Genealogical Society of Ireland Vol 14
Journal
2013
Cumann Geinealais na hÉireann 2013
Genealogical Society of Ireland Cumann Geinealais na hÉireann ISSN 1393-936X
Vol 14
Journal
2013
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Cover Picture: Thomas W. Merrigan posing with various family photos at his Greenfield, Massachusetts, home. His grandmother, Hannah Falvey emigrated from Valencia Island to the USA in 1910. See story on page 33
Published by Genealogical Society of Ireland Ltd., Dún Laoghaire, Co. Dublin. Price €7.50 GSI member €7 Postage €1.50 to Ireland - €3.00 elsewhere
Genealogical Society of Ireland
Vol 14
Journal
2013
Contents
Page
Beattie and Kelly from Tyrone to Australia Some Irish Military Wives: The Register of the Troop Transport the 'Prescot' – February 1801 Deaths in Scotland Prior to Civil Registration Andrews & Company: A Wolverhampton Family in Dublin Hannah Falvey of Valencia Island, County Kerry The Emigrants' Return R.I.P. at Lourdes Mary Kelly (1867-1946) - A Woman Ahead of Her Time Extract from Returns Relating to the GPO, Ireland. The Civil Survey of Meath 1654-56 - An Index DMP Casualties During the Irish War of Independence Militiaman Neal McCourt (1851-1872) The Belfast Blitz – The Peoples' Experience The McLoughlin Families of West Mayo Who Was Eliza Kenny? Peter Byrne (1874-1962), Montana USA Ballynacreeva Cemetery, Seefin, Craughwell, Co. Galway The Flanagan Family: Monaghan to Rhode Island The Search for National School Rolls Books
Steven Johnson Howard R. Clarke Gordon Johnson Enda MacMahon Thomas W. Merrigan Barry Kennerk Padraic Ingoldsby Paula O'Kelly James O. Coyle James Scannell Brendan Hall James Scannell Adrian James Martyn G.H. O'Reilly Roisin Lafferty Steve Dolan Joyce Flanagan Steve Dolan
2 7 21 28 33 41 52 55 62 63 76 95 98 105 110 119 127 130 134
Cumann Geinealais na hÉireann 2013 1
BEATTIE AND KELLY FROM TYRONE TO AUSTRALIA Steven Johnson It is believed that Mary Ann Beatty was born 23rd December 1814 at Mulnahunch in Co. Tyrone. Her parents were said to be David Beatty, a farmer, and Mary Jardan. Griffith's Valuation shows a David Beatty renting a house and land of 34 acres in Mulnahunch circa 1845 and it is reasonable to presume that this was Mary Ann's father. Her first marriage was to Isaac Rooney about 1840/1841. He was a churchwarden and lived near Castlecaulfield in Tyrone. She gave birth to two children, Mary-Ann and Isaac, but before the birth of Isaac in 1842 her husband, Isaac, died leaving her a widow. Robert Kelly was born on 9th January 1825, either in Mulnahunch or Killyliss (adjoining townlands in County Tyrone). He was the son of Robert Kelly who was born in 1792 and had married Ann Kelly, born 1796. They had at least five children, Robert mentioned above, Jemima, Thomas, James and John Greer. Robert senior died in Berwick in Australia and his wife, Ann Kelly (Greer) died on 31st May 1862 also in Berwick. Anne may have been married twice given that one child is called John Greer. It appears that the family emigrated at some stage but probably after Robert junior had married the widow, Mary Ann Beatty-Rooney, at Donaghmore, County Tyrone, in Ireland on 3rd March 1847. Robert junior had one child, Ann. Two years later in 1849, Robert, Mary Ann, and the children Isaac and Ann, migrated to Australia on the ship "Andromache". It is not known what happened to the first child – Mary-Ann – but she did not travel to Australia. The Andromache arrived at Point Henry, Geelong, Victoria on the 24th December 1849. The record shows – Robert Kelly, aged 24 years, farm labourer, Church of England. Mary Ann Kelly, aged 26 years, Wife, Church of England. Isaac Rooney, aged 6 years, (step)son. Ann Kelly, aged 2 years, daughter. Robert and Mary Ann both seem to have given the incorrect birth year by approximately 10 years, and that the rest of the family emigrated at some other time. The arrival of the 'Andromache' was written up in the 'The Argus' newspaper on 26th December 1849 – 2
PORT OF GEELONG. Arrived. - December 24. - 'Andromache' barque, 468 tone, Michael Passmore, commander, from Plymouth 5th September, with emigrants. Imports.- 'Andromache' from Plymouth, 23 bhds and 10 quarter casks brandy, 15 casks glass-ware, 20 bhds and 30 barrels ale, 20 casks wine, 100 casks bottled beer, W. Timms ; 14 sheets lead, 20 cases merchandise, 1 bale ditto,34 casks bottled beer, 10 bhds ale, William Roope; 239 bars, 94 bundles iron, bales merchandise, 9 casks bottled wine, 76 kegs nails, Octavious Browne & Co. Melbourne. The 'Andromache' immigrant vessel left London August 24th, and Plymouth September 5th. The immigrants are chiefly from the South of England, and appear to have been well selected for the requirements of the colony. There are 35 married couples, 44 single females, 49 single men, and 66 children. The men are nearly all agricultural labourers. During the passage there were 7 deaths and 2 births. Cholera broke out on board, between Greenwich and Plymouth, but on arriving at the latter port the malady had entirely disappeared. The immigrants speak very highly of the treatment they received on board during the passage; the religious instructor (Rev. Mr. Blackwood), and the Surgeon Superintendent (Dr. Henry Brown) receive the encomiums of all for their attention and kindness. The family spent the first ten years residing in the Collingwood area of Melbourne before moving to Harkaway in the Dandenong Ranges where they resided for the next two years. They moved to Prahran and that is where Robert died in 1905, aged 88 years. The following report appeared in the newspapers – KELLY. — On the 15th January, at his residence, 30 Trinian-street, East Prahran, Robert, the dearly beloved husband of Mary Ann Kelly and loving father of Miss M. Kelly, Mrs. J. D. Box (Hawthorn), Mr. D. Kelly, and Mrs. F. Wells (Frankston), and Mr. R. A. Kelly (Korumburra), also the Rev. T. Rooney (South Australia), after a brief and painful illness, aged 80 years. Deeply regretted. An old colonist of 55 years. His wife, Mary-Ann Kelly, also died at Hawthorn 1st May 1915, aged 100 years, and the following appeared in the newspapers KELLY. - On the 1st May, at the residence of her son-in-law, 58 Elgin street, Hawthorn, Mary Ann, relict of the late Robert Kelly, late of Trinian street, Prahran, also loving mother of the Rev. I. Rooney, of South Australia; Mrs. A. Box, Hawthorn; Mrs. D. B. Kelly, and Mrs. F. Wells, Frankston; Miss M. Kelly, 68 Powell street, South Yarra; also late Mr. R. A. Kelly, Korumburra; aged 100 years and 5 months. 3
The first son of Mary-Ann was ISAAC ROONEY (1843-1931) and he became a Methodist Minister and began his ministry in 1864 in Melbourne, after receiving his training at Horton College, Tasmania. The following extract from The Advertiser and Register 23rd July 1931 sums up his life – (He) ….was the oldest Methodist minister in South Australia…..He had a long record of missionary and home service, and is the father of three clergymen serving in the Methodist ministry in South Australia. (In 1865)…. he went to the Fijian mission field, where cannibalism was still rife among the 100,000 inhabitants. In 1880 Mr. Rooney went to New Britain, and during the nine years he spent there in charge of the mission he compiled a dictionary and grammar of the dialect of the Duke of York group, and printed a hymn book, a school primer, the gospel according to St. Matthew, and portion of the Old Testament in the dialect. This was the first occasion on which the language of the New Britain group had been put into print. Twenty-five years of the mission fields so affected his health that in 1889 he was forced to retire to home service. He came to South Australia, and served his church in the Willunga, Jamestown, Clarendon, Gawler, Moonta Quorn, and Glenelg circuits. …. in 1908 he was elected president of the Methodist Conference. The then surviving members of his family were the Rev. S. R. Rooney (Summer town), the Rev. F. L. Rooney (Walkerville), the Rev. L. D. Rooney (Two Wells), and Mrs. A. B. Mather (Prospect North). Another son, Mr. Frank Rooney, who was an associate of the School of Mines, was killed in a mining accident in Western Australia in 1911. According to a report in the Advertiser (Adelaide), Rev. Stephen Rabone ("Ray") Rooney died on 1nd February 1935 in Adelaide, aged 60. He had been born in New South Wales. He had been educated at Prince Alfred College, and had been in the Methodist ministry from 1900. During the early days of his ministry he spent 12 years as a missionary in the Solomon Islands. Returning to South Australia, he was stationed at Koolunga, Clare, Crystal Brook, Summer town, and Prospect North, and latterly at Gawler West. He was survived by a widow, one son - Mr. Gordon Rooney of Prospect North, and one daughter Mrs. Hilda Trenorden, of Summertown. Another son, the Rev. Frederick Langham Rooney, of Robsart Street, Parkside, died, aged 64, in September 1941 having been associated with the Methodist Ministry for more than 37 years. He had been educated at Wesley College, Melbourne, and Prince Alfred College. His first appointment was to North Adelaide (Wellington square), in 1904, and then he had ministered at Kent Town, Prospect, Port Augusta, Kadina, Bordertown, Peterborough Port Lincoln. 4
Balaklava, Renmark, Riverton, Walkerville. Mile End (Holder Memorial), Campbelltown, and Parkside. In 1908 he married Minnie, daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Hunter, of Port Augusta, She, and their four children survived his death. By 1912 the Kellys had 6 children living – Isaac (mentioned above) born around 1841 in Ireland, Ann born 1847 also in Ireland, David born 1850, Sarah born 1852, Maria born 1854 and Robert born 1857. Another child, Catherine, was born in Collingwood in 1856 but died there in 1857. By 1912 they also had 6 grandchildren and 30 great grandchildren. Ann, the daughter born in Ireland of Mary Anne and Robert Kelly, married twice – John Clarke by whom she had two children, Thomas and Eolin, and then John Dixon Box, J.P., in Collingwood in 1893. He was a widower having previously been married in 1866 to Eliza Bentick of Melbourne. Anne died at Hawthorn on 17th November 1921. David Beatty Kelly was born in Collingwood on the 15th May 1850 and he married Mary Louisa (Polly) Wells (shown in the photo left) on the 7th December 1869. This couple had at least five children – David, Herbert and Sydney and two daughters Amy and Ethel. He died th on 19 May 1936, aged 86 years in Frankston where he had lived for 78 years. A local report noted that – While still a lad he became a driver of bullock teams engaged in carting firewood to the Frankston jetty from where it was conveyed by craft to Melbourne. He also carted bricks from the brick works then in the township. When grown to manhood, he selected 80 acres of land on Cranbourne road opposite what is now Ballam Park. There he engaged in farming, but for a time also continued his work with his bullock team. He established a dairy in the township. He lived in Young street for 50 years before his death. When he first resided there he owned all the land from where Sherlock and Hay's timber yards now are to Playne street. When the township grew he subdivided the land and disposed of 5
most of it. Until his death he believed that gold could be obtained in the district. When aged nearly 80 years he took part, with others who held a similar belief, in the sinking of a shaft at Langwarrin. Mrs. Kelly, who died about, two years ago, was the first white female child born on the Mornington Peninsula Sarah Kelly was born in Collingwood in 1852 and married Frank Richard Wells. On March 21st 1938 she celebrated her 86th birthday and was then living at Cranbourne Road, Frankston. Her husband, Frank, was the oldest native in the Frankston district. By 1938 they had four children living, 19 grandchildren, and 29 great-grandchildren. Photo shows Frank Richard Wells and Sarah Wells (née Kelly) Maria Kelly was born in Collingwood in 1854 and died in Frankston on 11th July 1933. She hadn't married. Robert Alexander Kelly was born in Collingwood in 1857 and married Jane Elizabeth Deane of Frankston in 1883. He died in 1911 in Korumburra, Victoria. And so this is a brief look at the lives of just one of the couples who emigrated to Australia from Ireland in those early days. In this case it seems to have been a successful transfer to a foreign and very distant land and there are now many descendants of this Tyrone couple living in that far away country! The Genealogical Society of Ireland’s Archives and Research Centre, An Daonchartlann, is located at the Carlisle Pier, Dún Laoghaire Harbour. Members have full free use of the resources at the Society's Archives & Research and Day Archive Membership is available for others wishing to undertake research at the facility. The Society's Archives & Research Centre is open every Wednesday from 10.30hrs to 16.30hrs (except 4th Weds. open at 13.00hrs) and on Saturday afternoons from 14.00hrs to 18.00hrs for visitors without appointment. 6
SOME IRISH MILITARY WIVES: THE REGISTER OF THE TROOP TRANSPORT THE 'PRESCOT' - FEBRUARY 1801 Howard R. Clarke In the Eighteenth Century a large part of the British Army was on the Irish Military Establishment with its expenses paid by the Irish Parliament from revenues raised in Ireland. The number of troops maintained on the Irish Establishment in the eighteenth century was the second largest in the British Empire, accounting for more than one-third of the standing peacetime army and many British soldiers married Irish women.1 Although the government in Dublin looked to the British army on the Irish Military Establishment to maintain order in Ireland, the country was relatively quiet until the 1790s, and the army was used as a strategic reserve that could be drawn on by Great Britain for service abroad in time of emergency. Custom and regulation permitted only six wives and their children to travel on service overseas with each company of foot. The soldiers' wives who were allowed to accompany their husbands were determined by lot and this usually did not take place at the ports until the last evening before embarkation in order to prevent desertion. This left many soldiers' families at the ports without any means of support and dependent on charity, as there was no national system of poor law in Ireland until 1838. For example, in May 1757 during the Seven Years War (1756-63), the City of Cork paid £70 Irish pounds to enable the wives and children of soldiers embarked on service overseas to return to their respective homes. 2 In the following years regiments were regularly moved from Ireland to garrisons in the Mediterranean, the West Indies and North America. Each rotation over the following years resulted in some soldiers' families being left, very often in financial distress, at the ports in Ireland. It was to address this problem that the Hibernian Society for Soldiers' Children petitioned for a royal charter in 1769 and was granted funds by the Irish Parliament to erect an asylum for soldiers children (later to become the Hibernian School), which it opened in March 1770 in Phoenix Park, Dublin. The outbreak of war with France in January 1793 required a further large scale expansion in the British Army and there was an intensification of recruitment in Ireland. In 1793 and 1794 four new regiments of cavalry and twenty–six 1
H.R.Clarke, A New History of the Royal Hibernian Military School Phoenix Park, Dublin1765-1924 (Yarm 2011), 1-3. 2 Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, Vol. Eighty-Five, 2010, 231 7
regiments of infantry were raised on the Irish Establishment. Indeed, recruitment in Ireland was to be vitally importance to the British Army throughout the wars with France from 1793 to 1815 and gave it much of the character that it was to retain during the early decades of the Nineteenth century. Regiments were regularly sent overseas from Ireland throughout the wars and it has been calculated by mid-1794 over 10,000 troops had embarked from Ireland on expeditions to the continent and the West Indies.3 The distress amongst soldiers' families who were left behind when their regiments embarked overseas was described by Lord Andrew Blayney, a British officer who served in the country for a time during the 1790s. Blayney wrote in his "Observations on the State of Ireland, 1816" that: "You will see each regiment accompanied to the shore, such is the custom in the country with nearly as many women as men; and these with large families of children follow the regiments to the very place of embarkation, where the boat leaves them to lament and bewail their destitute situation". 4 In the months following the outbreak of war, the governors of the Hibernian Society for Soldiers' Children were unable to cope with the increase in the number of children applying for admission to the Hibernian School. The building in Phoenix Park was accommodating only two hundred and thirty children in 1793 and the governors would have been prepared to increase this to around three hundred, but were frustrated by a lack of funds. In the following year, they appealed unsuccessfully, through the Commander in Chief in Ireland to the Lord Lieutenant for some extra financial support, because they were "not able to extend relief in many very compassionate cases to the children of well recommended, deserving soldiers which daily apply for admittance."5 The governors were soon faced further financial difficulty because of rising food prices and they struggled to maintain the number of children at the Hibernian School and by 1797 the establishment had fallen to under two hundred boys and girls.6 In the absence of public or private charity, the fate of any soldiers' families who were abandoned in Ireland was one of itinerant vagrancy. In consequence, when regiments in Ireland were posted overseas the military authorities, in order to try to prevent desertion, often allowed larger numbers of wives to accompany their 3
T.Bartlett, Defence, counterinsurgency and rebellion: Ireland 1793-1803 in T. Bartlett and K .Jeffrey (eds.), A Military History of Ireland (Cambridge 1997), 255; The National Archives (TNA), WO 379/1, Embarkation Returns. 4 Constantia Maxwell, Dublin under the Georges (Dublin 1997), 312. 5 National Library of Ireland (NLI), Kilmainham Papers, Memo No.7, Vol.191/12, 7th June 1794. 6 H.R.Clarke, 90-91. 8
husbands than the six per company that was normally permitted by the regulations. For example in December 1793, 73 women and 45 children were allowed to accompany the 613 rank and file in the eight companies of the 44th regiment of foot sailing from Cork on route to the low countries and in March 1794, 122 women and 77 children were allowed to accompany the eight companies of the 12th regiment of Foot sailing from Drogheda.7 Regiments from Ireland often first sailed to ports in England, such as Portsmouth, where they disembarked before sailing with other regiments on expeditions overseas. They were then re-embarked onto different vessels, and the number of women and children allowed to accompany the regiments overseas depended on the decision of the military authorities at the English ports. Families who had been allowed to embark with their regiment from Ireland were not guaranteed accommodation on the transports leaving England, especially when the women allowed on ships in the ports in Ireland exceeded the regulation number. Some Irish wives and their children were abandoned at the English ports and were dependent on the generosity of sympathetic military and naval officers to secure a passage back to Ireland. This particular problem was identified and brought to the attention of the authorities by Sir Jeremiah Fitzpatrick M.D (c.1740-1810), who had been appointed to the post of the Inspector of Health to the Land Forces in 1794, and had responsibility for the supervision of the health and condition of troops embarking for the main overseas theatres of the war.8 Sir Jeremiah Fitzpatrick was greatly moved by the desperate circumstances of these Irish wives and their children in the Portsmouth area. He lobbied the Irish Parliament and senior ministers in the government in Dublin and London for a system of allowances to enable these women and children to return to their homes in Ireland. Initially he met with little sympathy and no success, but the problem re-emerged as regiments returned home from the West Indies and elsewhere after suffering heavy casualties, and soldiers' widows and their children were left destitute at the ports of disembarkation in England.9 In a letter to the Duke of Portland, who as British Home Secretary was the Minister of the Crown with responsibilities for Irish affairs, Fitzpatrick described the pitiful circumstances of recently
7
Ibid.,83-84. Fitzpatrick was born in Kilbregan, Co.Westmeath, but little is known about his origins and early life. His parents were probably Catholic and he may have undertaken his medical training in Paris. His possession of landed property certainly enabled him to pursue his own interests. In the1780s he became noted for his work on prison reform and is often known as the ‘Howard of Ireland’ after John Howard the English prison reformer. O.MacDonagh ,The inspector general: Sir Jeremiah Fitzpatrick and social reform,1783-1802 ( London 1981) 9 O. MacDonagh, 233-9,257-8,260-3; TNA HO100/74. 8
9
widowed Irish women and their newly orphaned children on their return from Saint Domingo in November 1796. "The few English women and their infants were immediately sent at public expense to their parishes, but the unfortunate Irish wives had only the option of becoming itinerant beggars –hence the sea-ports of this country and its capital crowded with begging widows of Irish soldiers and sailors" 10 His persistent lobbying may have influenced the Duke of York, the British Commander in Chief in London, to institute a modest scheme of assistance in October 1800. This took the form of the payment of an allowance from Army funds to enable wives and children who were not allowed to accompany their regiments overseas to return to their parishes in England and Wales. In the case of Irish families, a passage could be provided from the port where the regiment was embarking for service overseas to the most convenient port in Ireland. Robert Stewart Viscount Castlereagh, the Irish Chief Secretary in Dublin from 1798 to 1801, was sympathetic to Fitzpatrick's arguments and in 1800 he persuaded the Lord Lieutenant (the Viceroy), Charles Marquis Cornwallis, to make a one off vice-regal grant of one and a half guineas to each dependant of Irish soldiers serving overseas. This was to be paid at the time when wives and children, who were not allowed to accompany their regiments abroad, were disembarked in Ireland so that they could return to their homes. Fitzpatrick subsequently badgered the Earl of Hardwicke to continue this vice-regal payment when he succeeded Cornwallis as Lord Lieutenant in 1801.11 The payment of a passage across the Irish Sea together with a vice regal grant enabled many Irish wives and their children, who otherwise would have been left destitute in England, to return to their homes in Ireland. Fitzpatrick seemed to have found time to supervise the embarkation of the women and children from Portsmouth and provided the Army officer, commanding at the port where the transport would disembark in Ireland, with a register containing the names of the women and some family details. One such register, which lists one hundred and ninety women and one hundred and thirty nine children who embarked on His Majesty's transport the Prescot for the voyage from Portsmouth to Cork in February 1801 has survived, and provides some rare and possibly unique information about Irish military wives during this period. The register, which is produced below, identifies the women by name and lists them in groups according to their husbands' regiments. It names the husbands 10 11
Public Records Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI) T2627/1/4. PRONI T2627/1/4. 10
and the age of the wife and the number of children who accompanied their mothers from Portsmouth to Ireland. Fitzpatrick arranged for a surgeon to accompany the families and he identifies the women who were pregnant when they embarked on the Prescot. Crucially he also listed details of the county, town or parish that each woman had identified as their home destination in Ireland.12 Unfortunately, some of the names and places are hard to transcribe. The register starts with women from two regiments of light cavalry, each of which had strong connections with Ireland. The 12th Light Dragoons was raised in 1715 and was posted to Ireland in 1718 were it remained until 1793. After service in Corsica it returned home in 1795 only to be posted to Portugal in 1797, where it stayed until 1800. The 26th Light Dragoons was raised in Ireland in 1795 and served in the West Indies in 1796, before joining the 12 th Light Dragoons in Portugal. In November 1800 both regiments were ordered to join General Abercrombie's expedition to Egypt where they took part in the victorious actions at Alexandria. It is very probable that the wives of the soldiers in these regiments were sent to England from Portugal when their husbands sailed for Egypt. The 12th returned to England in February 1802 and moved to Ireland in May 1802 with its headquarters at Clonmel and the 26 th was disbanded and reformed as the 23rd Light Dragoons in 1803.13 The largest part of the register lists women whose husbands were serving in three regiments of foot (infantry) - the 1st Foot (the Royals), the 64th and the 68th regiments. These regiments sailed from Portsmouth as reinforcements for garrisons in the West Indies towards the end of 1800 and it was women and children from these units that were transported home to Ireland on the Prescot. All three regiments had already served on the expeditions to capture French possessions in the West Indies in the early years of the war and suffered heavy casualties mainly through disease.14 On their return they were posted to Ireland and recruiting parties travelled through various parts of the country to build up their numbers. Some of the soldiers named on the manifest would have volunteered during the final years of the 1790s, but larger numbers volunteered from the Irish Militia in February 1800.
12
Ibid. J.W. Fortescue, A History of the British Army Vol. IV-Part II, 602.806.850n, 931. 14 J.W.Fortescue, A History of the British Army Vol. IV-Part I,334,346, 434,-5,439,472n3, H.R.Clarke,84-5 13
11
The table below shows the names of the Soldiers' Wives who embarked at Portsmouth on board the Transport Ship the 'Prescot' for Cork, 4th February 1801. Column 1 = Regiment : A = 12th Light Dragoons B = 26th Light Dragoons C = 1st Foot ("Royals") D = 68th Foot E = 13th Foot F = 59th Foot G = 64th Foot Column 2 = husband's name Column 3 = wife's forename Column 4 = if pregnant (Y) Column 5 = number of children Column 6 = county, town or parish of wife Column 7 = age of wife. Note – some of the surnames and towns were difficult to read and the best efforts are shown below with question marks where doubt exists and suggestions are also given in the footnotes. 1 A A A A A A A A A A A A A A B B B B B B B C C 15
2 Stephen Clifford Edward Roach Patrick McDonnell Thomas Reilly John Cooney Edward Mase John Murray Michael Pratt John Landrigan Francis Smith Patrick Morrey ? William Gribben Michael Laiman ? James Galagher Terence Serreen ? Owen Mallon Patrick Coffee ? William Boyle George McMullen William Dargen James Napper John McCall Michael Flanagan
3 Mary Sarah Mary Alley Judith Kitty Catherine Elenor Sarah Mary Mary Mary Mary Mary Bridget Bridget Ann Catherine Sarah Catherine Catherine Catherine Susanna
4 5 6 Y Dublin 1 Stradbally 2 Dublin Dublin Y Mountmellick 1 Dublin 1 Kilskerry,15 ? Co. Fermanagh 1 Dublin 1 Cashel Cork 1 Dublin 1 Antrim 1 Dublin 1 Mallow 1 Clontibret, Co. Monaghan Y 1 Ballyduff, Queen's Co. Mountmellick 1 Monaghan Y 1 Downpatrick 1 Leighlinbridge Kilmore 1 Cork Y Drumeroad,16 ? Co. Down
possibly Kilygarry 12
7 21 36 20 21 25 24 24 24 60 30 20 20 35 22 25 21 23 21 21 24 50 20 26
C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C
Patrick McNally John Carberry Daniel Blaney John Marten Anthony Quinn Andrew Lackey Edward Gorman William Buchannon Hugh McGowan Thomas Jackson William Carling Simon Bell Henry Prussia ? Patrick Kelly Samuel Fare Owen Mulhearon Barney Sharkey Daniel Dougherty James Brown Robert Major George Franklin Samuel Duff John McGee Bryan McCarthy John Shield Thomas Monaghan
John Dolman Cormack Cannon Alleck McMullen William Armstrong Hugh Mooney Philip Lynch Arthur McParlin John Sheehy Thomas Morrisy Walter Brannagan Andrew Hughes John Duggen
Catherine Mary Mary Mary Elizabeth Kitty Mary Mary Mary Margaret Jane Mary Catherine Elenor Jane Nancy ? Ann Biddy Catherine Rose Dorothy Margaret Kitty Sally Esther Ann Margaret Mary Mary Jane Mary Mary Mary Kitty Ann Mary Mary Biddy
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y Y
Y Y Y Y Y
16
possibly Drumaroad possibly Killymam 18 possibly Toberslane 17
13
2 Cork 1 Killamon, 17? Co. Tyrone Banbridge, Co. Down Waterford Ballymoney, Co. Antrim Ballymoney, Co. Antrim Cork 1 Cork Castlereagh Ballymoney, Co. Antrim Strabane, Co. Tyrone 1 Kildare Mountrath ? Dublin 1 Strabane Aughnacloy, Co. Tyrone Cork 1 Lismore, Co. Waterford 1 Kilmacthomas, Co. Waterford Banbridge, Co. Down 1 Kildavin, Co. Carlow Cookstown, Co. Tyrone 1 Newcastle, Co. Limerick Comber, Co. Derry Killeeshil, ? Co. Tyrone 1 Roscommon 1 Kells, Co. Meath 1 Donegal 1 Rathcale ? (Rathkeale?) 1 Clogher, Co. Tyrone Stewardstown, Co. Tyrone Arklow Newry Glanmire, ? Co. Cork Cork Galway 2 Tubbayne, 18? Co. Donegal 1 Carrick-on-Suir
20 23 20 19 22 21 21 24 23 37 30 22 21 21 27 21 19 20 21 21 20 23 20 21 24 25 21 27 21 24 22 23 22 24 24 22 30 29
C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C
James Shields Hugh Cross Charles Connor Hugh McKenna Roger McGuire John Lane John Noble Anthony Kelly Hugh Donnelly Moore Farey Thomas Curran Hugh Robinson Thomas Keys Charles Turney Hugh Reilly James Gallagher James Christie William Shean John McKenzie Thomas Stone John Hunter Patrick Hogarthy John Cane William McGrigan ? Samuel Neill John Connor James McCray John Boylon John Linnen ? James McCaffery James Agnew James Wright John Dearry Peter Liddle Samuel Thompson
Margaret Mary Mary Mary Margaret Elizabeth Margaret Rose Sarah Elizabeth Catherine Mary Ann Bridget Catherine Ann Margaret Ann Margaret Margaret Gile ? Mary Mary Elizabeth Elenor Catherine Mary Alley Sarah Catherine Ann Jane Mary Elizabeth Elizabeth
Y 2 Reynoldstown, 19? Co.Antrim 2 Enniskillen 2 Arduff, ? Co. Leitrim Baltinglass 1 Duncliff, Co. Clare Clane, Co. Kildare 1 Killamon, ? Co. Tyrone Y Fentenagh, 20? Co. Tyrone 1 Listowel, Co. Kerry Ballymoney, Co. Antrim Enniskillen 1 Ross, Co. Tyrone 1 Athlone 1 Rathcale21 ? Y Leixlip Y Dublin 1 Newry 1 Cork 1 Waterford 1 Dublin Letterkenny, Co. Donegal Y 1 Maherycallaghan, Co.Donegal 1 Aughnacloy, Co. Tyrone 1 Ruff Island,22 ? Co. Down Cork Donnaghmore, Co. Tyrone Y 1 Galway Drogheda Donaghmore, Co. Tyrone Y Archstraw ? Sandfield, 23? Co. Down Moherally,24 ? Co. Down Y 1 Dublin 1 Dublin 1 Hillsborough, Co. Down
19
possibly Randalstown possibly Fintona 21 possibly Rathkeale 22 possibly Rathfriland 23 possibly Saintfield 24 possibly Magherally 20
14
30 27 30 24 30 21 21 24 20 39 22 25 20 22 23 20 20 24 33 22 36 34 23 36 26 30 27 20 36 26 22 23 24 23 23
C C C C C C D D D D D D D D E F G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G
Edmond Onion Daniel Bohannon James Young Laurence Lane Michael Morley ? Thomas Armstrong Richard Kernes Bryan Towel ? Hugh Fitzsimmonds Edward Stanley Garret Fitzgerald Andrew McDonnell James Mealy Thomas McLoughlin Patrick McDonnell
Thomas Holmes William Fawcett Hugh Kennedy Hugh Mulhannon Patrick Crowley David Nicholson Michael Cleary John Chambers John McCormack Mathew Cooney Michael Glinnen Michael Bohannon James McConnell John Patterson Walter Gardiner John O'Hara Hugh Caskey Robert Brown James Dillen Manly Connor William Hinds John Reed Handcock Adams
Elenor Catherine Catherine Elizabeth Nancy Summer ? Elenor Ann Jane Catherine Sarah Sarah Catherine Elizabeth Mary Mary Ann Kitty Susanna Margaret Elenor Mary Jane Ann Ann Jane Rose Ann Mary Bell Elizabeth Margaret Mary Elizabeth Ann Mary Mary Mary
2 1 1 Y Y 2 Y 1 Y 1 1 1 Y 1 Y 1 1 Y Y Y Y 1 2 1 Y 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1
25
possibly Saintfield possibly Rathfriland 27 possibly Rathfriland 26
15
Clonmel Aughnacloy, Co. Tyrone Athlone Wicklow Dublin Aughnacloy, Co. Tyrone Ballina, Co. Mayo Kildare Castleconnell, Co. Limerick Cork Limerick Kilmore, Co. Roscommon Castlebar Youghal Ballinasloe Limerick Clownish, ? Co. Fermanagh Birr Sandfield,25 ? Co. Down Donaghmore, Co. Donegal Dublin Askeaton ? Dromore, Co. Down Ruft Island,26 ? Co. Down Ruft Island, 27? Co. Down Belfast Ballinasloe Limerick Gort, Co. Galway Belfast Loughgilly, ? Co.Armagh Londonderry Birr Mullingar Belfast Granard Lisburn, ? Co. Down Galway
42 26 20 30 25 24 40 32 24 30 24 27 21 27 26 44 26 26 21 22 32 25 24 27 21 24 26 20 24 21 22 24 26 24 22 24 21 26
G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G
Alleck Ratney ? Patrick McEuence? Thomas Briggs Thomas Donnovan William Price Patrick McGlinn Anthony Beaghan Nicholas Byrne Charles Collins John Urilt ? William Dougherty Patrick McGrath Patrick Cassidy Robert Crawford Connor Reilly Owen Crail John Calaghan Henry McKeon Thomas McKeon Bartley Boyle John Nicholson William Landrigan William Ryan Edward Morney ? Robert Armstrong Thomas Jordan Patrick Sheridan Patrick Gavagan Peter Nelliss ? James Crawford Charles Toole Peter Owens Ross Bawmer ? John Hall Henry York James Gafney Charles Bond James Cannon
Matty Judith Jane Peggy Sarah Mary Mary Margaret Kitty Mary Margaret Margaret Kitty Kitty Ann Sarah Susanna Mary Mary Betty Sarah Hannah Mary Sarah Ann Ellen Ellen Mary Ann Jane Mary Elizabeth Mary Mary Hannah Mary Nancy Mary
Y Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
28
possibly Killeinagh possibly Loughgall 30 possibly Balrothery 29
16
1 Portarlington 1 Kilmore, Co. Cavan Hillsborough, Co. Down 1 Mullingar Kilkenney,? Co. West Meath 1 Maghera, Co. Down Mullingar Mullingar 1 Dungannon, Co. Tyrone 2 Killough, Co. Down 1 Killano,28 ? Co. Clare 2 Rathcale ? (Rathkeale ?) 1 Clintusk, ? Co. Roscommon 1 Antrim 1 Crosserlough, Co. Cavan 2 Monaghan 1 Tamlaght, Co. Tyrone 1 Galway 2 Cork 1 Castlewellen Co. Down 2 Ballyshannon,? Co. Fermanagh 1 Dungiven, Co. Derry Dungannon, Co.Tyrone Newry 1 Dublin 1 Ballinrobe, Co. Mayo 1 Multyfarnam, Co. West Meath 1 Bandon Castlefin, Co. Donegal 1 Belfast 2 Lugall,29 ? Co. Armagh Dublin 1 Ennis 1 Kilrickle, ? Co. Gaway Magherafelt, Co. Derry 1 Newry 1 Balruddery30 ? Co. Dublin 1 Coleraine, Co. Antrim
26 21 20 30 25 26 23 30 26 22 26 30 20 35 31 32 20 24 26 20 20 24 24 21 22 24 20 24 24 30 21 26 40 29 30 30 20
G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G
Matthew Feeny John Hawthorn Edward Kenny ? John Nelly Patrick Cavanagh Daniel Murray Barney Flinn Samuel Reilly Barney Coir John Farrell Hugh Smith Michael Kelly John Baxter Thomas Murray Charles West John McKeon William Sharp Robert English Hercules McGuiness Daniel McMihil ? John Wilkinson * Rafferty ** Gardiner
Kitty Peggy Mary Elenor Peggy Susanna Kitty Kitty Ann Mary Kitty Mary Mary Alley Mary Betty Elizabeth Isabella Elenor Mary Mary Jane Rose
Y 1 1 Y 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Y 2 1 1 Y
Ballymahon, Co. Longford Carlow Mullingar Rathconrath, Co.West Meath Ballina, Co. Mayo Belfast Mullingar Athy Drumra,31 ? Co. Tyrone Clara, Kings County Dublin Tullow, Co. Carlow Rathvilly, Co. Carlow Moran,32 Co. Down Mylough,33 ? Co. Galway Clownish, ? Co. Monaghan Belfast Belfast Newtownbarry Marahohel, ? Co. Antrim Cumber, Co. Down Marrafelt, Co. Derry Banbridge, Co. Down
30 29 24 22 27 20 32 21 20 24 20 26 26 26 23 30 30 30 26 22 26 14
* Jane Rafferty from Marrafelt, Co. Derry: unmarried woman passenger aged 14 on board by permission of the Colonel. ** Rose Gardiner from Banbridge, Co. Down: no husband, but with two sons in the regiment. The Catholic Relief Bill, which was introduced in the Irish Parliament in 1793, gave Roman Catholics the right to bear arms and this paved the way for their enlistment under the Irish Militia Act of the same year. The Act established thirty-eight regiments of different sizes, one or more for each county or county borough in Ireland. Unlike the British Militia, the Irish Militia was almost totally recruited from volunteers and men often enlisted far away from their own counties. There is no evidence that recruitment policy for the Irish militia especially favoured either married or non-married men, but certainly many militia men were married and had children. 31
possibly Drumragh possibly either Mourne or Moira 33 possibly Mullagh 32
17
The militia regiments were barred from serving in their own counties and were posted to other parts of Ireland. Men married wherever they were stationed and their wives and children then accompanied them as they moved round the country. Sir Henry McAnally in his History of the Irish Militia concluded that "the Irish militiaman was mostly married and many childrened". When Lord Cornwallis acquiesced to the transfer of two Irish Militia Regiments to the Channel Isles in 1799, the King's County Militia embarked for Jersey with 760 soldiers, 285 women and 259 children, and the Wexford Militia sailed for Guernsey with over 460 women and children.34 In 1799 the British Government raised with Lord Cornwallis the question of securing volunteers from the Irish Militia for the regular army and the Irish Parliament passed legislation to this effect. The aggregate enlistment was fixed at just over 10,000 men with a quota for each militia regiment. The men were given the choice from a designated list of line regiments and received a bounty of 12 guineas for volunteering for general service for life and 8 guineas for volunteering for service for the duration of the war in Europe.35 Some 8,100 men enlisted during the one-month period of volunteering in February1800, from the Irish Militia's total establishment of around 22,000 men. Certain regular regiments that had been stationed in Ireland for some time were especially popular with the volunteers and in consequence assumed a distinctly Irish character. The 64th Foot stationed at Belfast took 816 men from fifteen different militia regiments. The 68th Foot stationed at Trim, Navan and Kells took in 2,269 men from twenty seven different regiments, enabling it to form a second battalion. The first battalion of the 1st Foot (the Royals) stationed at Newry almost doubled in size with 298 militia men volunteering from the Tyrone Militia. All these men enlisted for general service for life and many had wives and children. These regiments were quickly transferred out of Ireland and their families would have accompanied them to England, but not all were allowed to embark with their husbands when these three regiments sailed for the West Indies later in the year. 36 Further information about the enlistment, military service and eventual discharge of the soldiers named in the register may be found at the UK National Archives at Kew London. Documents WO 118 and 119 contain details of the admissions and discharge of pensioners at the Royal Hospital Kilmainham, 34
H.McAnally, The Irish Militia1793-1816 (Dublin1949),147-8, 267, 277. For a contemporary study of the Irish Militia see: I.F.Nelson, The Irish Militia 1793-1802 (Dublin 2007). 35 TNA HO 100/90, 37-39. 36 J.E.Cookson, The British Armed Nation 1793-1815, 177; I.F.Nelson 239-41. 18
Dublin. WO97 relates to pensions issued through the Royal Hospital at Chelsea, London and includes any surviving enlistment papers. WO 121/1-136 contains some certificates of service. These soldiers appear (and in some cases may be listed as casualties) in the Muster Rolls and Pay Lists for their respective regular army regiments, which are in document WO 12. The author has examined the Muster rolls of the 64 th Foot and has identified the militia regiments of a number of men who enlisted in the 64 th Foot in February 1800 and whose wives and children sailed to Cork on the Prescot. Militia Units prior to enlistment in the 64th Foot Husband
Militia regiment
Wife
Age
Hancock Adams Robert Armstrong Anthony Beaghan Charles Bond John Calaghan James Cannon Patrick Cassidy Charles Collins Barny ? Coir James Crawford William Dougherty Walter Gardiner John Hawthorn Michael Kelly Daniel Murray Thomas Murray James McConnell John McCormack Hercules McGuiness John McKeon Peter Owens John Patterson William Ryan William Sharp Charles Toole
Royal Downshire Monaghan West Meath Londonderry Londonderry Londonderry West Meath Cavan Monaghan Antrim Londonderry Monaghan Royal Downshire Cavan Londonderry West Meath Londonderry West Meath Cavan Cavan Fermanagh Antrim Tipperary Monaghan Armagh
Mary Ann Mary Nancy Susanna Mary Kitty Kitty Ann Jane Margaret Bell Peggy Mary Susanna Alley Ann Ann Elenor Betty Elizabeth Mary Mary Elizabeth Mary
26 21 26 30 32 20 30 30 20 24 22 21 29 26 20 26 20 27 26 30 21 24 24 30 30
Ch County, Town or Parish of wife Galway 1 Dublin 1 Mullingar 1 Balrothery, Co. Dublin 1 Tamlagh, Co. Tyrone 1 Coleraine, Co. Antrim 1 Clintusk, ? Co.Roscommon 1 Dungannon, Co. Tyrone 1 Drumra, ? Co. Tyrone 1 Belfast 1 Killano, ? Co. Clare 1 Belfast Carlow Tullow, Co. Carlow 2 Belfast 1 Moran, ? Co. Down Limerick 2 Ruft Island, ? Co. Down 1 Newtownbarry 2 Clownish, ? Co. Monaghan Dublin 1 Gort, Co. Galway Dungannon, Co. Tyrone Belfast 2 Lugall, ? Co. Armagh
(See proposed corrected names of towns in first table) The source for the above is TNA WO 12. The muster rolls and pay lists for the regiments of the Irish Militia are preserved at the UK National Archives in documents WO 13. It is therefore possible to trace the enlistment and subsequent military service of the husbands of the wives and families who 19
sailed on the Prescot, by consulting and cross referencing the regular Army and the Militia regimental muster rolls. The Prescot register is a rare document that provides an insight into a small, but neglected aspect of the Irish history during the wars with Revolutionary and Napoleonic France. It will be of interest to social and military historians and such an extensive list of the names of Irish military wives and details of their homes in Ireland provides a resource that may be of value to those researching the history of their family in Ireland.
