Landmarks 2024

CoverArtbyRayahFlash

TheconstructionoftheGardinerExpresswaychangedToronto’slandscape.Thehighwaycut offneighbourhoodsfromthelakeandremovedrecreationalspacesconsideredprincipal amenitiestolocalcommunities.TheBentwayandmanyotherlocalorganizationshave reclaimedthespacebeneaththeexpresswayforpublicartandprogrammingtogivebackto Torontocommunities.ThecoverimageoftheunderpassmuralframingtheTorontoskyline exemplifieshowlocalorganizersreconcilewithlargeinfrastructurechangesinagrowingcity andreclaimspacesforthepublic.

Landmarks isfundedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety

Landmarks

TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography

Volume9(2024)

ManagingEditor

AlexanderMartin

Editor-in-Chief

CharnaPerman

EditorialBoard

JenniferCann

NickChan

PolinaGorn

JacquelineLo

MagnusRolandMarun

NatalieChanHeiChing

AmeliaCollet

PolinaGorn

LaurenMacDonald

MalaikaMitra

SabrinaMukhida

Contributors

SabrinaMukhida

CooperPrice

MioSugiura

IsabelThompson

TeaganSharrock

IsabelThompson

EmmalynTsang

JesseUptonCrowe

JaniceWalder

Kuan-WeiWu

SpecialThanksTo Dr.MatthewFarish

TheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)

landmarksjournal.geog.utoronto.ca

CONTENTS

Editorial-GeographiesofResilience:CommunityBuildinginSpace1 CharnaPerman

TheNewYorkCityHighLine:HowChelseaResidentsused IndustrialScrapstoAccidentallyForceouttheirNeighbours3 IsabelThompson

“¡QueVivaLoisaida!¡QueVivaChino!¡QueVivaCHARAS!” AnAnalysisofCommunityResistancetoGentrificationandNeoliberalism at ElBohio/CHARASCulturalCommunityCenterfrom1979toPresent7 LaurenMacDonald

TheMetabolismofPolytetrafluoroethylene:ACaseStudyAnalysis ofForeverChemicalsinNorthBay13 MalaikaMitra

TheNatureofRacialisedBarrierstoAccessingUrbanGreenSpaceinToronto17 JaniceWalder

ATorontoVitalSign:TheEffectsofMigrationPatternsand Land-UsePoliciesontheTorontoHousingCrisis23 PolinaGorn

ColonialRelationswithintheEmpire:CopCity’sUndemocratic ImpositiononUnincorporatedDeKalbCounty29 AmeliaCollet

DisposableFaceMasks:AnExaminationoftheCommodityChain35 Kuan-WeiWu

ACommonsforWho?Encampments,theHousingCrisis andLearningtoResistintheEraofCOVID-1941 JesseUptonCrowe

AnEvaluationofNeoliberalism’sImpactonUrbanPlanninginOrdos,China intheContextofChina’sHistoricallySocialistPlanningPrinciples47 EmmalynTsang

RevitalisingNeighbourhoods:UrbanPlanning’sImpactsonActive Transportation—RailwayLandsWestCaseStudy53 NatalieChanHeiChing

ModernTreatyFederalism:ARealizationofSettler-IndigenousCo-Polities61 TeaganSharrock

Dubai:ALandscapeofConsumptionandExploitation65 SabrinaMukhida

Landmarks:TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography 9(2024),1-1

Editorial-GeographiesofResilience:CommunityBuildinginSpace

CharnaPerman1

1 DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto,100St.GeorgeSt.,Toronto,ON,M5S3G3

TheEditorialBoardisproudtopresenttheninth volumeof Landmarks:TheJournalofUndergraduate Geography.Thisyear’sissuebeautifullyillustrates thebreadthofthediscipline,andcentresaroundthe themeofgeographiesofresilienceandreconciliation, showcasinghowspacesmaybeadaptedintoplaces forall.

Ourarticlesmeetattheconvergenceofvarious sub-disciplinesofgeography,thoughwithaparticularfocusonourcurrentconjunctureandtheimpacts ofneoliberalismincreatingplace.Urbangeographies ofresilienceareexploredinNewYork,showcasingthe contestedcityspaceasemerginginthefaceofgentrification.Environmentalgeographymeetsurban geographywiththestudyof‘ForeverChemicals’in NorthBayandthestudyofracializedbarrierstourbangreenspaceinToronto.Authorsalsoexploreorganizingeffortsaddressingthosewhoaredisempoweredwithinthecityspacewithsolidaritymovements emergingtoremakethecityaswelcominginterms ofaccessiblehousing,anddemilitarization.Forging resilienceinresponsetotheCOVID-19pandemichas alsobeencreativelysurveyed,witharticlesanalyzing organizingeffortswithrespecttoencampmentsfor theunhoused,andthedisruptedcommoditychainfor disposablefacemasks.Articlesjuxtaposingdisparate resultsfromalternativeurbanplanningapproaches areshowcased;withananalysisofthepositivedevelopmentoftheRailwayLandsWestneighbourhood inToronto,andthefailureoftheneoliberalplanning approachinOrdos,China.Thetangibleeffectsofthe productionofspaceforthosemarginalizedhavebeen exploredbothwithinCanadaandabroad.Historically,Canada’snation-buildingeffortshaveeroded Indigenoussovereignty,thusanation-to-nationap-

© 2024TheAuthor.PublishedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)attheDepartmentof GeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto.

proachisproposedasapathtowardreconciliation andIndigenousself-determination.Thatthecreation ofspacemayindeedbedestructiveisalsoexploredin regardstothecultivationofDubai’sutopianimage, whichconcealsthesocialstratificationunderlyingthe city’sdevelopment.

Initsessence,thisvolumeinvitesthereaderto useageographicallenstoexaminespacenotaspassiveinhabitantsbutasactorswhoplayacriticalrole increatingspacesopenforall.Whilegeographyis thestudyofspace,whatweareoftenstudyingis place,whichrefersspecificallytothesocialconceptionsandunderstandingswehaveinvestedinaparticularspace.Inunderstandingspaceasexistingas criticallyentwinedwithsocialstructures,wemayengageinthecreativemodeofplacemaking.Resilience inthiscontextimpliesretainingafundamentalcore identityinthefaceofadversity;itisthroughempoweringsaidresiliencethatreconciliationemerges.

Thisyearsawthehighestnumberofarticlessubmittedinthejournal’shistory,andwewouldliketo thankallthestudentswhosubmittedpapersforconsideration.Ourteamwasimpressedbythetalent displayedbyallwhosharedtheirwork.Thisjournal wouldnothavebeenpossiblewithoutthecountless contributionsofoureditors,whosehardworkinthe midstofabusysemesterassuredthequalityofthis publication.Aspecialthankyouiswarrantedforour managingeditor,AlexanderMartin,whoseextraordinaryorganizationskillsfacilitatedthecollaboration oftheeditorialteamandauthors.Wewouldalso liketothankDr.MatthewFarishandtheToronto UndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)forsupportingthepublication,andespeciallyinensuring thatourcallsforsubmissionswerecirculatedacross thedepartment.

Sincerely,

CharnaB.Perman, Editor-in-Chief

Thispageintentionallyleftblank

Landmarks:TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography 9(2024),3-6

TheNewYorkCityHighLine:HowChelseaResidents usedIndustrialScrapstoAccidentallyForceouttheirNeighbours

IsabelThompson1

1 DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto,100St.GeorgeSt.,Toronto,ON,M5S3G3

ABSTRACT:TheNewYorkCityHighLinegraceswesternManhattanasanelevatedpark, symbolizingthecity’sresilienceinthefaceofpotentialdestructioninthelate20thcentury.The FriendsoftheHighLineproudlycelebratetheurbanoasis’profoundimpactonthesurrounding neighbourhoods.Strikingarchitecture,retrofittedfactorybuildings,andtheHudsonYardsluxuryshopsdefinetheHighLinelandscape.However,amidstthesevisibletransformationsliesa deepernarrative:thegentrificationofneighbouringblocksandcommunities.ThoughChelsea, likemanyareasofNewYorkCity,mayhavebeendestinedforgentrification,thispaperdelves intotheoverlapbetweentheHighLine’stimelineandChelsea’sgentrification.

Keywords: communityactivism;ecogentrification;elevatedgreenspace;linearpark;post-industrialism;urban adaptability

1. INTRODUCTION

InthewakeoftheIndustrialRevolution’sconclusion,citiestransitionedintothepost-industrial era,evolvingfromgridironstreetspackedwithmills, warehouses,andmeatpackingdistrictstotransformedblocksofvibrant,creativejunctionslike Chelsea,Manhattan.Onceabuzzwithindustry, Chelsea,whichsurroundstheNewYorkCityHigh Line,nowboastsaneclecticblendofupscaleeateries, trendyboutiques,high-endlofts,andposhestablishments,astarkdeparturefromitsoriginalfunctions. TheNewYorkCityHighLineembracesthe‘industrialistaesthetic,’encapsulatingAmerica’shistorical surgeinworking-classindustry.

Throughoutthemid-1800s,withtheIndustrial RevolutioninfullswingacrosstheUnitedStates, freighttrainsdominatedthestreets,particularly thoseofNewYorkCity.Theseground-levelrailways, crucialforcommerce,posedhazardousconditionsfor pedestrians,resultinginrampantaccidentsandseverecongestion.By1910,over540peoplewereestimatedtohavebeenkilledbytrains(Sternfeld,n.d.). Inresponsetothesedeaths,thecity’sTransitCom-

© 2024TheAuthor.PublishedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)attheDepartmentof GeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto.

missionintroducedtheideaofanelevatedrailway tokeeptrainsawayfromstreettraffic(Lindnerand Rosa,2017).

By1934,theWestSideElevatedLinebeganoperatingtotransportmillionsoftonsofmeat,dairy, andproduce,butwasprimarilyusedbytheNational BiscuitCompany(Nabisco)duetoitsdirectaccessto theirfactorycomplex—whatistodayknownasthe ChelseaMarket(Sternfeld,n.d.).However,bythe 1980s,withtrucksoutnumberingfreighttrains,the elevatedlineceasedoperationasthefederalgovernment’sConsolidatedRailCorporationbegandivestingfromthecity’selevatedrailways(Lindnerand Rosa,2017).InresponsetotheHighLine’sdiscontinuation,theChelseaPropertyOwnersAssociation (CPO)consistingofbothownersandresidents“believedtheLinewasa‘blight,’an‘eyesore,’inaddition tobeing‘afatalobstacletotheirattempttoextract futuredevelopmentvaluefromtheirpropertyinterests’”(Zuccaro,2020,p.207).Thuscommencedthe demolitionoftheviaductsinthe1990satthesouth endoftheHighLine,leadingtotheconstructionof 265housingunits(LindnerandRosa,2017).

Meanwhile,acrosstheAtlanticin1993,Pariswas buildingthecity’sfirst-everelevatedpark,‘PromenadePlant´ee,’introducingtheconceptofalinear parkatopobsoleterailwayinfrastructure.Wordof

I.THOMPSON

theParisians’creativityquicklyspread,inspiringlocalNewYorkerstorethinkadaptationtoapostindustrialcity(LindnerandRosa,2017).In1999, ChelsearesidentsJoshuaDavidandRobertHammondfoundedFriendsoftheHighLine,“anonprofitconservancy,toadvocateforitspreservation andreuseasapublicspace”(Sternfeld,n.d.,para. 9).FriendsoftheHighLineinitiatedadesigncompetitionthatamassedover720creativeideasfrom36 countries(Sternfeld,n.d.).

Thewinningdesignwasunderwayby2006after securinga $50milliondonationfromtheCityofNew Yorktoestablishthepublicpark(Sternfeld,n.d.). Therenovationoftheviaductrailwaysexpertlypreservedtheauthenticessenceofthepastwhileinfusing amodernflair(LindnerandRosa,2017).Delicately balancingrestorationandinnovation,theHighLine retainsrelicslikerailroadtrafficlights,transforming themintoimmersivedisplaysforvisitorsandtourists (LindnerandRosa,2017).Offeringpanoramicvistasofformerindustriallandscapes,waterfronts,and otherforgotteninfrastructures,thiselevatedparkis atestamenttobothnostalgiaandmodernity(Sternfeld,n.d.).Afterundergoingthreephases,theHigh Linewascompletedin2019andbecameoneofthe firstsitesthatintegratedremnantsofhistoricalindustrialcitysiteswhilereflectingthevisualheritage elementsoftheworkingclass.

However,asthecompletionofthethirdphaseof theHighLinecamenearer,NewYorkerswitnessed surroundinghomepricessoaralongwiththeintroductionofattractionsexclusivelyfortheaffluentpopulationsofNewYork.TheHighLineseeminglybecameacatalystforsomeofthemostrapidgentrificationinthehistoryofNewYorkCity(Lindnerand Rosa,2017).Theuniquenessoftheelevatedpark causedaskyrocketinhomeprices,relocatingthe workingclasscommunitywhowerethecorereason forthehistoricalaesthetic.TheHighLinewasmeant tobeaworkofart,intendedtoactasasymbolofcity resilienceandurbanadaptability.Instead,itsuseof post-industrialurbanismledtotheeco-gentrification ofChelsea,kickingoutoriginalresidentsandmaking itssurroundingareasaplaceonlyforthehighclass.

2. AFFLUENCEONTHEHIGHLINE

InspiredbytheHighLine,HudsonYardsstandsas oneofthelargestprivatedevelopmentsintheUnited States“constructedon28acresoveraworkingrail yard,withtwo‘platforms’bridgingover30active traintracks”(HudsonYards,n.d.).Itishometo someoftheworld’smostluxuriousbrands,including Dior,LouisVuitton,andRolex.TheHudsonYards EquinoxgymoffersabreathtakingviewoftheVessel,astructurelocatedattheexitoftheNorthend oftheHighLine.Equinoxisanexclusive,luxury gymwithatopmonthlymembershipfeeof $500per monthwitha $750initiationfee(Goggin,2019,July 20),comparedtotheaverageAmericangymmem-

bershipcostof $40to $70permonth(Howelland Hall,2023,July18).HaditnotbeenfortheinterventionofFriendsoftheHighLinefoundersDavid andHammond,therichnessoftheindustrialhistory wouldhavefadedintoobscurityforUpperWestSide pedestrians.Today,NewYorkCity’sChelseaMarket,HudsonYards,and,ofcourse,theHighLineare primeexamplesofpost-industrialcitiesadaptingto theabandonedinfrastructuresoftheIndustrialRevolution.ThoughcurrentresidentsofChelseamight saythisadaptabilityofthecityisastepofprogression,formerresidentsseetheinfluenceoftheHigh Lineasaparasite,withthebeneficiariesbeingpropertyownersandthewealthy.

FrederickLawOlmsted,architectofNewYork’s renownedCentralPark,believedparkswererestorative,contributingtoasenseofcalm,butonlyifseparatedfromthecitytothegreatestextentpossible (McGinnandKershaw,2014,Oct.1).Olmsted’sincorporationofthickshrubberyandtreesaroundthe parkbordersisakeyfeatureofCentralParkandhis otherfamousdesigns,suchastheBiltmoreEstate. Greenspacehasproventofacilitatesocialengagementamongcommunities,essentialforurbanspaces wherepeoplecanfeelisolated(McGinnandKershaw, 2014,Oct.1).But,whathappenswhenonlyacertaindemographichasaccesstothesegreenoases? Thetermeco-gentrificationresultsfromtheincreasingamountofgreenspacethatoftenleadstorising houseprices,residentdisplacement,andaninfluxof wealthypopulations(JoBlackandRichards,2020).

Mymother,aPuertoRicanmigrant,movedto Chelsea,Manhattan,inFebruary1997,wherethe demographic“feltmostlygay,PuertoRican,and slowlygettingwhite”(Miranda-Thompson,2023, pers.comm.).Shepaidamonthlyrentof $1,150 forherstudioapartmenton22ndStreetbetween9th and10thAve,justoneblockfromtheHighLine,usingchairstocookfoodinhertinykitchenthatlacked anycounterspace.“ChelseaPiersandChelseaMarketwerebeingbuiltatthetime.Therewasnotmuch goingonpast10thAve.Nowtherearesomany artgalleries,theHighLine,andmorerestaurants” (Miranda-Thompson,2023,pers.comm.).Today, theaveragerentforastudioapartmentinChelsea is $3,595amonth(RentHop,n.d.),largelydriven bytheconstructionoftheHighLine.HomesclosesttotheHighLineexperienceda35.3%increase invalueafteritsrevitalization,withthehighestelevatedhomesseeingthelargestincreaseinvalue(Jo BlackandRichards,2020).

Meanwhile,mid-levelandstreet-levelhomessaw alesserincrease,astheydidnotofferaviewofthe flourishinggreeneryprovidedbytheHighLine.In aNewYorkTimesinterviewwith42-year-oldBarbaraSanchez,whogrewupinChelseainthe1970s duringitsrampantdrugdealingandprostitutionon somestreets,sheexplainsthesignificantimpactpublicparks,suchastheHighLine,havehadonChelsea today.Initially,residentsavoidedthedrug-influenced

Fig.1:MapofraceandethnicitybyblockgroupinChelsea. parks.“Now,peoplelunch,jogthrough,andpeople aresittingoutwiththeirMac”(Navarro,2015,Oct. 25,para.15).However,withthischange,Sanchez hassensedthelossofthePuertoRicanethnicenclave.Today,Chelseaisover63%whiteinthesame blocksthatwereonceathrivingHispaniccultural hubasdepictedinFigure1(TheDemographicStatisticalAtlasoftheUnitedStates,n.d.).

TheHighLinesignifiessuccessforrealestatedevelopersandthecity’stourismeconomy,butsimultaneously,aninequitablefailurefortheoriginalresidentsofChelsea,oncepredominantlyinhabitedby low-incomepeopleofcolour,bornintotheshadows ofthecity’surbanindustrialization(JoBlackand Richards,2020).ThetransformationoftheHighLine demonstratesthetransitionfromanindustrialjunkyardtoamodernurbanoasiswhilesynchronously unravellingtheadverseeffectsofeco-gentrification. Originallyconceivedasaresponsetothehazards posedbyground-levelfreighttrainsduringtheIndustrialRevolution,therailway’selevationintheearly 20thcenturysymbolizedtheinnovativeadaptationof infrastructuretourbanchallenges.Bythelate20th century,therailwayshadfallenintodisuse,emblematicofbroadershiftsawayfromindustrialreliance towardscreativeurbanrevitalization.

