim idate the child into leaving. When members do leave cults, the transition can be quite difficult, even for those judged to be emotionally healthy. They

Suggestions for Therapists and Parents

may feel socially isolated or cut adrift, anxious about resuming their place in the outside world. They may feel regressed, and they may exhibit all the symptoms that were present prior to joining the cult. Psychotherapy at this stage would be best kept supportive, encouraging a constructive adaptation to life, and leaving any deeper interpretive work until such time as the patient has re achieved a sense of stability. Additionally, some patients may experience distress over traumatic aspects of their time within the cult. Therapy in this case, as with other posttraumatic disorders, should include the opportunity for review and re-telling, at the patient's own pace and free from value judgements or parental demands, so the patient may be able to master the experience in his or her own way.

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FORMULATED BY

Leaders and Followers

Robert L. Arnstein Judith H. Gold Milton Kramer W. Walter Menninger Robert A. Solow Consultant

John C. Nemiah

THE COMMITTEE ON PSYCHIATRY AND RELIGION

LEADERS & FOLLOWERS A PSYCHIATRIC PERSPECTIVE ON RELIGIOUS CULTS

Ex-Officio

Allan Beigel Carolyn B. Robinowitz

CONTRIBUTORS Abbott Laboratories American Charitable Fund Dr. and Mrs. Richard Aron Mr. Robert C. Baker Maurice Falk Medical Fund Mrs. Carol Gold Grove Foundation, Inc. Miss Gayle Groves Ittleson Foundation, Inc. Mr. Barry Jacobson Mrs. Allan H. Kalmus Marion E. Kenworthy-Sarah H. Swift Foundation, Inc. Mr. Larry Korman McNeil Pharmaceutical Phillips Foundation Sandoz, Inc. Smith Kline Beckman Corporation Tappanz Foundation, Inc. The Upjohn Company van American Foundation, Inc. Wyeth Laboratories Mr. and Mrs. William A. Zales

Psychiatrists are in a unique position to understand the personalities, needs, and motivations of cult leaders and followers. This report assumes that unique vantage point in its review of the cult phenomenon. What are the psychiatric attributes of cult

leaders and followers? Why do individuals

join cults? Can cults play a constructive role in an individual's life? And how can psychiatrists help family and friends deal with cult members? Supported by numerous references, this report presents statistics and colorful descriptions of American cults and their effect on those

who embrace them.

ISBN 0-87318-200-6

90000>

9 780873 182003'

GAP