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Extract from Dublin Assembly Roll taken from the Calendar of Ancient Records of Dublin, edited by Lady Gilbert 1913 1808 - Payment authorised for the following bills – John Callaghan for glazing in 1897 Peter Wilson for iron work in 1806 and 1807 Matthew West for weighing gold chains ending 1807 Benjamin Eaton for carpenter’s work from 1806 to present time William Lindsay and Son for ribbands for the state coach in 1807 Thomas Reed for plumber’s work in 1807 and 1808 George Paine for brazier’s work in 1807 and 1808 Alderman Charles Thorp for painting and plastering in 1807
£ s d 22 6 8½ 23 12 1 3 8 3 385 0 2 18 4 0 65 1 0½ 20 13 0 60 0 0
1811 - Payment authorised for the following bills – Luke Connor’s bill for plumbers’ work Benjamin Eaton’s bill for carpenter’s work, being the balance of a former bill Alderman John Exshaw’s bill for stationery Alderman Charles Thorp’s bill for painting and plastering, et cetera Mr. Charles Thorpe junior, bill for like Mr Peter Wilson for ironmonger’s work Mr Thomas Reed for plumber’s work Messieurs Callaghan for painting, glazing, et cetera
20
4 15 4 99 6 4 109 19 8 121 2 0½ 131 1 9 53 14 7½ 43 15 7½ 43 17 5
DEATHS IN SCOTLAND PRIOR TO CIVIL REGISTRATION Gordon Johnson As the civil registration system in Scotland began in 1855, we have access to reliable records of deaths in Scotland from that year. This is unlike England, where there was no legal compulsion to register a death until the year 1874, despite starting earlier, in 1837. In Ireland, civil registration started in 1864. Before civil registration, churches recorded life events. Before 1855 in Scotland, the recording of births/baptisms, marriage banns, and deaths was the responsibility of the national church - the Church of Scotland - so it is the main provider of such registers. Other churches - Roman Catholic; Scottish Episcopal; Congregational; Baptist; and from 1843 the Free Church, all kept their own registers, but one aspect was common to all - the lack of interest in records of death. When someone died, the local churches in their parochial viewpoint saw little point in making a record of this - everyone around could see that the person had died, couldn't they? There was no concept that someone might want to know this data two or three hundred years later. As a result, the OPRs (Church of Scotland "Old Parish/Parochial Registers") are the worst of all church registers in Scotland. Many churches have no record of deaths at all; others have intermittent records, depending on the interest of the minister in post at the time; and others have only financial records - the payments made for the hire of the mortcloth to cover the coffin; or a payment for the ringing of the church bell at the time of the funeral. Some churches recorded payments made to provide coffins for the impecunious parishioner. Another option was where the church poor fund provided a small pension to elderly people: the ceasing of the pension normally indicates the death of the person, to be followed by the next payment going to the widow of the deceased man, but this could be several months later, not an exact date of death. This is the common thread in pre-1855 deaths in Scotland - how seldom is an exact date available. Up until several years ago, the website - scotlandspeople.gov.uk - had no death entries, but these have now been included AS FAR AS THEY EXIST, and include mortcloth and other such records. The deaths most likely to be recorded there are those of the higher strata of local society - the minister, the dominie (schoolmaster), the local landowners, local councillors, church elders, and prominent businessmen such as publicans and merchants. 21
One excellent parish is Ayr, where an OPR listing of deaths from 1766 to 1820 was transcribed by two local people, and published by South Ayrshire Libraries. It names the deceased, the date of death, relationship, occupation, age, cause of death (a bit vague, such as "fever" or "delerium"). George O'Neill died 18 Feb 1804: his only details are "Irishman"! There is also Grace McGaries, who died 10 June 1819, aged 68, an Irishwoman who died of Typhus fever; and Janet Mason "from Ireland", died of consumption 18 Apr 1818, aged 33. However, as such records are otherwise sparse, is there any other way of determining when our Scottish ancestors died? If they happened to be clergymen, there are published directories for each denomination: Church of Scotland (Fasti Ecclesiae Scotticanae), Free Church of Scotland (Free Church Fasti, plus a thin supplementary volume for 1900 -1986), Scottish Episcopal Church (Scottish Episcopal Clergy, 1689-2000), United Free Church (The Fasti of the United Free Church, 1900-1929, Congregational Union (The Scottish Congregational Ministry, 1794-1993), etc., and while there is not a Fastiequivalent, there are many published sources for Roman Catholics (the annual Catholic Directory, for instance, which includes many non-clerical Catholics; as well as directories of Secular Clergy). Many trade or professional bodies maintain historical registers of their members. A number of trades incorporations in Glasgow published works containing membership details, some of them including death dates or a new member being the "son of the late XX." The main such trades were the Hammermen, Wrights, Maltmen, Bakers, Bonnetmakers & Dyers, Gardeners, and Weavers. There are directories of Edinburgh furniture makers; Scottish arms makers; Scottish clock and watch makers; SSPCK schoolmasters; and a biographical dictionary of painters in Scotland, 1301-1700. These are just a few examples of directories which often include death dates. In the largest libraries you might also find the British Biographical Index (4 vols) which can be searched by surname if you think some relative merited inclusion in one of the many biographical dictionaries published. Do not forget to try the multi-volume UK-wide "Dictionary of National Biography", though it has strong leanings towards people in England, rather than Scotland. The latest edition tries to rectify this. The same tendency towards the better-off strata of society exists in newspaper reports of deaths. Until the First World War, most deaths appearing in newspapers were the notable persons, both national and local, though if a commoner died in an accident or crime incident, then that might merit a mention of the name and possibly an age. Some newspapers can be searched online or on microfiche indexes. The "Am Baile" Highland Council website www.ambaile.org.uk - provides an online index to a number of newspapers 22
published all over the Highlands since the early 1800s, and often a death will be noted, at least giving you a date. Local newspapers give you a better chance that your ancestor's death merited a mention there. The Langholm Archive Group have an online index from 1848 to the Eskdale and Liddlesdale Advertiser at www.langholmarchive.org.uk and the Wigtown Free Press Index at: http://www.sarndra.com/page3dumf.html, to mention a couple of papers from the south of Scotland which might have Irish connections mentioned. If you have a reasonable idea of when an ancestor died, he may have left a will, and so you can make use of the FREE index on the scotlandspeople website to Scottish wills up to 1901; you just have to register for access to that index and the index to coats of arms. Take note that because registering a will used to be very expensive in Scotland, most families kept the will in the family and did not register it, so most families will not appear in this index until fairly late dates. Of interest in the same context is the "Retours of Services of Heirs" returns/reports of official declarations of the rightful heirs - (or as it was called in Latin: "Inquisitionum ad capellam domini regis retornatarum abbreviatio"). This is a series of documents, first grouped by county or category from 1544 till 1699, then in 10-year batches to 1859. 2 CD-ROMs covering all these are available to purchase from the Scottish Genealogy Society, though they are quite expensive, but not as expensive as the published books! Magazines took to recording obituaries - or at least a notice of death - and these can sometime be found by using a published alphabetical master index called "Musgrave's Obituaries prior to 1800", which directs you to the periodical where the death data appeared. This can be the Scots Magazine, the Gentleman's Magazine, or the London Magazine, for example. Musgrave's provide the name, date of death, and the published source. While predominantly English in content, there are quite a number of Scots and Irish to be found there. Musgrave is more readily available from Ancestry.com on CD-ROM as "Scottish Parish Records: Scotland General". Musgrave was also instrumental in another work, published by the Harleian Society: "Obituary Prior to 1800 (as Far as Relates to England, Scotland, and Ireland)", Compiled By Sir William Musgrave, 6th Bart., of Hayton Castle, Co. Cumberland, and Entitled by him "A General Nomenclator and Obituary, with Referrence to the Books Where the Persons are Mentioned, and Where Some Account of Their Character is to be Found." Quite a mouthful, but it is also on the same CD-ROM mentioned above. Americans seem to imagine that almost everyone owned the land their house was on (as is frequently the case in the USA), but landowning in Scotland was restricted to a relatively small number of people. However, as these landowners 23
(including local councils) sold pieces of land for small business and for house builders, there is a chance that some relative did own a piece of land. The more urban communities have a higher incidence of this. Country areas had huge swathes of land in the hands of one family. The documents you need to access are called sasines (pronounced "say-seens"), which record the transaction of handing over tracts of land - not only sales but handing over land to relatives. The process of legal transfer actually included a small sample of the land concerned, to show what sort of soil it had! Today, such transactions (as in house buying) are entirely electronic, but in the old days it was paperwork stating who the previous owners were, as far back as the paperwork survived, usually including a plan of the land so that you knew where your boundaries lay. Some of these involve trustees or executors for a deceased person, giving a rough date for the death. Getting further back, there are the 10 volumes of The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, which covers land transactions up to 1668, and for more local deeds there are protocol books from the 1500s and 1600s. Protocol books were the notebooks of writers (the term for local lawyers who drew up deeds), and these often contain documents passing property over to other people, plus marriage contracts and other legal documents, some of which name deceased persons. Very few protocol books have survived, and most of these are in the National Archives of Scotland. Some can be found in local transactions of antiquarian societies (e.g. Ayrshire & Wigton/Galloway), or published by the Scottish Record Society. A few are to be found in the afore-mentioned CDROM. Court books, volumes recording legal proceedings in the court of a local community, also cover matters such as one would find in a protocol book, but including criminal matters including murder. This was in the days before circuit judges went round the country trying capital cases. Mention of the widow (known as the relict) of a named man can also be found there. The word relict can also mean a widower: it is non-sexist. Most readers will be aware of the existence of inscriptions on gravestones in cemeteries, better known in genealogical circles as monumental inscriptions (M.I.s) in kirkyards. Many of these have been published, either the SGS series which are based primarily on pre-1855 inscriptions, or those published by local Family History Societies and other groups - which cover all the inscriptions up to the date of publication. Unfortunately, the cost of putting up a stone meant that many of the less well-off did not have a gravestone, so you should check with the local authority which runs the cemeteries in their area, to see if any of 24
their burial registers include your relatives who may not have a stone. You sometimes find that even where there is a stone, the burial register mentions one or more extra people in the grave. There is an online UK facility for this, (Deceased OnLine) covering a number of Scottish councils, but often not as informative as you might wish, as many councils only have burial records from the 1880s when they were given responsibility for them. The local council also have other records which either give a date of death, or imply it. Where a person is a ratepayer, or house renter, or is a voter, their eventual disappearance from such lists can imply their decease - but not always. Curiously, the poorest in society are often as well recorded as the richest! The local council archive may have volumes of the records of the Parochial Board from 1843 - the body which for each parish looked after admittance to the Poors Roll and otherwise helping the poorest in society, provided they could prove birth or family settlement in the parish, or had worked there for a specified number of years (industrial settlement). Minutes, applications register, etc. may exist: check with the local archivist. The death of a pauper, either one on the poor roll, or as an applicant dying before his/her case was decided, will merit a mention., as this disposes of a possible charge on the parish. At times, a printed list of those on the Poors Roll was circulated to ratepayers for comment (either objection or to suggest some deserving case), but few of these printed circulars have survived - they were too useful as firelighters! Before 1843, it was the Church of Scotland parish church that dealt with the poor, and so Kirk Session minutes usually have the details, if any. The church was less scrupulous in recording specific details of paupers We still haven't covered the many manuscript documents held in collections as varied as estate papers, charters in muniment rooms, plus the national-level collections in the National Library of Scotland, the National Archives of Scotland, the many lists compiled by the National Register of Archives (Scotland) and there are various university collections such as the Laing Collection at the University of Edinburgh. Much of the material is correspondence, and there are published volumes of correspondence as well, such as that of Sir Patrick Vaus of Barnbarroch, and The Clan Campbell letters. Published collections of archive documents include the 2 volumes of Shetland Documents taken from many sources - the second one covers 1580-1611, with an excellent index which unfortunately fails to mention death, despite there being many mentions of deceased persons - "umquhile" means deceased, by the way.
25
Among various books of family archives, several were published by the Historical Manuscripts Commission, such as the Buccleuch papers (2 vols), the Athole and Home papers (composite volume), and Home manuscripts, as well as the Hamilton papers, and those of the Earl of Eglinton. Being family oriented, there is much to do with inheritance in these. A retour of inquest at Renfrew, 7 Oct. 1477, in the Earl of Home's papers, has a bunch of witnesses declaring that John Montgomery is the nearest and lawful heir of his father, the late Hugh Montgomery, in the lands of Thornton, county of Haddington. It mentions that the late Hugh died about 5 months before the date of the inquest. That gives a fairly good date of death, considering it is the 15th century. Clerical records of secular affairs can also be helpful, with charters and calendars from monasteries and abbeys. The Calendar of Fearn (1471-1667) (Fearn is in Ross-shire) is a very good document, especially with the additional data added for the Scottish History Society edition. Many donations of land and property to clerical establishments were in memory of a deceased person, and often describe them in relation to other family members. The pre-Reformation period shows this best. A volume closer to Ireland is "Wigtownshire Charters" (Scottish History Society, 1960), which covers the pre-Reformation period, contains many charters which refer to widows with the name of their deceased husband, and has notes identifying persons more exactly than the charters do. Sometimes you have to use a bit of strategy to establish a death. One of my ancestors was a poor fisherman in the 18th century who after being unable to work received a small pension from the parish church every three months. Eventually, the church records stop showing his name, and his widow appears instead, so I was able to discover that he had died in that 3-month interval, but nothing more exact. Using a bit of lateral thinking, if your ancestor attended an important school or university, their records may include his/her date of death. Edinburgh schools are particularly good at this, and help to pin down deaths abroad. If you use the available documentation it is probable that you will similarly be able to pin down an approximate date of death for one or more of your own ancestors who were not listed in the parish registers of deaths. Here is a snippet of a worthwhile report, from "The Old Scots Navy, 16891710", edited by James Grant (Navy Records Society, 1914): 7th Sept. 1689 petition from Elizabeth McGibben, relict of the deceased Uchter Herbertson, mariner in Glasgow for financial help, as his ship the Janet of Glasgow had been on government service when he was killed during the capture of the Janet and the Pelican by three French ships on 10th July. The Privy Council granted her, and two other widows, two and a half month's pay due the deceased men. Generous!! 26
Finally, do not neglect financial accounts. Vol. 2 of the "Accounts of the Master of Works for building and repairing Royal Palaces" contains at least two references to workmen being killed. One is Alexander Small who died at work, and a payment is made towards burial costs (27 May 1633), and the other is Thomas Haddoway [Hathaway]'s burial. He was killed by cannon at Edinburgh Castle between 3rd and 14th March 1624. As there were two Thomas Hathaways in the accounts, one a bellringer at the castle and the other a tailor, it is unclear if either was the victim, or some other of the same name. Both are mentioned before that date but not after, so no clues therefore in the accounts. I could go through many other source books to find death names and dates, or at least something close enough to be usable, such as the multi-volume "Register of the Privy Council" and the "Register of the Privy Seal". Explore the possibilities in archives and libraries!
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Extract from 'The Town Labourer, 1760-1832' published in 1920. This is an interesting comment on the emigration of the Irish to Manchester in the early 1800s. 'The weaving population outside the factories was recruited in much the same way. …..agricultural labourers swarmed into it , and as they had been accustomed to low wages, the master spinners found them ready to work at an inferior price, and so discovered an outlet for their extra quantity of yarn…….a great number of the immigrants came from Ireland. During the riots against the power-looms in 1826 there were said to be as many as thirty or forty thousand Irish weavers in Manchester alone. The Poor Law Commission Report of 1833 contains a graphic picture of the destitute Irish families continually arriving at Liverpool to seek employment in the manufacturing districts.' A footnote to the above states that 'an Irish Catholic priest in Manchester stated to the Factory Commissioners that this Irish population kept to itself, and did not mix with other workmen'.
27
ANDREWS & COMPANY: IMPORTERS OF AND DEALERS IN TEA (A Wolverhampton family in Dublin) Enda MacMahon
Andrew's & Co. from Shaw's Directory of Dublin, 1850 In the 1911 Census my great grandfather, Samuel Jenkins, described his occupation as that of traveller with a wine merchant. He worked with Andrews & Co. of 19-22 Dame Street on the corner with South Great George's Street. Family lore had it that he was a whiskey salesman for Andrews and one of their best customers, retaining his florid hue even after his death in 1933. The Andrews family were from Tettenhall, just outside Wolverhampton. Seven sons were born to Richard Andrews and his wife Mary Ward between 1806 and 1828. Two of the sons, Thomas Randal Andrews (1806-1885), the eldest, and Frederick Andrews (1820-1875) remained in Wolverhampton and ran the family drapery business on Dudley Street in that town under the style of T. & F. Andrews. The second son, John Richard Andrews (1812-1893), went to London where he was in partnership with Thomas Ridgeway and Thomas Sidney as tea dealers at King William Street. J.R. Andrews left the partnership early in 1838 and came to Dublin about that year. He is mentioned thereafter as J.R. Andrews & Co. tea merchants of 22 Dame Street, in Pettigrew & Oulton's Directory. Mr Nathaniel Thompson and the Canton Tea Co. is in the adjoining 21 Dame 28
Street, and about 1841 Andrews took over the Canton Tea Co. and its premises. The business is now described as a wholesale and retail tea and coffee dealer. About this time, too, his brother Henry Andrews (1818-1886), joined him at Dame Street. In 1848 Andrews acquired the lease for No.19 Dame Street and Murray, Son & Denny, architects, prepared plans for its conversion into an Italian Warehouse. Younger brothers George Andrews (1818-1907) and Arthur Andrews (1828-1915) next joined the business. Shaw's Directory of 1850 shows all four buildings in Andrews' ownership though without a unified elevation. They appear to have altered Nos.19 and 20 to match Nos. 21 and 22 at a later date. The last brother, William Ward Andrews (1813-1887) was an ironmonger and inventor in Wolverhampton. In 1841 he patented an 'improved pot employing a pump to force the boiling water through the ground coffee while contained in a perforated cylinder screwed to the bottom of the pot' and 'improved methods of raising and lowering windows and window blinds‌' In 1853 the ironmongery business appears to have got into financial difficulties and William Ward Andrews came to Dublin. He opened an ironmongery at No.18 Dame Street, next door to his brothers' business. His youngest son was born in Dublin. He left Dublin some time later and lived in Hampstead in London for the remainder of his life. John Richard Andrews lived initially at 4 Martello Terrace, then 8 Harcourt Terrace and 58 Stephen's Green East before moving to Williamstown, in Blackrock. In 1858 he sold his interest in the company to his three brothers, Henry, George and Arthur. He became a barrister, studied at the Middle Temple in London, and took a house in Wimbledon but maintained his residence in Williamstown for some time after. I do not know if he ever Brass farthing token minted by Andrews & Co., c.1850 practiced as a barrister, but he wrote a number of books over the years. The first, privately published in Dublin in 1853, was about his journeys through the Middle East called 'A Four Month Tour in the East'. In 1864 he published in London 'George Whitefield, A Rising Light in Obscurity; Whitefield (1714-1770), a preacher, was a founder of Methodism, and in 1870 'Life of Oliver Cromwell to the Death of Charles the 29
First.' He was a member of the RDS from 1847 until he died and he was on the jury list for the trial of William Smith O'Brien after the Rising of 1848. He was married and had two daughters. The other three brothers that came to Dublin continued to run the business as Andrews & Co and formalised their partnership in 1867. George Andrews had married in Dublin in 1853 and had two sons. George retired in 1882 and his share, worth ÂŁ12,000, was paid to him by his two brothers over ten years. He, his wife and elder son, left Dublin to live in London but his younger son, Albert A.P. Andrews (1863-1950) remained involved in Andrews & Co. under his two uncles, Henry and Arthur. By this time Andrews & Co. were not only tea and coffee merchants but had expanded into wine and whiskey. 'C.O.M. (or Curious Old Malt) Old Dublin Whiskey' and 'P.M.(Prize Medal) Whiskey were its own brands. The Italian Warehouse was a general grocery. The business was somewhat like Findlaters and they delivered to the landed gentry. In 1887 it was written that 'It numbers amongst its patrons members of the nobility, and the leading gentry in the country, the suburbs, and the surrounding districts, who always meet with the most complete satisfaction'
The Restructured Shop c.1887
Henry Andrews died in 1886 and his interest passed to his youngest son Edward Henry Andrews (1858-1937). In 1896 a new deed of partnership was drawn up. Arthur was now the senior partner and Edward, son of Henry, and Alfred, son of George were to buy out Arthur's interest, and Arthur was going to ease himself into retirement. At this time the establishment was prominent in Dublin life and is even mentioned in Ulysses. 30
Edward Henry Andrews was born in Blackrock in 1858. As the elder partner, he was prominent in Dublin business, particularly from the turn of the century. He was President of Dublin Chamber of Commerce in 1918 and had been very active in recruiting for the British Army during the War. He was a Unionist and member of Kingstown Urban District Council. After he died in 1938 his son Cyril Norton Andrews received his shares in the company. However the business had been in decline since the war. In 1919 they came into conflict with the unions. Their client base was dwindling as many of the landed families left for England or died out. The company was restructured as Andrews & Co. (Dublin) Ltd. Nos.21 and 22 Dame Street were sold to the Burton Clothing Co. and they demolished and rebuilt the corner building with South Great George's Street in 1925. This building with the Burton name and year of erection still stands but it is a Phillips shop today. The business continued at Nos. 19 and 20 Dame Street and a last attempt was made to restructure the company in 1940 as Andrews & Co. (1940) Ltd. However, this failed and Andrews & Co. was closed on 30th September, 1942, little more than 100 years after it was first opened, and 19 & 21 Dame Street sold. Two former employees, Woods and Armstrong opened a grocery and provision business in adjoining No.18 Dame Street. While many of the Andrews family returned to England some of the descendants of Edward Henry Andrews still live in Ireland. (The above photograph shows 19-21 Dame Street as it was a few years ago) Enda MacMahon [endamacmahon@hotmail.com] 31
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HANNAH FALVEY OF VALENCIA ISLAND, COUNTY KERRY Thomas W. Merrigan Hannah Falvey was twenty a century ago when she bid good-bye to her parents and six brothers and sisters. She then sailed away on her journey to America from the shores of her native Ireland. She was never to see her parents again. One can visualize this young Irish lass waving good-bye to her parents and family, filled with loneliness as her ferry sailed from County Kerry's Valencia Island where she lived with her family since birth. Hannah never returned to Ireland and her parents never had the opportunity to come to the United States. Every young child or young adult leaving Ireland in those years had great expectations, mixed with sadness, as they looked forward to a new and exciting life in America. If someone could have described for Hannah some of the hardships and emotional drama she was to experience in later years as the wife of Michael McKillop and the mother of nine children, perhaps her excitement would have been considerably diminished. I married one of those beautiful children, Marguerite Ann McKillop, who was to bless me with more than 60 years of a loving marriage and our own eight wonderful children until her passing in March, 2008. I will always be grateful that Hannah did indeed leave Ireland and gift me the privilege of being a part of her life and of the extended families that were to flow from the FalveyMcKillop clan. Census records identify her as Hannah back in Ireland. But Hannah became known here variously as Ann and Anna and is best remembered by her grandchildren and those of us among her extended families as Gramma Ann. She was also Nanny to many of her grandchildren and to the Rev. George Dudley, the jovial pastor of St. Francis Church in Belchertown, where she later in life became the in-charge rectory housekeeper. Hannah, whose photographs reveal her as a pretty woman, was one of eight Falvey children who spent her early childhood and teen years with her family on Valencia off the southeast coast of Ireland. The parish register for Valencia Parish identifies her as Honora and her date of birth as 16 September 1889. She was baptised the following day. Fishing, some farming and the slate quarry provided the main occupations. The islanders had to be as self-sufficient as possible, owing in large measure to the fact the only contact with the mainland was by ferry boat. Hannah left the island 33
in 1910 and it was not until 60 years later that a bridge connecting to the mainland was built. Some of us, sons-in-law, daughters and even grandchildren, have had the opportunity to visit Valencia and Hannah's birthplace. Marguerite and I, her sister Alice and husband Jim Harrington, spent some time there in 1985 when Uncle Dennis Falvey, Hannah's brother, was still alive and showed us all the interesting parts of the island. Dennis was delighted to greet us and to proudly introduce his nieces and their husbands to his many friends at the pub, only a walking distance from his home. I was sent to the door of his very humble abode when the four of us arrived in our rented car and parked in the driveway. I knocked on the door and Dennis answered rather guardedly. I asked if this was the home of Dennis Falvey. Not answering my inquiry, he replied, "Who are ye?" rather suspiciously with his obvious Irish accent. He paused while I tried to explain that we were from the states, that I was married to Hannah McKillop's daughter and we were there for a visit to Ireland. Dennis had been visited by other relatives from the U.S. a number of times before and he finally accepted us for being family and welcomed us into his place. We sat around and chatted. He offered us something to drink and Marguerite and Alice joked afterwards that the prints on the glasses were probably of sisters, Helen and Dorothy and their spouses from their last visit to Dennis years earlier. His grand nephews, Tom and Danny Merrigan, among others, had visited Dennis years before. Housekeeping was not Dennis's strong point and he lived a very simple life. His passion was his daily walk down his road to the pub where he gathered with friends.