TheHighLine’srevivalintheearly2000ssymbolizedtheepitomeofpost-industrialurbanism,repurposingtheviaductsintoanelevatedparkthatintricatelypreservedtracesofitsindustrialheritage. Itsmeticulousdesignretainedelementsoftherailway’sauthenticitywhiletransformingthespaceinto acontemporaryoasisabovethebustlingcityscape.

Thepark,withitsblendofcuratedgreeneryand nodstothepast,quicklybecameatokenofNew York’sadaptabilityandhistoricalhomage,attractingtouristsandrealestatedevelopers.However,this renaissancecamewithunforeseenrepercussions.The park’smagnetismforaffluentresidentsandcommercialinterestscatalyzedawaveofeco-gentrification, alteringthesocio-economicfabricofChelsea.The revitalizationoftheHighLineinadvertentlypropelledpropertyvaluesthroughtheroof,renderingthe neighbourhoodincreasinglyunaffordableforitsoriginalresidents,predominantlyworking-classandminoritycommunities.Thescenicvistasandtrendyallureoftheparkparadoxicallyledtothedisplacement oftheverycommunitiesitinitiallyaimedtocommemorate,illuminatingthetensionsbetweenurban revival,historicalpreservation,andtheunintended consequencesofexclusivitywithincontemporaryurbanlandscapes.

3. IMPLICATIONS

ThedividebetweentheHighLine’scelebrationof industrialhistoryanditsunintendedroleinecogentrifyingChelseaunderscoresthecomplexitiesof urbandevelopment,revealingacautionarytaleof theunintendedconsequencesembeddedwithinthe appealofrevitalizedurbanspaces.SincerevitalizationprojectsliketheHighLineanditsneighbour, ChelseaMarket,theconceptofup-scalingabandoned warehousesandrailwayshasintroducedanaffluent aesthetictopost-industrialism.Historicalspaceslike ChelseaMarketarebeingpurchasedbymonopolistic

I.THOMPSON

companiesthatconverttheseabandonedindustrial sitesintoluxurylocationsfortouristsandwealthy NewYorkresidents.TechgiantslikeFacebookand GooglehaveopenedofficesinChelsea.“Google,the techcompanywithaseeminglyinsatiableappetite forspaceinNewYork,isbuyingChelseaMarket,the block-longNabiscofactoryturnedfoodmart,office building,andtouristattraction,forabout $2.4billion”(Bagli,2018,Feb.7,para.2).

Chelseahastransformedfromapredominantly HispanicandGayneighbourhoodintosuperblocksof officebuildingswithplaceslikeChelseaMarketas priceylunchspotsforemployees,cateringtoamore affluentdemographicand,now,atech-centrichub. Thismetamorphosisnotonlyreshapestheneighbourhood’sidentitybutalsoheraldsasubstantialshift inthesocio-economicdynamics,reflectinganurban landscapecateringtoamoreupscalemarketandredefiningtheaccessibilityandaffordabilityofthese areas,allthankstoaduowhowantedtostopthe demolitionofdiscardedrailwaysbackin1999.

Ironically,theFriendsoftheHighLine,aChelsearesidentestablishedgroup,endedupbecomingthe worstenemiesofexistingHighLineneighbourhood residents.Withafightforeasyaccesstosafe,flourishing,greenspacesinahighlycondensedcitythat’s runningoutofspace,onlythewealthycouldwin.The HighLine’srestorationpromptedariseinChelsea propertyvaluesandkickedoutitsblue-collarresidents,givingpropertyownerswhattheyinitially wantedintheend.Theconceptofthe‘elevated park’hasactedasaboosterforgentrifyingtheneighbourhoodsoftheethnic,workingclass,whowereintegraltothearea’shistorical,blue-collarambience. Whileinitiallyenvisionedasanextraordinaryartisticendeavoursymbolizingurbanresilience,theHigh Lineinadvertentlyfosteredeco-gentrification.Rather thanembodyingadaptability,itsadoptionofpostindustrialurbanismresultedintheexpulsionofresidentsandtransformedtheenclaveintoanexclusive andunaffordableneighbourhood.

Acknowledgements –Thispaperwassubmittedto GGR217:UrbanLandscapesandPlanning,taught byDr.LorenMarch.

4. REFERENCES

Bagli,C.V.(2018,February7). $2.4billiondeal forChelseaMarketenlargesGoogle’sNewYork footprint. TheNewYorkTimes

Goggin,B.(2019,July20).Iworkedoutat all34EquinoxlocationsinNewYorkCity. Here’showtheyallcompare. BusinessInsider.RetrievedDecember10,2023from www.businessinsider.com/equinox-membershipprices-reviews-nyc-guide-2019-5 Howell,A.A.,andHall,K.(2023,July18).What’s theaveragecostofagymmembership?It depends. GoodRx.RetrievedDecember10,2023 fromwww.goodrx.com/well-being/movementexercise/average-gym-membership-cost HudsonYards.(n.d.).BuildingHudsonYards -tomorrow’scitytoday. HudsonYardsNew York.RetrievedDecember10,2023from www.hudsonyardsnewyork.com/about/buildinghudson-yards Lindner,C.,andRosa,B.(Eds.).(2017). DeconstructingtheHighLine:PostindustrialUrbanismandtheRiseoftheElevatedPark.Rutgers UniversityPress. McGinn,D.,andKershaw,P.(2014,October1).The HighLineeffect:Whycitiesaroundtheworld (includingToronto)arebuildingparksinthesky. TheGlobeandMail Navarro,M.(2015,October25).InChelsea, agreatwealthdivide. TheNewYork Times.RetrievedDecember10,2023,from www.nytimes.com/2015/10/25/nyregion/inchelsea-a-great-wealth-divide.html RentHop.(n.d.). AverageRentinChelsea, NewYork,NY —Chelsea,NewYork,NY RentCosts.RetrievedDecember10,2023 fromwww.renthop.com/average-rent-in/chelseanew-york-ny Sternfeld,J.(n.d.).History. TheHigh Line.RetrievedDecember10,2023,from www.thehighline.org/history/ TheDemographicStatisticalAtlasoftheUnited States.(n.d.).TheDemographicStatisticalAtlasoftheUnitedStates-Statistical Atlas.RetrievedDecember10,2023from www.statisticalatlas.com/neighborhood/NewYork/New-York/Chelsea/Race-and-Ethnicity Zuccaro,M.(2020).TheHighLine:decayand rebirthinManhattan.InM.D.Gogginand U.Marinˇsek(Eds.), MeditatingandMediating Change:State,Society,Religion,pp.205-216. LeykamBuchverlag:Graz,Austria.

Landmarks:TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography 9(2024),7-12

“¡QueVivaLoisaida!¡QueVivaChino!¡QueVivaCHARAS!”:AnAnalysisof CommunityResistancetoGentrificationandNeoliberalismatEl Bohio/CHARASCulturalCommunityCenterfrom1979toPresent

LaurenMacDonald1

1 DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto,100St.GeorgeSt.,Toronto,ON,M5S3G3

ABSTRACT:ThispaperaddressesthechallengesofcommunityactivisminManhattan’sLower EastSideat ElBohio /CHARASCommunityCulturalCenterduringthegradualemergenceof gentrificationinthelate-20thand21stcenturies.Itwillpresenthow ElBohio ’shistoricaland ongoingsocialjusticeworkhasaddressedhousingaffordability,environmentalconcerns,and culturaladvocacyfortheprimarilylow-incomePuertoRicanresidentsoftheneighbourhood. Unlikethemunicipalgovernmentofthe1960s–70s, ElBohio prioritizedtheneedsofstruggling residentsin Loisaida.Inthe1980s,attheonsetofgentrification, ElBohio anditsorganizersplayed avitalroleinmaintainingthelivabilityoftheoriginalcommunity.Forexample,CHARAS resistedGuiliani’splantosell ElBohio todevelopers,thoughtheireffortswereunsuccessful. Overthepasttwodecadessincethebuildingwasshuttered,therehasbeenorganizing,albeit withoutprogress,towardsreclaimingthebuildingforthecommunity.Bystudyingthisunique andpowerfullandscape,wecangaininsightintothechallengesandpossibilitiesinherentin grassrootsactivisminthecontextofanincreasinglygentrifiedNorthAmerica.

Keywords: communityparticipation;NewYorkCity;socialjustice;socialchange;neighbourhooddestruction; revitalization;socio-economicstatus

1. INTRODUCTION

Chantschorusedloudlyfromagroupof25energeticelementaryschool-agedchildrenandahandfulofadultvolunteers,includingmyself,onAugust 22nd,2023duringFreedomSummerCamp ∗ inManhattan’sLowerEastSide(commonlyknownasAlphabetCitytoday)(Fig.1).Ithasbeenwellovertwo decadesandthecommunityhasnotgivenupthefight toreclaimtheirformercommunitycentre, ElBohio, meaninghutinSpanish(Bagchee,2019;Schrader,

© 2024TheAuthor.PublishedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)attheDepartmentof GeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto.

∗ Aone-weeksummerprogram,co-directedbyAnthonyEllis andI,designedtoengagechildrenwithanti-oppressionand justicework,andtofindtheirpowertomakeadifferenceinthe world.Eachdaywasthemedtoreflectajusticeissue:Rising forOurselvesandMentalHealth;RisingforOurCommunity (thedayofthismarch);RisingforRacial,GenderandClass Justice,RisingforOurPlanet,andRisingfortheArts(Own Work).

2020). ElBohio,standingfivestoriestallandbuiltin theshapeofanH,hasstrongculturalandhistorical ties.Theothernameforthecentre,CHARASCulturalCommunityCenter(Bagchee,2019;Schrader, 2020),isanacronymforthefirstletterofthemembersofformeryouthgangswhostartedtheorganizationtoaddressthemunicipalnegligenceofthearea inthe1960sto70s.

WesitontheflooroppositeChinoGarciaandSal Becker,twoofthefoundersofthecommunitycentre. Theformer,nowinhislateseventies,isconsidered thegodfatherof Loisaida (TheLoisaidaInc.Center, 2022).ASpanglishwordfortheLowerEastSide, Loisaida isconsideredintegralintheplace-making processforthecommunity(Good,2007).Inaninterview,GarciasaidthatLoisaida“givesyouasense ofidentityasapeople...Itgivesyouasenseofidentityasacommunity,tochallengepeople...Basically [thename]workedinourfavor”(Sevˇcenko,2001,p. 313).

Oursmallparadewalkedfromourlocationat TrinityLutheranChurchtotheabandonedCHARAS

Fig.1:FreedomSummerCampadvocatesforElBohio’sreturntothecommunity.Picturedwithfoundingmembers SalBeckerandChinoGarcia(centre).Ashcraft,August22,2023.

site,thekidsdressedascommunityhelpers.Across fromsomestreetart,Mr.Garciaremarkedthatifthe centrewerestillinoperation,oursocialjusticeprogramcouldhavebeenheldthere,inamuchlarger spacethanoursmallchurch-sanctuary-turned-camproom.

ThebuildingwasdesignedbyNewYorkCity (NYC)PublicSchoolChiefPlannerC.B.J.Snyderin theFrenchRenaissanceRevivalstyleanderectedin 1904asPublicSchool(P.S.)64.In1977,theschool wasshutdownduetoadwindlingstudentpopulation.Duringthatsame1970speriod,theInterfaith Adopt-A-Building(AAB),ahousingadvocacygroup, negotiatedwiththecity’sDepartmentofRealEstatetoleaseabandonedmunicipalproperties,like P.S.64,forcommunityuse(Bagchee,2022;LandmarkPreservationCommission,2006).Since2001, thebuildinghasstood,abandoned,at605East9th and10thStreetbetweenAvenuesBandC,forcibly closedunderformerMayorGiulianiafteritssalefour yearsearlier(CHARAS,n.d.;LandmarkPreservation Commission,2006; Sevˇcenko,2001).

Fromitsinception, ElBohio wasnotonlyasite ofcommunityparticipationbutalsodemonstrated thepowerofgrass-rootsresistance—aresilientcommunityspace,inthefaceofoverwhelmingforcesof neoliberalurbanismandgentrification.Residentsof Loisaida werebothmotivatedandempoweredbya desperateneedtofulfillsocial-reproductionactivities, ahighdegreeofimportanceplacedonthearts, El Bohio’sabilitytopassalongculturalheritage,and assumecollectivecredibilityforgrievances.

Trendsofgentrificationandneoliberalismwere

notuniquetotheLowerEastSideofManhattan, butalsoincreasinglymarginalizedawidearrayof identitygroups,especiallyBlackpeopleintheneighbourhoodsofBrooklyn(Chronopoulos,2016).For example,inFortGreene,Brooklyn,theformerlypredominantlyBlackpopulationexperiencedthe“replacementanddisplacement”oftheir“residentialand commercialtenants”bywhitepeople,whonowmake upmostofthecommunity(Chronopoulos,2016,p. 294).In Loisaida neoliberalismmanifestedinthe municipalgovernment’sderegulationofthepolicies whichespeciallybenefitedpoorresidentsoftheneighbourhood,namelylow-incomemembersofthePuerto Ricandiaspora(Bagchee,2019;Tabb,1982).Its taxincentivesencouragetheprivatisationofhousing stockandserviceswhich“favor[ed]themiddleclasses andaconsumptionethos”(D´avila,2004,p.15).

ElBohio wasasiteofresistancetoneoliberalism,asitwasagatheringplacefororganisingactionsandprotests,aswellasairingdissentatpublic meetingsandthroughthearts(Schrader,2020).The struggleagainstgentrificationandneoliberalismare jointlyaddressedbythecommunitygroups,activists, andtheneighbourhood’soriginalartists(withsome solidaritycomingfromnew-comerartists)at ElBohio;CHARAShadlongrespondedwithsolidarity, asthepolicieswhichcatalyzedthefirstwaveofdisplacementfrom Loisaida occurredinthe1940s-50s whenthesugarindustrywasshutteredinNewYork (Schrader,2020).

Gentrificationwouldagainwreakchaosinthe 1970s,thistimetheresultofmassprivateandpublicsectordisinvestmentfromthearea;thenextwave

CommunityResistancetoGentrificationandNeoliberalism

ofdisplacementcameonitsheelsinthe1980s-90s, whenthecommunity’sdilapidatedhousingstockexperiencedaperiodofrenovationandrevitalization (Bagchee,2019;Schrader,2020).Alossofaffordable housingforlocalstorebuildorrenovateopenedthe olderhousingsupplytobuddingAnglo-artistswho sawtheLowerEastSideas“...anadventurousAvant Gardesettingofconsiderablecachet”(Deutscheand Ryan,1984;RobertsonandMcCormick,1984,p. 135).Thisdemographicwasunabletoaffordmore gentrifiedManhattanneighbourhoodslikeSoHoand GreenwichVillage(whichhadundergonerevitalizationinthelate1970s)onaccountoftheir“central location”andproximitytothefinancialhubofWall Street,buthadthemeanstoliveintheLowerEast Sidewhereincomeswerecomparablymuchlowerand therewasmorepoverty(Schrader,2020; ˇ Sevˇcenko, 2001).Theshutteringofvitalcommunityspaces,like ElBohio itself,wassymbolicof“thedisappearanceof affordablehousinganddisplacementoftheworking class”( ˇ Sevˇcenko,2001,p.104).Itwasbecomingincreasinglyapparentthatgovernmentnorprivatesectororganizationscaredaboutthepeopleof Loisaida

2. RESEARCHERPOSITIONALITY

AwhirlwindtriptoNewYorkCityinAugust2023 inspiredmetoinvestigatethehistoryofCHARAS and ElBohio inmoredetailforaclassproject.I hadvisitedManhattantovolunteerforachildren’s programcalledFreedomSummer-—acollaboration betweenMiddleCollegiateChurchandTrinityLower EastSideLutheranParish,thoughtheendeavourwas entirelysecular,withtheaimofengagingkidsinjusticework.Iwasverycaughtupinthelogisticsofthe campandhadnopriorknowledgeof ElBohio orthe activistsbehinditscreation;anotherwonderfulvolunteerhadorganizedthemorning’sactivities—-Iam embarrassed,inretrospect,tosaythatIaskedour facilitatorsfortheirnamestomaketheirnametags whentheyfirstarrived!IlearnedaboutCHARAS andthelivelycommunitycentrethathadonceexistedonlyastreetoverfromwhereourprogramwas beingheld,throughthebriefsessiononitshistory, aswellastheactivismofChinoGarcia,SalBecker, andMaraRivas,anactivistandeducatorwhowas integralinleadingourgroupinthisaction.

Iwasanactiveparticipant,learningalongsidethe childparticipants.IwasexperiencingitinthemomentasthoughIwasacommunitymemberof Loisaida advocatingforthereopeningof ElBohio.We paradedtoitsabandonedsite,andthenontoasignificantsiteofresistancein Loisaida,Tompkin’sSquare Park,chantingandholdingsigns(Schrader,2020) (Fig.2).Tompkin’sSquareParkhasarichhistoryin Loisaida,thesiteofriotsin1988followingneighbourhoodgentrification,aswellasbeingahometomany wholivedinthecityatthetime.Thesememories arewellingrainedinmymind,especiallywhenIlook backinconjunctionwiththevideosandphotographs

takenthatday.IamsogratefultoauthorslikeTimo SchraderandNandiniBagcheeforwritingsoextensivelyonboth Loisaida and,morespecifically, ElBohio,andtotheworkofNewYorkUniversity’s,Center forPuertoRicanStudies,digitalfondsonCHARAS and ElBohio,whichmadetheexperienceofresearchingandwritingthispaperanembodiedexperience.

3. COMMUNITYPARTICIPATIONIN THEFORMATIONOF ElBohio

In1981,CHARAStookovertherenovationprocess andprogramfacilitationofthestilllargelydilapidatedformerP.S.64,latersigninga15-yearlease withtheCityofNewYorkin1984(Bagchee,2022). WhenAABhadfirstnegotiatedtheleasein1979, amainfunctionof ElBohio wastogrowthecentre forjobtraininginconstructionandbuildingmanagement,fundedundertheComprehensiveEmploymentandTrainingAct.However,asthefederal fiscalcrisiscontinued,thelossofgovernmentfundingsignalledtheendoftheprogram.Initsplace, CHARASpursuedmoreculturalandcreativeactivities(Bagchee,2022;Schrader,2020; Sevˇcenko,2001). CHARASempoweredthecommunitycollectivesat ElBohio—-consistingoflocalnon-governmentaland culturalorganizations,environmentalgroups,and artcollectives-—todevelopthespaceinaccordance withtheirneedsandpreferences,andtonotrelyon increasingly-scarcegovernmentgrantsforrenovations (Bagchee,2022;Schrader,2020).

Functionsofthespaceincludedhostingcommunitymeetingstoaddressgentrification,drugs,orpoliceviolence;environmentalinitiatives;theatreperformances;artexhibitions;photographyworkshops; filmscreenings;anddance,visualart,andmartial artsclasses(Schrader,2020).Bagchee(2022)writes furtherthatcommunitycentrewhich“evolve[d]organicallyoutoftheinterestsandconcernsofoldand newresidents,”seekingtoforegroundthecreativevisionsofartistsofcolourandthenon-for-profitSeven LoavesInc.whodevelopedan“artscoalition”(p. 132).Theresultwascommunitymembersofvarious demographicsandprofessions“creatinganewurban imaginaryanchoredintherepurposingofphysical space”(Schrader,2020,p.109).Holdingtightto thenotionofa“newurbanimaginary,”residentsembracedthevisionofa Loisaida thatsupportedand upliftedthemthroughthepowerofacollectivecommunity(Bagchee,2022,p.149).

4. PLACEMAKING

4.1. SweatEquityintheCreationof ElBohio

Residentssawthepotentialofadifferentoutcomefor theircommunityatlarge—-for Loisaida—-astheir experienceswereinterwovenwithalargerstructureof placemakingthroughartisticvision(Bagchee,2019).

Fig.2:LocationofElBohio/CHARASCulturalCommunityCenter,eastofTompkin’sSquarePark.

InthefaceofmanyCityobstructionsandaresource shortfallduetoneoliberalgovernmentdownsizing, residentsoftheLowerEastSide,andCHARASespecially,suppliedtheimmenseenergy,dedication, gumption,andvisionforthetransformationof ElBohio untilitsforcedclosurein2001.Liketheworkof AAB,itwascommonpracticeduringthe1970sand 80sfor Loisaida residentstorepair,withoutprofessionalqualifications,thecommunity’sdeteriorating andabandonedresidentialbuildings(Bagchee,2022). Theysteppeduptodothisasmanyofthelandlords hadgivenuponmaintenanceandsoughtinsteadto claimdamagesfrominsurance,asaresultofthe1975 fiscalcrisis(Bagchee,2022;Schrader,2020).Many ofthecommunitymemberswhointeractedwith El Bohio’sspacewereinvolvedinsuchinitiativesand pouredalotoflabourintotherenovationsandactualizationofthecommunitycentre’svision(Bagchee, 2022).

Everyaspectofthesiteembracedmultiplegoals andcommunityinitiatives,perCHARAS’motto“doingmorewithless”(Bagchee,2022,p.141).Offices, auditoriums,andotherspacesofcommunity-oriented workweredevelopedorrepurposedfromtheirformeruseasclassrooms.Manyofthesespacesserved multiplepurposes.Duringthesummertime,Films CHARASoperatedoutofthelargeauditoriumspace (calledtheNewAssemblyTheatre)thatexistedin thebasement,buttheauditoriumalsofunctionedas atheatretostagecommunityproductionsandactas atown-hallvenue(Bagchee,2022;Schrader,2020).

Moreover,roomswithlargewindowswereconverted intodanceandvisualartstudios(Bagchee,2022). Thebreadthoftheinitiatives,organizations,events, conferences,performances,andscreenings,whichcoexistedat ElBohio,createdasynergy.

Intheearly1980s,whenthejobtrainingcourses stoppedduetofundingcuts,CHARASsoughtout creativeandculturalgrantstokeep ElBohio contributingpositivelytotheLowerEastSideinways whichalignedwithitsmandatetoupliftthecommunityandcontributetosocialandracialjustice (Bagchee,2022;Schrader,2020).InlateMayof1981 andintothemonthofJune,whilethebuildingwas stillinastateofconsiderabledisarray,CHARASand theaforementionedartscooperative,SevenLoaves Inc.hosted ElBohio’sfirstofmanysuccessfulexhibitions,theresultofmanyhoursofvolunteerwork, showcasingtheart,dance,andmusicalperformances, of Loisaida residents–someofwhichhadbeencreatedontheinteriorofthebuildingitself(Bagchee, 2022).Theeventwastitledthe‘TheSurvivalShow’, “aim[ing]...tobringattentiontothestruggleoflocalcommunitygroupsandindividualstokeepthe oldP.S.64fromfallingintothehandsofrealestate speculators”directlyaddressingthegentrifyingforces thatpushedon Loisaida (SevenLoaves).

4.2. TheSignificanceof Loisaida asaName In1974,thelate“Bimbo”Rivas,activist,playwright, poet,andfatherofoneoftheactivistswhofacilitated

ourprotestatFreedomSummer,wroteapoemina blendofEnglishandSpanishcalled Loisaida,speakingtothedisproportionatehardshipsthatthecommunityfaced,butalsotothebeautyandpotential itheld.Thefollowingisanexcerpt,whichspeaksto thespatialandtemporalstressesthat ElBohio also experiencedbecauseofgovernmentausteritypolicies andtheencroachmentofcorporategreedthathelda suffocatingholdontheneighbourhood:

Owhatatown...../evenwithyourdruginfested/pocketparks,playgrounds/where ouryoungbloods/hangaround/waiting, hopingthat/onedaywhentheytoo/get wellandsmileagain/yourloveisall/they needtocomearound./Loisaida,Iloveyou. (Lines36-46)

Rivas’daughter,Mara,readthewholepoem aloud.Ifeltchillsbyitspower.Itwasanhonourto bearwitnesstoandIthinkthekidscouldalsofeelthe spiritofresistancewithwhichshereadit.Thepoem acknowledgedtherealstrugglesthatexisted,butalso sharesamessageofhope—-withthepeopleinvolved with ElBohio anditsvitalroleinthecommunity-— especiallyfor“youngbloods,”thespacewascreated asanalternativetoperformingdelinquencies.

Ithinkitwasplaceslike ElBohio whichinspired Rivas’hopethatoneday“youngbloods”would “smileagain,”astherewasnointerestfromgovernmentsunderneoliberalism.Theyheldanextreme degreeofapathytothewaygentrificationreeked havocon Loisaida especiallyduringthe1980sand 90s(Bagchee,2022; ˇ Sevˇcenko,2001).Moreover,I think ElBohio istheantithesisofgentrificationand neoliberalismwhichcreatedtheconditionsofoppressionthatresultedinthe“drug-infestedpocketparks” ofwhichRivaswrites.Itspeakstothewayplaces, suchas Loisaida,canbetransformedbyanarrative changeundertherightconditions.

Guiliani’soppressivegovernmentcreatedsuchsystematicneglectanddisinvestment,bothofwhich wererootedinracismagainstapoor,Brownand BlackPuertoRicanimmigrantpopulation( ˇ Sevˇcenko, 2001).Thename Loisaida,like ElBohio,isimportantbecauseitreferstoanimportanthistorical momentthatgentrificationandurbanrenewalhave soughttowipeawayitsidentitywhendevelopersrenamedtheneighbourhoodtwiceandthreateningto erasethelegacyofthecommunityof Loisaida,and thesignificanceofthePuertoRicandiaspora,from thecollectivememoryofitsprimeinthe1970s-80s. Schrader(2020)writesthat,“realestatedevelopers whocalledtheareaEastVillageorAlphabetCity... attempt[ed]toattractmoreartistsandultimately gentrifytheneighborhood”(p.3).

5. RESISTINGGENTRIFICATION

5.1. HousingAffordability

DeutscheandRyan(1994)describegentrificationas an“importantaspectofimpoverishment”(p.96)and positthatitiscrucialto“isolatetheeconomicforces thataredestroying,neighbourhoodbyneighbourhood,citybycity,thetraditionallabouringclasses” (p.94).Theearly1980sbroughtwithitaslowmovingformofneoliberalurbanisationinwhichlow tomoderateincomeAngloartistsandintellectuals movedto Loisaida,unabletoaffordNYC’salready gentrifieddistricts(SoHoandGreenwichVillage). Theirhighersocio-economicstatuswoulddrastically shifttheurbanenvironmentovera20-yearperiod (DeutscheandRyan,1984;Schrader,2020; Sevˇcenko, 2001).

TheCitywaskeentomanufacture Loisaida as anotherhigh-endcommunityclosetothefinancial district,anditbecameamoreaffordableoptionfor artistsandprofessionalsatthebeginningoftheircareers(DeutscheandRyan,1984).Since1970,there hadbeenamassivedropinpopulation,withmany peopleofPuertoRicanbackgroundsbeingforcedout oftheneighbourhoodduetothetargeteddisrepair, abandonment,anddestructionofhousingstock.By thelate1980sandearly1990smanyoftheoriginal residentsweredisplacedtoBrooklynortheBronx,or livinginamakeshifttentcityinnearbyThompson SquarePark(Bagchee,2022;Schrader,2020).

5.2. EmploymentOpportunities

Thecostoflivingskyrocketedwhiletheaffordable optionsdwindledasluxurybuildingswerebuiltundermunicipaltaxexemptions.Buildingsandpropertieswhichhadsatdilapidatedfordecadesbecame cheaptargetsforurbanrenewal(DeutscheandRyan, 1984). ElBohio wasalreadyasiteofactivism,includingnucleardisarmament,civilrights,andrights forPuertoRicanindependence(Schrader,2020). El Bohio organizedandprotestedevictionnoticesofthe decades-oldsquattersettlements,aswellastherisingcostofrentattheonsetofgentrificationinthe neighbourhood(Bagchee,2022).

Tobuildrelationshipsbetweentheoriginalresidentsandneighbourhoodnewcomers,CHARAS rentedout ElBohio tohostgalleries,andby-thehourspacesforrehearsalsandstudiouses(Bagchee, 2022,p.139).Artauctionsofup-and-coming artistsprovidedsubsidiesforneighbourhoodresidents(Bagchee,2022;Schrader,2020).Inconjunctionwithstateneoliberalpoliciesandamassivedeclineinpost-WorldWarIIindustrialjobs,theneighbourhood,bydesign,becameunaffordableformany oftheoriginalresidents–poorandworking-classpeopleofthePuertoRicodiaspora(Accornero,2022; Bagchee,2022).Duringthisperiod, ElBohio and theotherbuildingsoperatedbyCHARAS—are-

L.MacDonald

cyclingcentreemployingneighbourhoodyouth,La PlazaCultural,anearbymakeshiftamphitheatre, andacommunitygardensite-piquedtheinterest ofpotentialdevelopersassitesofsignificantreturn oninvestmentifsoldbytheCity(Bagchee,2022; ˇ Sevˇcenko,2001).Unfortunately,undertheMayorshipofRudyGuiliani,thecommunitycentrewassold toGregSingerin1999,withforcibleevictioncomingtwoyearslater(Bagchee,2022).Alas,througha seriesofobstacles,thebuildinghassatunoccupied, fallingintoaworsestateofdisrepair.Losing ElBohio wasdevastatingfortheresidentsof Loisaida.Years laterin2023,actionsstilloccurtoprotestitscontinuedclosureandtodemandthepropertybereturned tothecommunity(Hobbs,2022).

6. CONCLUSION

ElBohio’spositiveimpactontheLowerEastSideis attributedtothosewhocaredtoinvesttheirtimeand energyintothecommunityinamyriadofways.This includedpreservingPuertoRicanculturethrough danceandmusic;keepingstatisticsregardingthesocialandpoliticalstateof Loisaida inamonthlyreport;andorganizingrentstrikesanddemonstrations fightingevictionnoticesinthefaceofgentrification.

Speakingof ElBohio,Garciasaidthat,“ifsomeone cametous[CHARAS]andsaidtheywantedtowork ontheproject,wesaid,‘sure,hereisyourdesk,there isthephone,getstarted!’”

CHARAS’approachto ElBohio presentsasuperbmodelofacommunityparticipation,standing instarkcontrasttotheneoliberalindirectrepresentation,whichcaresonlyforthosewithfinancialand politicalpower(Bockmeyer,1994).Thedevelopment processwascarriedoutwithahighdegreeofthoughtfulness,thehopeforanewurbanimaginary,andinclusiontoaddressallaspectsofthecommunity,so that Loisaida residentsfeltrepresentedandathome inthespace.

Acknowledgements –Thispaperwassubmittedto GGR217:UrbanLandscapesandPlanning,taught byDr.LorenMarch.

7. REFERENCES

Accornero,G.(2022).Contentiousbuildings:The struggleagainstevictioninNYC’sLowerEast Side. CurrentSociology,70 (7),1066–1084.DOI: 10.1177/00113921211012738.

Bagchee,N.(2022).TheCommunitarianEstates ofLoisaida (1967–2001).In CounterInstitution:ActivistEstatesoftheLowerEastSide, pp.101–152.FordhamUniversityPress.DOI: 10.1515/9780823279289-004.

Bockmeyer,J.L.(1994).Powernetworks:Determinantsofcommunityparticipationstylesin Kreuzberg/BerlinandtheLowerEastSide/New YorkCity.CityUniversityofNewYork. Charas/ElBoh´ıoCulturalandCommunityCenter Records.InArchivesofthePuertoRican Diaspora.CenterforPuertoRicanStudies, HunterCollege,CityUniversityofNewYork. centroarchives.hunter.cuny.edu/repositories/2/resources/76

Chronopoulos,T.(2016).AfricanAmericans,Gentrification,andNeoliberalUrbanization:theCase ofFortGreene,Brooklyn. JournalofAfrican AmericanStudies,20 (3/4),294–322.DOI: 10.1007/s12111-016-9332-6

D´avila,A.M.(2004). Barriodreams:PuertoRicans,Latinos,andtheneoliberalcity.University ofCaliforniaPress. Deutsche,R.,andRyan,C.G.(1984).TheFine ArtofGentrification. October,31,91–111.DOI: 10.2307/778358

Foderaro,L.W.(1987).WILLITBELoisaida OR ALPHABETCITY?;TwoVisionsVieInthe EastVillage. NewYorkTimes Good,F.(2007).TheOriginsofLoisaida.InC.Patterson,J.Flood,andA.Moore(Eds.), Resistance:aradicalpoliticalandsocialhistoryofthe LowerEastSide,p21-36.1stEd.SevenStories Press.

Hobbs,A.(2022).Gentrification’s EmptyVictory.NewYorkTimes. nytimes.com/2022/06/01/nyregion/fight-overcharas-community-center.html LandmarkPreservationCommission. (2006). (Former) PUBLICSCHOOL 64.media.villagepreservation.org/wpcontent/uploads/2020/03/15122737/PublicSchool-64-NYC-LPC-Designation-Report.pdf Rivas,B.(1979).Loisaida Spirit. TheQualityofLife inLoisaida.December,p.2. Robinson,W.andMcCormick,C.(1984).Slouching TowardAvenueD. ArtinAmerica,72 (6). Schrader,T.(2020).Loisaida asurbanlaboratory: PuertoRicancommunityactivisminNewYork. UniversityofGeorgiaPress. SevenLoaves,“9thStreetSurvivalShow,”Seven Loaves(Organisation),MoMAQueensPAD/D Archive,NewYork. Sevˇcenko,L.(2001).10.MakingLoisaida:Placing Puertorrique˜nidadinLowerManhattan.InA. La´o-MontesandA.D´avila(Ed.), MamboMontage:TheLatinizationofNewYorkCity (p. 293-318).NewYorkChichester,WestSussex: ColumbiaUniversityPress.DOI:10.7312/lao11274-012

Tabb,W.K.(1982).Thelongdefault:NewYork Cityandtheurbanfiscalcrisis.MonthlyReview Press.

Landmarks:TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography 9(2024),13-16

TheMetabolismofPolytetrafluoroethylene:ACase StudyAnalysisofForeverChemicalsinNorthBay

1

MalaikaMitra

1 DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto,100St.GeorgeSt.,Toronto,ON,M5S3G3

ABSTRACT:ThispaperanalyzesthedevelopmentofaplasticplantinNorthBay,Ontarioas itrelatestoknownandpotentialregionalenvironmentalcontaminationofper-/polyfluoroalkyl substances(PFAS),alsoknownasforeverchemicals.Iusetheframeworksofmetabolism,neoliberalization,anddecolonialecologiestounderstandthepotentialimpactsoftheplasticplant inNorthBay,situatingitinthecontextofpreviousPFAScontaminationthataffectedfoodand watersources.Throughtheseconcepts,Iarguethatarelationalaccountofhuman-natureinteractionsbroadenswhatwecurrentlyunderstandofenvironmentalcontamination,andallowsusto makemoreaccuraterecommendationsbasedonthespecificdynamicsoftheregioninwhichthe contaminationislocated.TherecommendationsthatImakeforNorthBayinparticulartakethis intoaccount.ThefirstrecommendationistoaddressPFASasaclassratherthancreatingpolicies substancebysubstance,asthisensuresmoreexpedientpreventativeandremedialmeasures.The secondrecommendationistoconsidertheimplicationsofPFASinindustrialproductionthrough relationshipsbetweenthelocalandglobal,ratherthanasisolatedimpacts.

Keywords: anticolonialism;neoliberalism;urbanpoliticalecology

1. INTRODUCTION

NorthBay,Ontariowillbehometoanewplasticsplantin2023.Thisplant,runbyIndustrial PlasticsCanada,willproducepolytetrafluoroethylene(PTFE),achemicalthatispartofalargergroup knownasper-/polyfluoroalkylsubstances(PFAS),or “foreverchemicals”—chemicalsthatbreakdownextremelyslowly.PFAShaveknownhealthandenvironmentalrisks,includingrespiratoryconcernsduringmanufacturing(SajidandIlyas,2017).Thecompanyhasstatedthatthefluoropolymersthatthey willbeusingarenon-bioaccumulativeandnon-toxic; however,HealthCanadastatesthatinformationfor specifictypesofPFASisgenerallysparse(Health Canada,2023).Additionally,perfluorooctanoicacid (PFOA),atypeofPFASchemicaloftenusedinproducingPTFE,isknowntobetoxictobothhuman healthandtheenvironment(SajidandIlyas,2017). Moreover,thefearsoftheresidentsofNorthBayhave

© 2024TheAuthor.PublishedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)attheDepartmentof GeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto.

notbeenassuaged,withthosebothinthecityitselfas wellasinNipissingFirstNationtothewestofthecity havingexpressedworryoverairandwatercontamination(Borts-Kuperman,2023a;Borts-Kuperman, 2023b;Migneault,2023).