Seated is Thomas W. Merrigan with some of his children in front of the family home in Greenfield. Pictured left to right in the back row are Kathy Niedbala, Marguerite Merrigan, Nancy Hawkins and Maureen Winseck. Front row left to right are James Merrigan, Thomas W. Merrigan and John F. Merrigan. As we continued our visit for a couple of days, Dennis warmed up and enjoyed showing us the island where we had a chance to see the school that Hannah 34
attended as a youth, the cemetery atop a hill where the Falvey family is buried and a grotto which the islanders had created out of a slate quarry and where we knelt and said some prayers. He insisted we stop for a last visit at the pub before we parted and that Jim Harrington down one last glass of stout (a heavy Irish beer) with him. I still have a vision of Dennis in the car's rear view mirror, sadly wiping a tear from his eyes as we drove away. He loved meeting family members from the States. We were fortunate for the opportunity to meet Dennis as he died only a few months later. As Hannah's brother from the old sod, he would have been a big hit with all his nephews and nieces in the states and their extended families, but he never left Valencia. During the 1800s the island was a busy place until the Great Potato Famine of the 1840s resulted in numerous deaths from starvation and disease. During the 100 years following the famine, many adults and children emigrated from Ireland and Hannah was one of them. Although the famine of the 1840s was long ended before Hannah left, hardships continued. Life remained difficult for tenant farmers at the mercy of landlords. They could really never get ahead and sometimes their efforts were hardly enough to put an adequate meal on the table. What emotions must have filled Hannah Falvey's thoughts as she looked back on her parents and siblings waving from ashore as she boarded the ferry boat in Knightsville, the small port town on the edge of Valencia, leaving for the mainland and then on to her port of departure. To tear oneself away from the only family known to her at such a young age surely caused an inner sadness that would remain in her heart during her nearly 60 years of life in America. Hannah had every hope of a rewarding life in America, the land of plenty, where her older sister, Mary Falvey, had emigrated to five years earlier and settled in Holyoke. Indeed, Hannah would experience a life of fulfilment in the United States, but it would not be without its share of struggles, hardship and sorrow. Her strengths and sacrifices as a young woman growing up in the harsh environment of Valencia Island would inure her to some of the difficulties she would later experience. But Hannah's greater strength would be in her devotion to the Catholic faith that parents John and Julia [Donoghue] Falvey instilled in their humble island abode. I remember her often as having rosary beads handy in her apron, perhaps while preparing a meal, or riding in the car with Marguerite and me as we drove up the Mohawk Trail for her to visit daughter, Helen and husband Ray Merrigan and family in North Adams. (My brother also became part of the Falvey family when he married Hannah's daughter Helen).
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John Falvey was 56 years old and his wife, Julia, 45 when their daughter Hannah left home. In the 1911 census John was listed as a farmer and Julia, "farmer's wife." They spoke Irish and English, living on Tinnies Lower, Valencia Parish, County Kerry. Also remaining back in Chapeltown, named for the one Catholic church there at the time, were brothers Timothy, 22, Martin, 19, John, 9, and Dennis, 6, and sisters Julia, 17, and Ellie, 14. From the ferry boat and onto the mainland, Hannah was to travel, probably by train, to Cork, a city near the coast, and then to Cobh, the port of last call for many passenger liners leaving Ireland. Cobh is referred to as Queenstown in the manifest of the liner Baltic on which Hannah crossed the Atlantic. Cobh was also the last stop two years later in 1912 for the ill-fated ship, Titanic, destined to strike an iceberg and sink in the North Atlantic, resulting in the loss of hundreds of lives. Hannah was one of nearly 3,000 passengers aboard the Baltic. With only a few dollars to her name, she travelled third class, a class of passage known to immigrant families as "steerage." She was among 2,000 passengers making the crossing in steerage, while only 425 passengers were able to afford first class passage and only another 450 could pay the second class fare. Hannah was listed in the ship's records as possessing only $20, perhaps a large sum in 1910, and indicated that her passage was paid by herself. Some passengers on the Baltic had as little as $3 and $8 to their names as they stepped on shore. To a question in the ship's manifest as to whether she had a ticket to her final destination in the United States, she answered that she did not. She listed her older sister, Mary Falvey, at 56 Pine St. in Holyoke, as her intended destination. Hannah arrived at Ellis Island in New York on 8 May 1910, where she was most likely met by Mary and others. Mary arrived at Ellis Island just five years earlier, on April 2, 1905, aboard the liner The Celtic. Two years after Hannah arrived, brother Timothy arrived, also aboard the Baltic. Timothy became a policeman in Holyoke, a few miles from Belchertown where Hannah later was to be married and live the rest of her life. Each brother or sister to follow at Ellis Island also listed the Holyoke residence of Mary as their destination. Brother John arrived at Ellis Island in 1919 at age 20. Ellie, listed as Ellen on the ship's manifest arrived in 1920 at age 22 and made her home in Rhode Island. When Ellie reached New York, Mary married and Ellie's destination was then listed as Mary McDonnell in Holyoke. Irish names were often anglicised once the young Irish ĂŠmigrĂŠs arrived in the states. Ellie, became aunt Helen to her nieces and nephews. Martin Falvey, Hannah's brother, later crossed to Canada and was reportedly deported for entering the country illegally. He is buried in Ireland. Brother John Falvey settled in New York State, but contact with Hannah was minimal.
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Many sad stories are told about life in Ireland, where hunger and rebellion against British oppression brought death and severe retribution. This was a sombre life often told in poem and song and remembered long after immigrant Irish folks and their families were safely settled in America. Lives in America for the newcomers also were tinged with sadness as they adjusted to their new country, but missed loved one left behind. Aunt Mary, as she is remembered by Hannah's children, was to provide strong and enduring support for Hannah during periods of emotional, physical and financial hardships several years into her marriage in 1918 to Michael J. McKillop. This Mary Falvey McDonnell was charitable and caring. She was also a firm and a kindly disciplinarian as she reached out to Hannah and to her children. Hannah was to marry Michael J. McKillop whom she met while living in the Holyoke Hannah McKillop, also known as Anna Falvey McKillop, right, with daughter, Marguerite Anne area. Merrigan.
Michael McKillop worked in a grocery store in the Holyoke/South Hadley area and later operated his own grocery in Belchertown. He was known to everyone in the community as Mike McKillop. One of 12 children, he delivered meat and groceries those days to customers in outlying sections of town by horse and wagon. He was a trusting person, perhaps too trusting as a businessman and allowed credit to large numbers of families who fell on hard times during the 1930s. Mike's gentle character did not permit him cut off credit to customers who were desperate for groceries. His children also recall their father's generosity to his own family of brothers, sisters and his mother. His kindness toward others and the hard times for everyone during that period caused Mike to experience his own hardships and through it all he lost his business. All this brought on a nervous breakdown for Mike and resulted in his becoming a patient at Northampton State Hospital, 20 miles away. This was a sad and demeaning experience for Mike McKillop, 37
always a proud man, from which he never fully recovered and never returned home to his family. He could never bring himself to leave the facility. A life of hardship thus began for Hannah as a mother with eight children - a ninth child had died of pneumonia in infancy - and without a ready source of income sufficient to feed and clothe them. Another child, John Francis, also died young in a fire. The task of raising the children on her own, during lean years especially in the l930s and 1940s, would be an almost insurmountable challenge for any young mother even in the best of times. The other children at home when their father left were Mary Rose, 6, Marguerite Ann, 8, Alice Mary, 9, James Michael, 12, Helen Mary, 14, Dorothy Margaret, 15, and Henry John 16. Young Henry quit school as a teenager to go to work to help provide for his mother and siblings. Working at a very young age brought Henry in contact with numbers of hardened, tough adult men who worked on the nearby Quabbin Reservoir, a huge construction project, now the primary source of water for metropolitan Boston. Henry, a hard-working young adult, was to later become a heavy equipment operator in nearby Holyoke. Henry answered the nation's call for young men and served a number of years in the U.S. Navy in the Pacific theatre aboard the USS Massachusetts. Hannah's life in America was perhaps a microcosm of the constant sadness and hardships of life in old Ireland. My early recollection of meeting Gramma Ann (Hannah) was in the early 1940s when she came to our house in South Deerfield with daughters Dorothy and Marguerite to visit. I was fortunate to marry Marguerite a few years later. My older brother, Raymond, and Helen McKillop were married by that time and Gramma Ann was in South Deerfield to visit them and our family. Family life for the McKillops was austere in those years. The central heating system had given up many years earlier and the downstairs was heated with oil space heaters and the kitchen, like our own home in South Deerfield, was warm and heated with kerosene burners in the old black iron stove. Brother Jim, referred to by Gramma Ann and his siblings as James, would wear his hat to go outside and down to the cold cellar to fill the kerosene jug to keep the burners in the stove going. His sisters often kidded when Gramma Ann would say to the girls at the kitchen table, "Get up and let James sit down." That's the way it was back in Ireland. Ma always deferred to the men in the family. But those little Irish characteristics had a real charm about them, making memories of her so special. She was dearly loved by her children and all who knew her. Times were tough those growing-up years and Marguerite would often tell of banking the house with leaves to keep the place warm as possible during winters. I believe that Gramma Ann came to like me while Marguerite and I were dating and later, also, after we were married. I was kind 38
of brassy, but I loved Gramma Ann a lot and would put my arms around her and give her lots of hugs and kisses. She loved it and would pretend she didn't, but always laughed about it. I was only 18 or 19 years old then. She also had a generous heart. After we were married, she would come to Greenfield on the bus, getting off in the centre of town and walk to our apartment carrying a roast of beef under her arm for our family's next meal. Gramma Ann deserves much credit for her courage and perseverance in rearing eight children alone. Her daughters were pretty, as their mother was, and all the brothers and sisters showed a keen intelligence as evidenced by their good grades in school. They were a close family and Gramma Ann instilled a deep sense of faith in the children. Marguerite would relate how she and her sisters frequently walked a mile and a half on cold mornings during Lent to attend daily Mass. Their bare legs would be white with the cold. They all went to work when they completed high school and contributed to the family maintenance at home. Marguerite married me, Thomas W. Merrigan and we are parents of eight children, Patricia Jeanne Merrigan who died in 2011, Attorney Thomas Tucker Merrigan, Maureen Therese Winseck, Greenfield town clerk, Nancy Elizabeth Hawkins, Kathleen Mary Niedbala, John Francis Merrigan, Franklin register of probate, named after John Francis McKillop, Marguerite Ann Shaw/Merrigan and Attorney James Michael Merrigan, named after James Michael McKillop. Marguerite served for several years as Greenfield's tax collector and treasurer, but her life was dedicated to her family. Marguerite died in 2008 at age 81. Gramma Ann, died on Thanksgiving Day, 26 November 1970, at age 81, after intervals of failing health. Michael McKillop died 13 years later on 6 May 1983, at age 90. Life in America was difficult for Gramma Ann, but her faith and her Irish stamina enabled her to meet the challenges that came her way, and her legacy is in the wonderful children and many grandchildren and great grandchildren she left behind. She and Mike McKillop are finally together again, with their own children, watching over their grandchildren and their many offspring arising from the Falvey-McKillop union nearly a century ago. There is a very great sadness to growing old and in my solitude thinking about all the wonderful departed friends and families whom God gave me to love and to enrich my life. Departed, they are, but everlasting in my memories and in my prayers. Hannah Falvey McKillop is one of the most unforgettable and admired persons I have ever known. I am truly blessed for having known her and the McKillop 39
family. I am also equally blessed for having married her beautiful daughter, Marguerite, who enriched my life for more than 60 years. NOTE: Thomas W. Merrigan is the author of Sugerloaf Street a Memoir, (2012) the story of his upbringing in South Deerfield in Massachusetts, USA. The above article is written in memory of his wife Marguerite McKillop Merrigan and her Irish-born mother Hannah Falvey McKillop. A native of Deerfield, the writer is the youngest of three sons born to the late Frank and Theresa Tucker Merrigan. The family grew up on the aforesaid Sugarloaf Street in the 1930s and 40s, where Thomas attended Deerfield Academy. His father ran a barbershop. Thomas worked for twenty-two years for the Greenfield Recorder-Gazette (now The Recorder). He served two years as a Greenfield selectman [akin to a Town or County Councillor – Ed.], two years as a Franklin County Commissioner and in a change of career, spent four years at law school becoming a lawyer in 1982 at the age of 55. Prior to entering private practice, he was on the staff of the Northwestern District Attorney's Office. ooooooOOOOOOoooooo VALENTIA ISLAND TRAGEDY: Two letters were printed in The Kerryman newspaper of the 26 January 1907 regarding the setting up of a committee to collect money for the destitute families of fishermen drowned in an accident on the 14th of that month. All casualties were from Valencia Island. The following is an abridged version of the letters written by the Parish Priest, W. Keane and Thomas O'Donoghue the Hon. Sec. of the Committee: "On that fateful night Dingle Bay teemed with mackerel. No sooner had the fishermen set their nets than they were laden with fish. The entrance to Valencia Harbour is rugged and narrow, a strong ebb tide ran. The boats, owing to the heavy takes, had little free-board and two of the frail crafts were literally swallowed up. The men in a third boat, only twenty yards away, were unable to save them. A cry was heard "God help us, we're drowning" and that was all. Widow Falvey, an old woman of seventy lost her two fine men Mike and Denny. Felix O'Neill leaves a wife, three little babies and a widowed mother to the care of God and the people. Pat Shea a prematurely old and stricken man, owing to a continuity of awful family trouble, lost a son, Con, a fine handsome lad of nineteen, his parents hope and prop. Cremin, McCarthy, O'Sullivan and Murphy were fine types of Irish manhood, the loss of such men to their parents and to the community is incalculable."
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THE EMIGRANTS' RETURN Barry Kennerk Today, one normally imagines nineteenth-century emigration to be a one way ticket. We are all familiar with the Irish 'wake' as relatives waved goodbye to their loved ones, knowing they might never see them again. Too often, this turned out to be true. The cost of travel was high and although the advent of the steamship had more than halved the transatlantic journey, the two-week passage could still prove very hazardous. Of those families who did return, re-integration proved difficult. I am sure my own ancestors were no exception in that regard. On their return from New York in 1876 (after an absence of eight years), they found that tram lines had been laid from Nelson's Pillar to Rathmines, Terenure, Kingsbridge Station and Sandymount with a new shipping berth called Spencer Dock' built in honour of the Lord Lieutenant at North Wall. The Church of Ireland had been disestablished on 1 January 1871, giving Catholics a new-found sense of confidence and telegraph offices linked rural towns to the outside world. The Kennerks – Cornelius (Con), his wife Eliza and their four children, Nora, Maggie, Con and Michael, moved into a small house at no. 2 Granby Lane, behind Dominick Street. This house was demolished years ago. William John Kennerk (named after his respective uncles in New York) was born in Granby Lane on Monday 16 October 1876. He was baptised by Father Bernard Farrell in the Pro-Cathedral, Marlboro Street, seven days later. Considering the rate of infant mortality, the ceremony was carried out much sooner than would be considered normal today.1 In 1879, the Kennerks moved to no. 20 Lower Dorset Street, where they lived over the four-storey grocery shop of Nicholas Brown. The top floor had once been a servant quarters with narrow windows overlooking the street. It was bordered on one side by Kelly's Row and on the other by a butcher's. Since the family did not have to move far, the hire of a simple handcart was all that was needed to move their meagre worldly belongings. Family documents, including the burial details of Cornelius' father and tin-type photographs, were carefully preserved. In 1877, Brown had been embroiled in a minor controversy. On 8 th February, he was brought before Magistrate J.W. O'Donnell and fined £5 for
1
Baptismal record of William Kennerk, 16 Oct. 1876 (NLI Parish Register for St. Mary’s, Pro-Cathedral, P.9153-9154) 41
allowing whiskey to be consumed on his premises.2 Whether the family enjoyed an illicit drink of whiskey on the strength of the move is not known. Con, who was a stone cutter, had found work on the reconstruction of Essex Bridge which was then nearing completion.3 Meanwhile, his mother Bridget who had travelled to the United States with him, found work as a housekeeper and took lodgings at no. 2 Upper Dominick Street. Her daughter-in-law Eliza made the regular journey to ensure that she was in good health. When Bridget fell ill in 1879, Eliza kept a vigil at her bedside. It is not hard to understand why the women were close. Together, they had helped to keep the family going in New York and in such close quarters, Eliza had no doubt come to know the old woman extremely well. On 21 May, she died from bronchitis and was laid out for two days.4 On comparing the address listed on Bridget's interment record and that shown on the official death certificate, it appears that two days after her mother-in-law's death, Eliza moved into 58 Wellington Street – perhaps to be with her sister-in-law Honora for a brief stay. Unfortunately, Eliza (shown here) could not know that she herself soon would succumb to the overcrowded conditions of tenement life. Like thousands of other working class people, she lived in close contact with the human body louse. Unfortunately, the insect was also a vector for typhus which Eliza contracted in May 1881.5 The city was scourged by this highly infectious disease. Con had no money to pay for his wife's treatment however and he was obliged to seek out the poor law guardian, Dr John Ferguson, to whom he petitioned for a ticket for the dispensary doctor in Summerhill.6 Ferguson lived in Lower Sherrard Street which was just off the North Circular Road and just a stone's throw from Lower Dorset Street.
2
Irish Times, 9 May 1877. Interview with Dorothy O’Connor, April 2002. 4 Death Record of Bridget Kennerk, 21 May 1879 (BDM/Apr-Jun/Vol. 2/P.481). 5 The disease is quite distinct from typhoid fever – an illness that can result from drinking contaminated food or water. 6 Ferguson, John Ribton Pen. (Mr Huddart) First year as undergraduate in July 5th 1832, aged 17; son of John Pragmaticus 6. Dublin B.A. Vern. in 1837, followed by M.B. Vern. in 1845 M.A. Aest 1860. 3
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At 66 years of age, Ferguson was a seasoned medical practitioner. He correctly diagnosed Eliza's illness – a feat in itself since typhus had only just been separately classified. The Infectious Diseases Act would not come to pass for another eight years and in 1881 physicians were not required to notify sanitary officers in the interests of public health and safety. The scene, replicated elsewhere throughout the city, was a pitiful one: The room with two bedsteads occupied by a family of six, a bundle of straw on the floor where the husband slept, the wife ill with typhus fever‌the window overlooking a small yard covered in excrement with the foul privy directly beneath. Eliza's condition grew rapidly worse. By the time that Dr. Ferguson made a second visit during the second week of her illness, she was delirious. She lay in bed with a fever and spoke incoherently. The house call was not without risk. It is likely that Ferguson had himself contracted typhus two or three times just through contact with his own patients. He decided to transfer Eliza to the Mater Misericordiae Hospital in Eccles Street where she was cared for by the Sisters of Mercy Nuns. After an illness lasting just fifteen days, she died on Sunday 15 May 1881.7 Con was not in a position to buy a family grave, so Eliza was buried along with four others (unrelated) in unpurchasable ground in Glasnevin Cemetery. Her funeral was held on the same day that she died and, shortly afterwards, Con's children were sent away to be cared for by their relatives. According to a family legend, the old Fenian, O'Donovan Rossa, who was Con Junior's godfather, sent an IRB man around to the house in Dorset Street to offer to take custody of the children. Con was not interested in sending them back to America however so instead, they were sent to live with their aunt Esther Brady at no. 26 Little Denmark Street. Later, they moved with her to no. 30 Great Britain Street (now Parnell Street) where she ran a business as a furniture dealer. Esther had stood for young Michael when he was baptised in St. Andrew's Church, Westland Row in 1867 and the same indomitable lady sent at least one of the children (William) to St. Saviour's school, Little Denmark Street where he was enrolled in first class at the beginning of 1887, aged 10. He continued to attend until second class and was struck off on 15 September 1888. His schooling was presumably cut short by his entry into the bricklaying trade. He and his sisters Norah and Maimie continued to live with their Aunt Esther until they were married. 7
Death record of Eliza Kennerk, 15 May 1881 (BDM/Apr-Jun/Vol. 2/P.419). 43
Con (another of the children) went out to work when he was about 14 years of age. One of his first jobs was on the Pigeon-House in Ringsend. He walked there every morning for a half-crown wages per week. By that time, his aunt Esther was getting on in years and was an invalid. Many years later, he proudly recalled that when he started work, he was able to buy her the first pair of crutches she ever owned.8 A few years later, he left his aunt's home and by 1898 was living in York Street. Although undoubtedly traumatic, the break-up of the Kennerk family is understandable. Eliza died in an era where maternal care was essential. Con (Jnr) was aged just four, Bill was a baby and the girls were also very young. There was no social welfare system to support a widower like Con and he needed to work long hours in order to keep himself out of the poor house. He simply could not have cared for his young family. A New Start (1884 – 1899) After Eliza died, Con Kennerk moved to no.55 Wellington Street where he took lodgings in a tenement room occupied by his sister Honora. Life had come almost full circle. He was now living just two doors away from his father's old home. In 1884, he married again – this time to the widowed daughter of a wheelwright named Elizabeth Flanagan (nee: Hughes). She lived at no.1 Lurgan Street, not far from St. Michan's Catholic Church, Halston Street, where the wedding was held. According to the parish register, the couple were given a special dispensation – perhaps due to the fact that Elizabeth was a Protestant. Sometime afterwards, the newlyweds took a room at no. 228 Phibsborough Road near White's Lane. A single child resulted from this marriage – a girl named Mary. In 1888, Con found employment with Mr. Hammond, a memorial builder who was commissioned to construct the tomb of Cardinal McCabe in Prospect Cemetery, Glasnevin. The work was completed at a final cost of £110,000 – roughly €1.8 million in today's money. The Cardinal had reserved the site as far back as 1833 but complained in 1855 when bodies were interred there without his permission. A year after McCabe's death, a competition was announced in the Irish Builder whose 1 July 1886 edition set out the terms for submission of drawings. There were to be two designs, the second of which was to be a treatment of a cross: 8
Interview with Mona Harte, August 2004. 44
We illustrate in this issue [1st October] the premiated supplemental designs to those already published (July 1st) for the Cardinal McCabe Memorial. The designs are by Mr J.J. O'Callaghan MRIA, Architect, 16 Nassau Street, Dublin. Design No.1 is a free treatment of Celtic, that of No.2 of the Decorative period. The materials proposed to be used were Irish limestone and polished granite. Submissions soon flooded in but the contract was eventually awarded to architect George Coppinger Ashlin – a pupil of the famous Edward Pugin. He had sent Ashlin over to Dublin during the 1860s to open an office. Thereafter, the firm was busy on church-building projects. Con Kennerk came to work on the site in its preliminary stages. For some time, he worked in the yard of Mr. Hammond in Talbot Street, cutting the stone to be used on the job. Hammond was listed in Thom's Directory as a builder and contractor with premises in John Street in Drogheda. There were occasional problems however. The minutes of committee meetings, held to discuss the tomb's construction between March 1888 and April 1892 are often revealing. In May 1888 for instance, some of the cut stone was delivered prematurely to the site by horse and cart A letter was read from Mr O'Connell Superintendent Prospect Cemetery relative to Mr Hammond, contractor for the Memorial Committee for the erection of the monument to the late Cardinal McCabe, having sent to the cemetery last Saturday 4 loads of cut stone – the foundations building not having been even commenced. The secretary reported that having consulted with a couple of members of the board, he with a view to avoid any unseemly appearance by refusing to admit the material, gave directions that the cut stone be admitted to the cemetery and left to lie on the ground at the responsibility and risk of the Memorial Committee…the Architect and Contractor are to be informed that no more materials will be admitted until the foundations are completed.9 A great deal of back-breaking work was required before the stone-carvers could get to work. To begin with, labourers were drafted in to dig the 8-ft deep foundations necessary for the building of such a large monument on sandy soil. A concrete base was then established to hold the weight. Softer stone required specialised techniques and tools. In order to work limestone, sandstone and soft marble, the tools were divided into two categories – those used with hammers, which had small heads to lessen the amount of burr, and mallet-headed tools with broad striking ends to avoid damaging the wooden 9
Minutes of the Monument Committee, 26 May 1888 (PCG). 45
mallet or bolster. Riflers (stone-carvers' files) were used to finish off finer work and for small delicate pieces and a final rub was given with wet or dry sandpaper. Before 1886, the men had been paid a daily rate of 5/- and conditions were fairly poor. There was a strike which didn't end until the Archbishop of Dublin convened a meeting to settle it and an hourly rate of 7 ½ pence was settled upon. The minutes of the Visiting Committee dated 9 th August 189010 show that progress was on-going –
Con had a short walk to the site from his house on the Phibsborough Road. Once he had reached the cemetery, the tools available to him included squares, setsquares, plumb-rules, compasses and bevels, pitchers (used to cut away waste) and hammers. The bevel consisted of two metal blades slotted and fastened by a thumb screw and, like today's instrument, was essential for measuring and marking out angles.
10
Minutes of the Visiting Committee, 9 August 1890 - Courtesy of Prospect Cemetery Archives, Glasnevin. 46
The working day was 6am to 6pm with two meal breaks but the men did no stone working on a Monday. That day was set aside as a day for sharpening the tools used to work on the tomb. Ten men were employed on the project, with stonemasons of varied levels contributing to the task. One of Con's colleagues was a man named Scully who paid both of their guild dues on 13 June 1887. The other stonecutters are now unknown but Con did work from time to time during the 1890s with Thomas McKeown, M. Whelan and B. Waters.11 In general, stonecutting was thirsty work because stone dust tended to settle on the back of the throat and many of the men enjoyed a pint, particularly when a funeral came into the cemetery. They drank in the Brian Boru which was adjacent to the railway line on the Phibsborough Road.12 From 1887–1888, Mr. Hammond carried out most of the heavy labour and, at a later stage (1889-1890), Farrell and Sons from Gloucester Street carved the fine statuary and motifs. It was Master Thomas Farrell himself who carved the intricate angels on its four corners. In contemplating their design, he 'may have been familiar with the writings of Pugin, who in his contrasts (1836) recommended the addition of supporting angels at the head of the recumbent effigy'.13 The finished piece (see below) is quite remarkable as the roof is made almost entirely from one piece of granite and carved to give the illusion of separate tiles. The effigy of the Cardinal is full size and is shown above as it looks today. Thomas Farrell was 62-years-old when his designs for Cardinal McCabe's tomb were accepted by the Irish Builder. He had already enjoyed many successes 11
Income and Expenditure Book Ancient Guild of Incorporated Brick and Stonelayers 189295 (NAI, 1097/17/1). 12 Interview with George McCullough, Jan. 2000. 13 Paul Murphy, ‘Thomas Farrell – Sculptor’ in Irish Arts Review, No. 9 Yearbook (1993) p.102. 47
with the completion of the statue of William Smith O'Brien (1870) and that of Sir John Gray in O'Connell Street (1879). Including the tomb of the recumbent Cardinal, over thirty of Farrell's pieces can still be seen in Dublin's public places. Dorothy O'Connor recalls one occasion when her grandfather, William Kennerk, left the crowd of mourners during a funeral to take a look at the tomb his father had worked on. The trade was a source of family pride for although stonecutters could do a little stone carving, carvers were never allowed to do any stonecutting. Only stonecutters' sons were admitted to the craft. As such, Michael Kennerk's indenture, having endured the test of time, provides a fascinating insight into the oaths by which an apprentice was bound. On 6 November 1886, we learn that Master James King, together with Stewards Thomas King and Gerard Thornberry witnessed his binding at a candlelit ceremony. Michael's master was to be his father Cornelius Kennerk, a 'Brick and Stone Layer of the City of Dublin'. Outside the Cuffe Street hall, the night sky was moon-lit with clouds flitting across it at intervals.14 As Father and son stood in front of the council, an ancient rite was observed. Turning to his father, Michael Indenture of Michael Kennerk, Saturday 6 November 1886 said, 'I give you this indenture as my Act 14
Phoenix Park Observatory Record, 6 Nov. 1886 (MET). 48
and Deed'. 'I receive it as such', Con replied. The indenture was then drawn up and sealed with red wax. Besides being bound to his father for seven years, the young man was forbidden to 'play at Cards, Dice Tables, or any other unlawful Games (and)… shall not haunt or use Taverns, Ale Houses or Playhouses'. By 1892, Con (Jnr) had followed his brother Michael into the stonecutting trade. On Monday 17 October, Michael, who was one year away from his freedom, paid his dues of 1.6d and Cornelius paid 1s. When their father went out on strike for six weeks on 29th October, both boys joined him. They were paid strike relief money until they returned to work.15 In 1893, Hammond's yard closed in Talbot Street. At the same time, Con received word through the Bricklayers' Hall in Cuffe Street that his brother John had died from Pneumonia in New York. The attending doctor listed 'La Grippe' as a contributory cause – a general term for many forms of infection. More often, it applied to an unusually severe strain of influenza. John had been ill for just eighteen days and died on 26 March at eleven o'clock in the morning. He left a grieving wife and children behind. In this picture, a much-aged Margaret Kennerk wears the dark clothes of a widow in mourning, a small roundframed pince nez perched delicately on her proud, dignified face. Her daughter Mary stands protectively behind her – in many ways like her mother – the same nose and mouth, but otherwise like the Kennerks, with a distinctive forehead and eyes. Sometime between 1897 and 1900, another tragedy befell Con – this time closer to home. His second wife died and their daughter Mary was taken out of his care and sent to live with the nuns in Donnybrook and Ranelagh.16 Tragically, it would seem that Con had been unable to keep custody of the children resulting from either marriage.
15
Income and Expenditure Book of the Ancient Guild of Incorporated Brick and Stonelayers, 1892-95 (NAI, 1097/17/1). 16 Interview with Robbie O’Rourke, October 2004. 49
Afterwards, he moved out of his home in Phibsborough and went to live south of the River Liffey near his sons. The Guild Secretary's book from the Bricklayers' Hall shows that he was still working in 1899 and the following year he moved to no. 84 Bride Street next door to M.P. Cox, grocer, tea and wine merchant, near the famous city bird market. Con drifted back across the Liffey in 1901. On the census of that year, we find him living in a five-roomed lodging house at 30 Lower Church Street – part of one of the worst slums in Dublin. The building housed twelve families – a total of 63 people, all squashed into just five rooms. Many of the men went out to work as general labourers whereas Con, who was considerably older than them (the average household age for males was 37), eked out a living as a bricklayer. He was now sixty-two and nearing destitution. Fortunately, he was saved from that fate by his son Bill in 1911 and by his daughter Mary (Maimie) in 1922. He had lived an adventurous life but his return from New York had incurred an almost unendurable heartbreak. To begin with, his wife was taken from him and then his young family went to live with his sister-in-law Esther. He had some pride but it only lasted as long as his arm could lift a chisel or a bolster. By 1922, having lived long enough to see the emergence of the Irish Free State, he finished his days by calling on the mercy of one or other of his children or falling asleep on straw mattresses in tenement houses along Ushers Quay, Bride Street, Werburgh Street and Church Street. When Con died in 1922, his grand-daughter Chrissie Carey recalls that he was laid out in a brown habit at their tenement home in Mayor Street. After the body had been prepared, her brothers – young Paddy and Benny – decided to play a joke on the mourners. They gathered around the candlelit deathbed in prayer until Con suddenly 'moved'. Needless to say, not a person was left in the room. The young Careys had pulled on strings tied to their grandfather's hands and exposed feet. A short time later, his body was taken to Laurence O'Toole Church in Seville Place where he lay until he was ready to be interred in Glasnevin Cemetery. Nobody knew just how old Con was since his baptismal record was impossible to trace. Maimie had to take a reasonable guess. He was buried in his father's plot, not more than a stone's throw from the magnificent tomb of Cardinal McCabe that he had helped to build. Editor's note – see Barry Kennerk's earlier article on the Kennerk family – 'An Emigrant's Story – Eight Years in New York (1868-1876)' – in GSI Journal Vol. 12, 2011. 50
Barry Kennerk is the author of: The Railway House: Tales from an Irish Fireside, Appletree Press, Ireland 2008 Shadow of the Brotherhood: The Temple Bar Shootings, Mercier Press, Ireland 2010 and Moore Street: The Story of Dublin's Market District, Mercier Press Ltd, Ireland 2012
The Cardinal McCabe Memorial Prospect Cemetery, Glasnevin, Dublin
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R.I.P. AT LOURDES Padraic Ingoldsby It was in a small town called Lourdes, which lies in the foothills of the Pyrenees, that Bernadette Soubirous in 1858 saw the first of 18 apparitions of Our Lady. The town subsequently became famous for these Marian apparitions and since then the area has been visited by hundreds of millions of people seeking cures for themselves or others. Pilgrimages are organised from various parishes in Ireland every year for both the sick and the able-bodied. Many people also volunteer to assist those in physical need and help them in every way to make the journey and the time spent in Lourdes as comfortable as possible. However, it is inevitable that, given the numbers visiting the Shrine and, perhaps, the serious state of the health of many, death does occur. This article is an attempt to bring to attention those who are buried in the communal cemetery at Langelle. This perpetual concession to bury people from Ireland was given to the United Irish Pilgrimages in 1937 but, due to the War, etc., it seems that it wasn't used until 1963. The crypt has now been sealed and no more burials can take place there. 23.08.1963 18.04.1964 10.06.1964 28.08.1964
FITPATRICK Carmen MORAN John ROEYNOLDS Gertrude BALFE Annie
09.09.1972 09.09.1972 09.09.1972 12.09.1972
18.09.1967 19.09.1967 10.08.1969 23.08.1969 08.09.1971 13.09.1971 13.09.1971 03.06.1972
KINSELLA Martin NAMEE née QUINN Pauline MAC KENNA Thérèse MC CARTHY Donald Antony MC DONNEL Robert HICKEY née DOLAN Agnes HOLMES Graham HOSEY John
11.09.1973 11.09.1973 14.08.1975 22.07.1979 09.09.1979 19.05.1982 22.07.1982 02.08.1983
29.08.1972 KEANEY Mark
27.07.1984
WHELAN Margaret BROPHY Michael HOGAN Richard BARRY née O.DRISCOLL Cecilia FARREL Eva KELLY Florence EUSTACE Christina CHIPCHASE William BARRY Patrick HUGUES Thomas SHAUN Lawson CASSLEY Mary Gabriel (religieuse) HARRINGTON Robert Desmond
04.09.1972 COLGAN Nicholas
I am grateful to the Service Etat Civil Cimetieres in Lourdes and Ms. Marguerite Poublanc for her assistance in providing the names mentioned above. However, it would seem that some of the names have been misspelled. In addition, the following is a listing of the people named on small plaques placed on the crypt at Lourdes as shown in the photo below. However, it must 52
be noted that these people are not necessarily buried there but are simply remembered in this sacred spot. I would like to thank Kilian Cleary for permission to use the photographs.