Inadditiontothehealthissuesdirectlycaused byPFASinhalationexposure,foodandwatercanbe contaminatedbyPFASchemicals.Theyareknownto bioaccumulateinfreshwaterfish,whichcancauseexposureifingested(Barboetal.,2023).Aspokespersonforthecompanyhassaiddegradationistheprimaryproblemcreatedbyfluoropolymers,tellingthe Narwhalthatthe“Disposalofsuchitemsisoutsideof ourcontrolandfallsunderthejurisdictionofthegovernmentsofCanada,specificallytheMinistryofEnvironment,”(Borts-Kuperman,2023a).Meanwhile, boththeofficeoflocalMPPVicFedeliandNorth BayMayorPeterChiricotoldreportersthattheplant willcomplywithenvironmentalregulations,andto reachouttothecompanyforinformationregardingthesafetyoftheplant(Borts-Kuperman,2023b; Migneault,2023).

Iwillanalyzethiscasestudythroughthelens ofurbanpoliticalecologyandtheneoliberalization

ofnature,focusingspecificallyonthehistoricaland colonialimplicationsofwatercontamination,aswell astheproblemofdisposalandregulations.Inusing thelensesthatIhavechosen,Iaimtounderstand howsocio-natureisproducedinthiscontext.

2. EVALUATION

2.1. MetabolisminEricSwyngedouw

Inhisseminalessay“TheCityAsaHybrid:OnNature,SocietyandCyborgUrbanization,”ErikSwyngedouwwritesthatonecanonlyconceiveofthings throughtheirrelationships,sayingthatsocialrelations“metabolize”thenaturalenvironment,transformingbothtocreate“socio-naturalforms”(Swyngedouw,1996,p.68).Transformationisthekeyword here—themetabolizednaturalenvironmentdoesnot existasitsowndiscreteentity,butratheralwaysexistsinconjunctionwiththesocialrelationsitforms, iscreatedaround,orexistsalongsidewith.IndustrialPlasticsCanada’srefusaltorecognizedisposal astheirresponsibilityisalsoarefusaltorecognize theirroleintheurbanecologyofNorthBayasaprocessofmetabolism.Instead,theyframethemselves asdiscrete,staticactors,enablingthemtoengage withoneaspectofthesupplychainwhilebeingdivorcedfromtherest.Theyareoperatingfromanentirelydifferentontology,onethatexaminesonlythe object—inthiscasethecompanyplant—ratherthan therelationsitmakes.Inrefusingtoconsiderthe relationshipbetweentheirroleinprocessingPTFE andtheirroleintheproduction,consumption,and degradationofplasticsasawhole,theyareableto exemptthemselvesfromconsideringwhatwillhappentotheirproductsinthefuture.Onceyoustep outsideofthisontologicalframeworkandunderstand thecompanyrelationally,aparadoxoccurswhereit isproducingsocio-natureyetalsodenyingthecontinuationofbothsocietyandnature.Ononehand,in placingitselfinNorthBayandproviding35newjobs, itbydefaultembedsitselfintosociety(Migneault, 2023).Ontheotherhand,itisolatesboththesocial andecologicalramificationsoftheirprojectintoexternalitiesanddivorcesitselffromthelifecycleofits ownproduct.

Thisparadoxisapparentnotonlyinthecompany’slocalactions,butalsotheirglobalones. Swyngedouwsaysthat“resourcescanbedefinedonlyinrelationtothemodeofproductionwhich...simultaneously‘produces’[resources] throughboththephysicalandmentalactivityofthe users”(Swyngedouw,1996,p.65).PTFEasaresourceisdefinedthroughitsrelationshipwithcapitalism.PTFEcannotbethoughtofasanisolated resource.Rather,itispartofbothaglobalnetworkofresources—includinglabour—aswellasthe lifecycleoftheproductitself.Intheircompanystatement,IndustrialPlasticsCanadasaidthattheywill notbeproducingthePTFEsordisposingofthem

onsite,andalsothattheywillbecomplyingwith provincialregulations(IndustrialPlasticsCanada, 2023).Relatingthistothepreviousproblemofdisposal,throughdistillingthecompany’srelationship withsocio-naturetojustitsprocessingplants,IndustrialPlasticsCanadacircumventscriticismsaboutits globalrelationshipsandthesupplychainformedby itsexistence.InthecaseofthePTFEforIndustrial PlasticsCanada’sparentcompanyGuarniflon,CanadiannewspublicationTheNarwhalfoundthatthey wereproducingthePTFEinIndia(Borts-Kuperman, 2023).InordertoproducePTFE,aknowntoxic PFAScalledPFOAisoftenused(SajidandIlyas, 2017).Inthisparticularcase,capitalismismanifestedthroughtheoutsourcingofthedangerousprocessofproducingPTFEtotheGlobalSouth,linking thePTFEplantinNorthBaytotheproductionplant inIndiathroughthisrelationship.

2.2. UrbanPoliticalEcologyofNorthBay Intheiressay“DecolonizingUrbanPoliticalEcologies:TheProductionofNatureinSettlerColonial Cities,”SimpsonandBagelmansaythat“thediscursiveandrepresentationalerasureofpeoplefrom naturejustifiestheirpoliticalandterritorialerasure fromthematerialworld”(SimpsonandBagelman, 2018,p.561).IndustrialPlasticsCanadaisparticipatinginthis—theongoingcolonizationofthe Nipissingpeople,bothinthefactthattheplantis thetraditionallandoftheNipissingFirstNation andinthefactthattheplantmaycutthepeople fromafoodsource.Neitheroftheseconcernsare integratedintotheirapproach—thecompany’sofficialstatementsaswellasthestatementsgiventoreportersatTheNarwhalandCBCcontainednomentionoftheNipissingpeople,focusinginsteadonits compliancewithprovincialandfederalenvironmentalregulations.ThisdiscursiveerasureofIndigenouspeopleisitselfatypeofviolence,aviolence withhistoricalroots.Fromthe1970suntilthe1990s, theDepartmentofNationalDefencetrainedfirefightersinNorthBay,usingfoamthatcontainedPFAS, whichcontaminatedwaterways,soil,andgroundwater(Borts-Kuperman,2023a).Repeatedly,Nipissing FirstNation—whosemembersrelyonthelandfor food—isnotconsideredpartofthesocio-natureof NorthBay.

2.3. NeoliberalizationofNatureinNorth Bay

InKarenBakker’sarticle“NeoliberalizationofNature”,shedescribeshowcorporationsseek“ecological fixes,”includingmoving“pollutingindustries...to developingcountrieswhereregulationsareweaker orunenforced”(Bakker,2015,p.449).IhavealreadydiscussedtheimplicationsofIndustrialPlasticsCanadasourcingtheirPTFEfromIndia,however thisquotecanalsobeanalyzedinthecontextoftheir

choosingNorthBayasthelocationfortheirplant. AsaregionalreadycontaminatedwithPFAS—which alsohasanastronomicalunemploymentratecomparedtotherestofCanadaaswellasashortage ofdoctors—itisclearthatNorthBayisavulnerabletarget.Additionally,theuseofregulationson thepartofthecompanyiscomplex,whichbecomes clearwhenanalyzingtheminthecontextoftheneoliberalizationofnature.Theseregulationsbothdo notdirectlyaccountfortheNipissingpeople’sconcernsovertheirfoodsupplyandportrayIndustrial PlasticsCanada’soperationsassustainable.Health Canadahasadmittedthat“atraditionalassessment andmanagementapproachisimpractical”forPFAS, andhaslaidthefoundationsforanapproachthataddressesPFASasawholeratherthanindividualchemicals,sincecurrentPFASregulationsarenotenough toaddresstheenvironmentalandhealthissuesthey cause(HealthCanada,2023).Thisshowsthatthe company’soperationsarenottrulyassustainableas theyseem.

3. RECOMMENDATIONS

AlthoughtherecommendationsthatImakedraw fromseveralofthestructuralissuespresentedinthe evaluationportionofthiscasestudy,Iwouldfirst liketoclarifythatthroughusingthelensesofUrban PoliticalEcology,aswellasBakker’sneoliberalizationofnature,itisclearthattheissuespresentin NorthBayareemblematicoftherelationsbetween resourcesandtheproductionofthemundercapitalism,whichisbeyondthescopeofthecasestudy. Iwillinsteadfocusonrecommendationsthatwould suitthisparticularsituation.ThefirstrecommendationthatImakeisthatHealthCanadaaddressPFAS asaclassratherthanasindividualsubstances,somethingwhichHealthCanadaisalreadyworkingtowards(HealthCanada,2023).Consideringtherange ofPFASchemicals,aswellasthefactthattheypose bothanimmediateandlong-termdanger,regulating thechemicalsasaclasswouldmeanthatthegovernmentistakingpreventativemeasuresagainstpotentialenvironmentalcatastrophe.ThisisespeciallyimportantbecausemuchoftheunknownsaboutPFAS chemicalswouldrequirelongitudinalhealthandenvironmentalstudiestouncoverthem,duetothefact thatoneprimaryconcernaboutthemistheirdegradation.

ThesecondrecommendationthatImakeisforthe local,provincial,andfederalgovernmentstoconsider theissuerelationally.Notably,IndustrialPlastics Canadaisnotrequiredtoconductanenvironmental assessment,asithasnotmadeanysuchassessment public(Borts-Kuperman,2023a).Onesuggestionto considerthisissuerelationallywouldbetoinclude NipissingFirstNation,whichalreadyhasanenvironmentalmanager(Borts-Kuperman,2023a),ina mandatoryenvironmentalassessment.Anothermore broad-rangingsuggestionwouldbetoconsiderthe

supplychainofamaterialbeforeapprovingfactoriesthatutilizethatmaterial.Inthisscenario,the factthatthefactoriesinIndiamayusePFOAinthe productionofPTFEwouldbeconsideredanimportant,ratherthanincidental,detail.Onewaytodo thiswouldbeforlegislatorstoregulateupthesupplychain,placingenvironmentalregulationsnotonly onlocalplantsbutalsoonhowmaterialsaresourced andwheretheyaresourcedfrom.Thiscouldcreatemomentsofsolidarityinreachingenvironmental goalsinternationally,andwouldattheveryleastlead tocarefulexaminationoftheimpactthatoffshoring toxicmanufacturingprocesseshasonpublichealth globally.

Thiscasestudyshowshowalternateconceptions ofhuman-naturerelationshipscanbeusedtounderstandthemultifacetedimpactsofindustrialprocesses.Effectiveenvironmentalinterventionsmust understandtheinfluenceofaprocessonthelocal, national,andgloballevels,aswellasanalysethesituationthroughthesocialrelationshipsdevelopedwith theenvironment.Therecommendationshereonly begintoscratchthesurfaceofwhathasthepotential tobeafruitfulmethodofuntanglingthecomplicationspresentedbyindustrialmanufacturing.

Acknowledgements –Thispaperwassubmittedto GGR349:ManagingUrbanNatures,taughtbyDr. NicoleVanLier.

4. REFERENCES

Bakker,K.(2015).Neoliberalizationofnature.InT. Perreault,G.Bridge,andJ.McCarthy(Eds.), TheRoutledgeHandbookofPoliticalEcology, pp.446-456.1stEdition.Routledge.DOI: 10.4324/9781315759289.ch34

Barbo,N.,Stoiber,T.,Naidenko,O.V.,andAndrews,D.Q.(2023).LocallycaughtfreshwaterfishacrosstheUnitedStatesarelikely asignificantsourceofexposuretoPFOS andotherperfluorinatedcompounds. EnvironmentalResearch,220,115165.DOI: 10.1016/j.envres.2022.115165

Borts-Kuperman,L.(2023,July6).Chemicalsare forever:anewfactoryopensnearLakeNipissing,wherewaterisalreadycontaminated. The Narwhal.thenarwhal.ca/pfas-factory-north-bayontario/

Borts-Kuperman,L.(2023,July20).NorthBayresidentsorganizetownhalltodiscussPFAS,IndustrialPlasticsCanadafactory. TheNarwhal thenarwhal.ca/north-bay-pfas-mayor-response/ HealthCanada.(2023).Per-andpolyfluoroalkyl substances(PFAS).GovernmentofCanada. canada.ca/en/health-canada/services/chemicalsubstances/other-chemical-substancesinterest/per-polyfluoroalkyl-substances.html

M.Mitra

IndustrialPlasticsCanada.(2023).Statement:IndustrialPlasticsCanada.Corporationofthe CityofNorthBay.northbay.ca/news-mediaadvisories/statement-industrial-plastics-canada/ Simpson,M.andBagelman,J.(2018)Decolonizing urbanpoliticalecologies:theproductionofnatureinsettlercolonialcities. AnnalsoftheAmericanAssociationofGeographers,108 (2),558568,DOI:10.1080/24694452.2017.1392285

Migneault,J.(2023,July19).NorthBay, Ont.,plantatcentreofcommunityconcernsover’foreverchemicals’. CBC News.cbc.ca/news/canada/sudbury/foreverchemicals-plant-north-bay-1.6910158

Sajid,M.andIlyas,M.(2017).PTFE-coatednonstickcookwareandtoxicityconcerns:aperspective. EnvironmentalSciencePollutionResearch,24,23436–23440.DOI:10.1007/s11356017-0095-y

Swyngedouw,E.(1996).Thecityasahybrid:On nature,society,andcyborgurbanization. CapitalismNatureSocialism,7 (2):65–80.DOI: 10.1080/10455759609358679

Landmarks:TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography 9(2024),17-22

TheNatureofRacializedBarrierstoAccessingUrbanGreenSpaceinToronto

JaniceWalder1

1 DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto,100St.GeorgeSt.,Toronto,ON,M5S3G3

ABSTRACT:Urbangreenspaceshaveavarietyofbenefitsforphysical,mentalandsocialhealth. However,accesstourbangreenspaceinTorontoisheavilyracialized.WhileWhite,wealthy neighbourhoodshavebeenaccumulatingtreecoveroverdecades,neighbourhoodswithpredominantlyracializedpopulationsaremorelikelytolosetreecovertonewdevelopment.Thispaper showsthatalthoughthereducedparticipationofracializedcommunitiesinurbangreenspacesis perceivedasaresultofindividualchoices,itcanbearguedthatthisisinsteadaresultofthehistoricalcontextaroundtheemergenceofurbangreenspaces,theassociatedculturalideasabout theroleofracializedcommunitiesinnature,andinstitutionalizedbarriersinurbanplanningand policy.Thispaperbrieflytouchesonsomesolutionstothisissue,includingradicalplanning, inclusivedecision-making,andthecreationofinformalspaces.

Keywords: communityengagement;environmentaljustice;publicpolicy;spatialinequity;structuralracism

1. INTRODUCTION

Thebiophiliahypothesisproposesevolutionary reasonsforwhyhumansareinstinctivelydrawnto nature(Wilson,1984).Thisisespeciallyimportant inthecontextofurbangreenspace,areasofvegetatedlandsinurbanareas(WHO,2017).Urban greenspaceshavebeengainingattentionastheycan beusedtoimprovehealthoutcomesamongtheinhabitantsofurbanareas(BarakatandYousufzai,2020; Kardanetal.,2015).However,accesstourbangreen spacesinTorontoisheavilyracialized(Greeneetal., 2018;ScottandTenneti,2021).

MypaperexploresthenatureoftheracialbarriersaroundaccesstourbangreenspaceinToronto. AlthoughthereducedparticipationofracializedcommunitiesinToronto’surbangreenspacesissometimesviewedasaresultofindividualchoicesand decisions,itisactuallyaresultofthehistoricalcontextaroundtheemergenceofurbangreenspaces,the associatedculturalideasabouttheroleofracialized communitiesinnature,andinstitutionalizedbarriers inurbanplanningandpolicy.

Theemergenceofurbangreenspacesinahistor-

© 2024TheAuthor.PublishedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)attheDepartmentof GeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto.

icalcontextbothreflectedandproducedracialinequality.Thishasongoingimpactsontheinaccessibilityofurbangreenspacestoracializedresidentsand communities.Oneoftheseimpactsisthepresenceof differingideasaroundtheroleofracializedcommunitiesinnaturehistorically,aswellastheirparticipationinenvironmentalactivitiesinthepresentday (Hassenetal.,2022;Suetal.,2022).Thisissupportedbythetheoryoflandscapeperception,which arguesthatlandscapeisnotsimplyaproductofindividualcognition,butalsoofthesocialsystemsthat individualsexistwithin(Morin,2020).

Additionally,manyracialbarriersareinstitutionalized.AccesstourbangreenspacesinTorontois shapedbyspatialsegregation,thelegacyofwealth inequality,andthereducedparticipationofracializedresidentsindecision-making(ScottandTenneti, 2021).ThisissupportedbyLefebvre’sunderstanding ofspaceasasocialproductthatisshapedbysocietal valuesandusedbythedominantclassasameansto maintainitspower(1991).Recentinitiativesinthis fieldarealsoaffectedbysystemicinequalities.While therehasbeensuccessinreducingracializedbarriers aroundaccesstogreenspaceandincreasingtheparticipationofracializedcommunitiesinenvironmental activitiesanddecision-making,theconceptofradical planningsuggeststhatfarbroaderactionisrequired (Miraftab,2016).

J.Walder

2. METHODS

Thebooks Biophilia (Wilson,1984)and Cognitive Architecture (SussmanandHollander,2021)were drawnupontoexplainthebenefitsofurbangreen spaces.Becausethesesourcesfocusmoreonthepsychologicaldimension,Ilookedforresourcesonthe physiologicaleffectsofgreenspacesbysearchingthe UniversityofTorontolibrarywebsiteusingkeywords suchas“health”and“urbangreenspace.”Thisproducedseveralonlinejournalarticlesandqualitative reports(Greeneetal.,2018;Hassenetal.,2022;Kardanetal.,2015)investigatingtheracializednatureof accesstourbangreenspacesandtheirhealthbenefits.Thisbroughtaboutthequestionofwhetherthe racializednatureofaccesstourbangreenspaceisnot justsystemic,butalso,tosomeextent,aproductof culturalfactors.Thisideaissupportedbythebooks Wanderlust:aHistoryofWalking (Solnit,2001)and RethinkingtheGreatWhiteNorth (Kobayashietal., 2011),aswellastheworkofScottandTenneti(2021), allofwhichexploretheculturalcontextaroundurbangreenspaces.