Hannah Mordaunt 13/08/1949 Mary J. Russell 04/09/1958 Michael Grant 18/07/1960 Martin Kinsella 12/06/1968 Teresa Mc Kenna 10/08/1969 Bridget Casey 31/08/1969 Kathleen Leeson Dunne 09/06/1970 Frank Fahy 1971 Robert Mc Donnell 08/09/1971 Mary Hickey 13/09/1971 Graham Holmes 13/09/1971 John Hosey 03/06/1972 Mark Kearney 30/08/1972 Nicholas Colgan 04/09/1972 Michael Brophy 09/09/1972 Richard Hogan 09/09/1972 Barry O'Driscoll 12/09/1972 Florence Kelly 11/04/1973 Vera Farrell 11/09/1973 Christina Eustache 14/08/1975
Caroline Nolan 20/06/1976 Patrick Barry 09/09/1979 Shaun Lawson 18/07/1982 Agnes Roche 24/09/1984 Monica Murphy 03/09/1989 Kathleen Lalor 17/09/1992 Clinton Nolan 06/04/1998 Mary Frances Brophy 12/04/1998 Emily Christine Brophy 28/05/1999 Gussie Leonard 11/06/1999 Catherine Leonard 22/04/2002 Margaret Rochford 20/02/2003
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The following pictures show some of the plaques in more detail:
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MARY KELLY (1867-1946) - A WOMAN AHEAD OF HER TIME! Paula O'Kelly Mary was my husband's paternal grandmother, a mother of 13 children - 7 boys and 6 girls. Unfortunately I never had the pleasure of meeting this lady of many talents, but now having had the opportunity of doing this research I feel I know her quite well. On commencing my research my main source of information was their last surviving child, Peggy, who died aged 99 in July 2007. Mary's mother was Sarah (Sallie) Byrnes born in 1842. Thomas Hanlon - probably in the 1860s. This elegant lady is shown in the photograph opposite -
Sarah married
A Dublin person all her life, Mary was born at 111 Upper Dorset Street on November 25th 1867. So far I have been unable to trace a record of her parents' marriage or the date of her father's death. Her mother re-married in 1879 to Joe Meadows so Thomas' death should have been registered. Thomas was a musician and leader of Hanlon's Band. I found newspaper accounts of the band playing at Dublin Castle, Royal Lodge, Phoenix Park and various venues throughout the country. Indeed, among my souvenirs of Mary is a little notebook containing extracts from newspapers detailing where the Band played and the various dances which they offered to the dancing partners. Unfortunately, some of these are not dated but research showed that many of the references came from newspapers such as the following extract from the 'Freeman's Journal and Daily Commercial Advertiser' Friday, November 16, 1860:
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When Mary was 18 she attended the Metropolitan School of Science and Art, Leinster House1, obtaining excellent marks in her examinations → She then taught for a period in Henrietta Street Schools. One of her children, Fergus, also attended the College of Science in Merrion Street in 1918-19 as did his son, Michael, my husband. In July 1889, aged 2l, she married William Kelly of Dundalk both shown below on the left and the parents of William Kelly Stephen Kelly and Eliza Kelly - are shown in their later years below on the right.
The photo following shows William (Mary's future husband) with the cricket bat on the right with his parents ; his sister Emily on his mother's knee and his 1
Leinster House became the Royal Dublin Society's headquarters in 1815 and moved to its existing premises at Ballsbridge in 1924. While at Leinster House the Society built an Art School in 1827 and the Natural History Museum in 1856. 56
brother Francis. It is interesting to see the 'hoop' in Francis's hand. The photo was taken circa 1869 in Dundalk. At the time of Mary's marriage William was living in Blessington Street which was around the corner from Goldsmith Street where Mary lived with her mother and stepfather, Joe Meadows. Mary's mother and her stepfather had two further children, Joe and Annie. William Kelly became a civil servant working with the RIC and his I.D. card (allowing entry to Dublin Castle) dated 18th December 1920 is shown below –
Mary and he lived at various locations around the city. Their children were born between 1890 and 1912. The varied careers of those eleven who survived the childhood years would make an interesting article or two ! The relevant dates are as follows Mary (May) born 5th May 1890. She became Mother Ita of the Brigidine Order, in Tullow and Mountrath, and died on January 6th, 1966. 57
Stephen (Steenie) was born on 11th August 1891 and died on May 24th 1951. He married Lily Doyle and was an architect. He was involved in the building of the Franciscan Church, Cork and the 'new' stadium at the South Circular Road in Dublin around 1938. Gerard was born 2nd March 1893 and died on November 21st 1898. Fergus Francis was born 1st June 1895 and died June 26th 1979. He married Margaret Peate and, as an engineer in the ESB, worked on the Shannon Scheme at Ardnacrusha. Dorothy was born 13th April 1897. She became Sister Frances, O.P. and died November 7th 1976. Charles Kevin was born 24the September 1898 and died January 10th 1963. Fintan was born 17the February 1901 and died February 6 th 1984. He worked in the motor car and motor cycle trade. Nora Nessa was born 6th February 1902 and died June 26th 1906. Una Kathleen was born 23rd November 1904 and died July 25th 1910. Nessan was born 21st December 1906 and died December 31st 1990. He married Eileen Kinsella and was employed in CIE. Margaret (Peggy) was born 16th June 1908 and died July 16th 2007. Aidan was born 31st January 1910 and died April 10th 1990. He married Vera Rooney and was an accountant with an oil company. Ita Maureen was born 2nd July 1912 and died June 28th 1991. In the midst of her busy life Mama had two inventions patented. The first in 1902, when she was living at 2 Ellesmere Terrace, NCR., was for a machine for the 'Issue of Tram Tickets' "Mama" Kelly, as Mary was eventually known, was a keen amateur photographer and as we looked through old photographs Peggy was quickly able to identify the people for me. Mama developed and processed her own photographs, using the space under the stairs as her "dark room". Many of her photographs were published in 'The Amateur Photographer' magazine around 1911-1913 and in newspapers around 1929. I was lucky enough to be given a 58
collection of her glass negatives from that period. She sold her photographs to the newspapers and some of the payments she received are recorded in her notebook - Irish Times £1.1.0 ; Irish Independent 10/6 ; Catholic Times 3/6 and so on. She was also noted for her panoramic shots some of which were published and I was able to obtain copies of the pages carrying many of these photos from the newspapers in the Gilbert Library. The following is an example of her photographic skills from 'The Amateur Photographer & Photographic News' (1912) –
THE AMATEUR PHOTOGRAPHER & PHOTOGRAPHIC NEWS March 18, 1912 (page 6, supplement)
But she was busy in other spheres also ! 'The Lady of the House' magazine ran their annual handwriting competition with Mama the winner. The graphologist's report in the issue dated February 15th 1910 reads: 'The writing is essentially feminine; true femininity makes for domestic happiness. Every student of graphology will be favourably impressed by the continuity of affection and steadfastness of effort so clearly revealed in Mrs. Kelly's pen work. There is a charming display of energy, methodical and unfailing, without fussiness, hospitable disposition, a kindly welcome for friends, a well ordered home for those whose privilege it is to share it with her, conscientious in deed and word, generous without extravagance and amiable in an uncommon degree.'
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What would today's career woman think of 'true femininity makes for domestic happiness'? From 1906 the family lived in Sutton, Co. Dublin, for almost 10 years. While there Mama was a keen poultry breeder. A writer in 'The Irish Farmer and Stockowner' (14th November 1914) stated that 'in addition to the Rhode Island Reds Mrs. Kelly has now started a pen of Blue Orpingtons.' Around this time the eldest daughter, Mary (May), who had joined an order of nuns in Belgium returned to live with her family at the start of the Great War. A party of Belgian refugees from that War were also staying nearby and Mrs. Gainsford St. Lawrence of Howth Castle asked May and her mother to take charge of arrangements for them.
In 1923 Mama was granted another patent which was far removed from the ticket patent of 1902 as it was for "An Irish Rug Hook" for making hand made rugs. The family were living in 22 Charleville Road, Rathgar around 1921 and it was there that her husband, William, died suddenly. But Mama continued on selling photographs and I was fortunate to obtain a copy of the headed invoices which showed that she also clearly benefited from her invention and from the sale of wools, etc. Strangely, she used the name 'Mrs McE. Kelly' on the notepaper and I eventually discovered that her husband's mother had been Eliza McEniry of Limerick before marriage. Whether the use of the initial in this way was in 60
honour of that lady or just to make her 'Mary Kelly' name a bit more distinctive we will never know. Mama enjoyed a busy life surrounded by four of her children who remained at home and visits from her many grandchildren. She suffered a stroke in later life and was cared for at home by her daughters Peggy and Maureen. The photo below shows her with one of her grandchildren, Michael, around 1933. She died in 1946 at the age of 79 and is buried in Mount Jerome. Thus ended an interesting and unusual life covering scholarship, marriage, motherhood, invention, photography in all its spheres, poultry keeping, sales of rug material, etc. It is mainly from many hours spent chatting to Peggy that I have been able to gather together the story of this amazing lady - a genealogist's delight!
ooooooOOOOOOoooooo
Extract from the Appendix to Twentieth Report of Commissioners of National Education in Ireland 1853 List of Pupil-Teachers who have entered the Ballymena District Model Schools, from 31st August, 1852, till 31st December, 1853. James Boyle Robert Mayne Alexander Bell Richard Doran James Chambers William M'Aleese Samuel Speers
age 16 Presbyterian age 17 Presbyterian age 17 Presbyterian age 18 Roman Catholic age 15 Unitarian age 15 Roman Catholic age 19 Presbyterian
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appointed 1st Oct 1852 appointed 1st Dec 1852 appointed 1st Dec 1852 appointed 1st Feb 1853 appointed 1st April 1853 appointed 4th April 1853 appointed 14th Nov 1853
EXTRACT FROM RETURNS RELATING TO THE GENERAL POST OFFICE, IRELAND. ‘A return of the Post towns in Ireland, of which the Postmasters were dismissed as Defaulters during the Years 1831, 1832, 1834 and 1835 ; distinguishing those dismissed in each Year, with the Names of the Parties dismissed.’ Office 1831
Postmasters
Office
Postmasters
Arklow Ballyhaunis Casteledawson Collon Ceshcarrigan Clifden Dangan Ennistimon Tulla
Charles Stern James Staunton William Heney Patrick Donellan John Mulvey J. Corbet James Fahy W.C. O’Brien Ann Woods
Frankford George Drought Frenchpark Martha Magan Fethard (W.) Robert Jackson Johnstown Timothy Dwyer Kilconnell John White NewtownMountKennedy Robert Roe Pallas Green Elizabeth M’Mahon Rathdrum Mary Leahy
Samuel M’Master George Eddington
Macroom
1832 Ballymena Bandon
John Crowe
1833 Athone Joseph Fallon Frankford Cahir John O’Farrell Kells Dungiven Patrick Mullins NewtownMountKennedy Heary Cassidy
James Balf John Sloan
1834 Ballibay Maryborough Mountmellick
Elizabeth Henderson Monastereven Ellen Pilsworth Thomastown Thomas Pye
Michael Wilson Edward Cronyn
Charles Fairweather Mohill Thomas Bennett Tagmon
Edward Holton John Ennis
1835 Arthurstown Cloughnakilty
This is an interesting list as many of the towns would have had small populations and the Postmasters were probably local – maybe your ancestor was one of them ?!! The spellings are as they appeared in the original report.
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THE CIVIL SURVEY OF MEATH 1654 – 1656 AN INDEX James O. Coyle BA MA FRSAI By any standards the seventeenth century was one of the most bloody and turbulent in Irish history. The events of this century were to have a lasting effect on the history of politics and religion in Ireland up to and including modern times. Flight of the Earls The century opened with the accession of James VI of Scotland to the throne of England in succession to Elizabeth I. He became known as James I. James, although known as the 'wisest fool in Christendom' was, nonetheless possessed of an innate cunning, especially when it came to his own interests, as was the case with most of the English monarchs. As far as his policy in Ireland was concerned his greatest opportunity came with the flight of the earls in September 1607. This event has been interpreted in a number of different ways. Some scholars perceive the flight as the inevitable result of the defeat of Hugh O'Neill's forces in the Nine Years War (1594 – 1603) and the earls, recognising that Ireland had finally succumbed to English rule. It has also been suggested that they had been involved in conspiracies to bring a foreign force into the country to aid their cause, which, no doubt they had, and fled in fear of their lives. They have also been accused of abandoning their people to the mercy of the English. However, their subsequent thwarted efforts to get help in Europe and their avowed intention to return would seem to be at variance with these theories. Whatever their intentions, their departure provided James with a golden opportunity. Until after the Nine Years War Ulster had remained largely outside the sphere of English influence. This began to change during the first decade of the seventeenth century when a number of English garrisons were set up in the province. The Plantation of Ulster In 1609 and 1610 James had plans drawn up for the confiscation and plantation of the lands of the Ulster Chiefs. However, despite its name, the plantation embraced only six of the nine Ulster counties i.e. Armagh, Cavan, Derry, Donegal, Fermanagh and Tyrone. The remaining three counties had already been planted in the period 1603 – 1601. English and Scottish settlers and military and civil servants of the crown in Ireland were allocated lands on very favourable terms. The lands were assigned to these in lots of 2,000, 1,500 and 1,000 acres. Many of the immigrants were poor and, even without incentives from the government; obtaining land in Ulster was attractive to them. 63
Each grantee was required to settle, on their new estates, twenty-four English males per thousand acres. Planters were also required to erect houses on the lands allocated, scaled in size according to the extent of the acreage granted. For example, those allocated 2,000 acres were required to build a castle on the land. However, the uncertainty of the political situation, not to mention the hostility of the indigenous, dispossessed population, militated against an immediate large-scale uptake by settlers. Essentially, there were not enough settlers to work the land so the large Catholic population was called upon to act as labourers and to occupy the poorer quality land. The land-hungry Scots were very efficient at clearing forests and founding towns. By 1640 there were about 40,000 planters and their retinues settled in Ulster. Needless to say, this confiscation – today we would call it 'ethnic cleansing' or a 'crime against humanity' - caused considerable resentment and anger in the province as well as throughout the country generally. This plantation set the scene for the subsequent barbarous events which marked the rest of the century up to and including the Williamite wars and their aftermath. Rebellion of 1641 It is not surprising that tensions ran high in the years following the plantation. Religion was also a reason for tension throughout the country. The planters were Protestant while the 'Old English' or descendants of the Anglo-Norman conquerors were Catholic. The latter referred to themselves as 'Englishmen born in Ireland' and became known about 1620 as 'Old English'. Some measure of relief for these Old English, who, as far as religion was concerned, had common cause with the vast majority of the Irish population, was hoped for with the accession of Charles I who succeeded his father, James I, in 1625. In 1628 Charles negotiated a number of concessions with the Old English in return for substantial subsidies. In all, fifty-one articles were agreed. These 'Graces', as they were called, the king promised to have made into law. However, he reneged on his commitment. The sense of betrayal felt by the Old English was heightened by the subsequent threat from the English parliament to confiscate their lands in Connaught as a way of increasing royal revenue. What followed was what the English feared most – an alliance between the Old English of the Pale and the Ulster Irish. This alliance became a reality in December 1641 and was the catalyst for a Catholic rebellion all across the country. Political demands were formulated and plans were drawn up for the establishment of a civil administration for the country. Meantime, in England, war had broken out between the king and parliament and meant that the royalists were very much on the defensive. In Ireland the insurgents had organised themselves into the Confederate Catholics of Ireland with their 64
administrative headquarters in Kilkenny. Their aims were to secure law and order in their own areas, to give impetus to their rebellion and to negotiate an advantageous outcome to the conflict. Owen Roe O'Neill and Thomas Preston, experienced generals, returned from exile with veteran soldiers and set about training a confederate army. By this time the civil war in England was in full swing and both sides were looking for advantage. This resulted in the English Parliamentarians (Roundheads) going into an alliance with the Scots, while King Charles went into negotiations with the Confederate Catholics. One of the leading royalists in Ireland, James Butler, 12th Earl and 1st Duke of Ormond, on behalf of the king, approached the Confederate Catholics in June 1643 and negotiated a cease-fire with them. This came into effect in September of that year. The cease-fire enabled Ormond to send 5,000 troops to England to bolster the king's fortunes. Sadly, the confederates achieved little or nothing from the cease-fire. They had run out of money, there was famine in 1648 and an outbreak of plague in 1649 all of which were detrimental to their cause. It has been said that the confederates failed in their aspirations due to poor leadership, religious divisions and lack of finance. No doubt the perfidy of the English king contributed also. The year 1649 saw the arrival of a second and more destructive plague in Ireland – Oliver Cromwell. Although he himself only remained in Ireland for nine months, his dominance in England saw the ruthless suppression of Catholic and royalist resistance here. In addition, Cromwell and his new model army were responsible for the imprisonment, transportation and execution of substantial numbers of Catholic Irish, particularly clergy and the wholesale confiscation of Catholic lands in the period 1649 – 1658. More crimes against humanity! The Civil Survey One of the main goals of the Civil Survey was to raise money, by confiscating the lands owned by Catholics. This money was badly needed to settle the major debts incurred by the Parliamentarians during the civil war in England and their campaign in Ireland. In addition, it was hoped that a large-scale plantation would ensure a loyal population and thus improve security, as well as punishing those who had taken the wrong side in the recent conflicts. The scheme envisaged the resettlement of all Catholic landowners west of the Shannon – the infamous 'to hell or to Connaught' policy. The confiscated lands were to be allocated to the government, the army and 'adventurers'. The latter were those who had lent money to the English parliament in 1642. In the case of the adventurers only about one third settled in Ireland ultimately. 65
The remainder, and the great majority of the soldiers who received confiscated land, sold their shares which were bought up by army officers and Old Protestant landowners. Most of the Catholic landowners did not transplant to Connaught but, instead, elected to become tenants at will on their former estates. Existing tenants and labourers who were pardoned in 1652 were retained on the estates by the new occupiers. The Survey The survey began in June 1654 under the jurisdiction of courts of survey which were charged with recording the possessions of the proprietors and the tenures and titles of their estates. These courts were given power to summon and examine, under oath, anyone who might be able to assist in discovering the facts and to demand the production of whatever evidence of title was necessary. Commissioners were appointed to carry out the survey and to examine 'the most able and ancient inhabitants of the country and to tread the meets and bounds of the premises'. As a result the survey produced a list of those holding lands in 1640 (Irish Papists and Protestants), the ancient boundaries, place names and antiquities in the lands surveyed. Also recorded were castles, houses, churches and church lands, mills, weirs, passes, bridges, quarries and abbeys. It is believed that the final commissions were issued in 1656. The mapping of the lands identified for forfeiture by the Civil Survey were mapped by Dr. William Petty and became known as the 'Down Survey' so called because all the information was written down. Petty, a doctor by profession was, in 1652, appointed as physician general to Cromwell's army in Ireland. However, he abandoned medicine in favour of cartography and in 1654 embarked on this, his most famous mapping project. He was knighted in 1662 by the restored king, Charles II. The Civil Survey covered all of Leinster and Ulster (with the exception of the barony of Farney in Co. Monaghan and all of Munster except Co. Clare. The only county surveyed in Connaught was Co. Leitrim. The portions of the survey which survive are those for Tipperary; Limerick; Waterford; the barony of Muskerry in Co. Cork and part of one barony in Co. Kerry; Co. Dublin (except the baronies of Newcastle and Uppercross); Kildare (except the barony of Ophaley); Meath; Wexford (except the barony of Forth); the city of Kilkenny; Donegal, Derry and Tyrone. Those parts which have survived have been published by the Irish Manuscripts Commission while the originals are held in the National Archives of Ireland. The following index is arranged by barony and sets out the names of the proprietors of lands in the twelve baronies into which Co. Meath is divided. The spelling shown for both barony names and surnames is as used in the survey. 66
Barony of Duleek Irish Papists Ayelemer, Garratt Allen, Robt. Ayelemer, James Bellew, John Bath, John Barnwall, James Bellew, Sr Christ Barnwall, Matthew Ball, Thomas Bath, James Bath, Christophr Bath, Luke Britt, Richard Bath, Widdow Barnwall, Patrick Barnwall, Patrick Barnwall, Patrick of Kilmoone Balfe, Joh: Barnewall, Sr Richard Chevers, Robt Cadle, Richard Cadle, Richard Cusacke, James Cormack, Stephen Cuzack, Thomas Conran, Thomas Cadle, John Cusack, Adam Chevers, John Draycott, John Dowdall, Nicholas Darcy, Nicholas Dillon, James Delahide, Christopr Dowdall, Stephen
Dillon, Thomas Dunsany, Lord of Duff, Stephen Dowdall, Nicholas Delafielde, Simon Everard, Widdow Finglass, Roger Goldeinge, John Gormastowne, Lord of Goldeinge, Christophr Gernon, Patrick Goldeinge, Widdow Hamline, William Holliwood of Artaine Hussey, Petter Hore, Phillipe Heron, James Jans, Edward of Dubline Kenedy, John Lutterall, Simon Moore, Bartholomew Moore, Pattrick Netterville, Lord Newgent of Dromoone Nettervill, Sr John Preston, Robert Plunkett of Beuley Sarsfielde, Michell Slane, Lord of Stoakes of Michellstowne Segrave, Henry Stanley, Walter Taylor, Michell Trimblestowne, Lord of Talboot, Richard Talboot, Sr Robert Talboot, John 67
Talboot, Widdow Usher, Robert, Usher, George Weisley, Valerian White, Thomas
Protestant Proprietors Moore, The Lord Thomonde, Earle of Ardmah, Bishop of fford, Math: Usher, Sr William Dowdall, Edward Edgeworth, Jno Patks Church Dublin [Loyde, Wm.] [Armagh, Lord Primate of] [Swaine, John]
Barony of Skreene Irish Papists Aylemer, Geratt Aylemer, James Bath, Pattrick Barnwall, Sr Rich Barnwall, Arlanton Birmingham, Edward Bellew, Sr Christopher Barnwall, James Bellinge of Bellingstowne Barnwall, Alixandr Birmingham of Corballis Barnwall, George Baggott, William Chevers, Christopr Cusack, Pattrick Cusack, Christopr Cusake, Thomas Cusack, Richard Dowdall, Stephen
Dowdall, Lawreanc Dillon, ffrancis Dunsany, Lord of Dillon, Andrew ffingall, Christopher, Earle of Jans, Edward of Dubline Kent, Nicholas Mallone, William Nugent, Thomas Nettervill, Lord Vict Nangle, Pattr: Barron of Navan Porter, Simon Penteny, Mathew Wafer, ffrancis of Gyanstowne Protestant Proprietors Dowdall, Edward Lowther, George Dopping, Anthony Barry, Sr James Cusack, Robert Cullum, Doctor Benjamine
Barony of Ratooth Cuzack of Rahaldron Dillon of Fleenstowne Papist Proprietors Dallahyde of Loghsiny Berford, Richard Dunboyn, The Lord of Barnwall of Lustow Fingall, The Earle of Britt, Walter, Fagan of Feltrym Bath, Robert Gealous, John Barnwall, Patr Hussey, Patrick Belling of Bellingstowne Hussey, Peter Barnwall, Sr Richard Kerdiffe, William 68
Ratooth, The Sargeant of Talbott of Dardistowne Talbott of Robertstowne Weisly, Valerian Wickhame, James White, James Protestant Proprietors Ainger, Doctor Ambrose
Barnwall, Nich Barnwall, James Birford, Michaell Balfe, Rich Barnwall of Brimoore Bisse, Sarah Barnwall of Crookestowne Cheevers, Joh Cruice, Walter Corballis of Nottstowne Cooke, Thomas
Kent, Nich Kent, Thomas Lutterell of Lutterellstown Mey, Math Plunkett, James Ratooth, The Portriff of Rochford, John Russell, David Segrave, Richard Segrave, Patr Sparke, Richard
of Dublin Dillon, Thomas Grinsly, Andrew Hoth, The Lord of King, Sr Robert Parsons, Sr Will Usher, Sr Will
Barony of Donboyne
Papist Proprietors Barnewall of Brimor Barnewall, Lord Barnwall, Mr Rich of Pace Clerke, Aldr Thomas of Dubline Dunboyne, Lord of Dillon, Mr of fflenstown Dunsany, Lord of Delasale, Mr of Salestown Eustace of Conffie Ffingall, Christopr Earle of Gordman, James Hore, Mr of Kilsalchin Holliwood, John Holliwood, Patrick Lutterall, Simon of Lutterellstown Lutterall, Oliver
Nottingham of Ballowne Plunkett, Mr of Donshogline Phepoe of Donboyn Price of Dubline Rochford, Robert Row, John of Warrenstowne Tayler of Swords Protestant Proprietors Buckley of ould Bawne Bekett, Mr. Randle Blood, Mr Thomas Kildare, Earle of Kildare Keyne, James Viccar of Donboyne Savage, William
Barony of Deece Papist Proprietors Allen, John Barnwall, Sr Rich
Hussey, Christopr Linch [Leynes] [Lyines], Gerratt Lyneham, Richard of Adamstowne 69
Balfe, Rich Birford, Adam Britt, Walter Barnwall, Petter Boyse, Christopr Buttler, Ellenor Cadle, Petter Cusack, Bartho Crumpe, Adam Dunsany, Lord of Dillon, Rich ffingall, Earle of ffleming, Christopr ffoster, George Golding, Christophr Gernon, George Hussey, Pattr Hussey, Petter Hussey, Edward Hussey, Anne Hussey, John
Plunkett, Walter Plunkett, Christopher Procter, Thomas Roscommon, Earle of Rochford of Killbride Slane, Lord of Trimlestown, Lord Talboot, Sr Robert Talboot, Richard Weisly, Valerian Warren, Oliver Protestant Proprietors Bolton, Sr Edward Booth, George Kildare, Earle of fforde, Andrew Landare, James Phernsley, Phillip Usher, Josalin Wentworth, Sr Georg
Barony of Moyfenrah
Papist Proprietors Aylmer, Sr Andrew Aylmer, Thomas Barnwall, Patr Birmingham, Patr Barnwall, Edw Barnwall, Sr Rich Barnewall, Henry Dixon, Andrew Darcy, Edmond Fitz-garrald, Will Fitz-gerrald, Sr Luke King, Margery Kenting, William
Might, Thomas Macawey, Fran Newgent, Mary Nettervile, Lord Plunkett, Nich Plunkett of Longwood Rochford, Robert Stoakes, George Trimlestowne, The Lord of Usher, George Weisley, Valerian Protestant Proprietors Ash, Thomas Bramold, Doct Bishop of Derry 70
Kindilan, Edward Linch, Garrett Lineham, Richard Lineham, Christo Howth, The Lord of Lee, John Linch, Robert Linah, Peirc Lynah, Oliver Missett, Adam
Carey, Sr Thomas Gifford, Sr John Lill, Robert Loftus, Sr Arthur Loftus, Sr Dudley Meath, Bishop of Ranalagh, Roger Lord
Barony of Lune
Papist Proprietors Aylemere, Sr Andrew of Danada Browne, Thomas of Athboy Browne, Rich of Athboy Blaike, Sr Rich of Gallway Browne, William of Kilpatrick Begg, John of Athboy Cassey, Michell of Athboy Dowdall, Walter of Athboy Dillon, Lucas of Ballnedromny Dillon, Mr of Killeek Fitzgerrald, Luke of Tecroghan Gormastown, The Lord of Gylath, James of Athboy
Hill, Sr William Linch, Gerratt of Donowre Linch, Gerratt of Knock Moore, Melcheor of Grenanstowne Moore, William of Rossmead Nugent, Sr Thomas of Mayrath Nangle, Josaline of Kildalky Nugent, Lawrence of Trifernan Plunkett, Robert of Rathmoore Plunkett, Nich of Balrath Rochford, Michel of Caranstowne
Rochford, Robt of Clonikinan Scurloch, Edward of ffrane Trimlestown, The Lord of White, James of Cloonkell
Golding, Christopher Goory, Christopher Halpenny, James Hussey, Hugh Hill, Sr Wm Hill, James Lutterell, Oliver
Veldon, William Warren, James Wafer, William Wafer, Francis Warren, James Warren, John
Protestant Proprietors Dillon, Robert Lord of Kilkenny West and Earle of Roscommon Smith, William Clerke of Athboy
Barony of Navan
Papist Proprietors Athboy, The townsmen of Birford, Nicholas Birford, Richard Bath, Peter
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Barnewall, Sr Rich Blake, Sr Rich Browne of Athboy Balfe, Robert Conran of Dublin Cuzack, Christopher Crou, Mary Cuzack, Patrick Cuzack, Christ Dowding, James Dowde, Alldern of Dublin Dowdall, Lawrence Delahide of Loughshiny Dowdall, Matthew Darcy, Nich Dillon, James Everard of Ardcath Evers, Alexander Evers, Edward Evers, Patrick Fingall, The Earle of Fury, Terence
Ledwich, Rich Maninge, Edward Maninge, Patrick Missett, Adam Moore, Melchier Nangle, Thomas Nangle, George Newgent, Edward Ormond, The Earle of Plunkett, Christopher Plunkett, Oliver Reyley, Wm Rochford, Robert Sarsfield, Michaell Scorlock, Edward Trever, John Talbott, Sr Robert Teeleing, Thomas Trimleston, Lord of Tirrell, Peter Urch, Andrew
Protestant Proprietors Ash, Thomas Billingsly, Major Bolton, Sir Edw Hoth, ye Lord of Loftus, Sr Arthur Loftus, Sr Adam Mullady, Peter Ormond, ye Earle of Ranalah, ye Lord Roscommon, The Earle of
Barony Half Foore Papist Proprietors Balfe, Oliver Barnwall, Sr Richard Dillon, Robert Ld Dunsany, Lord Dowdall, Walter Fingall, Earle of Fleming, Tho Golding, Willm Kernan, Tho Plunkett, Richard of Irishtowne Plunkett, Henry Plunkett, Xpr of Clonebreny Plunkett, Thomas
Plunkett, John Plunkett, Garratt Plunkett, Richard of Loughcrew Plunkett, Xpr of Ballimacad Nugent, Richard Earle of Weatmeath Nugent, James Nugent, Walter Nugent, Thomas Nugent, Chrispr Tuite, Edward Tuite, Theobald Protestant Proprietors Hoey, Sr John
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Barony of Kells
Papist Proprietors Allen, William Batagh, Edward of Moynalty Barnwall, Nicholas of Turvy Balfe, Robert of Corrstowne Begg of ffletcherstowne Begg, Robert of Navan Barnwall, Patrick of Baymore Balfe, Oliver of Galmoylstowne Balfe, Richard of Bolton Betagh, Willm of Donowre Betagh, John of Walterstowne Barnwall, Gerrald Betagh, Hen Betagh, Tho Betagh, Patr of Newtowne Barnwell, Margarett Cuzacke, of Kells Chamberlin of Dublin Cruice, Walter Cruice, Chrispr Dunsany, the Lord Draycott, Sr John Dowdall, Lawr Dungan, Sr John Darcy, Nich Dowdall, Walter Drake, Walter Drake, John Everard, John Fagan of ffeltrym ffagan, James ffagan, Patr Fitz Jones, James ffleminge Gerrald (&Garret) ffingall, The Earle of ffleming, James
Golding, Will of Archerstowne Hill, Sr Will Hussy, Patr Ledwich, Rich Lutterell, Oliver Moore of Grenanstowne Missett, Rich Missett, Edmund Mape, Gerrald Nugent, Sr Thomas Plunkett, Nicho of Gibstowne Plunkett, Christpr of Tatrath Plunkett, Nicho of Kells Plunkett, Robert of Irishtowne Plunkett, John of Loughcrew Plunkett, Edward Plunkett, James Plunkett, Robert of Curraghtowne Plunkett, Robert of Rathmore Plunkett, Patrick Prestord of Prestordtowne Plunkett, Hen Plunkett, Ellinor Plunkett, Rich Plunkett, Robt of Dewlane Plunkett, Christpr of Clonbreny Plunkett, Jan Plunkett, Christopr of Castlekeran Plunkett, Christopr of Ardmah Rotchford. Robt Reyley, James Tirrell, Pettr Talbott, Sr Robt White of Clongell Protestant Proprietors Aldersey, Mrs fford, Sr Robt Hoth, Lord of Hory, Sr John 73
Kildare, Earle of Roscommon, Earle of Smith, William Usher, Robert Archdeacon of Meath Barony of Morgallin
Papist Proprietors Ardmagh, Bishop of Bath, James Barnwall, Sr Rich Barnwall, Lord Begg, John & George Bath, Petter Begg, George aforsd Balfe, John Cruice, Pattrick Dillon, William Darcy, Thomas Drake, Joh Everard, John Everard, Robert ffagan, Christpr ffleminge, George fleminge, James ffitz Jones, James Gormanston, Lord of Hussey, John Lowth, Lord of
Lynham, Richard Lutterall, Oliver Nettervill, Lawreanc Porter, Rich Plunkett, Allixander Plunkett, Thomas Prout ffoot, John Plunkett, Christopher Stoakes, George Teeleing, George Tallon, Edward Teeleing, Andrew Veldon, Thomas Waffer, ffrancis White, James Protestant Proprietors fforde, Sr Rober Hoth, Lord of Hoskines of Cloongill Nansco, Mr
Barony of Slane
Papist Proprietors Aylemer, James Baggott, Rob Barnwall, John
Evers, Edward Evers, Walter ffitz Jones, Gerratt ffleming, William ffleming, Richd ffleming, George 74
Moore, Michell Mathews, Barnaby Nettervill, Lord Nettervill, Sr John Slane, Lord of Stoakes, John
Bath, Petter Barnwall, Sr Rich Bath, Thomas Barnwall of Lispople Chevers, Robt Dillon, John Dowdall, James Dowdall, Pattrick
ffleming, James ffoot, Pattrick ffleming, Thomas ffitz Jones, James Gernon, Pattr Hussey, Hugh Louth, Lord of May, Matthew
Taaff, Ye Lord Taaff, Christopr Veldon, Thomas Protestant Proprietors Moore, The Lord Charles Hall, Thomas
ooooooOOOOOOoooooo A MODEL ELECTIONEERING BILL During the time of a contested election in Meath, Sir Mark Somerville sent orders to the proprietor of the hotel in Trim to board and lodge all that should vote for him, for which he received the following bill, which he got framed and hung in Somerville House, County Meath. Trim April 16th 1826 MY BILL To Tenting 16 Freeholders above stairs for Sir Mark, at 3/3 a head, is to me To Eating 16 more below stairs, and two Priests after Supper, is to me To 18 Horses and 5 Mules about my yard all night at 13/- every one of them, and for a man which was lost on the head of watching them all night is to me To 6 beds in one Room and 4 in another, at 2 Guineas every Bed, and not more than 4 in any Bed at any time, cheap enough, God knows, is to me For Breakfast on Tay in the morning, for every one of them, and as many more as were brought in, as near as I can guess, is to me To Raw Whiskey and Punch, without talking about Pipes and Tobacco, as well as breaking a pot above stairs, and other Glass and Delph for the first day and night, I am not sure, but for the 3 days and a half of the Election as little as I can tell, and to be very exact, it is in all or thereabouts as near as I can guess, and not to be too particular, is to me at least For Shaving and cropping off the heads of 49 Freeholders for Sir Mark at 13d per head of them, by my brother who has a vote, is to me For the Womit [sic] & Nurse for poor Tom Kernan in the middle of the night, when he was not expected, is to me ten hogs, I don't talk of the piper for keeping him sober so long as he was sober, is to me
£2 12 0 £2 15 9 £5 5 0 £22 15 0 £4 12 0 £79 15 9
£2 13 1
£110 18 7 Signed in the place of Jemmy Cars wife, his Mark X Bryan & Geraghty's X You may send say £111, so your honour Sir Mark, send me this Eleven Hundred [sic] by Bryan himself, who and I prays for your success always in Trim, so no more at present. [From Tempest's Annual 1929]
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DMP CASUALTIES DURING THE IRISH WAR OF INDEPENDENCE James Scannell Collecting Intelligence in Ireland During the War of Independence in Ireland, Dublin Castle relied on various organisations to collect intelligence on the activities of the IRA, leading Sinn Féin activists, Irish Nationalists, trade unionists, and anyone who posed a threat to British rule in Ireland, with each intelligence gathering agency pursuing its own agenda. In the main these organisations were –
The Secret Intelligence Service Military Intelligence The Royal Irish Constabulary The Dublin Metropolitan Police
The Secret Intelligence Service The Secret Intelligence Service / Secret Service, then as now, likes to remain in the shadows, and at time was interested in the long term aims of Irish Nationalists, principally the leaders and had little interest in the rank and file, engaging in information gathering with its own agents and through informers, But because of the nature of its role, this organisation tended to remain in the shadows and not to deal directly or engage in information exchanges with other intelligence gathering agencies. Military Intelligence Military Intelligence, especially during the War of Independence was concerned with the activities of the IRA, trying to identify those who mounted attacks against units and installations, locating and capturing caches of arms held by the IRA, apprehending / identified members of that organisation, preventing its military operations and those of the Flying Columns, drawing sometimes on the assistance / knowledge of the Royal Irish Constabulary for local information when planning or executing operations in a particular area. The Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) The Royal Irish Constabulary undertook policing nationally outside Dublin City, the Pembroke and Rathmines townships and an area southwards from Merrion Gates to Killiney-Ballybrack. Unlike British police forces, which were administered and controlled locally, the RIC was administered centrally, was 76
para-military in structure and discipline, and armed. The Irish Constabulary had been created in 1836 by the consolidation of two earlier police forces, the Peace Preservation Force created in 1814, and the Irish Constabulary created in 1826, the title Royal being added to its name in 1867 for the role it played in combating the Fenians. Although a national police force, it did not operate within those parts of the Dublin area controlled by the Dublin Metropolitan Police, and was considered to be the eyes and ears of Dublin Castle in rural Ireland. The Dublin Metropolitan Police (DMP) The Dublin Metropolitan Police was established in 1836 under the Dublin Police Act and modelled on the London Metropolitan Police established by Sir Robert Peel, to replace an earlier police force introduced in Dublin in 1786 under government control which had gone through various phases of organisation and re-organisation until its replacement that year by this new body. Unlike the RIC, the DMP was not a paramilitary force in structure or operation, as its uniformed members were not armed. It also differed from the RIC in that its members could marry freely while its officers were promoted from the ranks unlike the RIC whose officers were trained under a cadet system similar to that currently used by the Defence Forces to train its officers. Further legislation, The Dublin Police Act, passed on 3 July 1837, re-defined the DMP district, designated two justices of the peace of the Dublin metropolitan district as commissioners of police for that district, provided for the levying of a police rate to finance its operation, and enabled the lord lieutenant in council to divide the district into no more than four divisions with one office in each and two or three justices attached, of which one had to be a barrister. As the force was funded from property taxes levied by Dublin Corporation on business premises and domestic houses through the rates system, the DMP had the secondary role of enforcing the city's by-laws enacted by that body, and in any other township where it provided the policing role. On 6 July 1837 the first DMP members were enrolled with farmers' sons and labourers over 5' 9" in height, single, and literate, being the preferred type of recruit with the first 820 selected men parading at their stations on 1 January 1838. The training depot was located in what is now Kevin Street Garda station. The DMP Operational Area The DMP operational area was Dublin City, Rathmines Township, Pembroke Township and south county Dublin from Merrion Gates to the KillineyBallybrack area including the townships of Blackrock, Kingstown (DĂşn Laoghaire) and Dalkey.
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Dublin City was covered by Divisions A to D - A & B south of the river Liffey and D & C north of it. The Rathmines & Rathgar and Pembroke townships were covered by E Division while the area from Merrion gates southwards to Killiney / Ballybrack including the townships of Blackrock, Kingstown (Dún Laoghaire) and Dalkey, was covered by F Division. G Division or the Detective Division was added in 1843 and undertook crime enquiries and investigations throughout the entire DMP area. This Division also engaged in political intelligence gathering and was instrumental in the defeat of the Fenians during the 1860s. A major coup for the detectives of this Division was the arrest and conviction of most of those involved in the murder of Chief Secretary Lord Frederick Cavendish and Under Secretary Thomas Burke in Dublin's Phoenix Park on 6 May 1882. This incident is covered in detail by Senan Molony's book 'The Phoenix Park Murders – Conspiracy, Betrayal and Retribution' (Mercier Press). It was rare for members of the DMP to be killed in the line of duty but in 1867 two uniformed members, Constable John Keena and Sergeant John Kelly, were shot while on patrol in the Temple Bar area of Dublin. Keena subsequently died from his wounds but Kelly was able to provide a description of the gunman, resulting in a massive manhunt which revealed that this individual was a member of a radical Fenian group which considered policemen, informers, and members of the judiciary as potential targets, and it fell to Superintendent Daniel Ryan and the members of G Division to track down and identify this group. The story of the manhunt to track down this radical Fenian group, their arrest, and trials, is recalled by Barry Kennerk in 'Shadow of the Brotherhood – The Temple Bar Shootings' (Mercier Press) In 1913 the DMP lost much public support, mainly amongst the working class, following its baton charges in Sackville Street, renamed O'Connell Street in 1924, during the 1913 Lock-Out in which 2 people were killed. In the days following the 1916 Easter Week Rising, it was members of G Division who pointed out and identified the leaders of the Rising from amongst the rank and file members of the Irish Volunteers and the Citizens Army held in Richmond Barracks. At the same time the RIC provided identification of those from outside Dublin. 1916 Easter Week Rising Fatalities Prior to the Rising less than 15 DMP members had lost their lives in the normal course of their duty but during Easter Week 1916, three members of the force 78
were killed and seven wounded at various locations around the city. These casualties were Killed Constable James O'Brien, DMP 9862 (168B), at Cork Hill entrance to Dublin Castle Yard – 24 April 1916. Constable Michael Lahiff, DMP 11047 (125B), at St. Stephen's Green West, Dublin – 24 April 1916 while preventing armed insurgents entering it. Constable William Frith, DMP 10175 (174C) , in a bedroom of Store Street police station by single bullet possibly fired by a sniper – 27 April 1916 Wounded Constable Edward Dunphy, DMP 9804 (125D) Constable Thomas Donohoe, DMP 9607 (35C) Constable Charles Hales, DMP 9308 (119D) Constable Patrick Joseph Myles, DMP 10583 (99E) Station Sergeant John Hughes, DMP 9475 (6D) Constable John McGrath, DMP 10758 (128B) Constable Cuthbert O'Connell, 10502 (45E) A Post Easter Week Rising Death - Insp. John Mills, DMP 9300 - in 1917 On 10 June 1917 the Government banned a meeting organised for Beresford Place, Dublin, outside the ruins of Liberty Hall, to demand the release of prisoners, but it went ahead nonetheless. A large contingent of the DMP commanded by Inspector John Mills arrived at the scene with the Riot Act then being read to the large assembled crowd after which the police then waded into the crowd with batons drawn to break it up but in the resulting melee, Ernie Murray, a Fianna officer in charge of a Sluagh on Parnell Square, fractured Inspector Mill's skull with a hurley stick while he was trying to arrest Count Plunkett and he died from these injuries two days later in Jervis Street Hospital. Murray was pursued along Abbey Street by a police constable who cornered him in Marlborough Street but backed off when Murray produced a revolver. Murray was smuggled out to the United States and did not return to Ireland until after the Truce (1921). The Arrest of Michael Collins When Michael Collins and the other 1916 internees returned to Ireland in 1917, it was realised that the police throughout Ireland were the eyes and ears of Dublin Castle and posed the greatest threat to the Volunteers and Sinn Fein activities at local level. In April 1918 Collins was arrested by two members of 79
G Division, detectives O'Brien and Bruton, outside his Bachelor's Walk office and brought to the Central Police Station (Pearse Street Garda station) and later to the Bridewell accompanied by uniformed police officers and detectives Smyth and Wharton where he was held overnight until conveyed by train for his appearance before the Longford Assizes charged with "making a speech likely to cause disaffection" after which he was remanded to Sligo Gaol for the July assizes but was subsequently released on bail to fight the issue of conscription. Collins never returned for the July assizes to contest the case against him. Taking Action Against the RIC & DMP In January 1919 Collins met with Eamon (Ned) Broy, one of his three covert intelligence gatherers / informants in G Division, in 5 Cabra Road, Dublin, where they discussed what action could be could be taken against the police. In these discussions it was agreed that no action would be taken against those uniformed DMP members who did not take part in anti-Sinn Fein activities so not to alienate them, as the majority of the force were anti-British in outlook. The RIC was a different matter as its members posed a threat to Volunteers in rural areas so it was agreed that small stations would be attacked and those that had been evacuated would be burned down to prevent their future reoccupation. Pressure would be brought to bear on members through other family members that they should not hinder / impede the work of the Volunteers. It was also agreed that no member of G Division would be attacked so that they could see that if they took no action against the Volunteers, they were safe from attack. However those G-men who persisted in acting against the Volunteers and Sinn Féin would first receive a warning to cease their actions prior to any action being taken against them. As Director of Intelligence, Collins had three intelligence gatherers / informants in G Division, Eamon Broy, David Nelligan, and James McNamara, each of whom was unknown to the other and whose information reached Collins via various couriers. Broy was a sergeant clerk at the Central Police Station and was one of Collins' most important suppliers of information. In the early years of the Garda Siochána, he briefly held a military commission and was secretary in the office of the DMP Commissioner. When the DMP was amalgamated with the Garda Siochána he was transferred to Garda headquarters with responsibility for crime and was promoted to chief superintendent. When the de Valera government dismissed Commissioner Eoin O'Duffy in February 1933, Broy was appointed Garda Commissioner in his place, a position he held until 1938. With the assistance of Broy, Collins obtained a fair idea of whom in the DMP he was up against and particularly those who posed the greatest threat to him following an overnight examination of G Division files in the Central Police 80
Station on Monday 7 April 1919 after being smuggled into the building by him specifically for this purpose. Two days later a number of G Division detectives received warning letters about their intelligence gathering operations but not all of them heeded this warning. Others received personal visits from Volunteers and were warned about their excessive zeal. Detective Sergeant Halley received a home visit while a Constable O'Brien was gagged and tied to the railings of the Central Police Station. David Nelligan was a filing clerk in the confidential section of the DMP Commissioner's office in Dublin Castle and provided Collins with a steady stream of intelligence information. Nelligan served as an officer in the National Army in Co. Kerry during the Civil War and after it was appointed chief superintendent in charge of the DMP Detective Branch and remained in this position after the 1925 amalgamation. When Fianna Fáil was elected to office in 1932, de Valera moved him, in 1933, from An Garda Siochána to an equivalent position in the civil service where he remained until his retirement. He later wrote about his role during the War of Independence in The Spy in the Castle. James McNamara post 1921 held the rank of commandant in the National Army and was killed in a Dublin motoring accident in September 1922. Other accounts state that he was shot dead by some National Army officers in a Dublin incident. DMP members against whom action was taken included – 1919
Detective Sergeant Patrick Smyth, DMP 9816 Detective Constable Daniel Hoey, DMP 11007 Constable Michael Downing, DMP 11346 Constable Thomas Wharton, DMP 11050 Detective Sergeant John Barton, DMP 10497
1920
2nd Assistant Commissioner William Redmond Constable John Walsh & Sergeant James Dunleavy Constable Henry Kelly Detective Constable Laurence Dalton & Detective Constable Robert Spencer Constable Michael McCarthy Detective Sergeant Richard Revell Constable William Steadman
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The War of Independence Commences The first meeting of Dáil Éireann consisting of Sinn Féin representatives elected at the December 1918 General Election took place in the Mansion House Dublin attended by 28 members, as the remainder were in prison or on the run. Unionists and members of the Irish Parliamentary Party refused to attend. This inaugural session, chaired by Cathal Brugha, lasted for two hours during which it ratified the establishment of an Irish Republic, approved a provisional constitution, sanctioned the transmission of a message to all free nations around the world, endorsed a declaration of independence and appointed delegates to the forthcoming Peace Conference to be held in Versailles, France. The military campaign commenced that same day when two county council employees conveying about 112lbs of gelignite from Tipperary military barracks, where it had been stored, for use at the large Soloheadbeg stone quarry, escorted by two RIC constables on foot, John McDonnell and Patrick O'Connell, was ambushed by a party of eight Irish Volunteers commanded by Dan Breen and Sean Treacy. The two policemen were killed, their weapons seized, and the gelignite spirited away. This incident is considered the opening engagement in what became known as the War of Independence or Anglo-Irish War, though prior to this date had been one or two attacks on police barracks in different parts of Ireland to obtain arms. The 1919 DMP casualties: Detective Sergeant Patrick Smyth – DMP 9818 The first DMP member selected for attack by Michael Collins was Detective Sergeant Patrick Smyth who chose to ignore his warning letter. Despite a number of threats, Smyth refused to drop charges against Piaras Beaslai, a prominent Sinn Féin member, whom he had arrested for making a seditious speech and had also found incriminating documents on him during a subsequent body search. Smyth was warned by both Collins and Harry Boland not to produce these documents in court but he did just that and this action resulted in Beaslai receiving a two-year prison sentence instead of the usual two months. In July 1919 Collins received authorisation from Chief of Staff Richard Mulcahy and Minister for Defence Cathal Brugha to eliminate Smyth and later during that month a number of men chosen by Dick McKee and Mick McDonnell attended a meeting at 35 North Georges Street, Dublin, during which those present were asked if they any objections about shooting enemy agents. Some indicated that they had objections about this drastic course of action and took no further part in the proceedings while those who expressed no reservations about this course of action, and subsequently selected for this type of assignment, were Tom Keogh, Tom Kilcoyne, Jim Slattery, and Joe Ennis. 82
Along with Tom Ellis and later Paddy O'Daly, these men would form the core of Collins' famous Squad but the creation of this body was not mentioned at that time. All they were told that night was that they would be assigned special duties. Later this group was informed that their target was Smyth, against whom it was also alleged that he had been one of the G Division detectives who helped to identify some of the Rising leaders after the surrender. Smyth resided with his wife and seven children at 51 Millmount Avenue, Drumcondra, and was known to travel home by tram, alight at Botanic Avenue, cross the bridge and walk to his residence. Towards the end of July 1919 a squad consisting of Slattery, Keogh, Ennis, and Kennedy, who knew Smyth by sight, waited for five nights in the vicinity of Drumcondra Bridge for their quarry. The first time he approached them, Kennedy was unsure in his identification of him. When Smyth walked by them, he passed by the entrance to Millmount Avenue and walked down Millbourne Avenue, which was adjacent to his home and entered it from that direction. Too late they realised what had happened and fearing that Smyth might have been alerted, took a break for a week and returned to the area on the evening of Wednesday 30 July 1919 and took up their positions. Armed with .38 calibre revolvers, this squad waited for him and once they recognised him, opened fire, but Smyth did not fall to the ground and was able to run towards his home pursued by two squad members who appear to have continued firing at him as several bullets, which ricocheted off houses, were picked up in the street the following day. Mrs. Smyth and three of her children were away on holiday at the time, and on hearing the sound of gunfire, some of Smyth's remaining four children in the house ran out and saw him wounded about fifteen yards in the direction of Drumcondra Bridge. Smyth told his son Francis that he had been shot and to summon an ambulance quickly. Another son and daughter then brought their father inside his home pending the arrival of the ambulance which brought him to the Mater Hospital. Newspaper accounts of the shooting stated that a constable on foot patrol duty assisted the family in bringing him inside his house until the Dublin Corporation ambulance arrived to bring him to the Mater Hospital. While being undressed after admission, a bullet dropped from his clothes and was retained by the police. Following an X-ray examination on Thursday, three bullets were discovered lodged in his body and were removed the following Saturday by Surgeon McAuley from the region of his heart, the right thigh and his abdomen. A bullet which had entered his back, passed through one of his lungs and lodged in his chest above the heart caused the most serious wound. 83
Later in hospital Smyth gave the following account of the attack – "I was coming home soon after 11 p.m. When I got off the tram at the end of my own avenue I saw four of five men against the dead wall and a bicycle resting against the kerbstone. Just as I turned the corner into Millmount Avenue I was shot in the back. I turned round and said 'You cowards' and three of them fired again with revolvers at me, and one bullet entered my leg. I then ran away and they pursued me to within fifteen yards of my own door and kept firing at me all the time. In all about ten or twelve shots were fired at me. I shouted for assistance but no-one came to me except my own son. I had no revolver and I am glad now that I had not one as I might have shot some of them when I turned round after the first shot, as I would not liked to have done that." Smyth did not initially die from these wounds but lingered on until Monday 8 September 1919 when he died as the result of complications caused by an abscess of the lung from a bullet wound. Aged 48, he had 28 years' service with the DMP at the time of his death. Post Operation Analysis Critical analysis by Collins on the type of revolvers used in this attack revealed that although the .38 round was lethal, it lacked stopping power and enabled the victim to fight back. It was subsequently decided to use weapons using the more powerful and larger calibre .45/.455 round, famed for its stopping power and ability to knock its victim to the ground, in all future attacks on members of the DMP The new tactic of squad members working in two-man teams was also evolved in which one member shot their victim in the body to knock him down to the ground while the other then shot him in the head. It is believed that the revolvers used in the attack on Smyth were American 5shot Harrington and Richardson .38 Smith and Wesson revolvers which were later passed onto the Arklow, Co. Wicklow, Volunteers who subsequently used then in an attack on Rathdrum, Co. Wicklow RIC barracks but found these particular revolvers unsuitable for this type of operation. The Weapons in Use at that Time Unlike the British Army and RIC, which used a uniform range of service weapons in standard calibres - .38 and .455 for revolvers and .303 for rifles and machine guns, the IRA has a vast array of firearms in use which used ammunition in various calibres, some which was of dubious quality. Service weapons and ammunition if they could be bought, stolen, or seized by raiding, were the preferred option with these weapons often going to selected units much to annoyance of local commanders who were frequently ordered to surrender any superior weapons / ammunition they had obtained in exchange to G.H.G. 84
for items of an inferior nature which sometimes had a decisive bearing on the outcome of local operations Detective Daniel Hoey – DMP 11007 The second member of the DMP selected by Collins for elimination was 32year old Detective Daniel Hoey from Co. Offaly who had joined the DMP in 1910. He posed a particular threat to the Volunteers and had been the driving force behind DMP raids on Sinn Féin and Volunteer premises and knew too much about Collins. On Friday 12 September 1919, Hoey led a raid on Sinn Féin H.Q. in 6 Harcourt Street and although Collins escaped, Ernest Blythe and Padraig O'Keeffe were arrested and the decision was then taken to eliminate him. It was also believed that following the Rising, Hoey had identified Seán MacDiarmada as one of the leaders in Richmond Barracks and that for up to three years prior to this event, had been keeping detailed notes on MacDiarmada and the people he met with. On the night of Friday 12 September 1919, McDonnell, Slattery, and Ennis went to Townsend Street and waited on the College Green side of the street for Hoey to return to the Central Police Station. As they saw him approach the station, they got ready to carry out their assignment as their plan was to shoot him when he reached the door of the building. But for some reason Hoey decided to walk down Townsend Street as far as Tara Street and was passed by the group while he was looking at something in a shop window. Hoey then went into a shop, and when he came out, walked back to the corner of Hawkins Street. As he approached this group, they crossed the road and shot him as he passed the door of the police station garage. The first that those inside the police station knew about the incident was when two unidentified men rushed in the detective offices and told them that a man had been shot in Townsend Street. Station Sergeant Winters was the first to arrive at the incident scene and found Hoey surrounded by a number of women. Some of these people told him that they had seen flashes and had then heard five or six shots in rapid succession. The women were attempting to bring the dying Hoey round to the front of the building and he was eventually brought round to the steps of the detective office by this group, the Station Sergeant, and number of other detectives pending the arrival of the Dublin Corporation ambulance to bring him to Mercer's Hospital where he was pronounced dead on arrival by Dr. Wilson, House-Surgeon, whose subsequent examination uncovered bullet wounds around the neck and heart. At the subsequent inquest in Mercer's Hospital the jury returned a verdict that "Detective Daniel Hoey of the 'G' Division [DMP], Dublin, died from haemorrhage following wounds received by a person or persons unknown, with murderous intent." 85
Hoey appears to have been a particularly zealous policeman and ironically within a few days of his death, had been due to take up duty with the Special Branch in London, but was buried instead in Rhode, Co. Offaly. The Squad is Established On 19 September 1919, Michael Collins' Squad was formally established, consisting of Joe Leonard, Sean Doyle, Jim Slattery, Bill Stapleton, Pat McCrae, James Conroy, Ben Barrett and Paddy O'Daly. In January 1920, three further additions were Tom Keogh, Mick O'Reilly and Vinny Byrne. Constable Michael Downing – DMP 11346 Constable Michael Downing was born in Adrigole, Co. Cork, in 1894, joined the DMP in 1917 and was stationed in Chancery Street. While on foot patrol in High Street between 1 a.m. and 2 a.m. on Sunday 19 October 1919, it appears that while he was crossing from Christchurch Place to Nicholas Street towards a group of three men, one of them suddenly produced a revolver and fired it at him at point blank range, striking the constable fatally in the chest. The three men immediately fled the scene and made their escape through Angel Alley. The Dublin Corporation ambulance from Tara Street was summonsed and pending its arrival, Fr. McLoughin from St. Audeon's Church, administered the Last Rites of the Catholic Church to Constable Downing while a number of people who arrived at the incident site knelt down around him and recited the Rosary. Brought to Mercer's Hospital, he was initially attended to by Dr. Wilson, House Surgeon, and was later operated upon by Surgeon Downing to stop the haemorrhage but died from his wounds during the evening of that same day. Some indication of what happened at High Street surfaced at the inquest into his death held in Mercer's Hospital before Dr. L.A. Byrne, City Coroner. Patrick Egan, 25 Ormond Market, testified that he was passing along High Street with James Flood and a girl, Miss Ellen Foley, who they were escorting home. Around 1.40 a.m. they were opposite Goodbody's forage shop and saw three men standing against a window at the corner of the street. At the same time he saw a policeman crossing the street from the other side and went on to state that he and his companions had passed the men about forty yards when he heard what sounded like a gunshot. Turning round he saw the three men running away and enter Angel Alley. He heard the policeman cry out 'I am shot', and went to him. The policeman was staggering and fell to the ground. He took the policeman's whistle and ran towards the direction of the Castle Gate, blowing it all time. (This was a standard police alert system used at that time) There he was told by a policeman to go to Chancery Lane Station and report the 86
matter there. He concluded his evidence by stating that he was not able to identify the three men nor did he see the policeman talk to them – all he saw was the policemen crossing the road in their direction. He was followed by James Flood, 14 Little Mary Street, who confirmed Egan's account of events, though he added that one of the men who ran away was wearing a light trench coat, had a black hat drawn over his eyes, was about 5 feet 6 ½ inches in height and had sharp features. The other two men wore black coats. He concluded his evidence by stating that he saw the constable stagger and fall to the ground after he was shot, that he had passed close to the three men and had noticed that they had hats over their eyes and the collars of their coats turned up, that they did not speak to the witness or his companions as they passed them, and did not think that he would be able to identify them as the place was very dark at the time. Miss Ellen Foley, Vicar's Street, confirmed the evidence of the previous two witnesses. She said that she saw the policeman come up Michael's Hill and cross the road towards the three men. A shot rang out and she heard the policemen scream out asking for a priest. As the men were running away, she noticed that one of them wore a trench coat, leggings and a soft hat, and had a revolver in his hand or silver thing which she took to be a revolver. She concluded her testimony by stating that she was unable to provide a description of the other men and that it was the trench coat that attracted her attention. Her final comments were that she did not hear the policeman say anything to them but assumed that he intended to speak to them as he was crossing the road towards them at that time. Arthur Elliott, 1 High Street, testified that he was in bed when heard a groan "Oh, oh" and voice saying "Get me a Priest" followed by "Pray for me." He got dressed, came out into the street and saw a young man [Patrick Egan] blowing a whistle. He (witness) then reported the shooting to Chancery Street Station. Station-Sergeant Flynn testified that he first heard about the incident at 2.10 a.m. and went at once to High Street where he found the wounded constable lying in the middle of the road. Father McLoughlin was with him and the constable said to him "I was merely walking across the street when they shot me." The witness said that he accompanied the constable to Mercer's Hospital where he was asked if he had any knowledge of these men. "Not the least, except that of them wore leggings," was the constable's reply. In reply to a number of other questions the Station-Sergeant said that the constable had left the station at 1 p.m. to carry out ordinary foot patrol duty, had only three years' service, and was one of the most inoffensive and quietest policemen that he ever knew and did not believe that anyone could have held a grudge against him. He 87
concluded his testimony by stating that Angel Alley was three feet wide and about one hundred yards in length and led from High Street to Back Lane, expressing the opinion that the area was well known to the constable's murderers and a stranger would not have known which way to turn. Dr. Wilson, House Surgeon in Mercer's Hospital, described to the inquest the nature of Constable Downing's wound – "The abdominal wall was penetrated by a bullet and the interior parts were torn dreadfully. It was a remarkable thing that the patient survived for seventeen hours. He believed that this fact was due to the transfusion into the patient's body of blood from the body of Constable Neary. The bullet was discovered in the abdomen." The nature of the wound gives rise to the suspicion that the revolver bullet was a lead one rather that a full metal jacket one as lead bullets expand in shape and size when they come in contact with body tissue and create major damage as they pass through it. Mr. Hugh Holmes, instructed by the Chief Crown Solicitor, and representing the Dublin Metropolitan Police, asked the jury to return a verdict of willful murder based on the evidence they heard. The Coroner, after summing up the evidence, said that the jury would likely be of the opinion that this was a case of murder and that they would also commend Constable Neary for his attempt to save the life of the deceased. After deliberation the jury returned a verdict that "Constable Downing was willfully and brutally murdered", commended the act of Constable Neary, expressed their sympathy with the relatives of the deceased, and condemned the outrage. Constable Downing was buried on Wednesday 22 October 1919 at Adrigole, Co. Cork. Later Constable Neary received a special service cross from the British Red Cross for giving one pint of his blood in an unsuccessful attempt to save Constable Downing. The reason behind the shooting of Constable Downing still remains a mystery. The Squad did not mount the operation against him nor is there any mention of being carried out by an active service unit of the Dublin IRA. This only leaves the possibility that he was shot dead by armed Dublin criminals who panicked when he walked towards them or for the same reasons by members of an active service unit, planning an operation or about to take part in an operation against some other target.