Tofurtherexploretherelationshipbetweenrace andlandscape,Idrewonscholarshipintroducedin theUniversityofToronto’sGGR217H:UrbanLandscapesandPlanningcourse,forwhichthispaperwas originallywritten.Thetheoryoflandscapeperceptionasbeinginfluencedbysocialcontext(Morin, 2020)wasusedtoexploretheculturalbarriersaround accessingurbangreenspace,andLefebvre’stheoryon thesocialproductionofspace(1991)helpedcontextualizetheroleofurbangreenspacesinmaintaining andreinforcingsystemicinequalities.Theconcept ofradicalplanning(Miraftab,2016)wasalsouseful inexploringthepoliticalimplicationsofrecentinitiativestoincluderacializedcommunitiesinenvironmentalism.

Thestrengthsofthesemethodsincludethedepth ofinformationaccessiblethroughrelevantbooks,as wellasthepeer-reviewprocessthatsomeofthescholarlyarticleshavebeenthrough.Onepotentialprobleminthemethodologyisthatitwasdifficulttobe place-specific,asliteratureontheCityofToronto tendstodrawondatafromavarietyofneighbourhoodsandadministrativedistricts.However,Ihave triedtoprovidedetailsonplace-baseddisparities whererelevant(e.g.,under‘InstitutionalizedBarriers’,para.2).Anotherpossiblelimitationisthevarietyofgroupsincludedinresearch,asthereisagreater emphasisonBlackcommunitiesthanotherracialized groups,suchasLatinAmerican,SouthAsianand EastAsian.

3. RESULTS

3.1. HealthBenefitsofUrbanGreenSpaces

Urbangreenspacesareassociatedwithavariety ofpsychologicalbenefits,especiallyreductionsin

stress.ThisisexplainedbyWilson’sbiophiliaconcept(1984),whichstatesthatasourhunter-gatherer ancestorsevolvedintheAfricansavanna,webecame naturallydrawntosavanna-likeenvironmentsand gravitatetowardsotherformsoflife.Studieshave shownthathighlevelsofgreenerypromoteanincreasedsenseofhappinessandwell-being(Sussman andHollander,2021).

Urbangreenspacesalsohavephysiologicalbenefits.Urbantreeshavebeenfoundtofilterairpollutionandreduceexposuretotheurbanheatislandeffect,thereforecontributingtoimprovedhealth(Wolf etal.,2020).Ithasbeenshownthatplanting11more treesinablockcanimprovecardio-metabolicoutcomesinawaycomparabletobeing1.4yearsyounger orreceivinga $20,000increaseinincome(Kardanet al.,2015).Additionally,urbangreenspacespromote physicalactivityinotherwisesedentarysocieties(Demouryetal.,2017)andquickenhospitalpatientrecoverytimes(Ulrich,2002).

Finally,urbangreenspacescanhavewiderbenefitsatthesocialandcommunitylevels.Treesintroducevisualcomplexity(Speck,2018),slowingdown trafficandthereforereducingpedestriandeaths.This wouldbeespeciallybeneficialincommunitiesdisproportionatelyaffectedbyvehicle-relateddeaths (Schmitt,2020).Plantingtreesalsoimprovescommunitycohesionbycreatingopportunitiesforsocialinteractionandchancemeetings(Coleyetal., 1997),whichmaymakeinhabitantsmorereceptive tofurtherinitiativespromotingequityandjustice (S¨oderlundandNewman,2017).

However,accesstourbangreenspacesandthe associatedhealthbenefitsisheavilyracialized,constitutingaformofenvironmentalracism—atypeof institutionalizedracismwhereenvironmentalissues disproportionatelyaffectcommunitiesofcolour(Holifield,2001).

3.2. HistoricalandCulturalContext

Ithasbeenarguedthatlandscapeperceptionisnot justaproductoftheindividual’sthoughtprocessand cognition,butisalsoshapedbythesocialsystems thatindividualsexistwithin(Morin,2020).Assuch, thereducedparticipationofracializedpeopleinurbangreenspacesisnotsimplyaresultofindividual decisions,butisshapedbyawidercontextaround themeaningofnaturallandscapes.

Priortocolonization,CanadahadbeeninhabitedbyIndigenousgroupsforthousandsofyears. IntheareaaroundToronto,thesegroupsincluded theHuron-Wendat,theAnishinaabeandtheHaudenosaunee.However,imagesof‘pristine’naturecreatedtheideathatCanadahadbeenfreeofpeople (TuckandYang,2012),andtheformationofnational parksoftenbeganwiththeforcedremovalofIndigenousPeoples(Spence,1999).Assuch,theemergence ofofficially-designatedgreenspacesinCanadawas premisedonthemarginalization,displacement,and

exclusionofIndigenousPeoples.

FurtherreinforcingthiswastheerasureofBlack peoplefromCanadianhistorythroughthemythof the‘GreatWhiteNorth,’whichcentrestheWhite man’sroleintamingtheCanadianwildernessand placeshimatthecoreofthecountry’snationalidentitywhilerelegatingBlackpeopletotherolesofimmigrantsorfugitives(Kobayashietal.,2011;Scott andTenneti,2021).Thisisreflectedinthenatureof thefirstoutdoorandwildernessrecreationclubsin Canada,whichwerecreatedtocounteractthesupposedlossofmasculinityamongWhitemenlivingin thecity(Solnit,2001).

Thishistorycontinuestoinfluencetheperceived roleofpeopleofcolourinnatureandenvironmentalism.GreenspacesareoftencodedasWhitespaces, withoutdooractivitiessuchasthecottagevacation beingastereotypicallyWhiteCanadianexperience thatmaynotalwaysresonatewithracializedresidentsandimmigrants(Abdelmahmoud,2020).This isbecausemanyofthesepeoplecannotaffordsuch luxury,havingbeendisplacedfromtheirnativecountriesbytheforcesofglobalcapitalismandwealthinequality.Inaddition,peopleofcolourwhoventure intogreenspacesareoftenlookeduponwithsuspicion,mistrusted,andthreatenedverballyandphysically.Racializedresidentsalsoremainexcludedimplicitlyfromorganizedenvironmentalism,andtheir familialandculturalcommunitiestendtooverlook environmentalcareersasworthwhile(Scott,2018).

Theresultinglackofaccesstogreenspaceleads toignoranceandfearofnature.Manyracializedresidentsstayawayfromnatureastheyarewaryofencounteringharmfulspeciessuchasbugsandracoons (ScottandTenneti,2021).Thiscansupportaselfreinforcingcycleofexclusion,producingtangibleimpactsonracializedcommunities(Greeneetal.,2018). Inthisway,thereducedparticipationofracialized communitiesinurbangreenspacesisnotjustaproductofindividualchoices,butaresultofhistories ofmarginalisationandexclusion,whichcontinueto shapeculturalvaluesaroundtheplaceofracialized communitiesingreenspacestoday.

3.3. InstitutionalizedBarriers

Lefebvre’sconceptionofspaceasasocialproduct (1991)isusefulinunderstandingtheinstitutionalizedbarriersaroundaccesstogreenspaces.Viewing spaceinapurelyCartesianwaymakesitseemto beobjective,scientificknowledge,whichobscuresits politicalimplications.Instead,Lefebvreseesspace asanoutcomeofmodesofproduction,something thatisinextricablylinkedwithsocietyandsocialrelations.Accesstourbangreenspaceisonesuchform ofspatialproduction,andisshapedbyurbanplanningpractices,forcesofproduction,andoverlapping systemsofinequality.

InToronto,urbanplanninghashistoricallyplayed aroleinlimitingtheaccessibilityofgreenspacesto

racializedgroups.WhilehistoricallyWhite,wealthy neighbourhoodshavebeenaccumulatingtreecover overdecades,downtownareaswithlargeracialized populationsaremorelikelytolosetreecovertonew development(ConwayandScott,2020).ThisisillustratedbythecontrastingexamplesofLawrencePark andRosedale-MoorePark,whicharehigher-income areaswithgreatertreecover,andRegentPark,which isalower-incomeareathatwasredevelopedinthe 1950sandhasasignificantlylowertreecover(Greene etal.,2018).

Forcesofproductionalsoplayaroleinshapingaccesstourbangreenspace,withtheriseofglobalcapitalismcreatingeconomicinequalitiesthatoftenintersectwithrace.InCanada,manyracializedresidents arelow-wageimmigrants,andbothgroupsarelikely tofacefinancialstressandhigherlevelsofpoverty (Mwarigha,2002).Thiscanhaveeffectsonasmall, individualscale.Racializedresidents’abilitytoparticipateinenvironment-basedactivitiesisoftenlimitedbyeconomicfactorssuchasthedistanceandcost oftransportation,entryanduserfees,andtimeconstraintsduetoworkingforlongperiodsoftime(Scott andTenneti,2021).

Additionally,existingpowerstructuresresultin racializedcommunitiesbeingeitheroverlookedorexcludedbydesign.Asenvironmentalismisdominated byWhitepeople,informationaboutnature-basedactivitiesisoftennotdeliveredtoracializedcommunitiesinalanguagethattheyunderstand,orinaculturallysensitiveway(Caidietal.,2010).Thishas contributedtofamiliesbecomingworriedabouttheir children’ssafety,andthereforehesitanttoletthem participateinoutdooractivities(Bustamante,2010). Inthisway,spaceworksasatooltocontrolandexcluderacializedgroupsfromenvironment-basedactivitiesanddecision-making.

3.4. DiversityasaBarrier

Historically,CanadianenvironmentalismhashistoricallybeendominatedbyWhitepeopleandinterests, andexcludedracializedcommunities.Althoughthere areongoingattemptstointroducediversityintoenvironmentalism,systemsofoppressionconstantlyreinventthemselves,asisreflectedrhetoricobscuringor evenlegitimizingthecontinuedexistenceofunequal powerstructures.Thisisasignificantcauseforconcerninthecontextofproposed‘solutions’thataim toimprovetheaccessibilityofurbangreenspacesto racializedcommunitiesinToronto.

Onesuch‘solution’isrepresentation.Astheconcernsofracializedindividualsandcommunitiesare oftenignoredordismissedwithinenvironmentalist sectors,therehasbeenadriveamongcorporations toincreasethevisibilityofpeopleofcolourinthese areas,eitherthroughtheuseofmulticulturalnames, thepositioningofpeopleofcolourinmoreprominentrolesonsocialmediaplatformsandinadvertisements,orthehiringpeopleofcolourasstaffmem-

J.Walder

bersatthefaceofnature-basedactivities(Scottand Tenneti,2021).Suchinitiativesareoftenperformativeandtokenistic,asdecision-makingremainsdominatedbyWhitegroups.Thismaynotnecessarily leadtoimprovedoutcomes,andmayinsteadsimply legitimizetheperpetuationofinequalities.Forexample,concernshavebeenraisedaroundtheopticsof activitiessuchasclean-ups,wheregroupsofpeople fromracializedbackgroundscleanedupaspacethat isassociatedwithWhitepeople(ScottandTenneti, 2021).

Asecond‘solution’thatmustbecritiquedisplanning,specificallytop-downplanning.Thereispotentialtoimprovehealthoutcomesamongracialized communitiesinTorontobyincreasingtheiraccess tourbangreenspace,especiallybecausethepositivecorrelationbetweenurbangreeneryandhealth perceptionisstrongestamongmarginalizedgroups (Maasetal.,2006).Ithasalsobeenestablishedthat treeplantingcanmimictheeffectsofsubstantialincreasesinincome(Kardanetal.,2015),whichisimportantconsideringthesignificantoverlapbetween racialandeconomicinequalityinToronto(HulchanskiandMaaranen,2018).Furthermore,byintroducingvisualcomplexity(Speck,2018),streettreescan helpreducetrafficspeedsandvehicle-relateddeaths, whichdisproportionatelyaffectracializedcommunities(Schmitt,2020).However,thehierarchicalnatureofstate-led,top-downplanningnecessitatesthe simplificationofinformation,whichleadstolocal, place-specificcontextandknowledgebeingignored orlost(Scott,1998).Inthecaseofracialdisparities, implementingsuchsolutionsinatop-downmanner withoutconsultationcancreatea‘whitesaviour’situation,resultinginthefurtherexclusionofandfurtherexcludealreadymarginalizedcommunities.

3.5. InformalPlanning:ASolution?

Ithasbeenarguedthatthetop-downimplementationofplanningsolutionsisnotsufficienttoreshape urbanlandscapes,bringingintonecessitythestruggleofactorsagainstwiderpoliticaleconomicforces (Miraftab,2016).Traditionalplanningisoftenatool throughwhichtherulingelitesmaintainsystemsof oppression,whichmeansthatradical,insurgentplanningisrequiredtodisruptthestatusquo.Thepriorityofthisprocessisinclusion,asitrepresentsa contrastandthereforedirectthreattotheinherently exclusionarypracticesofneoliberalgovernance.Underthisframework,theoutwardinclusivenessofgovernmentsandcorporationsisameanstocontroland depoliticizethestruggleofcommunities(Miraftab, 2016).

Incontrasttoofficialformsofplanning,insurgent planninghasthepotentialtobemoreadaptableand inclusive.Theinventionofnew,informalpolitical spacescircumventstherestrictionsimposedbyofficiallysanctionedchannelsofparticipation(Miraftab, 2016).InToronto,thiscanbeseenintheformation

ofcity-basedgroupsthatallowracializedindividuals toaccessinformationongreenspacesthroughtheir owncommunities,bypassingofficialoutreachinitiativesthatareoftendeliveredinaculturallyinsensitivemanner(Caidietal.,2010).Additionally,there istheopportunityforvariousracializedgroups,such asimmigrantsandIndigenousPeoples,tocollaborateinamutuallybeneficialway(ScottandTenneti,2021),suchasexchangingknowledgeandunderstandingsofnewworldviews.Thisallowsforaradicalrethinkingofthewayweconceptualize‘nature.’ Dismantlingtheboundarybetween‘urban’and‘natural,’andseeingnatureasanintrinsicpartofhuman life,canhelpexpandtheparticipationofracialized communitiesinthesespaces.

Similarly,officially-designatedgreenspacescan standalongsideinformalorliminalgreenspaces,such asparkinglots,railwaytracks,corridorsandutility easementsthatwerehistoricallyusedbyhumans,but arenowabandonedandcoveredinvegetation(RupprechtandByrne,2014).Thesespacesarethought tobevaluablepartsoftheurbanecosystem(Doyle andSpanier-Levasseur,2013)andcanalsoserveasa meanstoracialinclusionandequity,suchasinthe caseofco-managementbycommunities(Houderoy, 2014).

4. CONCLUSION

Theinstinctivehumanconnectiontonature,asoutlinedbyWilsoninhisbiophiliahypothesis(1984), explainstheimportanceofurbangreenspacesin maintainingbothphysicalandpsychologicalhealth (BarakatandYousufzai,2020;Kardanetal.,2015). However,accesstourbangreenspacesinTorontois highlyracialized(Greeneetal.,2015;ScottandTenneti,2021).Thetheoryoflandscapeperceptionas shapedbysocialsystems(Morin,2020)canhelpexplainwhythesenarrativescontinuetoshapeideas aroundwhobelongsinnatureandwhodoesnot.

Lefebvre’sconceptofspaceasasocialproduct (1991)reinforcestheideathatthereducedparticipationofracializedcommunitiesinurbangreenspaces isnotaresultofindividualchoice,butaconsequenceofwidersystemicfactors.Throughthislens, racialbarriersaroundaccesstogreenspacecanbeexplainedasemergingfromforcesofproduction,planningpractices,andpowerstructures.Whilethere havebeennotableinitiativestoaddresstheseracial barriers,theconceptofradicalplanning(Miraftab, 2016)arguesthatfarmorewide-reaching,transformativeactionsarenecessarytotackletheproblem. Inparticular,insurgentandinformalplanningpracticescanhelpdismantlethebarriersfacedbyracializedcommunitiesinaccessingurbangreenspaces. Addressingtheseissuesiscrucialinordertodistributethebenefitsofurbangreenspacesinajust, equitablemanner.

Acknowledgements –Thispaperwassubmitted toGGR217H1:UrbanLandscapesandPlanning, taughtbyDr.LorenMarch.

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Su,K.,Ord´o˜nez,C.,Regier,K.,andConway,T. M.(2022).Valuesandbeliefsabouturban forestsfromdiverseurbancontextsandpopulationsintheGreaterTorontoarea. Urban ForestryandUrbanGreening,72,127589.DOI: 10.1016/j.ufug.2022.127589

Sussman,Ann.,andHollander,J.B.(2015). Cognitivearchitecture:designingforhowwerespond tothebuiltenvironment.Routledge. Tuck,E.,andYang,K.W.(2012).Decolonization isnotametaphor. Decolonization:Indigeneity, EducationandSociety,1 (1),1–40.

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WorldHealthOrganization(WHO).(2017). Urbangreenspaces:abriefforaction.WorldHealthOrganization. https://iris.who.int/bitstream/handle/10665/34 4116/9789289052498-eng.pdf?sequence=1 Wilson,E.O.(1984). Biophilia.HarvardUniversity Press:Cambridge,MA.