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Maintenances of Weapons One of the first lesson in weapons handing that any serviceman / woman learns is the stripping and assembly of their personal weapon i.e. rifle or pistol, for care and cleaning which can be daily, weekly, before and after firing or after coming out of or going into long term storage, or as circumstances require. Semi-automatic pistols / rifles / sub-machine guns are prone to jamming due to their large number of moving parts unless stripped, cleaned, and oiled at regular intervals and then stored in a clean and dry environment. Many of the weapons used by the Volunteers during the War of Independence were stored / hidden in less than ideal conditions so that jamming of weapons was not to be unexpected at times. Frequently weapons was taken from their place of concealment and used on an operation without time being allowed to clean them. Very few Volunteers were trained in stripping down or cleaning semi-automatic weapons nor were the manufacture's manuals available to show them how to do this. Misfires with ammunition and its failure at times to perform to expectation was often due to age as the performance of ammunition declines over time and to the less than ideal way it was stored. In most armies ammunition is issued and expended on a first in – first out basis. It is believed that some of weapons used by the Volunteers were acquired from ex-servicemen who brought them home as battlefield war souvenirs from the Western Front, but this meant that they came without the appropriate service manuals which contained the essential information about how the strip and assemble them for maintenance / repair purposes. Constable Thomas Wharton – DMP 11050 Constable Thomas Wharton had been one of the raiding party who swooped on 76 Harcourt Street on Saturday 8 November 1919, another of the many buildings used by Collins. Collins escaped from this building into the nearby Standard Hotel, nos. 79 – 82 Harcourt Street, from which he coolly exited into the street and boarded a tram which passed No. 76 while the raid was still in progress and made good his escape. Along with the late Detective Smyth, Wharton had been involved in the arrest of Piaras Beaslai and was therefore a marked man. On the night of Monday 10 November 1919, O'Daly and Leonard received information that Wharton was believed to be in Harcourt Street but found no trace of him following a search of the area. They went to the College Green area in the hope of encountering him while he was returning to the Central Police Station but decided to call off the operation, after waiting for several hours, when there was no sign of him. Just after Leonard had boarded a No. 15 tram to return home, O' Daly walked around into Grafton Street and saw Wharton walking up this street with two other detectives. O'Daly followed them as far as Harcourt Street and then continued on to Leonard's house at No 3 Mountpleasant Avenue, Ranelagh, where he told him that Wharton was in 89
Harcourt Street. They decided to re-mount the operation but ran into a problem as Leonard had no gun in the house. After recovering Leonard's gun from its hiding place, they headed back into the city on the trail of Wharton and came face to face with him in the company of three other detectives at the corner of Cuffe Street and Harcourt Street. They decided not to pass up the opportunity to get Wharton but had to remember that one of the detectives with him was not to be shot. O'Daly drew his gun, a Luger P08 9mm semi-automatic pistol, and fired one shot at Wharton in the back and he fell to the ground. The detective whom they had orders not to shoot turned around but made very little effort to drawn his gun. Daly then discovered that the Luger pistol had jammed and was unable to get off a second shot. The two men then ran westwards along Cuffe Street, all the time keeping an eye on the three detectives with Wharton. O'Daly noticed that the friendly detective had positioned himself between the two assailants and his colleagues and that although he had drawn his gun, made no effort to use it and appeared to act in such a manner as to prevent his colleagues firing at them. When the single shot rang out, Wharton fell against his comrades and cried out "I am shot." He was brought by them to the residence of Surgeon Hamilton at 129 St. Stephen's Green, who stemmed the bleeding from his wounds and was then conveyed to the nearby St. Vincent's Hospital where he was attended to by Surgeon Meade. The following day O'Daly and Leonard were surprised to hear that Wharton had survived the attack in which the single bullet fired by O'Daly had hit him in the right shoulder, passed through his right lung, exited to the front, and then struck a young female student Gertrude O'Hanlon from Sligo, 6 Gardiner's Place, who was walking in front of them. This bullet entered her velvet cap and grazed her. In a dazed condition with blood oozing from her head wound, Miss O'Hanlon continued to walk towards the College of Surgeons and was then brought by a man to Mercer's Hospital where her head wound received three stitches and was then dressed, after which she was discharged. Wharton recovered from his injuries and was pensioned off on 6 June 1920. There was a downside to this operation in that an innocent man, James Hurley, was subsequently arrested and convicted by a military court for the attempted murder of Wharton even though he had nothing to do with it. Hurley was a news vendor who had spent fifteen years in the British Army before being discharged in 1917 after being wounded, shell shocked and gassed. At his trial, the principal witness against him was former British army officer William F. Bachelor who lived on the South Circular Road. He testified that a week earlier he had observed Hurley standing on the corner with three other men whom he 90
had confronted after some remarks were exchanged. He further testified that he had noticed Hurley in the area on other nights and that on the night that Wharton was shot, had seen Hurley run from Cuffe Street into Harcourt Street and fire a single shot as two tall men were crossing the street, one of whom was hit and staggered. Bachelor further testified that he chased the gunman (Hurley) down Cuffe Street and Wexford Street in the direction of Camden Street but that his progress was obstructed by people and lost him. Nine days after the incident, Bachelor pointed out Hurley to Detective Sergeant John Barton who then arrested Hurley. A subsequent search of Hurley by Barton and another detective revealed nothing more than some sheets of paper containing ballads while amongst his newspapers were copies of The Irish Volunteer and The United Irishman. Another witness, Olive Warrington, said that she was standing on the corner of Harcourt Street conversing with a friend when she heard the shot and saw two men running down Cuffe Street being pursued by Bachelor but was unable to provide a description of the two men. A policeman who did point duty testified that Hurley normally sold papers at that corner between 3 p.m. and 7 p.m. Hurley's defence was that at the time of the shooting he was in Little's Bar at the corner of Harcourt Street having a drink with Patrick Clitheroe, another newspaper seller. Clitheroe confirmed this and testified that John Ratigan, a newsboy rushed in and told them all about the shooting while they were in the public house. But the court martial opted to accept the testimony of Bachelor, perhaps because he was a former officer, rather than that of the newspaper sellers, and the unfortunate Hurley, who had absolutely nothing to do with the shooting of Wharton, was sentenced to fifteen years imprisonment. He was released after the Truce and killed in 1922 during the Civil War while helping a wounded soldier into Jervis Street Hospital. It was believed that if Wharton had been killed, Hurley would have received a death sentence. It is not known if any action was subsequently taken against Bachelor. Nelligan said that he heard rumours that Collins compensated Hurley afterwards and hoped that it was true but doubted it as Hurley was one of the many victims at that time. Wounded on Duty The Irish Independent dated 24 November 1919 mentioned that since the fatal shooting of Sergeant Smyth in July, followed by those of Detective Hoey and Constable Downing, a number of DMP uniformed members had been wounded by revolver shots while on duty. Those named included Sergeant Roche, and Constables Fitzpatrick, Nolan, Kearns and O'Neill. 91
Detective Sergeant John Barton - DMP 10497 Detective Sergeant John Barton, who originally came from Co. Kerry, was well known to the Volunteers in Dublin and while outwardly portraying the image of being simple, was in fact one of the shrewdest and best detectives in the country, had plenty of informants and was financially well off, though Nelligan believed that he extorted money from young English men who had fled to Ireland to avoid conscription in Britain. Prior to his death, Barton had uncovered an IRA arms dump in Dublin as the result of information provided by his network of informants. It was also believed that he had given evidence at the post-Easter 1916 Rising court martial of Joseph Plunkett as he had been watching him for some time prior to this event. Additionally Barton had arrested James Hurley for the shooting of Detective Thomas Wharton and had made it known that he was not afraid of Michael Collins or republicans. As this attitude posed a threat to Collins who was relying on the terror threat to demoralise the police, for this reason and possibly his previous conduct, Barton was marked down for elimination. Through McDonnell, Slattery received orders that Barton was to be killed and following a meeting in McDonnell's house on Friday 28 November 1919, Vinny Byrne and Slattery were assigned the task of taking him out. The following day in the premises of The Irish Woodworkers, where they both worked together as carpenters, Slattery told Byrne to bring in his gun after dinner, which he did. After work that evening they went up to College Green where they were met by McDonnell and Keogh who instructed them to walk up Grafton Street to see if they could find Barton, which they did. Barton walked up the left hand side of the street while Slattery and Byrne trailed him from the right hand side of the street. At intervals Barton stopped and looked into a shop window in a manner which appeared to indicate to Slattery and Byrne that he was checking to see if anyone was shadowing him. Slattery and Byrne followed him to the top of Grafton Street where he looked in a bookshop window, turned around and then began walking down Grafton Street on the opposite side to the one he has ascended, still trailed by Slattery and Byrne. At the bottom of Grafton Street Barton suddenly vanished from the sight of Slattery and Byrne and they continued into College Green still looking for him. Suddenly they spotted Barton emerging from a hallway and cross the street to the Trinity College side. Then the duo first saw McDonnell and Keogh and then O'Daly, Leonard, and Ben Barrett who were on the same mission as they were and it became a race to see which of the three competing groups would get to Barton first. Barton, totally unaware that he was being followed by three separate groups, continued to walk around Trinity College into College Street, all the time keeping close to the wall. As the streets were crowded with workers 92
going home after closing time, the opportunity to take Barton down kept switching from group to group. As Barton reached the Crampton Memorial (removed 1959) which stood in the middle of Brunswick (Pearse) Street near the officer's entrance to the Central Police Station, suddenly there was a burst of gunfire from one of the other groups as O'Daly, Leonard, and Barrett were in the process of moving in to take him down. It appears that in all four shots were fired, two of which struck Barton in the back and passed though the right lung and fired at such close range that powder burns were later found on his overcoat. Immediately Barton fell down onto his right knee exclaiming, "Oh God what did I do to deserve this?" Instinctively he drew his gun and fired it in the direction of College Street but hit no one. A day or two prior to this incident, Barton had remarked to a colleague "You'll hear of me being shot next", and had frequently said similar words to this effect to others since the shooting of Detective Wharton. A close friend was quoted as saying that "He seemed to expect an attack as he was probably the best known detective and the one oftenest in the public view." Another friend and colleague later said that "Barton had received anonymous threatening letters from time to time" adding that "These are common in the detective line and were common even before the war [War of Independence], so no attention is paid to them." The three groups moved out of the area as quickly as possible. McDonnell and Leonard moved up the right hand side of College Street and as they reached its corner with Westmoreland Street, a uniformed constable, Constable Higgins, attempted to stop McDonnell but Leonard drew his gun, warned him off, and they made good their escape. Meantime Barton was brought to the doorway of a nearby club where he is reported to have said, "They have done for me. God forgive me. What did I do? I am dying. Get me a priest." He was brought to Mercer's Hospital where he was seen by Dr. Wilson, House-Surgeon, who telephoned for Dr. Maunsell, Visiting Surgeon, but Barton died before he arrived after receiving the Last Rites from Fr. O'Dwyer from Whitefriar Street. At the inquest before Coroner Dr L. A. Byrne, Sergeant Mahony testified that a bullet found in Barton's clothes did not fit a bullet case recovered by him at the scene of the shooting thus indicating that two weapons and two firers were involved. This would also imply that a semi-automatic pistol was used as these eject empty cartridge as part of the re-loading cycle whereas revolver retain the empty cartridges in the cylinder until the weapon is opened to reload and are ejected then. 93
Constable Higgins who was on duty at the corner of College Street and Westmoreland Street, testified said that five shots were fired and after the last one a man rushed pass him going in the direction of Westmoreland Street. He said that he was not armed at the time, that when he arrived at the incident scene there were people running about but no people were near Sergeant Barton when the man ran past him. Higgins described the man who ran past him as about 5 feet and 6/7 inches in height, wearing breeches and leggings and a soft hat. This description led some newspapers to speculate that this individual had also shot Constable Downing due to the similarity of descriptions. Remarkably after the Coroner's summing up, the jury foreman said that they had no need to retire to consider their verdict and returned one of "Wilful murder against some person or persons unknown", expressed sympathy with the relatives adding "We consider his death a loss to the citizens of Dublin and we condemn these outrages." Barton, who undoubtedly was an excellent detective and posed a serious risk / challenge to Collins, was buried in Keel, Co. Kerry on 3 December 1919. A feature of this attack was that Collins did not tell each group on this mission of the existence of the others, on the grounds of security, and was the way that Collins frequently operated. To be continued ……. Sources and References will be included with the final part of this article. oooooooOOOooooooo Freemans Journal 09 Dec 1899 DUNDALK BREACH OF PROMISE CASE Yesterday in the Queen's Bench Division, before Mr Justice Kenny, an action by Mary Ann Murphy against Patrick Carroll, for £500 damages for alleged breach of promise of marriage was mentioned on a motion by the defendant to have the case remitted to the County Court at Dundalk. Mr WH Brown (instructed by Dr Moynagh, Dundalk) appeared for the defendant in support of the motion, and read his client's affidavit, in which he stated that he never promised to marry the plaintiff. The affidavit also averred that the plaintiff had no visible means of paying the defendant's costs if a verdict were found for her. Mr McLoone (instructed by Mr R Dickie, Dundalk) appeared for the plaintiff to resist the motion. Mr. Justice Kenny remitted the case. 94
MILITIAMAN NEAL McCOURT (1851-1872) Brendan Hall Codford St. Mary is a village situated in rural Wiltshire, England. On the eastern outskirts of the village, off the High Street, and at the end of a long lane, lies the ancient Norman-era Parish Church of Saint Mary. Nearly opposite the church there is a Commonwealth War Graves Cemetery where the remains of ninety-seven World War One soldiers are buried. These men were members of the Australian and New Zealand forces, the ANZACS, tens of thousands of whom were stationed in Codford and the surrounding area, living in a tented city. The men were trained prior to being sent to fight on the western front. The ninety-seven graves hold the remains of those who, for the most part, succumbed to illness and were buried with due military honour and respect. Earlier this year I received an unusual request for information from Matt Beales, a native of Codford St. Mary. Matt was curious about a memorial stone, in the form of a cross, in the old cemetery that surrounds the church of Saint Mary in the village. Inscribed beneath the cross is the legend "Neal McCourt Louth Rifles Aged 25 Died July 14, 1876". Who was Neal McCourt and why was a soldier of an Irish militia unit buried in a graveyard in a small rural village in England? Neal McCourt enrolled into the Louth Rifles, number 3297, at Dundalk on the 24 December 1872. He gave his occupation as "Railway Cleaner".1 He was five feet six inches tall and gave his age as twenty-one. While it cannot be stated with certainty because of the slight discrepancy in the age, he was probably the son of Peter McCourt and Catherine O'Neill, who had married in Dundalk in June 1845.2 He had siblings Mary (1846), Bridget (1851), Patrick (1854), Alice (1856), Catherine (1859) and Felix (1863). The family lived in Seatown, Dundalk. As a new recruit in a militia regiment, McCourt was required to undertake three months initial training commencing at Dundalk on Monday 03 May 1873. 3 The Louth Militia drew its recruits not only from County Louth, but also from neighbouring counties, including Co. Down. After undergoing a month's training, the men were allowed weekend leave. Some of the Newry, Co. Down, recruits went to their home town to overindulge, the results of which did not 1
Brendan Hall, Officers and Recruits of the Louth Rifles 1854-1876, GSI 1999. See also National Archives Kew, Militia and Volunteers Muster Books and Pay Lists, WO13/3100 2 http://www.rootsireland.ie/. Also NLI Roman Catholic Parish registers, reference P.5595 and personal archive 3 Dundalk Herald 03 May 1873 95
impress the Chairman of the Newry Town Commissioners. Reporting to the Board, at a meeting in early June he let it be known that the conduct of the soldiers of the battalion was unacceptable and that the town had been in a state of uproar the previous weekend: "The town was actually given over to a ruffianly [sic] mob for the time being. Now what he wanted the board to do was to pass a resolution authorising the clerk to write to the commanding officer of the regiment requesting him not to grant furloughs to any of the men of his corps belonging to Newry while they were assembled for training."4 It is not noted if the commanding officer took any notice. Training continued as scheduled and after two months the trainees were joined by the part-time soldiers of the Louth Rifles for a further month's training at Drogheda before being dismissed. The following year the full regiment was embodied at Drogheda in mid-July for annual training. A training field was donated for the period by a local Justice of the Peace, Mr. T.P. Cairnes who was in a near fatal accident when, sitting in his carriage at The Black Bull, his horses bolted, startled by the sound of the regimental band. The carriage only stopped when a wheel broke and caused the horses to halt.5 The final inspection of the regiment, by this time consisting of approximately six hundred men, took place on 10 August 1874 and was a grand affair, despite the heavy rain, attracting crowds of locals as well as the county gentry. The regiment conducted itself well. The same cannot be said of the demeanour of the men in the town of Drogheda itself. There were numerous brawls involving the soldiers, brought on mainly by alcohol, resulting in two Courts-Martial.6 In 1875 twenty-eight days annual training for McCourt commenced at Drogheda on Monday 26 July. By this stage there were nearly seven hundred men in the regiment. The two-day inspection was carried out by Colonel S. Smyth.7 In 1876 for the first time in British military history a tentative scheme of mobilisation was executed. The intention was that the whole available military force of the United Kingdom, including the Regular Army and Militia should be formed into eight army corps. Two of these Corps, the 2nd and the 5th which included the Louth Rifles, were mobilised in the summer of 1876.8 The Regiment, under the command of Colonel Sir John Robinson, departed Dundalk for England on 10 July by train. There was only one case of drunkenness on the 4
Dundalk Herald 07 June 1873 Dundalk Herald 01 August 1874 6 Dundalk Herald 15 August 1874 7 Regimental Digest, National Archive, Kew, Ref. WO 68/313 49640 8 Brendan Hall & Donal Hall, The Louth Rifles 1877-1908, GSI 2000 5
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train – that of a man called Brannigan, a Pioneer!9 From Kingstown, the regiment travelled on board HMS Crocodile, an iron screw troopship (launched in 1867), along with the Wexford and Longford Militias, to Portsmouth. The Regimental Digest reports that despite the weather being fair, there was much sea-sickness on board. They arrived at Portsmouth on 12 July, disembarked the following day and went by rail to Wylye, ten miles from Salisbury where the main military exercises were to take place. The men arrived at their camp at two o'clock in the afternoon but such was the general disarray surrounding the cooking arrangements that they did not get fed until nine o'clock that night, having had only one cup of coffee each all day. On the fourteenth the men were paraded at 06.30, but training later in the day was abandoned because of the heat.10 Unusually, the Regimental Digest makes much of the conditions, on a number of occasions referring to the high temperatures. For one soldier the conditions proved fatal. Rifleman Neal McCourt died at Steeple Langford, about three miles from Codford, on the fourteenth of July 1876, from sunstroke. A local sexton looked after the arrangements for his burial in the churchyard of the Parish Church of Saint Mary, Codford.11 One Dundalk paper noted the death in passing, but said he had been ill prior to departure to England, though it is peculiar that there is no note of this on his Death Certificate. The fact that a headstone was erected to mark his passing is unusual for this time. It can probably be assumed that it was erected by his fellow militiamen. And it can also be assumed that his burial, like those of the ANZAC soldiers across the road who died some forty years later, was also carried out with full military honour and respect. (With thanks to Matt Beales who provided the photograph). 9
A popular Roman Catholic movement whose members had taken an oath to abstain from drinking alcohol 10 Regimental Digest, National Archive, Kew, Ref. WO 68/313 49640 11 Certified copy of his Death Certificate 97
THE BELFAST BLITZ - THE PEOPLES' EXPERIENCE James Scannell The last Journal (Vol. 13, 2012 pp.33 to 50) carried the text of my presentation to the Society recalling Dublin Fire Fighters and the Belfast Blitz. In this article I wish to feature the recollections and experiences of the people who were at the receiving end on the ground. In 2001, the 60 th anniversary of the World War II Easter 1941 Belfast Blitz was marked by a number of special events including the screening by BBC television of several documentaries recalling this momentous event in the history of this city, and again in 2011 the 70 th anniversary was marked by several commemorative events, the publication/republication of several books looking at this event and the transmission of several programmes on television and radio in addition to numerous newspaper articles. In these television and radio programmes, viewers and listeners were reminded that behind the scenes the Northern Ireland government was totally unprepared for a major air raid on this city, that there was a great scarcity of military items to defend it in the way of anti-aircraft guns and searchlights, virtually no aircraft capable of operating at night and a civil defence organisation at only half strength. Some members of the Northern Ireland cabinet believed that money spent on civil defence was money wasted and to this end, orders placed for fire fighting equipment were being cancelled in 1941. Yet despite all these shortcomings, publicly the Northern Ireland government portrayed an image that it would be able to cope with any air raid mounted against the city. Some cabinet members believed that the city was beyond the reach of German bombers even though it had extensive shipbuilding and repair yards, aircraft manufacturing facilities and other war industries. This out of range concept was based on the initial premise that the city was beyond the range of Luftwaffe aircraft based in Germany but this changed once the Germans occupied Northern France in June 1940 and obtained bases enabling their aircraft to fly out far out into the North Atlantic and up and down the Irish Sea to the Clydeside and beyond. Historian Eunan O'Halpin author of Defending Ireland – The Irish State and Its Enemies Since 1922, (Oxford, 1999), has argued in a number of military history publications that once the Germans secured operational airfields in Occupied Northern France in June 1940, the need by the British for the return of the Treaty ports was rendered useless, as had these been opened to the Allies, they would have been within easy range of attack by the Luftwaffe. While Churchill may have thought they might have been of some benefit, the British military authorities were not convinced that their return would serve any useful purpose. 98
Patrick McCarthy in his article The Treaty Ports and the Battle of the North Atlantic published in The Irish Sword - Summer 2011 (Vol. XXXVIII), also reached a similar conclusion after examining numerous documents relating to the Battle of the Atlantic, and also made the point that German naval craft operating from bases in Occupied Northern France would have been able to attack Allied in-bound convoys approaching Britain from the southern coast of Ireland and in Irish coastal waters, and that the decision to route in-bound convoys around Northern Ireland and down the Irish Sea to Liverpool was the correct one. Both authors came to the conclusion that while return of the Treaty Ports to the British looked good on paper, in reality they would not have been of any useful purpose. Survivors of the April Easter 1941 Belfast Blitz interviewed in 2001 and 2011 provided very graphic accounts of what it was like to be in the city during that Easter 1941 air raid which was a very scary and terrifying experience for many. Air raids during World War II were noisy experiences by their nature – there was the sound of aircraft overhead, the whistle of bombs falling followed by explosions from them going off, vibrations from these explosions, the sound of buildings collapsing, and those of the emergency services responding to calls. Emergency services workers were at particular risk as they had to fight fires, extract people from burning or collapsed buildings, bring the wounded to medical centres, and move from location as required while the air raid was in progress. Additionally there was the sound of ground based anti-aircraft guns firing back at the attacking aircraft. Moving to the recollections of those on the ground in Belfast during the Easter 1941 Blitz, Eileen Wilkinson recalled that when the air raid sirens sounded, a dog the family normally kept in an outside yard was brought into the kitchen. During the air raid her father came in to fetch a stirrup pump to help extinguish an incendiary device which had landed nearby and left the door open as he went out. The dog ran outside, refused to come in, and spent the night barking at the aircraft overhead. Later the following day she learned that five cousins had been killed in another part of the city. Air Raid Precautions (ARP) Warden (civil defence warden) Jimmy Doherty recalled hearing aircraft approaching the city that night and knew from the sound of their engines that these were German aircraft and that the city was the intended target. When on foot patrol at night in the area that he was assigned to, it was common for some young children from that area to follow behind him on his rounds and that at times he allowed them play with his steel helmet. After the air raid sirens had sounded that night, he and a policeman colleague were standing at the corner of North Queen Street and Clifton Street when they heard the voices of people in high spirits approaching them. These turned out to be 99
several ARP workers who had been attending a Delia Murphy concert in the Ulster Hall but had left once they heard the sirens going off to report to their post. Shortly after they had passed them by, his policeman colleague spotted a device floating down from the sky which they recognised as a parachute mine intended to detonate above street level and cause a great amount of blast damage. These devices were former German naval magnetic mines rendered obsolete through counter measures developed by the Royal Navy and were then used by the Luftwaffe in a new role as parachute blast bombs. The two men hit the ground and seconds later felt the effects of an intense blast pass over their prone bodies as this device exploded. The explosion destroyed the Trinity Street Church of Ireland, caused great damage to surrounding buildings and killed those ARP workers in their post who had passed them only moments earlier. Doherty recalled identifying many of the dead that lay in the street including a number of children who used to meet him on his rounds and the scenes of death and destruction that were all around them. He identified the body of one young girl by her curly golden hair and that of a little boy by the short white sock on his leg. The emphasis he said "was to help the living and to say a prayer for the dead". Doherty said that it was incredible that there were only four public air raid shelters in the city so the people of Belfast had to do their best to protect themselves. He volunteered to go to London in 1944 during the period when V1 and V2 rockets were falling on it. After the war he joined the St. John's Ambulance Brigade and in the 1970s was involved in rescue work during the Northern Ireland Troubles. At home on leave was Royal Air Force pilot Bert Smith who received a number of cutting remarks from some people who said that he should be up in the sky tackling the Germans though most people appreciated that there was little he could do. When he saw the scale of the destruction and devastation the next day, it made him more determined to pay the enemy back whenever he could and hardened his resolve to inflict damage on the enemy and to try and hasten the end of the war. Jimmy Kelly was on his way home up the Glen Road when the air raid sirens went off and were followed by the sound of approaching aircraft which he knew were German by their unique droning engine sound. Very quickly the sky above the city was illuminated by flares which turned night into day. These were target illumination flares dropped by the Germans to identify aiming points Joe McCann also remembered the illumination given off by these flares and the urge to try and put them out as he felt at the time that they were targeting him Actor James Ellis's memory was that of people in his street going to a public air raid shelter but in his home they improvised an indoor air raid shelter by placing 100
a large table in the middle of the kitchen and then getting underneath it while his father put blankets and pillows on top and around it as his mother was not prepared to go into a public air raid shelter. This was a recommended type of improvised home air raid shelter for householders who were unable to reach a public air raid quoted in ARP handbooks. Later metal-framed kitchen tables were issued to householders and were used as domestic furniture in some houses for many years afterwards. Their finish left a lot to be desired as Dubliner Brian Siggins remembered visiting relatives in Belfast who were using one as a domestic table and bumping off it – "It took lumps out my leg" - was his memory of his encounter with it. Jimmy Penson went to a public air raid shelter with his family which soon became overcrowded with the people inside packed like sardines. He moved to the door and spent the whole night watching the progress of the air raid. He added that it was like being in an earthquake that night as the ground shook from explosion after explosion and that the people inside squealed and yelled as that they thought that it was end of the world. Bryce Miller was in an air raid shelter containing a mixture of nationalists and loyalists. During a lull, one brazen individual sang a loyalist song only to be matched with a nationalist song and this musical duel continued for part of the evening until the air raid outside increased in intensity when both groups then began singing hymns common to both religious traditions in the city. While on duty outside his police station, policeman Donald Fleck saw a parachute mine falling to the ground nearby and had only seconds to run inside and tell those inside to take cover before the device exploded causing massive damage to the area all round it including the exterior of the police station where he had been standing only seconds before. He said that he told everybody to run and that the fear of death led people to move extremely quickly. Author Brian Moore, whose memories of the air raid were featured in his bestselling book The Emperor of Ice Cream, recalled that while on his way to Carlisle Circus, he saw rats emerge from the sewers and move in an orderly group along the gutters of the street. He also recalled that many of those who died were killed by the blast waves from exploding bombs rather than directly by explosions or debris from falling buildings. In some cases small streets in and around the mills were badly affected and in one of them, Burke Street, everyone was killed. 18-year old Leo Wilson and his friend Harry Kavanagh were attending a ceili organised by the St. Malachy's Gaelic Club in the Ulster Hall which was full to capacity that night. Guest star was Delia Murphy who had just finished her last 101
song around 11.30 p.m. when this duo noticed a commotion at the door and when they went down to it and looked out into the street they saw soldiers with rifles. Suddenly a chief air raid warden stepped onto the stage and told the audience that although there was no need for alarm, an alert was in progress as reports had been received of German aircraft crossing the Co. Down coast and that no-one would be allowed to leave the hall until the alert was over. Wilson recalled that there was no sense of panic that night as no-one believed that Belfast would be seriously hit. In previous alerts thirteen people had been killed in East Belfast and in Bangor from a single aircraft and this convinced the authorities that the city would never suffer a major air raid. Wilson and Kavanagh, having befriended the hall's fire warden, were invited up onto the roof where they received a bird's eye view of the devastation being inflicted on the city. In addition to the sounds of the German aircraft flying overhead, they could see major fires burning in East and North Belfast. Looking to the west of the city where they lived, they could see the spires of St. Peter's Cathedral standing out against a background of flames and smoke but were relieved to see that nothing was rising from the area in from of this building as this was where they lived. Inside the Hall Delia Murphy returned to the stage and resumed singing, progressing through her entire repertoire. Then she took a short break and returned to the stage again and then engaged in a sing–song after which people resumed dancing which continued into the early hours of the morning until they were allowed out to return to their homes. Wilson and Kavanagh then made their way home and when the duo went into the city centre the following day, they found everywhere was closed off and then went up to the Falls Road baths where they saw lorries arriving with dead bodies which were then carried into the baths on stretchers, boards, and anything else that a body could be carried on. 78-year old Kim Stanley remembered that earlier that evening they had gone as a family to a show in the city and had returned home and were having supper when the sirens went off. The Stanley's lived above the family shoe shop located at the corner of the Antrim and Clintonville Roads in the north of the city. The family opted to stay at home and huddled together in a back room. After a while the first thing he noticed was the sound of aircraft overhead and blight flashes of light coming through the blackout curtains which he later discovered were from target flares being dropped prior to the aircraft releasing their bombs. He found the whole experience very noisy and frightening and then around 1 a.m. a parachute mine exploded outside their shop and blew a gaping hole in the front of the building. On opening the door they found that some of the ceilings had fallen into the hall and that there was rubble everywhere. The family decided to move to a public air raid shelter about 100 102
yards away on the Antrim Road. The shop's plate glass front window had been blown out and its contents scattered all over the footpath, which was also covered in broken glass and all manner of debris. When they reached the air raid shelter there were already 50 people in it and as the night progressed more and more people came in, they passed the time singing until the all-clear was sounded around 4 a.m. At the time they did not realise what a dangerous structure they were using as the parachute mine explosion had dislodged the roof and it was only about a half inch away from falling in on the occupants and had this happened, all those inside would have been killed or seriously injured – the shelter was condemned the next day. On their way back home they saw the parachute from the mine that had damaged their home hanging from a tram wire. The family stayed in Lisburn for two weeks until emergency repairs could be carried out to their house to make it habitable. Vance Rodgers was working as a firewatcher in a city centre building with another colleague on the night of the air raid. They were armed with a bucket of water, a bucket of sand, and a fire extinguisher, and were expected to put fires out with them. He said that the term of fire watcher was very appropriate as there was no possibility of them being able to extinguish an incendiary device with the buckets of water and sand, or the fire extinguisher for that matter, as they were never shown how to use it nor were they able to figure out how it worked. 78-year-old Ester Fyffe still had a set of burned and fused together pennies, minted in 1941, which she rescued from her Belfast home. On the night of the air raid, her mother placed her and her younger brother under the stairs, as recommended in ARP publications, and then later under a table. After half an hour the house suddenly collapsed and she was able to get out and call for help as her mother was trapped. After being extricated from the rubble her mother brought her and her brother to safety but for a long time afterwards her brother suffered a panic attack every time he passed through a tunnel. Other survivors remembered the particular structural weakness of public air raid shelters which although built with reinforced roofs, had only 4-inch block walls supporting them and when these blew out, the roof collapsed on top of those inside. When the raid was over, the work of rescuing those trapped in buildings and recovering bodies got underway in earnest and as the number of the dead continued to rise, the pools in the Falls Road Public Baths were drained and used as temporary morgue. Initially the bodies of the deceased arrived in hearses but furniture vans were also used for this purpose, as was a refuse cart. As remains arrived, they were placed in coffins pending identification. A large number of body parts were also received and efforts were made to make up complete bodies. The Mater Hospital morgue, which normally could only 103
accommodate 12 remains, was packed with bodies and body parts and many of those engaged in this work were provided with liberal amounts of alcohol to help numb the scenes they were witnessing from their minds. For several days, Belfast was a city of funerals while thousands of people moved out nightly to stay in the countryside and then to return to work by day. Known as 'trekkies' they brought home to the government their total lack of confidence in it and it was some time before the nightly trek into the countryside stopped. 70 years later, the memory of the April 1941 air raid, and the other three air raids, was still clear in the minds of those who were interviewed though some found it still hard to recall the events of that night without a tear in their eye as they remembered people who were killed, often in tragic circumstances. Of all the German attacks made on Ireland during World War II, both on Northern Ireland and what is now the modern day Republic of Ireland, Belfast received the worst of them with over 1000 people being killed in the four air raids on it and millions of pounds in damage being done. Finally one remarkable survivor of the Belfast Blitz is a fire engine, registration no. CZ 501 now housed in the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum. Jimmy Mackey still remembers the narrow escape they had during the Easter 1941 air raid. While on the way to Lower Donegal Street, a parachute mine exploded near them and Jimmy recalled how the fire engine was lifted up off the ground, sailed through the air for about 50 yards while the crew held on for dear life, before it landed on the road surface and they continued on their way to the next call. "It was a close call" is how Jimmy remembered that incident. ooooooOOOOOOoooooo
Don’t forget that the Internet is a great source of free information if you know where to look. http://www.genealogy.nationalarchives.ie/ https://familysearch.org Ireland, Civil Registration Indexes, 1845 - 1958 Census of Ireland, 1901 and 1911 Ireland, Landed Estate Court Files, 1850 - 1885 Tithe Applotment Books, 1823 - 37 Soldiers' Wills, 1914 - 1917 Ireland, Marriages, 1619 - 1898 Ireland, Prison Registers, 1790 - 1924 Ireland, Tithe Applotment Books, 1814 - 1855
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THE MCLOUGHLIN FAMILIES OF WEST MAYO Adrian James Martyn McLoughlin is a fairly common surname in west Mayo. It is found particularly in the area east-west from Castlebar to Mulranny, and north-south from Bofeenaun to Westport, i.e., the north and east shore of Clew Bay, the region around Beltra Lake, and Glen Nephin (the latter lying between the village of Beltra and the east shore of Lough Conn). The half-parish of Glenisland, approximately halfway between Newport and Castlebar, may be said to be its heartland1. Districts outside these areas where concentrations of McLoughlins may be found include Leahardaun, Ballycroy, and Achill Island. My research indicates that the origins of the west Mayo McLoughlins may be found with two distinct and unrelated families – the Clann Maol Eachlainn of Umhall, and the Clann Mac Lochlainn of Inis Eógain. Clann Maol Eachlainn of Umhall. The Clann Maol Eachlainn were natives of Umhall, the medieval name for the kingdom that stretched around Clew Bay, comprising of the parishes of Achill, Burrishoole, Clare Island (the largest island in Clew Bay), Kilmaclasser, Kilmeena, Aghagower, Oughaval, and Kilgeever2. The inhabitants of the territory were called the Fir Umhall ('the men of Umhall'). By the 12th century, the ruling line had adopted the surname Ó Máille (O'Malley). The first person of the name documented in the annals was Domnall Ó Máille, king of Umhall upon his death in 11763. 1
I am grateful to my mother, Noreen Martyn, nee McLoughlin, for outlying the general distribution of the surname in her youth during the middle years of the 20th century. Glenisland is now administrated within Islandeady, but the two are distinct, as its natives will inform you! 2 This accords with the map of Umall between pages 100 and 101 of Knox's "History of Mayo" (1908, reprinted 1982). Islandeady seems to have lain mainly within Clann Cuain, a territory midway between Carra to the south, and Bac and Glen to the north. Knox (p.303) held that Umall meant low, and applied "in this sense to the country lying east of Clew Bay", while Achill "seems to be a descriptive term applied to mountainous country … applies to the parts lying north and south of the bay." Thus the territory was divided into lowland and highland districts. Knox noted on the same page that in the thirteenth century the territory was termed "Aicill and Umall", and that the title of its ruler could be translated as "King of Highland and Lowland." 3 "Annals of Tigernach", p. 442. Knox (p.301) states that Umall was formed of the baronies of Burrishoole and Murrisk. Kilgeever and Oughaval formed the barony of Murrisk, while Achill, Burrishoole, Kilmaclasser, Kilmeena, and Aghagower formed the barony of 105
According to the Ó Máille genealogies, a descendant of Domnall, one Maol Eachlainn Ó Mháille, was the eponym or namesake of a sept known as the Clann Maol Eachlainn4. Likewise, his cousins Tuathal and Brian, were eponyms of the Ó Máille septs known as the Clann Bhriain5 and the Clann Tuathail6. The Clann Tuathail eventually dropped the surname Ó Máille for Ó Tuathail (O'Toole)7. I wondered if their Clann Maol Eachlinn kinsmen did likewise, but the genealogies had no further information to provide on the subject. However, I did locate an interesting reference in John D'Alton's book of 1852, King James II's Irish Army List. D'Alton cites one "Maoelseachlin O'Melaghlin of Lough Mask, County of Mayo", as among the "outlawries" of 16918. The text makes clear the author's belief that this person was a dispersed member of the O'Melaghlin family of County Meath. This surname was originally Ó Mael Seachlainn, but is now rendered as McLoughlin. However, given that his address lies within County Mayo, there is a possibility that this person's true name was Maol Eachlainn Ó Maol Eachlainn, and thus allows that the ancestry of at least some of the McLoughlins of west Mayo lies with the Clann Maol Eachlainn of Umhaill9. Mac Lochlainn of Inis Eógain. The earliest McLoughlin of Mayo I have uncovered thus far was "Terence Maglaghlen", who was born in "Kirragh, Co. Mayo" in 1662, and served as a soldier in the companies of "Magin" and "Moely" in Lee's Irish Regiment in the French army. Maglaghlen, described as five foot five and a half inches in height, with brown eyes and grey hair, was by 1723 resident in Paris at Les Invalides retirement home for war veterans10. Terence was likely one of the
Burrishoole. The latter was formed from the term Buiríos Umhaill, 'the burgage of Umhall' (see Ó Muraíle, 1982, pp.57-58, and p. 65). 4 197.10, pp.434-35, volume I, "Leabhar na nGenealach", 2003. 5 197.8, pp. 434-35, op. cit. 6 197.9, pp. 434-35, op. cit. 7 Page 288, MacLysaght, 1978 8 D'Alton, p. 1852. 9 There are hitherto unnoticed difficulties in reconciling the Ó Máille genealogy with the annals, and indeed with the genealogy itself, particularly from Flannabhra, son of Seachnusach, to Muireadhach, father of Domhnall Fionn and Niall. I hope to address these issues in a later article. 10 http://www.irishineurope.ie/about/research/irish-regiments-france. "Kirragh, Co. Mayo", may be Carra, a townland, parish, and barony in County Mayo. 106
14,000 Irish soldiers who choose exile in France following the conclusion of the War of the Two Kings in 1691. The Mac Lochlainn family were a sept of the Uí Néill Tuisceart (the Northern Uí Néill) known as the Cénel nEógain ('Eógain's kindred'). Their homeland was the Inis Eógain (now Inishowen) peninsula in what is now County Donegal11. The first Mac Lochlainn's were the brothers Domnall (king of Ireland 10831121), Magnus (king of Fernmaige 1126-29), and Lochlainn (died 1133). From their lifetime till the battle of Caimerge in 1241, the family dominated northern and Irish politics. After Caimerge, their power was so totally destroyed that they became mere tenants in their Inishowen homeland, local politics for the remainder of the medieval era being dominated by the families of Ó Dochartaigh, Ó Domnaill, and Ó Néill12. During the course of the 17th century, a branch of the Ó Domnaill family of County Donegal moved, or were transplanted, into the west of County Mayo 13. Many families with northern surnames such as Cleary, Boyle, Gallagher, and Donnelly, date their arrival in County Mayo to this time 14. Among them were bearers of the surname Mac Lochlainn (rendered McLaughlin or McLoughlin). They settled first in Erris and Achill, and later around the town of Newport on Clew Bay15. One family of the name were classed as gentry, and resided at Newfield House, in the parish of Burrishoole, midway between the towns of Newport and Mulranny. The Irish Landed Estates website says of them: "The McLoughlins held extensive lands in the parishes of Achill and Burrishoole, barony of Burrishoole, county Mayo, on perpetual leases from Thomas John Medlycott, the Earls of Altamont/Marquesses of Sligo and the O'Donels of Newport in the 18th and 19th centuries. Their estate of 12,733 acres with a rental of £1,478 was one of the first sold in the Encumbered Estates' Court in 1850. Part of it was bought by William McCormack of the 11
http://www.maclochlainn.org/origins1.html "Mac Lochlainn" by Darren McGettigan, in "Medieval Ireland", ed. Sean Duffy, 13 p. 55, 56, 120, Ordnance Survey Letters of County Mayo. 14 Ibid. 15 John O'Donovon wrote in 1838 "A branch of this latter family removed with the O'Donnells to the county of Mayo, about the year 1679, where they still hold the rank of gentlemen." Op. cit, p. 55, 56. O'Donovon further recorded that "Mr. Mac Loughlin is making some improvements, and is apt to teach the natives the use of the plough, of which they know nothing at present. He is also of the northern stock, but a traveller and a man of great intelligence." p. 120, Ordnance Survey Letters of County Mayo, 12
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Irish Beetroot and Sugar Manufacturing Company and the Newfield estate was bought by Henry J. Smith."16 An earlier generation of the same family are recorded as residents of Tír an Áir, a townland immediately east of Newfield. Ó Móráin records that members of this family were deeply involved in the 1798 Rebellion in Mayo, and were identified as gentlemen17. While the Newfield family were gentry (albeit low or 'squireen' rank), it is clear that the majority of their namesakes were of mere tenant status, and had being so for generations. In moving from Donegal to Mayo, these Mac Lochlainns had simply become tenants of the Newfield family – to whom they surely shared a common origin - but had remained within the purely peasant class themselves. What became of the family of Newfield House after 1850 I have yet to discover; I suspect they were bankrupted by the Famine, had their estate sold, and left the area. Their far more numerous namesakes are the ancestors of some of those McLoughlin families still found in west Mayo. Ó Maol Eachlain, Mac Lochlainn, and McLoughlin. From the 18th century onwards, Gaelic language and culture in Ireland lost ground, both to anglicization and the Catholic Church. This resulted in similar but distinct surnames such as Ó Maol Eachlain, Mac Lochlainn, Mac Giolla Seachlainn18, and Ó Mael Seachlainn19, all being compressed into McLoughlin (also McLaughlin or M'Laughlin). When this occurred, each family's true origins became blurred, lost, then forgotten. By the 20th century, common knowledge of these different origins seems to have being unknown, at least in oral tradition. Perhaps a faint trace of it survived in Derrycoosh, Islandeady, where a family called the Cnoc McLoughlins were held to be no relation (or if so, very distantly so) of my own family, the Mór McLoughlins and their sub-branches (the Ceereen's, the Loftus's, the Mulligan's, and the Doire na Caille's). But as for which family belongs to which kindred, only genetics can now say.
16
http://www.landedestates.ie/LandedEstates/jsp/estate-show.jsp?id=24 Padraig Ó Móráin, Annála Beaga Pharáiste Bhuiréis Umhaill/A Short Account Of The History Of Burrishoole Parish, 1959. 18 This family were king of South Brega. See the Annals of Tigernach 1160, 1171. 19 For more on this family see "Máel-Sechnaill I (d. 862)" pp.309-10, "Máel-Sechnaill II (949/950-1022)", pp. 310-12, and "Mide (Meath)", pp.329-30, in Medieval Ireland. 17
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BIBILOGRAPHY: King James II's Irish Army List, John D'Alton, Dublin, 1852. The History of the County of Mayo, Hubert Thomas Knox, Dublin, 1908; reprinted by de Burca, 1982. ISBN 0946130 02 7. Padraic Ó Móráin, Annála Beaga Pharáiste Bhuiréis Umhaill/A Short Account Of The History Of Burrishoole Parish, 1959. The Surnames of Ireland, Edward Mac Lysaght, Dublin, 1978. ISBN 0716522 78 0. "Mayo Placenames", by Nollaig Ó Muraíle, pp. 55-83, in "Mayo: Aspects of its Heritage", ed. Bernard O'Hara, Galway, 1982. ISBN 0 9508233 0 9. The Annals of Tigernach, ed. Whitley Stokes in Revue Celtique, 1896/97; reprinted by Llanerch, 1993. ISBN 0947992 98 7. Leabhar na nGenealach:The Great Book of Irish Genealogies, Dubhaltach Mac Fhirbhisigh (ed. Nollaig Ó Muraíle, de Burca, Dublin, 2003-04. ISBN Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopaedia, ed. Séan Duffy, Routledge, 2005. ISBN 0 415 94052 4 Ordnance Survey Letters of County Mayo, ed. Michael Herity, Fourmasters Press, Dublin, 2009. ISBN 9781903538135.
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Do you have a family or local history story to tell? Maybe you are thinking of writing a biography of on outstanding individual in your family tree or, indeed, any other item relating to genealogy. The editors of the Journal of the Genealogical Society of Ireland would like to hear from you. Articles can be forwarded to jbhall@indigo.ie or forwarded by post to Brendan Hall, 14 Foxrock Mount, Dublin 18, Ireland. Readers are also invited to submit short reviews of books, CD-ROMs and Web Sites, of Irish genealogical interest for inclusion in the Journal or the Society's Monthly Gazette.
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WHO WAS ELIZA KENNY ? G.H. O’Reilly MA FRSAI In the course of researching one’s family history it is inevitable that you find yourself going down some avenue more out of interest and curiosity than with any great expectation of adding much to the family story. But sometimes you do feel that there is a connection or relevance and on we go ! Such was the case of Eliza Kenny and the main question raised in this article still remains to be answered. However, the story of the search is itself interesting – in my prejudiced view, anyway ! In the 1840 Thom’s Directory there is a James Reilly listed as a provision dealer at number 2 Stoneybatter (Phibsboro, Dublin 7). And the baptism of a Thomas Reiley of parents James and Mary Reiley of 2 or 7 Stoney Baker (!) is recorded in the Pro-Cathedral on 5 December 1819. In the 1851 Dublin Census Householders index there is a Jas Reilly and Bridget Fannin living at 4 Stoneybatter. There is a marriage on 18th July 1854 of Bridget Fanan and Michael Riley recorded in St. Paul’s RC church, Arran Quay, Dublin. And there is a record in the same church of the baptism of James Reily on 23 rd November 1855 to parents Michael Reily and Bridget (no surname recorded). Unfortunately, there are no addresses in most of these early church records. But it is a reasonable assumption that the James, born in 1855, was the son of Michael and Bridget and his name comes from the custom of calling the first child after the father’s father. So there may be a connection between numbers 2 and 4 Stoneybatter and that area would have been in the Arran Quay parish. Anyhow, James Reilly, painter, (presumed parents Michael Reilly and Bridget Fanan) with an address of 7 George’s Place, Dublin married Mary Harris, servant, of 27 Adelaide Street, Kingstown on 28th August 1881, at St. Michael’s RC church in Kingstown. They went on to have seven children. The first child, Michael, was born in December 1882 in the Rotunda Hospital which was, perhaps, unusual as the home address was 45 Bride Street which was nearer the Coombe Maternity Hospital. Were the parents living in George’s Place for a short time after marriage ? Michael died in 1951. The second child was William born in August 1884 in 2 Holts Cottages (off Synge Street) and there is no further information on him but it appears that he was not in the family home in 1898 but neither have I been able to trace his death between 1884 and 1898. The third child was James born in August 1886 in 2 Holts Cottages and he died in 1952 in Birmingham. The fourth child was Thomas born September 1888 in 2 Holts Cottages and he died in 1965 in New 110
Zealand.1 The next child was Bridget born August 1890 in 2 Holts Place and she died in 1966 in Somerset. My father, George Joseph, was born March 1892 at 2 Boyd’s Cottages which was probably another name for Holts Place as both are shown as off Synge Street. He died in 1967. The sponsors at this baptism were George Brown and Elizabeth Kenny. The last child, Peter, was born at 50 Bride Street in June 1894 and he died two weeks later. However, although James, the father, didn’t die until 1902 my father, George Joseph, and his siblings, were effectively orphaned by the death of their mother in June of 1898. At that time the family lived at Ferns Court off Synge Street. James and Thomas were placed in Artane Industrial School and, according to the notes on their entrance form, Bridget was also placed in an orphanage which, unfortunately, wasn’t identified. But George was transferred into the care of the Sisters of the Holy Faith shortly after his mother died. The brief and, indeed, only relevant record (dated 20th August 1898) in the convent of the Sisters of the Holy Faith at the Coombe states that a Miss Kenny of 21 Heytesbury Street ‘earnestly’ recommended his case and ‘promises to pay 2/- weekly towards his support’. The record also stated that his father was an ‘invalid’. There are no further records available. James, the father, and his son Michael, who was 16 in 1898, and who had stayed with the father after the death of the mother, were living in Chapter Place near St. Patrick’s Cathedral in 1902 when the father died. James was then aged 48. A recent query to the Archive of the Sisters of Mercy has now revealed that Bridget (Daddy’s sister) was placed in Carysfort Industrial School in 1898 and that she was transferred to Goldenbridge Industrial School in 19012. Her record shows that when she was 16 years old in August 1906 a ‘Miss Kenny, 14 Pleasant Street, who takes an interest in Bridget, has arranged to place her in a situation’. It is worth noting that, from a search of the 1911 Census, the most likely address for Bridget O’Reilly, aged 21, and a servant, was at 7 Lower Mount Street with a family named Plunkett (car proprietor). It is also relevant to consider that if Miss Kenny placed Bridget with a family in Lower Mount Street perhaps it was due to local knowledge as will become evident later? And so the search for this woman, Eliza Kenny, who had been so interested in the Reilly family, commenced. The 1901 Census for 21 Heytesbury Street (a 1
See article ‘Whatever happened to Uncle Tom’ in DLGS Journal Vol. 6, No.2, 1997. A similar search about 12 years ago produced no results but, for some unknown reason, I decided to try again and this time the records were forthcoming - so never give up ! 2
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private dwelling) shows that a Miss Eliza Kenny, aged 47 or possibly 48, with no occupation and unmarried had, rather fortunately, written ‘81 Lower Mount Street, Dublin’ in response to the ‘where born’ question. She had a servant named Nannie Jelenon (?) aged 18. The Valuation Office records do not list her at Heytesbury Street at that time so presumably the house was rented. She would have been born in 1853 or 1854 at the Mount Street address. A search of Thoms’ Directories and other lists did confirm that a Michael Kenny lived in 81 Mount Street in the period around the 1850s. Thoms Directory 1849 – 1851 Michael Kenny, Grocer & Spirit Merchant Griffith’s Valuation
c1855
do
South Dock Ward List of Electors 1868
do
The Valuation Office records also show that Michael Kenny was at number 81 from at least 1850 to 1870 and it was then listed under the name of Michael J Elwood, Grocer & Spirit Merchant, at 81 Lower Mount Street. The initial thought was that, as Eliza Kenny was born in 1853 or 54, it was probable that Michael Kenny was her father and that was so as shown below. Glasnevin Cemetery records show the burial in 1875 of a Michael Kenny (‘grocer, married’), aged 65, from 81 Lower Mount Street. He was buried by Patrick Butler of the same address. This was followed by finding that a two week old Michael Kenny of Lower Mount Street was buried in Glasnevin on 27th December 1851 and an Eliza Kenny aged 8 months was buried on 4th November 1850 also from Lower Mount Street. These children and Michael are all buried in the same grave in Glasnevin. Consequently I decided to get all the records for this particular grave and found that there are 9 people buried in the same grave in Glasnevin – Garden VD 20 – under a very impressive memorial.
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The names and dates are as follows Maria McDonnell died 25 March 1844, aged 60 – Leeson Street, Dublin Patrick Kenny died 12 October 1848, aged 7 months – Lower Mount Street, Dublin Mary Dillon died 23 December 1846, aged 22 – Grafton Street, Dublin Eliza Kenny died 6 November 1850, aged 8 months – Lower Mount Street, Dublin Michael Kenny died 27 December 1851, aged 2 weeks – Lower Mount Street, Dublin Alexander Kenny died 26 May 1857 (NB) – Lower Mount Street, Dublin Mary Kenny died 11 March 1862 (NB) – 81 Lower Mount Street, Dublin Michael Kenny died 25 May 1875, aged 65 – 81 Lower Mount Street, Dublin Eliza Kenny died 30 Apr 1900, aged 75 – 21 Heytesbury Street, Dublin Maria T. Elwood died 9 July 1877, aged 31 (buried elsewhere in cemetery) I then obtained the death certs for Michael and his wife who died after 1864 – Michael Kenny – died 25 May 1875 aged 65, grocer, married, address 82 Lower Mount Street, Dublin. Informant Maria Teresa Kenny, same address. Eliza Kenny – died 1 May 1900 aged 72, widow of grocer, address 21 Heytesbury Street, Dublin. Informant Eliza Kenny, daughter, same address. (Note the two different dates of death and age - see grave information above) This proved the connection between Eliza and 81 Lower Mount Street which was her father’s address. I then decided to check for the baptisms/marriages of the children of Michael Kenny through the marvellous website Irishgenealogy.ie to see whether any connection, such as sponsors’ names, with Reilly, Harris or Fannin, might arise. I found four baptisms Baptism in St. Nicholas RC church (Francis Street) 1846 – Maria Kenney of Michael Kenney and Elizabeth McDonnell with sponsors Philip Redmond and Elizabeth Mackey. 113
Baptism in St Andrew’s (Westland Row) 1848 – Patrick Kenny of Michael Kenny and Eliza (?) with sponsors Patrick Walsh and Mary Coleman. Baptism in St Andrew’s (Westland Row) 1851 – Michael Kenny of Michael Kenny and Eliza (?) with sponsors John Keating and Mary Coleman. Baptism in St Andrew’s (Westland Row) 1853 – Eliza Kenny of Michael Kenny and Eliza (?) with sponsors Eliza Mackey and William Mulhall. I also found the marriage of Maria (the only surviving child apart from Eliza) – Marriage in St Andrew’s (Westland Row) on 9 June 1875 of Michael Elwood, (father John Elwood), 49 Lower Dominick Street, Dublin to Maria Kenny (father Michael Kenny), 81 Lower Mount Street, Dublin with witnesses James Elwood and Martha Elwood. But there was an interesting aside to the above in relation to the death of Michael Kenny in 1875. It is noticeable that Maria, his daughter, got married on June 9th 1875 to Michael Elwood and both witnesses were Elwoods. This was a mere two weeks after her father’s death. The reason for this may be what gave rise to the resulting court-case regarding her father’s will. The late Michael’s wife, Eliza and the other living daughter, also Eliza, challenged his will in which he had left his ‘house of business’ to Maria. The Freeman’s Journal in various issues in November 1875 reported the case at length. The widow and Eliza claimed that the will was – ‘obtained by undue influence’ three months before the late husband and father had died. The daughter, now married, was given the business, stock-in-trade, book debts, and a sum of £300, and also the dwelling house, 81 Lower Mount Street, furniture, plate, etc., subject to an annual rent with a clause relating to the last bequest that his widow and youngest daughter should be allowed to reside there, the former during her life, and the later till she married or became a professed nun.’ The widow and Eliza claimed that an earlier will distributed the testator’s property much more equitably. They also claimed that the first draft of the will had been put in the fire by the daughter, Maria (later Elwood) because it gave ‘her mother too much power’. Another allegation by Eliza Kenny was that –
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‘her sister Maria told her that one night while the testator (the father) was lying helpless in bed she (Maria) put a mask on her face and suddenly entered his room, and that next day he became speechless. This was also denied by Mrs. Elwood, who admitted she had bought a mask, but said she wore it only to startle her intended husband, Mr. Elwood ; and she never, she asserted, told her sister that her father saw the mask, and she alleged, as a matter of fact, that no such incident occurred.’ The other side also claimed that Mrs. Elwood was ‘addicted to drink, was frequently under its influence, and that she treated her mother with great disrespect.’ This was answered by the Elwood side ‘who charged that Mrs. Kenny neglected her husband, left him in his last illness entirely to the care of Mrs. Elwood, that she compelled the latter to be a domestic drudge, and finally that she did all she could to break off the intended marriage of her daughter to Mr. Elwood, because he was not a ‘grocer’.’ Mrs. Elwood also said she had dyspepsia and was obliged to use brandy in ‘moderate quantities’ under medical supervision. The jury took 15 minutes to find that the deceased knew and approved of the will and that it was duly executed and it had not been obtained by ‘undue influence’. And so the case by the widow of Michael Kenny and ‘my’ Eliza concluded – they lost. But nothing of obvious interest arose from this court case expect a reference to a previous will and to the fact that the testator’s two brothers were appointed guardians – they, unfortunately, were not named ! But on continuing the search it revealed the rather amazing fact that another marriage of a Michael Kenny and Elizabeth McDonnell took place in 1863. This had me confused for some time as I presumed that the dates were incorrect but not so and, indeed, the new addresses simply proved that there was a marriage between people of the same name which had happened about 20 years apart! Whether they were related to the original Kennys or McDonnells cannot be proven – at least not by me but given the different addresses it would seem unlikely although the witness in the marriage mentioned below was called, strangely enough, Eliza Kenny ! So could this, in fact, be a link between the families ? Is this James Kenny, whose son is Michael Kenny, a brother of Michael Kenny of Lower Mount Street ? Who knows !
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Marriage in St Andrew’s (Westland Row) on 16 August 1863 of Michael Kenny (father James Kenny), 8 South King Street and Eliza MacDonnell (father Edward MacDonnell), 3 Lad Lane, Dublin with witnesses Thomas Gasnell and Eliza Kenny. The children of this marriage were – Baptism in St Andrew’s (Westland Row) in 1865 of John Kenny, 8 L King Street of Michael Kenny and Elizabeth McDonnell with sponsors James Kenny and Kate Kenny. Baptism in Michael & Johns on 9 September 1867 of Michael Kenny, 24 Whitefriar Street, Dublin of Michael Kenny and Eliza McDonnell with sponsors William Rorke and Alice Mulranny. Baptism in St. Michael & John’s) Essex Quay on 12 January 1872 of Thomas Joseph Kenny, 7 Longford Street of Michael Kenny and Elizabeth McDonnell with sponsors John Heney and Anne Rankin. Baptism in St Andrew’s (Westland Row) of Mary Ellen Kenny, 13 South King Street, in 1875 of Michael Kenny and Elizabeth McDonnell with sponsors Daniel Donnelly and Catherine McDonnell. But nothing obvious or useful came from all this research except that I had simply found Eliza Kenny’s family and also showed that the Maria McDonnell buried in the Kenny grave was Michael Kenny’s mother-in-law who was born circa 1784 – which might be of interest to anyone chasing up that particular family. The other interesting fact was the marriage of Maria Kenny to Michael Elwood and it was this family that carried on the business after Michael Kenny’s death. However, Maria Teresa Elwood, then aged 31, died in 1877 shortly after her father. Michael Elwood seemed to leave the business long before 1890 as the Valuation Office records show a transfer to Thomas Meleady around 1892. And, finally, the death and burial of Eliza Kenny herself – GRO death record - 2 May 1917 - Elizabeth Kenny, spinster, Lady, aged 63, 22 Harrington Street, informant Mary McGrane (?) same address. Glasnevin Cemetery – Eliza Kenny buried in grave Dublin VD20.5 – date of death 2 May 1917 age 63 of 22 Harrington Street, Dublin. 116
Her resting place is beside the Kenny grave (VD20) but, as she seems to be the last of the Kennys, she is not mentioned in the inscriptions on the memorial. All the above showed no connection with Reillys in any way. Not one address linked the Reilly and Kenny families nor did any of the names connected with the Kennys (sponsors or witnesses bar one) have any relevance to Reillys either. So why did Eliza Kenny, six years after being a sponsor at baptism to Daddy in 1892, offer to pay 2/- per week for him in an orphanage ? Was she just a charitable person who could afford this sort of commitment but she was also keeping an eye on Bridget and found her a job in 1906 when she was 16 and could leave the orphanage. This meant that Eliza’s connection with the Reillys had lasted 14 years suggesting some stronger bond than just a neighbourly interest in the children. So I decided to continue looking for any possible connection between the family names and, for what it is worth, the following are just some of the results – all rather useless in my search, in fact ! Marriage of Thomas Reilly and Catherine Kenny in St. Paul’s RC church, Arran Quay, on 12 February 1804 with witnesses James and Ruth Kenny. Birth of Bridget Fannin on 22nd May 1815 to James Fannin and Judith Fannin with baptismal sponsors Edward Reilly and Mary Fannin – Clontarf church. Birth on 10 November 1822 of Joseph Reilly to Thomas and Catherine (Kenny) with sponsors Robert Kenny and Mary Keogh at St. Paul’s RC church, Arran Quay. Marriage of Thomas Rielly of 13 Eccles Lane Upper to Ellen Ferren on 1st December 1881 at St. Paul’s RC church, Arran Quay. Marriage of James Fannin of 41 Pleasants Street to Mary Jane Plummer otherwise Smith of 50 Bride Street on 7 March 1896 in St. Werburgh’s COI church. Note that the bride’s address in the last marriage above is where Daddy’s brother Peter was born in 1894 and where Bridget Reilly (formerly Fannin), widow aged 70, died in 1893 – coincidence, perhaps ? But it was in the St. Werburgh’s Church of Ireland parish. This couple later had a child Mary Anne Victoria born 22 April 1897 at the same address.
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And the final bit of confusion – Marriage in Harrington Street RC church on 10 November 1910 of John Tobin (father John Tobin and mother Elizabeth nee Reardon) of 15 Curzon Street to Josephine Frances Kenny (father Joseph Kenny and mother Margaret nee O’Reilly of 36b McKenzie Street, Liverpool) of 1 Lombard Street with witnesses Sylvester Reilly, 39 Daniel Street and Margaret Kenny, 36 McKenzie Street, Liverpool. As it happens a Sylvester Reilly lived in numbers 1, 1a and 2 George’s Place around the time James Reilly got married from 7 George’s Place in 1881 but with no proven connection to James apart from the address.3 However, a Thomas Reilly did live at number 7 at that time although I have been unable to prove beyond doubt any connection to ‘my’ Reillys ! So is the connection with Fannin or Fanan – Daddy’s grandmother’s surname – and Kenny, who was his baptismal sponsor, etc., rather than between Reilly and Kenny? I can find no connection between Kennys and Reillys that would explain Eliza Kenny’s continued interest in Daddy (George Joseph) and his sister, Bridget. And, of course, another little oddity was that in the 1911 Census an Eliza Kenny, retired grocer, aged 58, was living with a family called Fenning at 28 Curzon Street. The age of Eliza and her occupation (which may be a reflection of the family business) seems right. Was Fenning a variation of Fannin perhaps? Ah ! Who knows ! Yet Eliza died at 22 Harrington Street in 1917 so… ?! So the article might be more appropriately entitled ‘Who was Eliza Kenny and why was she interested in the Reillys’ ! The mystery remains !!