Wolf,K.L.,Lam,S.T.,McKeen,J.K.,Richardson, G.R.A.,vandenBosch,M.,andBardekjian, A.C.(2020).Urbantreesandhumanhealth:a scopingreview. InternationalJournalofEnvironmentalResearchandPublicHealth,17 (12), 4371.DOI:10.3390/ijerph17124371

Landmarks:TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography 9(2024),23-28

ATorontoVitalSign:TheImmigrant ExperienceandtheAffordableHousingCrisis

PolinaGorn1

1 DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto,100St.GeorgeSt.,Toronto,ON,M5S3G3

ABSTRACT:Thehousingcrisishasbeenalong-runningissueinToronto,andvariouscommunitiesandorganizationshavebeentryingtoaddressit.OneofsuchorganizationsistheToronto FoundationwhichpublishestheannualToronto’sVitalSign(TVS)report.Byexaminingtheway theTVSreportframestheaffordablehousingcrisisinTorontousingtheoutmigrationdata,this articlesuggeststhat,insteadofoutmigration,immigrationshouldbeconsideredasanimportant indicatoroftheaffordablehousingcrisis.ThepapershowsthattheobstaclesfacingtheimmigrantscomingtoTorontorevealhowfederalimmigrationpoliciesandneoliberalderegulation policiesclashwithlocalzoningby-lawsandaffectToronto’sabilitytoprovideaffordablehousing andfulfillitssanctuarycityresponsibilities.Thisarticlestatesthatsuchmeasuresasrescaling thesanctuarycitypolicyfromthemunicipaltothefederallevel,establishingacomprehensive municipalimmigrationpolicyandchangingtheland-usepoliciesalongsidereceivingprovincial andfederalfundingcanaddressthefoundationalimmigrationandland-usepolicyissuesandhelp alleviatetheaffordablehousingcrisisinToronto.

Keywords: housingaffordabilitycrisis;immigration;land-usepolicies;neoliberalpolicies;sanctuarycities

1. INTRODUCTION

HousinghasbeenanacuteissueinTorontofor decades,withnewspaperheadlinesaboutthehousing crisisemergingasfarbackasthelate1970s(Keillor,1978).Nowadays,Torontooftenplaceshighin therankingsoftheleastaffordablecitiesintheworld (UrbanReformInstitute,2023).Therefore,itisofno surprisethathousingunaffordabilityiscoveredbythe TorontoFoundationin Toronto’sVitalSigns (TVS) —anannualreportanalyzingmajortrendsinthe Torontoregionandproposingcallstoactionaimed atwealthyandsociallyproactiveTorontonians.A newadditiontothe2023TVSreport’sperspective onhousingthisyearisthatthereportusesmigration outofTorontoasasignoftheaffordabilitycrisis. Inmyview,theTorontoFoundationoverstatesthe outmigrationargumentbydrawingonsourcesthat providestrikingfiguresbutthatmaynotnecessarilyberelevanttothehousingaffordabilityissue.I

© 2024TheAuthor.PublishedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)attheDepartmentof GeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto.

arguethattounderstandthehousingaffordability crisisinthesanctuarycityofToronto,weshouldfocusonimmigrationinsteadofoutmigration.TheissuesthatimmigrantsfaceinTorontorevealthatthe housingcrisisemergesfromasystemicdisconnectbetweenfederalandmunicipalpolicies,theunrealistic responsibilitiesTorontofacesbecauseofthehistories ofroll-outneoliberalpolicies,whichclashwithlocal zoningby-lawsandhindertheconstructionofaffordablehousinginthecity.Thesolutionstotheseissues includerescalingthesanctuarycitypolicytothefederallevel,establishingacomprehensivemunicipalimmigrationpolicy,changingtheland-usepoliciesand receivingprovincialandfederalfunding.

2. DATAANALYSIS

ThePowerofUs arguesthattherehasbeenaconsistentincreaseinmigrationoutsideofTorontodue topeople’sinabilitytoaffordaplaceinthecity (TorontoFoundation,2023).ThereportusesStatisticsCanada’scomponentsofpopulationchangeby censusdivisionandAngusReid’s GTAHousing re-

P.Gorn

porttosubstantiatethisclaim.Eventhoughthedata wascollectedbythesetworeputableinstitutions,the focusofthesourceswherethefigureswereoriginally presented,aswellastheTorontoFoundation’sdata selectiondecisions,makethisevidenceirrelevantto theargumentdevelopedinthereport.

StatisticsCanadaisafederalofficethatconducts CensusesofPopulationeveryfiveyearsandconsistentlycollectsandsharesnationaldataonvarious topics,beittransportation,housingormigration (StatisticsCanada,n.d.).Basedonitsofficialobjectives,StatisticsCanadadoesnotseemtohavea vestedinterestordependencyonstakeholders,which makesitoneofthemostunbiaseddatasourcespossible.Therefore,theTorontoFoundationhasfull agencywhenitcomestoselectingandpresenting StatisticsCanada’srawdata.Thestatisticspresentedgraphicallyinthereportseemstobeperfect evidencetotheargument:thegraphshowsastable negativetrendofpeopleofallagegroupsmovingoutsideofTorontobetween2011and2022. ThePower ofUs emphasizesthattherateofoutmigrationincreasedby2.5times,from23,800peopleto59,300 people.Eventhoughthisappearstobeacompelling pieceofevidence,itdoesnotshowthesignificance oftheoutmigrationchangeinthecontextofpeople movingtoToronto.Ifthereportusedannualemigrantstoimmigrantsproportionsinsteadofcounts, theresultswouldbelessconsistentwiththeclaim (seeFigure1):onlyin2020/2021wasthereanunprecedentedspikeinpeopleleavingTorontoincomparisontopeoplemovingintothecity;inotheryears, morepeoplemovedtothecityratherthanoutofit. ThisperspectiveonStatisticsCanada’sdataanalysis showsthatthegrowingemigrationnumbersreflect thegrowingpopulationofthecity,whichcanleadto highercountsoverall.

AngusReidInstituteisaCanadiannon-profit thatconductssurveysandresearchonpublicopiniononawiderangeofissues(AngusReid,n.d.). ThePowerofUs quotesthefindingfromasurvey conductedforthe2018GTAHousingreport.The surveystatesthatthemajorityofparticipantsaged between18and44consideredleavingtheGTAdue tohowexpensiveitwouldbeforthemtoownahome (TorontoFoundation,2023).Accordingto Toronto’s VitalSigns,thisfindingconvincinglyconnectsthe previouslymentionedoutmigrationdatatotheaffordabilitycrisis.However,thisargumentisbuilt onthesurveythatwasconductedinallGTAareas:whenanalyzedmoreclosely,itturnsoutthat only45%ofTorontoniansconsideredleavingtheGTA comparedtothenet49%ofrespondentsfromother GTAareas.Eventhoughusingtheregionalmetric deprivestheargumentofage-specificity,age-group figuresareskewedbytherespondentsfromotherregions:thesamplesizeofTorontoniansinthereport isjust344people,whilethesamplesizeofparticipantsbetweentheageof18and44is425people(AngusReidInstitute,2018).Anotherargumentagainst

thereliabilityofthedataistheinitialobjectiveof thesurvey.TheGTAHousingreportwaspublished inAugust2018andconductedtogaugepublicexpectationsaboutthenewlyelectedPrimeMinister ofOntarioDougFord(AngusReidInstitute,2018). Becauseofthis,theparticipantswereaskedawide rangeofquestions,includingtheirviewsonmobility, housingandprovincialgovernment.HavingapoliticalobjectiveembeddedinthesurveyquestionscreatesamismatchbetweenwhatthesurveywascreatedforandwhattheTorontoFoundationusedit for.Lastbutnotleast,thesurveyquestionregardingpeople’sconsiderationstoleavetheGTAisby essencehypothetical:itresultsinreportingpeople’s intentionsratherthantheiractions.Inreality,family connections,joborpersonalpreferencesmakepeople morelikelytostayandtoleratealowerstandardof livingratherthanmove(CoxandHe,2016).Therefore,people’sintentionstoleavetheGTAmaynotbe convincingenoughtodrawacausativelinkbetween thehousingaffordabilitycrisisandtheoutmigration rates.

Overall,byfocusingonoutmigrationinsteadof immigrationdata,theTorontoFoundationtriesto makethehousingaffordabilitycrisismorerelevantto thetargetaudienceofthereport.ThewealthyTorontoniansaremorelikelytorelatetopeoplehavingto leavethecitythantopeopleexperiencinghomelessness,sohighlightingtheoutmigrationasatelling housingcrisisfactorhasahigherchanceofincitingthemtomakechangeabouttheissue.However, atatimewhenCanadareliesonimmigrationasan economic,demographic,andsocialforce,prioritizing outmigrationoverimmigrationignorestheobstacles thatnewcomersfaceuponcomingtoToronto(GovernmentofCanada,n.d.).Lookingintoimmigrant strugglescanrevealthestructuralissuesunderlying theaffordablehousingcrisis,whichincludethedisjointedimmigrationpolicies,historiesofderegulation andstagnantland-usepolicies.

3. TORONTO’SHOUSINGCRISIS FACTORS:IMMIGRATIONAND LAND-USEPOLICIES

DespiteTorontoplayingacrucialroleinCanada’s immigrationpolicy,itdoesnothaveacomprehensive policytomanagetheconstantinfluxofimmigrants, whichpreventsthecityfromfulfillingitssanctuary cityresponsibilitiesandforcesmunicipalitiestoimprovisetemporarysolutionstotheemergingcrises. CanadaisoneofthemostactivedonorsandparticipantsoftheUNRefugeeAgencybyprovidingasylumto1.5%oftheworld’srefugees(CanadianCouncilforRefugees,n.d.).Nationally,only23%ofpeopleinCanadaareimmigrants(Statcan,2022),while inToronto46.6%ofcitizensareimmigrants(Cityof Toronto,2022).Almost1.5millionTorontoniansare firstgenerationimmigrants,andabout180,000immigrantsarerefugees(Statcan,2024).Becauseofsuch

Fig.1:ProportionofemigrantstoimmigrantsinTorontofrom2011to2022.Proportioniscalculatedasthesum ofnetinter-andintra-provincialmigrationcounts,dividedbyimmigrantscountsperyear.Datacollectedfrom StatisticsCanadacomponentsofpopulationchangebycensusdivision,2016boundaries.

aprominentimmigrantpopulation,Torontowasthe firstcityinCanadatobecomeasanctuarycity—a placethatwelcomesandprotectsunauthorizedimmigrants(Bauder,2017).However,whenimmigrants arriveinToronto,theycannotgetaccesstoanytype ofaffordablehousing:thecity’ssocialhousingcurrentlyhasmorethan85,000peopleonitswaitlistand thecitysheltersareworkingat99.9%capacity(City ofToronto,2023,2024).Notknowingwheretogo, refugeeshadtosleepoutsidetheshelterintakeoffice inToronto(CBCNews,2023).Thesolutionthemunicipalitymanagedtocomeupwithistoreallocate therefugeesfromdowntownTorontotoNorthYork, andthen,whenNorthYorkwasunabletoaccommodatenewrefugees,toWindsor(Balintec,2023). Thislackofsystematicmunicipalimmigrantsupport revealsfoundationalflawsinimmigrationpolicies.

Toronto’sinabilitytofulfillitssanctuarycityresponsibilityofprovidingimmigrantswithhousingcan beexplainedbytheroll-outneoliberalpoliciesofthe 1990sthatderegulatedsocialhousingfundingand easedrentcontrol.Between1993and1998,thefundingofaffordablehousingwasfirstdownloadedfrom thefederalleveltotheprovinciallevel,andeventually becamemunicipalresponsibility(AugustandWalks, 2018).In2000,theprovinceofOntariopassedtheSocialHousingReformAct(SHRA),whichdecisively deregulatedsocialhousingbysplittingitsmanagementbetweenmorethan100companiesinToronto (Hackworth,2008;SocialHousingReformAct,2000). Asfortherentcontrol,theProvinceofOntarioissued theTenantProtectionActin1997,whichsubstituted theRentControlActof1992andpermittedvacancy decontrol—anarbitraryincreaseinrentonavacant unit(AugustandWalks,2018).Thesemeasuresoverloadedmunicipalresponsibilitieswithoutproviding anyfundingtoaddressthem.

Theroll-outneoliberalapproachtohousingis

complicatedbythecity’sland-usepolicies,whichhindertheconstructionofaffordablehousing.Nowadays,TorontoisdividedintoseveralResidential Zones.ZoneRpermitsconstructionofanyresidentialbuildings,fromdetachedhousestofourplexes andapartments.ThemostrestrictivezonesareRD (ResidentialDetached)andRA(ResidentialApartments),whichessentiallypermittheconstructionof onlydetachedsingle-familyhomesorapartmentsrespectively(Bozikovicetal.,2019).Whenviewedspatially,itturnsoutthatzoneR,themostpermissive zone,mostlyexistsintheOldCityarea,butthemajorityofToronto—about75%ofthecity—iscoveredbyzoneRD,colloquiallyknownastheYellowbelt.

TheYellowbeltlimitsthedevelopableareaofthe citybecauseitdoesnotpermitmultipledwellings onasinglelotofland.Thisputsdensification pressuresontheremainingquarterofthelandin Torontoandincreaseslandandhouseprices(BessaiandWhite,2023).Despitethefactthatthe zoningby-lawsestablishingtheYellowbeltwereapprovedinthelate1960s,theystillexistandaffectthe prospectsofToronto’sbuiltenvironment(Bozikovic etal.,2019).AccordingtoBiggarandSiemiatyck (2023),theResidentialZoningby-lawshavenotbeen replacedbecauseoftheirvagueandgeneralizedstatementswithfewspecificstandards.Thisgivesconstructioncompaniesanopportunitytoindividually negotiateprojectsthatmaysatisfytheneedsofthe changingdemographiesofTorontowithouttheneed tochangetheby-laws.However,officialnegotiations aretime-consumingbureaucraticprocessesthathinderconstructionfromkeepingupwiththehousing demandandimplementingtimelymeasures.

Inanattempttomitigatethehousingcrisiswithoutchangingthecity’szoning,theCityofToronto hasintroducedUrbanGrowthCentres(UGCs)as

partofOntario’sGrowthPlanfortheGreaterGolden Horseshoe(CityofToronto,2010).Indowntown Toronto,theUrbanGrowthCentreliesbetween RosedaleandtheHarbourfront,andbetweenSpadinaandParliamentStreets—theareazonedasResidentialandResidentialCommercial(Governmentof Ontario,n.d.).Altogether,thecombinationofUGCs andtheYellowbeltreinforcesimbalancesinthebuilt environmentofTorontoandleadstoincreasedland andpropertyvalues,whichannihilatesanyattempts foraffordablehousing.

4. SOLUTIONS

OnewaytoaddressToronto’sinabilitytohousenewcomersistoreconsiderthefederalimmigrationpolicy.Thefederalimmigrationpolicyshouldfactor intheconsequencesthegatewaycitiesfaceandbe moremindfuloftheevennessofimmigrationdestinations,especiallythedestinationsofrefugeesandasylumseekers.Thiscanbeachieved,forexample,by encouragingotherprovincestoattractimmigrants. SuchinitiativesastheProvincialNomineeProgram andtheAtlanticImmigrationProgram(AIP)arealreadyhelpingreallocateskilledworkerscomingto Canada,butrefugeesandasylumclaimantsarestill disregardedbytheexistingmeasures(Statcan,2022). Similarprovincialprogramsforrefugeescanhelpacknowledgethesocialsignificanceofrefugeesonanationalscaleandconnectthefederalimmigrationlaw tothesanctuarycity(Hershkowitzetal.,2021).

Beingasanctuarycity,Torontocanbenefitfroma moredistinctandcomprehensivepolicyonimmigrant integrationthatisnotconflatedwiththesheltersystemandothersocialservices.Sanctuarycitypolicies inCanadahavebeenmostlysymbolicduetothelack ofprofessionaltrainingandchangesinsocialservice structurethatcouldbesafelyusedbytheunauthorizedcitizens(MoffetteandRidgley,2018).Toronto’s sanctuarypolicyclaimsareviablelargelythanksto localgrassrootsorganizationsthatadvocateforand implementthesanctuarycityresponsibilities.The municipalgovernmentshouldacknowledgetheeffort nonprofitshavebeenputtingintofulfillingToronto’s sanctuarycityimagebymakingthemlocalgovernmentservicecontractors(FeiockandJang,2009). Thiswillallowtheorganizationstoemploytheirvolunteersandregularizetheirefforts,whichwillestablishacity-widesupportsystemforthenewcomers.

Thecityandtheprovincehaveintroducedseveralmeasuresthatcanprovidefinancialresourcesfor realizingtheaforementionedsolutions.Therecently announcedNewDealforTorontocangivethecity enoughfinancialfreedomtohandleitsgatewaycity responsibilities.AccordingtotheNewDeal,thecity ofTorontowilluploadthemaintenanceoftheGardinerExpresswayandtheDonValleyParkwaytothe province,bothofwhichusedtocostthecitymore than $7billioneveryyear(GovernmentofOntario, 2023).Additionally,thecitywillreceivemorethana

billiondollarsofprovincialsupport.Ifthecityuses themoneytotargettheeffectsofimmigrationonthe housingaffordabilitybyinvestinginskillstraining programsandimprovingemploymentopportunities, Torontoshouldsubstantiallyrelievethecrisis(Singh, 2022).

Asfortheland-usepolicy,allowingconstruction ofmultiplexesintheYellowbeltseemslikeaneasilyachievableandefficientsolution.Accordingto KarenChapple,theDirectoroftheSchoolofCities, multiplexconstructionintheYellowbeltcanmitigate thehousingcrisisbycreatinga10%surplusinthe housingmarketwithouttheneedforurbansprawl (SchoolofCities,2023).Avoidingurbansprawlwill decreaseconstructionexpensesduetohomesbeing addedtolocationswithalreadydevelopedinfrastructure,whichshouldhelpmaintainrelativelylowrents andpropertyvalues.Despitebeinglongoverdue,itis stillgoodnewsthatTorontoCityCouncilapproved multiplexesinResidentialDetachedzonesinMayof 2023(Gurney,2023).However,forthismeasuretobe asuccess,localcommunitiesshouldadvocateforthe affordabilityofthenewlybuilthomesbyengaging withstakeholdersandmunicipalities,whichiswhat Toronto’sVitalSigns encouragesitsreaderstodo.

5. CONCLUSION

TheTorontoFoundation’s2023 VitalSigns report highlightstheoutmigrationasasignofthecity’s housingcrisisbutitoverlookshowimmigrantexperiencescanrevealthesystemicdisconnectbetween thefederalimmigrationpoliciesandthemunicipal scale,thehistoriesofroll-outneoliberalpracticesthat overloadmunicipalitiesandclashwithland-useregulations,makingitimpossibleforTorontotofulfillits sanctuarycityobligations.Toalleviatethehousing affordabilitycrisis,federalimmigrationpolicyshould incentivizeprovincialrefugeeandasylumseekersprograms.Municipalpoliciesmustacknowledgethecontributiongrassrootorganizationshavebeenmaking torealizethecity’ssanctuarycityagenda,whichcan bepossiblewiththehelpofprovincialfundinginthe formoftheNewDealforToronto.PermittingmultiplexconstructionintheYellowbelt,whichisgraduallybeingdonebytheCityofToronto,wouldresolvetheland-useproblem.Overall,byaddressing thefoundationalimmigrationandland-usepolicyissues,Torontocanfosteramorediverseandinclusive builtenvironmentthatwillprovethecity’sroleofthe sanctuarycity.

Acknowledgements –Thispaperwassubmittedto URB235:AMultidisciplinaryIntroductiontoUrban Studies1,taughtbyDr.DavidRoberts.

6. REFERENCES

AngusReidInstitute(n.d.). About.angusreid.org/about ari/

AngusReidInstitute.(2018). GTAHousing ReleaseTables.angusreid.org/wp-content/ uploads/2018/08/2018.06.06-GTA HousingReleaseTables.pdf

AngusReidInstitute(2018). GTA HousingReport.angusreid.org/wpcontent/uploads/2018/08/2018.07.16-GTAHousing-releasing.pdf

August,M.,andWalks,A.(2018).Gentrification,suburbandecline,andthefinancializationofmulti-familyrentalhousing:thecase ofToronto. Geoforum,89,124–136.DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2017.04.011

Balintec,V.(2023,October6).Asylumseekersare sleepingonTorontostreetsagain.Howdidwe enduphere? CBCNews

Bauder,H.(2017).Sanctuarycities:policies andpracticesininternationalperspective. InternationalMigration,55 (2),174–187.DOI: 10.1111/imig.12308

Bessai,M.,andWhite,C.(2023,May11). TorontoCityCouncilgreenlightsmultiplexesinthe‘Yellowbelt’.UrbanToronto urbantoronto.ca/news/2023/05/toronto-citycouncil-greenlights-multiplexes-yellowbelt.52434

Biggar,J.,andSiemiatycki,M.(2023).Tracing discretioninplanningandland-useoutcomes: perspectivesfromToronto,Canada. Journal ofPlanningEducationandResearch,43 (3), 508–524.DOI:10.1177/0739456X20904427

Bozikovic,A.(Ed.).(2019). Housedivided:howthe missingmiddlecansolveToronto’saffordability crisis.CoachHouseBooks:Toronto,ON. CanadianCouncilforRefugees.(n.d.). Backgroundinformationaboutrefugees. ccrweb.ca/en/information-refugees

CBCNews.(2023,July18).TorontoasylumseekersmovedtoNorthYorkchurchesasfedsboost fundingforsheltersupport. CBCNews. CityofToronto.(2010,March26). City initiatedofficialplanamendmentYonge–Eglintonurbangrowthcentre toronto.ca/legdocs/mmis/2010/pg/bgrd/ backgroundfile-28933.pdf CityofToronto.(2022,November4). 2021 Census:citizenship,immigration,ethnic origin,visibleminoritygroups(race),mobility,migration,religion.toronto.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2022/11/8f69-2021-CensusBackgrounder-Immigration-EthnoracialMobility-Migration-Religion-FINAL.pdf CityofToronto.(2023). Socialhousingwaiting listreport.toronto.ca/city-government/dataresearch-maps/research-reports/housing-andhomelessness-research-and-reports/socialhousing-waiting-list-reports/

CityofToronto.(2024,March21)DailyShelter andOvernightServiceUsage.toronto.ca/citygovernment/data-research-maps/researchreports/housing-and-homelessness-research-andreports/shelter-census/

Cox,W.,andHe,A.(2016).Canada’smiddleincomehousingaffordabilitycrisis. Frontier CentreforPublicPolicy.fcpp.org/wpcontent/uploads/2016/06/Cox-He-MiddleIncome-Housing-Crisis.pdf

Feiock,R.C.,andJang,H.S.(2009).Nonprofits aslocalgovernmentservicecontractors. Public AdministrationReview,69 (4),668–680.DOI: 10.1111/j.1540-6210.2009.02016.x GovernmentofCanada.(n.d.).ImmigrationMatters:Canada’simmigration trackrecord.canada.ca/en/immigrationrefugees-citizenship/campaigns/immigrationmatters/track-record.html GovernmentofOntario.(n.d.). Sizeandlocation ofurbangrowthcentresintheGreaterGolden Horseshoe.ontario.ca/document/size-andlocation-urban-growth-centres-greater-goldenhorseshoe/size-and-location-urban-growthcentres-greater-golden-horseshoesection-18 GovernmentofOntario.(2023,November27). OntarioandTorontoReachaNewDeal. news.ontario.ca/en/release/1003888/ontarioand-toronto-reach-a-new-deal

Gurney,M.(2023,May11).No,Torontoisnot headedforamultiplextsunami. TVOToday Hackworth,J.(2008).Thedurabilityofroll-out neoliberalismundercentre-leftgovernance:the caseofOntario’ssocialhousingsector. StudiesinPoliticalEconomy,81 (1),7–26.DOI: 10.1080/19187033.2008.11675071

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Keillor,R.M.(1978,June26).Housingcrisislatest chapterinamuddledlife. TheGlobeandMail Moffette,D.,andRidgley,J.(2018).SanctuarycityorganizinginCanada:fromhospitalitytosolidarity. MigrationandSociety: AdvancesinResearch,1 (1),147–155.DOI: 10.3167/arms.2018.010113

SchoolofCities.(2023,February13). How toputaffordableinthemissingmiddle, pt.1:the“missinglittle”—arenovationrevolution! [Video].YouTube. youtube.com/watch?v=kQIxYUc9MDAt=908s Singh,V.(2022).Dynamicsofaffordabilityand immigrationintheCanadianhousingmarket. InternationalJournalofHousingMarketsandAnalysis,15 (3),709–732.DOI: 10.1108/IJHMA-04-2021-0037

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StatisticsCanada.(2022). Immigrantsmake upthelargestshareofthepopulationinover 150yearsandcontinuetoshapewhowe areasCanadians.150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/dailyquotidien/221026/dq221026a-eng.htm StatisticsCanada.(2024). CensusProfile. 2021CensusofPopulation.Statistics CanadaCatalogueno.98-316-X2021001. 12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2021/dppd/prof/index.cfm?Lang=E

SocialHousingReformAct,2000,O.Reg.309/07,s. 29. TorontoFoundation(2023). ThePower ofUs.torontofoundation.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2023/11/TF-VitalSigns2023Tagged-Nov14.pdf UrbanReformInstituteandTheFrontierCentrefor PublicPolicy.(2023). DemographiaInternationalHousingAffordability

Landmarks:TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography 9(2024),29-33

ColonialRelationswithintheEmpire:CopCity’s UndemocraticImpositiononUnincorporatedDeKalbCounty

AmeliaCollet1

1 MunkSchoolofGlobalAffairsandPublicPolicy,UniversityofToronto,315BloorSt.W,Toronto,ON,M5S0A7

ABSTRACT:ThecontroversysurroundingtheestablishmentofCopCityinAtlanta’sSouth RiverForesthighlightsacomplexinterplayofracializedspatialdynamics,environmentalinjustice,andsystemicinequalities.Despiteferventoppositionfromlocalcommunitiesandactivists, CopCityreceivedapproval,emblematicofanundemocraticimpositionontheprimarilyBlack residentsofunincorporatedDeKalbcounty.Thispaperapplieshumangeographyconceptsof terranullius,sacrificezones,andforgottenplacestoanalyzetheproductionofrelationalspaces thattheasymmetricalrelationswhichenabledCopCity’sconstruction.ThroughacriticalexaminationofhistoricallanddispossessionandracializedgeographiesthispaperarguesthatCopCity servesasamanifestationofinternalcolonialism.Drawingonavarietyofsourcesincludinghealth data,demographicstudies,andscholarlyresearch,thispaperarguesthattheimpositionofCop Citynotonlyperpetuatesenvironmentalracismbutalsoreinforcescolonialrelationswithinthe empire,treatingresidentsofunincorporatedDeKalbascolonialsubjectsratherthancitizens.By employingtheoreticalframeworksandempiricalevidence,thispapershedslightonthesystemic injusticesthatunderpinCopCity’sconstructionandthestate’sroleinperpetuatingviolence againstBlackcommunities.

Keywords: carceralsystem;criminalization;environmentalracism;gentrification;militarization;militarism; policing;prisonindustrialcomplex;racialization;settlercolonialism;spatiality

1. INTRODUCTION

Since2021,theSouthRiverForestinAtlantahas beentheplaceofincreasedmediaattentionafterthe cityannouncedthatitwouldbecomethesitefora $90million,85-acrepolicetrainingcentre,whichthe surroundingcommunitynamed“CopCity”(Keenan andRojas,2023).Thisdecreecamewithmuchopposition.Despiteyearsofprotest,severalactivistslosingtheirlives,researchonenvironmentalandsocial impactstonearbycommunities,hoursofpubliccommentsandhundredsofspeakers,onJune6,2023,the citycouncilstillapprovedthe $31milliontax-payer fundedbudget(KeenanandRojas,2023).

Inordertounderstandthecity’sblatantlyantidemocraticactions,thispaperwillapplythreeoverarchinghumangeographyconceptstotheCaseof CopCity: terranullius,sacrificezones,andforgot-

© 2024TheAuthor.PublishedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)attheDepartmentof GeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto.

tenplaces.Theseconceptswillbeusedtoanalyze howenvironmentalracism,gentrification,policing, andthecarceralsystemproducerelationalspaces thatareco-constitutedwithandreinforcetheproductionofracialdifference.Relationalspacesdescribeasymmetricalpowerdynamicsbetweencommunitiesexpressedthroughoneactorhavingpower overthegeographyoftheother,shapedbysocialrelationsandpowerdynamics.Drawingonhealthand demographicdata,interviews,andscholarlywork,I willarguethat,inthecontextofCopCity,theserelationalspaceshaveresultedinthesettlercolonialstate relatingtotheprimarilyBlackresidentsofDeKalbas colonialsubjectsratherthancitizens,resultinginthe undemocraticimpositionofCopCity.

2. TERRANULLIUSANDINTERNAL COLONIALISM

Inordertounderstandthepresent-dayconstruction ofCopCity,itisimportanttofirstunderstandthe

historybehindtheprojectandtheland,whythis spacewaschosenforCopCity,andtheimplications ofthatdecision.TheAtlantaTrainingCenterwebsitewritesthattheCityofAtlanta’sDepartment ofEnterpriseandAssetManagement(DEAM)conductedananalysisoflandandselectedKeyRoad inunincorporatedDeKalbCounty,landownedby theCityofAtlanta(AtlantaPublicSafetyTraining Center,n.d.).TheCityoutlinesthatthisarea“becametheclearchoice”duetoitsproximitytothe cityand“amountofspaceavailableforuse”(Atlanta PublicSafetyTrainingCenter,n.d.).Tomakesense ofhowthisforestedland,recognizedbytheCityas the“LungsofAtlanta”(AtlantaPublicSafetyTrainingCenter),whichbordersprimarilyBlackcommunities,wasdeterminedtobetheideal,“available” (i.e.empty)spaceforCopCity,wemustlooktothe settlercoloniallogicof terranullius. Terranullius isthelegalconceptonwhichEuropeancoloniesandsettlerstatesbuilttheirempires. Thephrasemeans“noone’sland”,andwasusedasa justificationbycolonialpowerstocolonizelandwhich theydefinedaswildorvacantregardlessofiftheland wasalreadyoccupiedorusedbyIndigenouspeoples (Greer,2019).Thesettlercolonialstatehasapatternofproclaiminglandas“empty”or“available” tojustifytheexpansionofthestateintocertainareas.Thelandwhichthesettlercolonialstatehas deemed“available”fortheimpositionofCopCity wasforciblytakenfromtribesbythe IndianRemoval Act of1830(Belgard,2023).TheWeelauneeForest washometotheMuscogeeCreekNationforthousandsofyears.LandDefendersmaintainthatthe landisnotempty,andinfacthasgreatsignificance asunderneathitholdsIndigenousburialandceremonialsitesofgenerations(Belgard,2023).Itmustbe acknowledgedthatcolonialismisanongoingproject andeverydecisionwhichexpandsorrenewsthesettlerstate’smonopolyonviolencereaffirmstheUSas acolonial,occupyingpresenceonIndigenousland. Thefollowingsectionwillexpandonthisidea,connectingittothestate’sunderminingoftheautonomy ofBlackcommunities,drawingontheworkofVasudevanandSmith(2020)whoemploytheterm“internalcolonialism”todescribehowracializedgeographieswithintheUSarefundamentallylinkedwith colonialism,globalmilitarismandimperialism.

3. RACIALIZEDRELATIONALSPACES, FORGOTTENPLACES,ANDSACRIFICEZONES

TheidentificationofunincorporatedDeKalbCounty astheidealplacefortheAtlantaTrainingCentreis largelyaresultofthisarea’sexistenceasbotha“forgottenplace”and“sacrificezone.”Thissectionwill investigatehowtheproductionoftheserelationalgeographiescametobe,beginningwiththesignificance ofDeKalbbeinganunincorporatedcounty.Fora countytobeunincorporatedmeansthattheyarenot

recognizedasmunicipalities,andconsequentlydonot havetheirownelectedofficialsorgovernmentservices(Gomez-VidalandGomez,2021).Hence,unincorporatedDeKalbhasdecisionsmadeonitsbehalf,withouthavingpoliticalrepresentationinthe process.ThisitselfillustratestheproductionofrelationalspacesastherelationshipbetweenunincorporatedDeKalbandAtlantaisinherentlyunequalas oneholdspowerovertheother,andunincorporated DeKalbhasnoformalpoliticalrepresentationorjurisdictionoveritsland.IncasessuchasCopCity,the CityofAtlantaisabletoleveragethispowerdynamic toputanunpopularprojectwithgraveexternalities inunincorporatedDeKalbdespitethefactthatthousandsofresidentshavespokenagainstitand70%of publiccommentshaveopposedtheproject(Bethea, 2022).

Theracializationoftheserelationalspacesmust alsoberecognizedtoaddresstheunjustnessofthe CityofAtlantamakingthisundemocraticdecision. First,theracializationofrelationalspacesandsacrificezonescanbeunderstoodthroughananalysisof DeKalb’sdemographics.UnincorporatedDeKalbis aprimarilyBlackjurisdictionwithmajoritylowincomehouseholds.Thethreecensustractssurroundingthefacilityarehometo13,000people,67%of whomareBlack.TheWhiteHouseClimateand EconomicJusticeScreeningtoolclassifiestheareaas “disadvantaged”,withitbeinginthe94thpercentile fortheshareofpeoplewithasthma,88thforimpoverishedhouseholds,93rdforwastewaterdischarge, and92ndforpeoplelivinginpoverty(Wise,2023). ThisexemplifieshowtheresidentsofDeKalbarealreadysubjectedtoenvironmentalracismasaresult ofrelationalspaces,wherethenegativeexternalities ofindustrialismhavebeendisproportionatelypushed ontothesecommunities.Pulidoetal.(1996)write thatthe“processofracializationisinherentlyspatial inthatracismisadynamicforceinplace-making, andplaces...areinherentlyracialized”(p.422). Thisconceptualizationofraceisimportantforunderstandinghowplaces,suchasDeKalb,havebeen racializedandhowthispowerdifferentialisfoundationalnotonlytospaces,butalsototheconceptof racializationitself.Oneofthecoreaspectsofenvironmentalracismisthatthedisproportionateexposuretoharmisnotonlyresultingfrombutalsoreproducingracialdifferentiation(Pulidoetal.,1996). Therefore,relationalspacesandracializationarecoconstitutedandmutuallyreinforcedpowerdifferentials,resultingincyclicalviolencewhichunincorporatedDeKalbisexposedto.

Researchhasexpandedonthisconcepttounderstandhowthepracticeofpolicingislinkedtoenvironmentaljustice.Bothpolicingandenvironmental racismareimplicatedintheproductionofrelational spaceswhichhaveledtoCopCity.In2023,BrookingsInstitutereleasedareportexploringtherelationshipbetweenplace,policing,andclimate(Vajjhalaetal.).Thisreportdrawsontheconceptof

“sacrificezones”,whichdescribeshowzoningand land-usepoliciesconcentratetoxicpollutantsandextractiveindustriesinpredominantlylow-incomeand racializedcommunitiesresultinginadisproportionateamountofenvironmentalharms.ThereportcorroboratesthatthedisproportionatehealthrisksresidentsofDeKalbfaceisaresultofenvironmental racism,whichthereportcharacterizedasasacrifice zone.

Thereportgoesontoconnectsacrificezonesto RuthWilsonGilmore’s(2008)conceptof“forgottenplaces”(p.31),examiningtheconnectionbetweenthecarceralsystemandenvironmentalracism. Gilmore(2008)usesthetermforgottenplacesto describehowland-useandeconomicdevelopment policiesworkintandemtodisproportionatelyconcentratetheharmsofincarceration,environmentaldegradation,underemployment,andviolencein BlackandLatinxcommunities.Thereportanalyzed datafromAtlanta,Chicago,andNewYorkandfound thatthesamecommunitiesaredisproportionatelyexposedtobothclimateimpactsandhigherratesof policingrelativetootherneighbourhoods(Vajjhala etal.,2023).Acrossthethreecitiesallhadastrong relationshipbetweencensustractswithhigherheat islandeffectsandhigherratesofarrestsfornonviolentpropertycrimes,andnotingthatthiscorrelation wasthestrongestinAtlanta.Withthesefindings, thereportemphasizesthattheseinequitiesarenot naturalprocesses,butrathertheexpectedresultof intentionallandusepolicies.CopCityisyetanother examplewherethestatehasdisregardedtheviolence thatBlackcommunitieswillbeexposedtoasaresult ofthesepolicies.