3
See my article ‘History of George's Place and the Reillys’, DLGS Journal 1999, Vol.8, No.3. 118
PETER BYRNE (1874-1962)1 A Link with the Anaconda Copper Mines in Montana Roisin Lafferty Butte, one time the county town of Silver Bow in the state of Montana, USA was for much of the late 19th and the early 20th centuries, one of the larger cities west of the Mississippi. It developed as a mining town, with the Anaconda mining company being the dominant industry. In the late 1800s this thriving Anaconda copper mining industry attracted flocks of migrant workers who hoped to become millionaires. The Irish formed a large portion of those fortune hunters. By the year 1900, 26% of the population of Butte was Irish. It was a wellknown fact that Marcus Daly, known as the Copper king, whose origins were in Ballyjamesduff, Co Cavan, had a preference for Irish labour especially those from within a few miles of his birthplace. News of work in the mines spread relatively quickly, mainly by the network of letters back home. Correspondence to the homeland was frequently read by the entire community, and although the danger of the mines was often mentioned, letters from emigrants transformed the polluted air of Butte mining areas into a millionaire's paradise and thus "green hills far away". Chain migration was prominent. Like many of their contemporaries, four of my five maternal granduncles2 (Peter, Mike, Paddy and Jack Byrne of Lisdoonan3, Carrickmacross, Co Monaghan), were links in that emigration chain. There were several reasons why they went. Push and pull factors aided emigration, stories of untold riches and a better life encouraged them to exchange rural farm life in 1
The name was pronounced Bern in the neighbourhood of Carrickmacross. Their remaining brother Tommy intended to raise his fare to join his siblings by the sale of a trap which he made for his parents but his plans were upset when the parents gave it to his sister Molly as a wedding present on her marriage to Tom Malone in the early 1900s. 3 Maps of Lisdoonan and Carrickmacross are available on Google maps. Lisdoonan church can be seen on the Monaghan churches page on Flickr. 2
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their native parish to seek their fortune in Anaconda. Peter (known as Pete) was the first of the family to go. He was the eldest of eight siblings4, born 11th November, 1873 to Thomas Byrne and Brigid Murphy at Lisdoonan, a townland in Donaghamoyne parish on the Shirley Estate5 in south county Monaghan, Ireland. Although Shirley had many shortcomings he was said to be a good landlord. Peter's early years are not well documented. We know that he was baptised in Donaghmoyne parish, attended school in Lisdoonan, and grew up among his extended family. Memories of the great famine lingered and there was still little excessive wealth. During the early 1870s improvement in the economy meant the banks were lending more. Shirley's land agent boasted that the inhabitants of his Farney Estate (South Monaghan) were more prosperous than ever before. Following a bad harvest in 1879, due to dreadful weather, many were unable to meet their loan or rent payments and evictions were commonplace. To make matters worse, an outbreak of foot and mouth disease in 1881 wiped out the farm animals which were intended to provide money for the rent. The newly formed Land League was prominent in the locality from 1880. There was plenty of work to be done on Byrne's Lisdoonan farm. Young Peter became well known for his expertise with horses and farm work. His father, old Tom Byrne, to whom my mother referred as "Granja Tom," (said to have been somewhat gruff), leased 29 acres of good quality land on the Shirley Estate and kept a fine team of workhorses. The family was highly respected in the parish for resourcefulness and their devotion to their church and country. In those times it was customary for many of the local farmers to collect their coal by horse and cart from Dundalk Docks, a distance of approximately twelve miles. Family legend tells that on his return journey from one such trip to Dundalk, Peter stopped to speak to a young lady named Emma Eakins 6 and gave her a bucket of coal off his cart. Old Tom Byrne, who heard the story from one of the farm hands, was incensed to hear of his son mixing with this young lady. In fact, he was "ripping mad" and following a family row, Peter left his work, tied up the horses, “crossed the ditch� without a good bye to any of the family and never came back. Family said he "ran away". His mother and siblings must have been devastated when they discovered he had gone to 4
The others were Michael (1876-1947), Patrick (Paddy) died 1959, Thomas (1878-1978), Brigid (1880-1974), John aka Jack (1885-1941), Mary (Molly) and Catherine (Kate) 5 This area was known as Farney 6 According to the 1901 Census of Ireland, the Eakins family lived at Rahans, Donaghmoyne, not far from Carrickmacross, Co. Monaghan. When this research began, I was told that Emma Eakins lived somewhere in the Carrickmacross/Donaghmoyne area. 120
America. The departure may not have been as dramatic as tradition tells. Thoughts about emigrating were already planted in the heads of many young men in the area by a neighbour, Francis McNally, who was on vacation from the Anaconda "smelter" just at that time. Peter Byrne had probably considered emigrating, but by leaving home he would lose his inheritance (in those years the farm would pass to the eldest son). If he remained on the land, he would have to wait until all his siblings were settled in life before he could marry, or if he couldn't find a wife to his parent's liking he would have to wait for their death. So, in fact, if a prospective wife was not acceptable to them, he could forget about marriage altogether. Some emigrated with the intention of saving enough in the mines to come back home and buy a holding independently of their parents. If, as legend says, Peter did have a dispute with his father, it was probably the push he needed to leave home. Proof of his departure was revealed on the Ellis Island ship's manifest, where Peter, with one piece of luggage in his possession, was accompanied on the voyage by a number of young people from the locality. Leaving from Liverpool via Queenstown aboard the Teutonic on May 13th, 1896, his companions were four neighbours, Patrick McNally (30), labourer; Owen Cumiskey (20), labourer; Francis Daly (24), labourer; and Francis McNally (25) a "smelter" in the USA, together with at least one young lady from the Broomfield/Lisdoonan area. All were neighbours whose names were prominent in Donaghmoyne parish, and all the men were “en route� for the copper mines of Anaconda. Francis McNally, returning from his Irish vacation, had apparently convinced these young men to emigrate with a promise of high earnings in the copper smelter. A sense of adventure and excitement, no doubt, dulled the long tiresome sea trip across the Atlantic to New York, plus the further train journey across North America. On arrival in Butte7, Byrne found employment in Daly's smelter works. It was not long until he became well known for his organising abilities and was soon involved in religious, political and social activities among his many relatives, friends and neighbours from back home. His name frequently appeared in the social columns of the local Anaconda Standard8 newspaper. Societies such as the Gaelic League, the Robert Emmets, the Ancient order of Hibernians, and the Knights of Columbanus were prominent in the mining town. All these groups: (a) Assisted arriving immigrants in finding work and lodgings (b) Maintained an Irish spirit in the area and (c) Raised funds for the "Cause" back home. 7
Thanks to Tracy Cook and Lorene Frigaard in Montana library who assisted with my research. 8 A neighbour named Daly was working with the Anaconda newspaper and contributed lots of interesting news for those from the Carrickmacross area. 121
Soon others from the home parish of Donaghmoyne arrived in the area. Pete's younger brother Michael (Mike) arrived in Montana in 1899 and found work in the nearby Leonard Mine not far from Butte. Another brother Patrick (Paddy) came to the ACM (smelter works) as a smelterman a year or two later. Tom Byrne (known to the family as Long Tom) who was a second cousin 9, (was involved in organising the Irish Brigade and fought in the Boer war) arrived from the Transvaal in 1902. Tom was an explosives expert in the ACM for a number of years too. Peter Byrne's maternal uncle, Peter Murphy left his wife and 10 children back at Cornaslieve, Lisdoonan to earn money to pay back a loan, which, legend tells, was arranged with the blacksmith, Pat Woods 10 of Tusker, Co Monaghan. Murphy's two sons arrived, Pat and Pete along with his two nephews, John and Pete Cunningham from Moneyglen, (Alice Murphy Cunningham's sons). They were followed by Jack Byrne, the youngest of the Byrne brothers, who arrived in summer 1911. There were extended “relatives� too, the Dalys, Cooneys, Callans, Wards, Keenans, at least three of the McKevitt ladies, Slevins, Gartlans, Burns, Finnegans, Carraghers, McMahons, and Marrons, and many others from the home parish. Peter's address became a wellknown landmark for many of those from his native Donaghmoyne who arrived over the years hoping to become rich. By 1910, the US Census (January 7th) enumerated 37 year old Peter Byrne in a lodging house at East Park Avenue, Deer Lodge, as a "convertor" in the "Copper smelter". Miner's wages were good but work was hazardous. Dust and grime contributed to respiratory diseases and tuberculosis was common (Peter's youngest brother Jack got TB and returned to die in Ireland). There was scarcely a week without some fatal mining disaster and newspapers reported accidents constantly. Michael Byrne11 (Peter's brother) was very seriously injured in an explosion in the Leonard Mine in 1910, but miraculously recovered. Although the spinal injuries he endured remained with him for the rest of his life he continued as a watchman with the Anaconda Mining Company until his death in 1947. Despite his good looks and all his abilities, Peter remained single until 1911, 9
No documented proof has been found that "Long" Tom and Peter were second cousins but the link was a well-known family tradition. Recent DNA tests prove the families were related! 10 Pat Woods was an uncle in law of Peter Byrne's sister Brigid, who married Mickey Lennon, November, 1901. The loan was said to have been arranged on the day of the Byrne/ Lennon marriage. 11 Michael Byrne resided in Silver Bow in lodgings. According to his niece, Mary Lennon, he intended to return home when he retired but was prevented from doing so due to WWII constraints. He died in hospital April 20th, 1947. His death certificate was found on familysearch.org. A member of the Daly family from Bocks, a former neighbour from home, took care of his funeral and his estate. 122
when he and his former sweetheart, Emma Eakins12 (the girl who was the alleged reason of his hasty departure from home) were re-united in marriage in St Paul's RC church, Anaconda. The social and personal section of The Anaconda Standard13 Sept. 27th, 1911, reported that “A marriage licence was issued yesterday to Peter J Byrne of Anaconda and Emma Eakins. Both were born in Ireland. The bride came here recently from the East�. The society columns of The Anaconda Standard (Sept 28 th 1911 and October 1st 1911) printed a wedding announcement14 under the heading of Byrne/Eakins: On Wednesday morning, with nuptial high Mass at St. Paul's church, Peter J. Byrne of this city, and Miss Emma Eakins of Melrose, Mass. were united in marriage by the Rev. Father Michael Coopman. Mr Byrne is a well-known smelter man and the bride is a young lady of Melrose, Mass. The bride looked charming in a wedding gown of white satin, with Irish point lace. Her veil was held by a coronet of orange blossoms and she wore a bouquet of lilies-of-thevalley with white orchids. She was attended by her sister Rose Eakins, who wore a gown of white satin. She wore a bouquet of white roses. The bridegroom was attended by his brother, Pat Byrne. A large number of friends of the popular young couple witnessed the ceremony, after which, the wedding party repaired to the home of the bride's cousins, Mr. and Mrs. Owen Cooney15, 806 East 6th street, where an elaborate wedding breakfast was served. The happy couple Mr. and Mrs. Byrne took the morning train for Butte and will tour Yellowstone Park. After their return, they will be at home to their friends at their new residence on Pine Street. Emma Byrne gave birth to a daughter, who died at birth, a son named Joseph who died when he was about a year old, and two sons who survived, Thomas William Byrne, born December 14, 1917 and John (Jack) born June 14, 1920. While growing up, their father constantly reminded the boys that they would be well advised never to return to Ireland as it was full of poverty and slavery. Despite his opinion, Peter never forgot those at home and constantly remitted 12
The extended Eakins family was located in Rahans, Donaghmoyne, in the 1901 Census of Ireland. The legend that Peter Byrne sent Emma her fare to America seems a bit distorted here, as she and her sister Rose emigrated to Melrose, Mass in 1902, while the extended Eakins family joined them there in 1904. 13 Courtesy of Genealogy Bank 14 The two announcements have been combined here. 15 Not much is known about the Cooney family except that Mrs. Cooney was formerly Gartlan from Lisdoonan Ireland, a niece of Emma's mother, Catherine (Margaret) Gartlan Eakins. According to the Anaconda Standard newspaper, one son was born to Owen and Mrs. Cooney on May 20, 1916. 123
dollars to help his parents and later in life assisted his siblings. At that time, home entertaining was the trend in the Anaconda mining community and there were constant visitors to the Byrne home. Elderly Aunt Alice Cunningham (nĂŠe Murphy) came all the way from Moneyglen, Donaghmoyne, Ireland to visit her brother Peter Murphy and her two sons John and Peter Cunningham in 1913 (then departed for New York). Following Uncle Peter's (Murphy) death in his cabin in 1913, his wake and funeral took place from the Byrne residence. When both Cunningham brothers died tragically, (within 12 months of each other 1913 & 1914) Peter organised their funerals. Over the early 1900s a Daly man from Bocks was involved in the management of the Anaconda Newspaper and made sure that the Lisdoonan news was a frequent feature. A snippet in the Social column of the Anaconda Standard, 14th April 1920, revealed that George Eakins16 and his son of Boston, Mass., were in the city visiting the home of Mr Eakin's daughters, Mrs. Nick Kelly and Mrs. P.J. Byrne. By the 1920 US Census, 43 year old "Pater" (probably known as "Peadar" the Gaelic version of Peter) Byrne a "labourer in the Smelter" was living at 412 West 4th Street, Deer Lodge, with his 34 year old wife Emma and their 2 year old son Thomas William. City directories show that the Byrne family were residing at the same address until 1947 and made their home there for almost half a century. During that time their sons attended college in California and on their graduation in the early 1940s both enlisted in the US navy. Following his retirement as foreman at the Anaconda Reduction Works, Peter sold the family home. Emma and he moved to California17 but found it difficult to adapt to their new way of life, and missing their old friends, they moved back to Montana. But not for long, things had changed while they were away so they eventually moved back to Stockton, California where they spent their final years.
16
It is of interest that George Eakins remained in Deer lodge with his two daughters, and died there 2thMarch, 1930. 17 He intended to spend his remaining years with his two sons but following military service Tom and Jack only stayed in California for a short time. Due to business commitments they moved elsewhere. 124
Death of Emma Byrne 18 Mrs. Emma Byrne, 79, former widely known resident of Anaconda, died Tuesday morning following an illness in an Oakland, Calif., hospital. She was a resident of Stockton, Calif., since 1945. Mrs. Byrne was born in Ireland (Shanco, Carrickmacross, Co. Monaghan) on Aug. 30, 1879, and came to Anaconda as a young woman. She and her husband, Peter J. Byrne, who survives, lived in the 400 block on West Fourth street for almost a half-century. They moved to California after he retired from a position as foreman in the Anaconda Reduction Works. Other surviving relatives include sons, Thomas W. Byrne of Oakland, and John J. Burne (sic) of Norbeth, Pa; sister, Mrs. Rose Kelly of Oakland; brother, George Akins of Boston, Mass., and three grandchildren. The body is being forwarded to the Finnegan Co. Funeral Home and is expected to arrive Friday. Requiem mass will be celebrated Saturday at 9 a.m. in St. Paul Church, and burial will be in the family plot in Mount Olivet Cemetery. Many friends were in attendance Saturday at funeral19 of MRS. EMMA BYRNE, who died Monday in Oakland, Calif. The requiem Mass was celebrated by the Rev. M.M. Beatty and responses were sung by the church choir. Floral offerings were numerous. Father Beatty said committal prayers at the grave in Mount Olivet Cemetery. The Finnegan Co. Funeral Home was in charge. Active pallbearers were: Patrick Murphy, Thomas Ryan, Harry Ward, William Flynn, Thomas J. McCarvel and John Walsh. Honorary pallbearers included: Daniel McCarthy, Harry M. Johnson, Charles A. Lemmon, William Fedderson, Samuel Strizich, John Boskovich, Henry Murphy, Alphonse Bilodeau, John McMahon, Ira Gnose, Patrick Haffey, Eugene Hamill, Jack L. White, M.S. McDermott, Everett Magness, Hugh Maguire and Thomas Murphy. Death of Peter Byrne20 BYRNE, Peter J., died 19 Jan 1962, at 88 years of age, beloved husband of the late Emma Byrne loving father of' Thomas W. Byrne of Oakland and John J. Byrne of Canton, Ohio; brother of Thomas Byrne of Coventry, England, also leaves two21 sisters in Ireland; father-in-law of Mrs Florence Byrne, grandfather of Katharine, Lael and Marilyn Byrne of Canton, Ohio. He was a native of lreland and a member of Anaconda Council Knights of Columbus, Anaconda, Montana. The remains of Mr Byrnes22 will be forwarded to 18
"The Montana Standard" Butte, Montana, Wednesday, January 21, 1959. "The Montana Standard," Butte, Montana, Sunday, January 25, 1959. 20 The Oakland Tribune, January 20, 1962, The obituary was located by RAOGK volunteer Brenda Wiesner of 3138 Modoc Ct., Cameron Park, CA 95682, USA. 21 This should read three sisters in Ireland. 22 The name should be Byrne the same as in first line of the obituary. 19
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Anaconda, where funeral services will be held, followed by interment in the Anaconda Catholic Cemetery. The Fruitvale Chapel of the Clarence N Cooper Mortuaries, 1580 Fruitvale Avenue is in charge of local services (Phone KE 3 4114) The funeral23 of Peter J. Byrne, who died in Oakland, Calif., was held Tuesday morning (in Anaconda) proceeding from the Finnegan Co. Funeral Chapel to St. Paul's Church where requiem Mass was celebrated. The Rev. William Garrity was the celebrant. Pall bearers were: Patrick Murphy, Thomas F. Ryan, Harry Ward, William Flynn, Thomas J. McCarvel and John Walsh. Burial was in the family plot in Mount Olivet Cemetery with Father Garrity officiating. (It was strange that Emma and Peter both died on January 19th).
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Freemans Journal 09 Nov 1899 TRIPE BOILING IN MOORE STREET In the Northern Police Court yesterday Mrs Union was summoned at the instance of the Corporation for carrying on at premises at the back of Moore street the business of tripe-boiling, which was alleged to be injurious to health. Sir Charles Cameron, City Analyst, had certified that what was complained of was a nuisance and injurious to health. Mr Rice appeared for the Corporation. Mr EA Ennis (instructed by Mr MT Brady) appeared for the defendant. Mr Webb proved the giving of the certificate, and that the complaints had been frequently made of the nuisance. Mr Ennis said that the whole thing was due to a complaint of Mr Canty, TC, because Mr Union refused to vote for him, and that no complaint was made before the elections (laughter). Mr Mahony said the very name of boiled tripe was a nuisance. The defendant vehemently protested against her business being interfered with. A fine of 10s was inflicted, but subsequently the case was allowed to stand for a week pending an arrangement being come to with the Corporation.
23
"The Montana Standard Post," published in Butte, Montana, Wednesday, January 24, 1962. 126
BALLYNACREEVA CEMETERY, SEEFIN, CRAUGHWELL, CO GALWAY Steve Dolan In recent years, following the outstanding work of the archaeologist Robert M Chapple, the gravestone inscriptions at both Killogilleen and Killora in Craughwell, Co Galway have been published. While both graveyards have headstones from the seventeenth century, the earliest fully inscribed headstones in both actually date to the mid-to-late eighteenth century. Chapple’s work also provides a high level of detail and includes information on the vocational gravestones within the cemeteries, which he has expanded upon since. The third graveyard in the Craughwell area is that of ‘Ballynacreeva’ (apparently meaning the town of the branchy tree). It is located in Seefin townland in Killogilleen civil parish, and also borders Killogilleen townland (which includes the other mentioned graveyard) to the south. The fact that Ballynacreeva is right on the border with Kilconickny / Clostoken parish (Knockroe townland) and on the border between the ancient kingdoms of Uí Fiachrach Aidhne and the Uí Maine is most interesting. This pre-occupation with boundary in graveyards was related to the belief that physical divisions in a way marked a state between this world and the next. As a result of modern dioceses mimicking ancient territories, the graveyard is also on the diocesan border between Clonfert and the modern diocese of Galway.
While it is never easy to be specific in stating the period within which many churches were in use, this challenge is doubly difficult here given the fact that unlike Killogilleen, records appear to be very scant. In many of the standard 127
records and maps, Seefin is noted as having the ‘ruins of an Abbey and a graveyard’ with little information beyond same. Indeed the site is omitted from many records and maps. The church though is clearly that of a standard early medieval design and is typical of many of the older churches and burial grounds in the area, with nearby Kilconickny (GSI Journal, Vol.12, 2011) being perhaps most comparable. In terms of location, Seefin townland is best-known in Galway and beyond as being the site of the 1820 hanging of Anthony Daly ('captain of the Whiteboys'), one of the leaders of the Ribbonism movement in Galway. Seefin is also known for its towerhouse, part of which can be seen from the main LoughreaCraughwell road as one travels toward Craughwell village. The towerhouse, which partially collapsed in recent years, is located just one field to the northwest of the graveyard. Being a de Burgo stronghold (Richard McVllig, a pseudonym for Burke, held same in 1574) may explain both the location and the benefactor of the church. Ballynacreeva remains almost exactly as it was almost two hundred years ago when referenced in the 1838 Ordnance Survey Letters: “in Seefin townland there is a graveyard in which are visible the west gable of a church reduced to the height apparently of eight or nine feet; and a portion of the south sidewall, reduced to the height of six feet in the highest part, attached to it. The gable is 18 feet broad, and the part of the south side wall standing is eight feet in length. The whole length of the Church was 54 feet, as is ascertainable by the part remaining of the walls, and by the vestiges of the part of them that was demolished. The door, it appears, was on the south side-wall, but at what distance from the west gable it stood, cannot with certainty be stated. It was not, however, closer than ten or twelve feet to it”. The graveyard is broadly ‘milk bottle’ shaped, narrowest near the road, and stands a hundred yards or so in from the secondary road. The church ruins lay in the north-west (elevated) corner of the graveyard. In addition to the inscribed stones, there are numerous, well-apportioned un-inscribed flags (some of which have fallen). Unlike the graveyards at Killogilleen and Kilconickny however, the un-inscribed stones here are aligned in rows and have evidently been worked, and so are smoother. An example of these stones is pictured left.
The following are the inscription details from the eleven inscribed stones which stand within the graveyard. The details given are the name of the deceased person, the date or year of death (in one case only the year, and in another the month and year are noted), and any additional information available.
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Deceased (age)
Death Date Additional Info – Relation, Date of Death (Age), etc.
Annie Corban (43)
08/03/1910 Erected by husband John. Located toward front of church ruins. 07/10/1828 Alias Kain. Erected by her husband William. Large rectangular headstone at south-west of church 13/09/1833 Also her mother Brid alias Neylan. Erected by her father Patrick. 18/05/1827 Erected by wife Catherine. Wide rectangular headstone at far (south-west) wall in line with church gable. 06/01/1826 Erected by his wife Mary and son Michael. Headstone is in good order considering age. 1912 Also, wife: Ellen 1932. Also, Delia 1947, Pat 1954, John 1958 & Michael 1975. Also, Michael’s wife Mary 1978, and their daughter Evelyn. Headstone is inside church. 17/03/1944 Also, wife Brigid (84) 18/02/1951, daughter Agnes (91) 25/07/2000 and son: Patrick (22) 28/07/1921. Lissinena. 02/08/1965 And his wife Nora (73) 24/12/1971. Knockroe. Marble headstone. 04/01/1836 Erected by wife Catherine. Located toward south-east corner of church. 09/1844 Erected by wife Mary alias Fahy and sons Michael and John. Knocked headstone facing upwards. 06/03/1900 Also, wife Mary (64) 24/12/1902. Erected by daughter Margaret. Headstone located inside church.
Mary Farrell (58) Brid Foard (18) James Hynes (61) Peter Hynes (66) Liam O’Farrell
Patrick Power (79)
Thomas Tuohy (65) Mark Walsh (29) Pat Walsh (57) Patrick Walsh (74)
An Anchorage in Dublin (Wrth Angor yn Nulyn): The History of Bethel, the Welsh Chapel in Talbot Street, Dublin by Huw Llewelyn Williams (19041979) (Translated by his son Meirion Llewelyn Williams) With a forward by Aled Eames, Genealogical Society of Ireland 2012. Price €6 Originally published in 1968, this book offers a unique history of a Welsh Methodist Chapel which was built in Talbot Street, in Dublin, in 1838. The book sets out a century of history and recollections of the times, the people and the eventual closing and transferring of the Chapel to Wales. Included are the Registers of Marriages from 1892 to 1936 and Baptisms from 1839 to 1923 which took place in the Chapel.
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THE FLANAGAN FAMILY, MONAGHAN TO RHODE ISLAND Joyce Flanagan This is a brief story of a successful genealogical journey and the people who helped me along the way. My hometown: West Warwick, Rhode Island, USA I always knew that my Flanagan great grandparents were from Ireland but no one in my family had the details. Peter Flanagan, my great grandfather, was born in 1829. He died in 1905, forty-four years before I was born. His wife, Elizabeth Duffy Flanagan, my great grandmother, was born in 1834. She died in 1913, thirty-six years before I was born. Here in Rhode Island (USA) in the 1950s I grew up in the shadow of my great grandparents. For example, the building that housed their Dry Goods business was still in our family. Their former homes were still lived in by family. And a visit to the graveyard always included a visit to their graves. The details about Peter's life that I did know at that time included the names of his parents (James and Catherine), the approximate date of his emigration (1850), and his residence from 1850 until 1905 (here in Warwick, Rhode Island). Also, I knew the names, dates of birth and death of each of his four children: James, Francis Joseph, John and Margaret. My first connection: The Sunday Tribune newspaper article In the year 2000 I was handed a newspaper article from a Rhode Island newspaper, the Sunday Tribune, dated 5 March 1911 and I learned that Peter and Elizabeth were both from County Monaghan. I also learned for the first time that there was a Ballybay connection for many of the Irish families still living in our town. The newspaper article was the story of folks from townlands surrounding Ballybay who were recruited to work in the Clyde Bleachery located at that time in the County of Kent, Town of Warwick, in the State of Rhode Island. This migration from Ballybay to Rhode Island began about 1834. I was very familiar with the Clyde Bleachery since it was one of many old and mostly abandoned textile mills that dotted our community when I was a child. Sadly, from a hillside close to our home I had watched the Clyde Bleachery mill burn in the 1960s. Trip to Monaghan 2001 And so in the year 2001 my husband, Gary, and I travelled to Ballybay. There are four James Flanagan names listed on the 1861 Griffith's Valuation and six 130
Peter Flanagan names, so when we met with Peadar Murnane I was not surprised when he said that I would need more information to get started. As the day progressed I found that starting point and it was all due to good fortune. My husband and I walked around two cemeteries that day. In the cemetery at Sacred Heart Church near Lough Egish we met two women who asked if they could help us. It was quickly determined that their cousin, Helen Bannigan, who had lived in Rhode Island was the same Helen Bannigan whom I had known well as she was my mother's friend. Once that was settled and they learned about my Flanagan search they suggested that I visit with Margaret Flanagan who lived nearby in Tullynamalra. I walked to Margaret's home. Though Margaret was not at home that day, her son Kieran welcomed me and showed me their family tree. He and I agreed that the names did not match up but we enjoyed meeting each other and shared email addresses. By the end of my first day in County Monaghan I had met two people who would be pivotal in my future research: Peadar Murnane and Kieran Flanagan. Back in Rhode Island 2001-2010 During the ten years from 2001 until 2010 my research led me to the names of other siblings who had joined Peter and Elizabeth here in Rhode Island. I discovered dozens of second and third cousins. I identified the houses where they had lived. I searched for and discovered additional family graves. The paper files became mountainous. The electronic files filled the memory on my computer. But all this growth in my family tree was horizontal and in order to find Peter's father James I needed to move vertically back in time. Second visit to Monaghan 2010 The trip back in time began in July of 2010. I returned to Monaghan to visit with Kieran and to meet his mother, Margaret. Margaret had sent me words of encouragement each Christmas for many years. Margaret's sister, Roisin Lafferty had also communicated with me during those ten years with research hints and links to new resources. The day after I finally met Margaret in person, I also met Roisin for the first time. Roisin informed me that three men named Elliott with Rhode Island connections were due into Monaghan the following week to meet with Peadar Murnane. Peadar and Roisin had been talking and each of them believed it possible that these Elliott men were researching the same Flanagans that I had been researching. It seems that in the mid-1800s a James Elliott from Mullananalt had married a Margaret Flanagan also from Mullananalt. Making connections 2010-2012 Roisin connected John Elliott and myself in October of 2010. John's Elliott ancestors were from Mullananalt in County Monaghan and during his July 2012 131
visit to Monaghan he viewed the entry in the church registry for the 1858 baptism of his great grandfather, James Elliott, son of Margaret Flanagan of Mullananalt. Of further interest was that John Elliott also had a 1913 newspaper account of a James Flanagan Funeral in Pawtucket, Rhode Island. This James Flanagan, born 1839, had died on 31 December 1912 and the pallbearers listed were a Smith relative of John Elliott's and a John and a Francis Joseph Flanagan from Riverpoint in Rhode Island. Because they were identified as from Riverpoint, I knew beyond a shadow of a doubt that this John and Francis Joseph Flanagan were my grandfather and his brother respectively. This funeral account linking Flanagans in Rhode Island was a turning point for my search, and the goal now was to link this deceased James Flanagan in Pawtucket, Rhode Island to my Peter Flanagan in Riverpoint, in Warwick, Rhode Island (a distance of 18 miles). In our family there was a story from the 1970s about my father's brother, also named John Flanagan, who did some work in Pawtucket and was mistaken, due to physical resemblance, for a man named Flanagan in Pawtucket. For years our family shared that story and wondered if we had relatives in Pawtucket. I located James's death certificate in Pawtucket City Hall and noted that the names of his parents were "James and Kate". I knew that my Peter's parents were "James and Kate". I found an immigration record for this James. He arrived in 1873 as a widow with two boys: Peter born 1860 and Francis born 1862. I found them listed in the 1880 census in Warwick, Rhode Island living in very close proximity to my great grandfather Peter. I discovered that this James, born 1839, had married a second time to Mary Jane Ringland in Pawtucket, RI. In Pawtucket City Hall their marriage certificate once again verified the names of James's parents. John Elliott had researched this James Flanagan who was born in 1839. He had first married Ann Brady in 1861 in Lough Egish chapel. The church register also includes the baptism of their son Peter, born 1860, and son Francis, born 1862. The child Peter who was born in 1860 died in Pawtucket, RI in 1881. His death certificate in Pawtucket City Hall confirms that his parents were Ann Brady and James Flanagan. A visit to the Townland of Mullananalt, County Monaghan June 2012 John Elliott had completed his research in 2010 and he had visited the Elliott homeplace in Mullananalt. It is now the site of a windmill installation. Stones from the Elliott homeplace were used to face the utility shed for the windmills. 132
Prior to my own visit to Mullananalt in 2012, Roisin recommended that I do some additional research that would solidify the conclusions drawn by John Elliott and myself. So in June of 2012 Roisin and I went to the Land Valuation office in Dublin and searched the land records. We found that the land left the Flanagan family in 1873. That year matches the year of immigration for James who died in Pawtucket. The land then passed to Gaddis and Cawley and then to James Farmer and in the 1970s to the Keenan family. And so the very next day my husband, myself, and Margaret Flanagan were driven by Kieran Flanagan towards the townland of Mullananalt. I knocked on the door of Patricia Keenan's home with the information from the land valuation office in hand. Patricia said yes indeed her husband's family had purchased the land from James Farmer. And she said yes indeed there is a spot up the path called "Flanagan's Gap". Then with my 1861 Griffith's map in hand, and with Patricia's directions to pass two windmills and three gates, Kieran and myself and my husband Gary headed up the path hoping to find "Flanagan's Gap". I went over a gate into a field and scrambled down an incline. I found the ruins of a stone house. Later that evening Patricia Keenan's son Sean told me that was indeed Flanagan's house and had always been known to him as Flanagan's house at Flanagan's Gap. Back in Rhode Island my hale and hearty 97 year old father, Edward Paul Flanagan, anxiously awaited the photographs of his grandfather Peter Flanagan's homeplace. Future visits to Monaghan The research that led me to James Flanagan's home in Mullananalt now includes documentation that my great grandmother, Elizabeth Duffy Flanagan was the daughter of Terrence Duffy and Margaret Callahan Duffy who lived in Anveyerg, also in the parish of Aughnamullen in Monaghan. And so another visit will hopefully include a visit to her homeplace as well as another visit to Patricia Keenan and Sean Keenan who so warmly welcomed me to Mullananalt, and confirmed the local history that matched my genealogical findings. In summary, the driving force of this discovery was the people who helped me along the way. Thanks to Peadar Murnane, Kieran Flanagan, Margaret Flanagan, Roisin Lafferty, and John Elliott for their help and guidance. Persistence and online information fleshed out this discovery for me, but in the end it was my good fortune of meeting these people, and their help that made my discoveries possible.
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THE SEARCH FOR NATIONAL SCHOOL ROLLS BOOKS Steve Dolan As touched on in previous editions of this journal, one of the more neglected of the nineteenth and early twentieth century records are the school roll-books and registers. Indeed, given the handicap of the lost census of the nineteenth century, it is surprising that more focus has not been given to these records. The level of detail within the roll-books can vary but at a minimum they record the name of the pupil, and his / her age, pupil number and relevant class within the particular school. Additionally, the registers can sometimes detail the religion of the pupil, and their father's address and occupation. Despite the matter continuously being highlighted, the surviving records have neither been centralised, nor placed on a single database. Currently, partial records are held in the national archives for fewer than one hundred schools from the Department of Education records (see http://www.nationalarchives.ie/PDF/RollRegDeptEducation.pdf) with another hundred or so received from private donors (http://www.nationalarchives.ie/PDF/RollRegPrivateAccession.pdf). The grand total is 204, being just 3% of the national schools in the twenty-six counties from a century ago. No books at all are held for counties Clare or Limerick; with only 5 held for Galway and only 8 held for Cork! The contrast with the six counties where the PRONI holds more than 1,500 registers is stark! Clearly many of the school registers and roll books have not survived, however it is reasonable to assume that a great many of the remaining 97% have. While some are held in private ownership (often retained by retiring School Principals and Teachers as mementos), it is reasonable to assume that some may still be held by the Department of Education and their schools, or held by the various County Councils in undocumented archives. In terms of documented archives with local Councils, even a smaller county like Leitrim, in addition to the fourteen roll-books held in the national archives, hold the rolls and registers for more than seventy more. Sadly, the majority of other councils are less clear on, and one fears do not appear to even know, what school records they hold. While it may not be possible to centralise all records, at a minimum some effort should be made to create a database. In addition to the general roll books mentioned, special roll books are also sometimes available which add a new dimension for the researcher. These special rolls hold much of the same valuable information of genealogical interest, and also information in terms of specific coursework providing an interesting insight into the period. By way of example, the 'practical' subject of 134
'Cookery and Laundry Work' was established within the new curriculum of 1900, replacing 'Cookery' which had only been taught in a handful of (mainly convent) schools. In addition to teaching cleanliness, economy, and thrift, the subject provided instruction on how simple food could be made appetising and nutritious.
Initially the expense of equipment and materials was an obstacle to its introduction, however from as few as 261 participating schools in 1904, by 1910 almost 2,500 schools were teaching the subject. Above is the 'Roll for Cookery and Laundry Work' for St. Andrew’s National School, Kylebrack, Loughrea, Co Galway from just over a century ago (1911/12). Classes were taught each Wednesday (for 26 weeks) from 2pm for an hour and a half by Ms 135
Nora Deely under the authority of a Miss MacDonald. The roll-call lists 28 pupils, all girls, their class and the dates of their attendance. The great benefit of researching records that straddle census years as here is that it is relatively easy to pinpoint the specific townland and hence details and families of those listed. In this example, additional details of Mary Fahey (Burroge townland, aged 10 in 1911) to Katie Kennedy (Loughatorick, townland, aged 11) can be easily garnered on-line (http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/search/). Of additional interest to those wishing to dig beyond the dates and individuals is the 'syllabus of instruction' outlined on the inside cover of the books. Some detail the lessons taught on the specific days and note the teachings, from the basis of cleaning utensils and setting the table, to important instruction on the value of eggs and vegetables as food, on to the dangers of using impure water. And in addition to various cakes and buns, the range of meals taught in 1910 included instruction on cooking poached eggs and Irish stew. In truth, even separated by a century, the subject has not deviated from the more recent curriculum on Home Economics. One cannot help but wonder how many nine and ten year olds today could produce the dishes listed and explain the nutritional benefits of the foods being cooked! Sources: History of Irish Education from 1800 by Thomas Joseph Durcan (1972, Dragon Books, Wales) Roll for Cookery and Laundry Work with syllabus of instruction for Leitrim N.S. (Unpublished) ooooooOOOOOOoooooo NEW CD: Dlúthdhiosca Nua Memorial Inscriptions of Ireland Vol. 1 The first CD in the new series 'Memorial Inscriptions of Ireland' has just been published by the Genealogical Society of Ireland. The cemeteries covered in this CD are: St. John the Baptist Cemetery, Clontarf, Co. Dublin St. Canice's Cemetery, Finglas, Co. Dublin Moravian Cemetery, Whitechurch, Co. Dublin St. Peter's Churchyard, Bray, Co. Wicklow Knockcommon, Rosnaree and Tymoole Graveyards, Co. Meath Cemetery Maps Photo Galleries Search Facility This new CD is available for €10.00 including postage and packing worldwide.
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Cumann Geinealais na hÉireann Genealogical Society of Ireland Board of Directors 2012/2013 Cathaoirleach
Pádraic Ingoldsby, MGSI
Leas-Chathaoirleach & Director, Buildings & Utilities
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Séamus Moriarty, FGSI
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Senior Librarian
Fíona Tipple, MA, DipLib, ALAI, MGSI
Membership and further information on publications can be obtained from the General Secretary at – Genealogical Society of Ireland 11 Desmond Avenue Dún Laoghaire Co. Dublin Ireland
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Cumann Geinealais na hÉireann Genealogical Society of Ireland President Rory J. Stanley, FGSI Vice-Presidents James Davidson, FGSI Stuart Rosenblatt, PC, FGSI Maj. Gen. David, The O'Morchoe, OBE, FGSI Honorary Herald Andrew Tully, MBA, MAPM, FGSI President Emeritus Tony McCarthy, MA, FGSI College of Fellows (FGSI) Frieda Carroll, Joan Merrigan, Michael Merrigan, Seán Kane, Tony Daly, Liam Mac Alasdair, Barry O’Connor, James Davidson, Stuart Rosenblatt, Tony McCarthy, Brian Mitchell, Jim Herlihy, Rory J. Stanley, Séamus O’Reilly, Séamus Moriarty, The O’Morchoe, Andrew Tully and John Grenham. Genealogical Society of Ireland Ltd. Company limited by guarantee: Company Registration No. 334884 : Charity Registration No. CHY 10672 Registered Address: 11, Desmond Avenue, Dún Laoghaire, Co. Dublin, Ireland. Archive & Research Centre: An Daonchartlann, Carlisle Pier, Dún Laoghaire, Co. Dublin, Ireland. The Genealogical Society of Ireland is a voluntary organisation, with state registered charity status and is not a commercial research agency. The Society is devoted to the promotion of the study of genealogy, heraldry, social history and related subjects as open access educational leisure pursuits available to all.
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