TheBrookingsreportalsofoundthatmanyof theseneighbourhoodsalsohaveahistoryofdisinvestmentandeconomicexclusion,whichisanother elementofforgottenplaces(Vajjhalaetal.,2023; Gilmore,2008).Gilmore(2008)conceptualizesthe placesprisonsarebuiltandtheplaceswhereprisonerscomefromasonediscontinuousplaceconnected bytheviolenceofpolicingandtheabandonmentof thecontemporaryneoliberalstate.ThesecharacteristicscanbefoundinunincorporatedDeKalbasillustratedearlierbythecounty’shighpovertyrates (Wise,2023).Moreover,thisisnotnew.DeKalb haslongexistedasaforgottenplace.Throughout the1900sthesitewasoperatedasaprisonfarmthat housedmostlynon-violentoffenders(Belgard,2023). Asaresultoftheviolenceofthesettlercolonialstate, manyBlackinmateswerelynchedandincarcerated forminimaloffences,forexamplebeingaccusedof whistlingatwhitewomenorbreakingcurfew(Belgard,2023).ThiscriminalizationofBlacknessisone ofthemostprominentwaysthattheviolenceofthe carceralsystemmanifests.

AstheBrookingsreportillustrates,theconnectionbetweensacrificezonesandforgottenplacesis largelythatbothconceptscharacterizethesystematicwayinwhichBlackneighbourhoodsacrossthe

UnitedStatesaresubjectedtodisproportionateviolence.Asaforementioned,VasudevanandSmith (2020)usetheconceptofinternalcolonialismto explainhowtheunequalrelationshipwhichallows thisviolencetotakeplaceisco-constitutedwiththe underminingofautonomy.VasudevanandSmith (2020)explainthatthroughtheracializationofspace, environmentalriskexposuredomesticatesracialized geographies,underminingtheautonomyofracializedcommunitiesandimposingthewillofthesettlerstate,hencetreatingresidentsofthesesacrificezonesascolonialsubjectsratherthancitizens. WhileVasudevanandSmith(2020)primarilydiscuss thisprocessinthecontextofenvironmentalracism, itisequallyapplicable,andshouldbeextendedto otherformsofviolenceaswellincludingpolicing, thecarceralsystem,andpoverty.Inthissection,I haveillustratedtheconnectionbetweenenvironmentalracismandthecarceralsystem.Therefore,the carceralviolence(oftenmanifestingascriminalizationofBlackness)canbeincorporatedintotheconceptofinternalcolonialism.Theseformsofviolence alsomanifestspatially,andarepartofaprocessof domesticatingtheracializedgeographiesandcreating colonialrelationswithintheempire.Thisprovides theframeworktounderstandthattheviolencewhich residentsofunincorporatedDeKalbfaceisofacolonialnature,andCopCitycanbeconceptualizedasa militaryoccupation.Thisconclusioniscorroborated bythesiteplanswhichboastmilitary-gradetrainingfacilities,amockcitytopracticeurbanwarfare, explosivestestingareas,dozensofshootingranges, andaBlackHawkhelicopterlandingpad(Keenan andGoldstein,2023).Residentshavevoicedconcernaboutthepsychologicaltraumathatlivingnear ashootingrangehasalreadycaused,andhowthis willbeamplifiedbyCopCity(Wise,2023).

4. GENTRIFICATION,POLICING,AND RELATIONALSPACES

Thissectionwilldescribehowpolicing(asafunctionofthecarceralsystem)servesasatoolofgentrificationandcontributestotheproductionofrelationalspaces,whichhaveledtotheundemocratic impositionofCopCity.Fromtheprisonfarmto industrialexternalitiestoCopCity,SoutheastAtlantahasbeenadumpinggroundforunpopularpublicprojects.Asaforementioned,themajorityofresidentsinthetractssurroundingCopCityhaveopposedtheproject.Thisraisesthequestion,whois supportingCopCityandwhyistheiragendabeing forcedontoanareawhichopposesit?Toanswerthis question,Shelton(2023)drewonacombinationof publiclyaccessiblepropertyownershiprecords,voter registrationdataandonlinedirectoryinformationto identifyandmapwhereactorsresponsibleforCop Citylive.Throughthisanalysis,theyfoundthe vastmajorityofsupportfortheprojectwascomingfromwealthy,whiteneighbourhoodsandcorpo-

A.Collet

rateactorsbothfarfromthesite(Wise,2023).The majorityofsupportcamefromthoseoutsideofAtlanta,andevenexaminingthosewholivewithinthe Atlantacitylimits,nearlytwo-thirdsofthemlive inBuckhead,aneighbourhoodwhichis77%white andhasapercapitaincomeis $85,452,morethan twicethatintherestofAtlantaat $40,717(Ruch, 2022).Theothermajorsupportersarecorporations, withtheAtlantionPoliceFoundationraising $60m fromcorporatefunderstobuildCopCity(Simon, 2023).Sheltonpointsoutthatthisisreflectiveofthe factthatthereisaspatialpowerstructurewhereactorswithgreatercapital(corporationsandwealthier neighbourhoods)areabletonon-consensually(and non-democratically)enacttheiragendaonpredominantlyBlack,lesswealthyneighbourhoods.

Anotherwaythattheinequitableorganizing powerofcapitalmanifestsisthroughgentrification. OneofthereasonsthatBlackcommunitiesaredisproportionatelyimpactedbynegativeindustrialexternalitiesandthecarceralsystemisbecauseofgentrification,tenantexploitation,andracistlending practicesoftenpushBlackpeopleoutoftheirancestralhomesandintosacrificezones(Wise,2023). Ram´ırez(2019)writesthathypercriminializationand policingaretwoofthemaintoolsofgentrificationand displacement.Ram´ırez(2019)foundthatinOakland,hypercriminalizationrestrictedandcriminalizedthelivesofBlackandLatinxyouthinorderto detainpopulationswiththegoalofmaintainingeconomicstabilityunderwhitesupremacistpowerstructures.InthecaseofCopCity,theincreasedpolice presencewillcontributetohypercriminalizationasa toolofgentrificationanddispossession,whichisjustifiedthroughthebeliefthatBlackcommunitiesare displaceable,a-spatialactors.Whenanalyzingthe undemocraticactionsofthecityofAtlantaandthe willingnesstoinflictviolenceonBlackcommunities, thestateshowsthatitdoesnotcareforthelives andspacesofBlackpeople.Recognizingthatthe stateviewsBlackcommunitiesasa-spatialactorsis importantforunderstandingthelackofconsultation andrespecttowardsBlackcommunitiesinAtlanta surroundingtheconstructionofcopcity.Vasudevan andSmith(2020)wouldarguethatthisisbecausethe stateviewstheBlackpopulationinunincorporated DeKalbascolonialsubjects,notcitizens.CopCity, whichexiststoexpandthepowerofthestatethrough increasingmilitarizationofthepolice,isbeingforced ontounincorporatedDeKalbwithouttheconsentof itscitizensinthesamewaythatacolonizingcountry enactsitsagendaonacolony,creatinganinherently asymmetricalrelationshipwhichunderminestheautonomyofthesubjugatedcommunitywiththegoal ofservingtheinterestsofthecolonizingentity.

5. CONCLUSION

Inconclusion,theproductionofrelationalspacein Atlantahasallowedfortheundemocraticimposition

ofCopCityonunincorporatedDeKalbcounty.This asymmetricalpowerdynamicistheresultofalong historyofcolonialism,environmentalracism,disinvestment,policing,criminalizationofBlackness,and gentrification.Manyoftheseprocessesareinterconnectedandaresimultaneouslyresultingfromand reproducingracialdifference.Thispaperseeksto understandthedifferentmanifestationsofrelational spacesthroughtheframeworkof terranullius,sacrificezones,andforgottenplaces.Whileitisoutside ofthescopeofthispaper,usingatheoreticalapproachtounderstandtheundemocraticimpositionof CopCitycouldbesupportedbydrawingonprimary sources.Whilethesetheoriesaregenerativetheyalso possesslimitations,asthispaperdoesnotaddress theeconomicissuesincludinghowthealignmentof interestsbetweentheneoliberalstateandcorporate powershasmadethisprojectpossible,whichiscrucialtorecognize.Furthermore,adeeperdiscussion ofmanyoftheelementsincludedinthispaperwould bebeneficial,includingthemilitarizationofpolicing, thecorporatesponsorshipofcopcity,andtheconnectionbetweengentrification,environmentalracism, andpolicing.Onecommonthreadacrosstheframeworksutilizedinthispaperistheracializationofrelationalspace,whichrevealshowthewhitesettler colonialstatehascontinuouslyreproducedtheseunequalgeographiesovertimetomaintainpowerover racializedpeopleandspacesandbenefitingfromthis exploitation.Consequently,thestatehasrobbed countlessBlackcommunities,suchasunincorporated DeKalboftheirrighttoself-governance,consequently renderingtheresidentscolonialsubjectsratherthan citizens.Inthisway,CopCitymirrorsaforeignmilitaryoccupationenactingpsychologicalandphysical terroronitssubjects.Thebloodwhichhasalready beenshedasaresultofCopCitywillonlymultiply astheconstructioncontinuesandthepolicepresence isexpanded.ItisnottoolatetostopCopCity,and doingsoisessentialformitigatingtheviolenceofthe settlercolonialstate.

Acknowledgements –Thispaperwassubmittedto GGR254:GeographyUSA,taughtbyDr.Killiam McCormack.

6. REFERENCES

AtlantaPublicSafetyTrainingCenter.(n.d.). AtlantaPublicSafetyTrainingCenter.atltrainingcenter.com/ AtlantaTrainingCenter.(n.d.). AboutPublicSafety TrainingCenter.atltrainingcenter.com/about Belgard,N.S.(2023,March13). Theland atthecenterofCopCityandwhywe mustdefendit.IndigenousPeoplesPower Project.ip3action.org/the-land-at-the-center-ofcop-city-and-why-we-must-defend-it/

ColonialRelationswithintheEmpire

Bethea,C.(2022,August3).Thenewfightoveran oldforestinAtlanta. TheNewYorker Gilmore,R.W.(2008).Forgottenplacesandthe seedsofgrassrootsplanning.InC.R.Hale(Ed.), EngagingContradictions:Theory,Politics,and MethodsofActivistScholarship,pp.31–61.DOI: 10.1525/9780520916173-005

Gomez-Vidal,C.,andGomez,A.M.(2021).Invisibleandunequal:Unincorporatedcommunity statusasastructuraldeterminantofhealth. SocialScienceandMedicine,285,114292.DOI: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2021.114292

Greer,A.(2019).SettlercolonialismandEmpireinearlyAmerica. TheWilliamandMary Quarterly,76 (3),383-390.DOI:10.5309/willmaryquar.76.3.0388

Keenan,S.,andGoldstein,J.(2023,March4).Anew frontlineinthedebateoverpolicing:AForest nearAtlanta. TheNewYorkTimes Keenan,S.,andRojas,R.(2023,June6).Atlanta CityCouncilapproves“copcity”fundingdespite protests. TheNewYorkTimes. Pulido,L.,Sidawi,S.,andVos,R.O.(1996).An archaeologyofenvironmentalracisminLosAngeles. UrbanGeography,17 (5),419–439.DOI: 10.2747/0272-3638.17.5.419

Ram´ırez,M.M.(2019).Cityasborderland:Gentrificationandthepolicingofblackandlatinx geographiesinOakland. EnvironmentandPlanningD:SocietyandSpace,38 (1),147–166.DOI: 10.1177/0263775819843924

Ruch,J.(2022,August12).Buckheadbythenumbers:AlookatthelatestU.S.CensusData. Buckhead.buckhead.com/buckhead-by-thenumbers-a-look-at-the-latest-u-s-census-data/ ShaliniVajjhala,A.M.,CarlosMart´ın,R.D., andMasoodAhmed,D.B.(2023,September 21).Atlanta’s“copcity”andtherelationship betweenplace,policing,andclimate. Brookings. brookings.edu/articles/atlantas-cop-city-andthe-relationship-between-place-policing-andclimate/ Shelton,T.(2023,May30).Thereal outsideagitators. MappingAtlanta. mappingatlanta.org/2023/05/30/the-realoutside-agitators/comment-page-1/ Simon,M.(2023,June15).Copsanddonutsgotogethermorethanyouthought:Thecorporations fundingcopcityinAtlanta. Forbes. Vasudevan,P.,andSmith,S.(2020).Thedomesticgeopoliticsofracialcapitalism. PoliticsandSpaceC,38 (7-8),1160-1179.DOI: 10.1177/2399654420901567 Wise,A.(2023,September28).The healthrisksbehind“copcity”. Atlanta atlanta.capitalbnews.org/cop-city-healthimplications/

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Landmarks:TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography 9(2024),35-39

DisposableFaceMasks:AnExaminationoftheCommodityChain

Kuan-WeiWu1

1 DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto,100St.GeorgeSt.,Toronto,ON,M5S3G3

ABSTRACT:InthefaceoftheCOVID-19pandemic,theglobaldemandfordisposableface masksrosetoanall-timehighcomparedtorecentdecades.However,duetoitsculturaldisparities,productionwaslargelydenselyconcentratedinareaswheremask-wearingwashistorically prevalent.Coupledwiththechallengingtechnicalitiesinitsmanufacturingprocess,aworldwide shortageoffacemasksemerged,raisingquestionsastohowglobalvaluechainsforessential productsshouldbehandled.Thispaperexploresthetransformationofthedisposablefacemask commoditychainamidstthepandemic,emphasizingtheimportanceofstrategicmanufacturing andinternationalcooperationinpreparationforfuturecrises.

Keywords: consumerinfluence;culturaldisparities;maskscarcity;outsourcing;personalprotectiveequipment; supplychain

1. INTRODUCTION

DuringtheCOVID-19pandemic,theunassumingdisposablefacemaskemergedfromthecrisisas asymbolofresistancetothevirusandunderwenta profoundtransformationintermsofbothproduction andconsumption.Facemasksevolvedfromapiece ofprotectiveequipmentprimarilyusedbyfront-line healthworkersandhealth-consciousindividualsin Asiatobecomingauniversallyindispensabletoolin curbingthecoronaviruspandemic.Whiledisposable facemaskproductionandconsumptionhashistoricallybeencentredinAsia,theCOVID-19pandemic hasspurredtheexpansionofthiscommoditychain intoareassuchasEuropeandtheAmericas—which willbereferredtoastheWesternworldthroughout thispaper–alteringtheexistinggeographicaldimensionsoftheproductandraisingquestionsabouthow facemasksupplychainsshouldbeorganizedinthefuture(BradsherandAlderman,2020;Simonite,2020). Thispaperwilladdressthehistoricalunderpinnings ofwhymaskconsumptionwasmoreprevalentinAsia, thecomplicationsbehindtheproductionprocess,the impactithadonglobalvaluechains,aswellasthe implicationsofthefutureofthiscommoditychain.

© 2024TheAuthor.PublishedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)attheDepartmentof GeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto.

2. HISTORICALPREVALENCEAND CULTURALDIFFERENCESINMASK CONSUMPTION

Theimportanceofdisposablefacemasksbecameevidentduringthepandemicastheyprovedtobehighly effectiveinreducingthetransmissionoftheSARSCOV-2virusbypreventinginfecteddropletsfrom carryingthevirustoindividualsinclosecontact(Andrejkoetal.,2022).Reportsfoundadirectcorrelationbetweenwearingmasksinindoorpublicsettingsandaloweredpossibilityoftestingpositivefor COVID-19(Andrejkoetal.,2022).Theeffectivenessoffacemasksinreducingvirustransmissions, coupledwithpanic-inducedhoardingandgovernment mandates,ultimatelyresultedinasurgeindemand (WorldHealthOrganization).Priortothepandemic, globaldemandformaskshoveredaround89million unitspermonth.However,thisstatisticjumpedexponentiallytoover129billionpermonthintheearly stagesofthepandemic—astaggeringincreaseofover 144,000%thatrequiresmaskproductiontorampup tonearlythreemillionunitsaminute.(Jiangetal., 2023).Asthedemandformaskscontinuedtorise, productionlaggedbehindandpricesbegantoskyrocket.Thiseventuallyculminatedinaworldwide shortageofdisposablefacemasks,whichinturnilluminatedtheglobalrelianceonAsiancountriesin manufacturingmasks(WorldHealthOrganization).

3. IMPACTOFCOVID-19ONMASKDEMANDANDSUPPLY

WhileglobalmaskusagehasspikedduringCOVID19,mask-wearinghasbeenprevalentinEastAsia fordecades(Jennings,2020).Thepandemichighlightedastarkcontrastbetweentheculturaldisparitiesofmask-wearingpracticesinEastAsiacomparedtoEuropeandtheAmericas,whichgreatly influencesworldwidemaskproductionandconsumption.Historically,Westernsocietiespredominantly sawmaskusageinmedicalsettings,holdingnegative perceptionsofindividualswhochosetowearthemin public(Zhangetal.,2022).Whengovernmentsbeganencouragingandevenimplementingmandatory maskingduringthepandemic,manybelieveditto beaviolationoftheirfreedomthatreinforcedblind compliancetothegovernment,sparkingralliesand protestsacrossEuropeandtheAmericasalike(Stewart,2020;BBC,2021).Onthecontrary,suchresistancewasuncommoninAsia.ManyEastAsiannationshavelargelyembracedmask-wearingthroughoutthepandemic,andtheirpositiveoutlookonthis typeof‘maskculture’canbeattributedtoavariety ofculturalandhistoricalfactors.RiaSinha,aseniorresearchfellowattheUniversityofHongKong, describesmaskingcultureasa“symbolandatool ofprotectionandsolidarity”thatwas“boundupin socioculturalpractice”(Leung,2020,para.26).

4. GLOBALSUPPLYCHAINDISRUPTIONSANDRESPONSES

Thedeadly2003SevereAcuteRespiratorySyndrome (SARS)outbreak,whichwasconcentratedinAsia, sawtheriseofmassmaskingassomecitizenshoped tosafeguardthemselvesfromcontractingthevirus whileinpublic,whileothersbelieveditwastheir civicduty(Hyunetal.,2022;FearnleyandWu, 2022).Eveninnon-epidemictimes,individualsregularlydonnedmasksforavarietyofreasons.Individualswhoweresickworemaskstoprotectothers aroundthem,whilemaskedduringfluseasonstoprotectthemselves(Leung,2020).Othersworemasks fornon-medicalreasonssuchaskeepingwarmduring thewinterorcoveringupforpersonalreasons(Jennings,2020).Thenear-universal‘maskculture’that haspersistedinEastAsiathushassignificantimplicationsforthemanufacturingofdisposablemasks, sheddinglightontheprimarydemographicsofthe market.Itlaidthefoundationfortheregion’spivotalroleintheproductionandconsumptionofmasks andpointstoAsiaasacriticalhubwithintheglobal maskproductionchain.

WhentheCOVID-inducedmaskshortagehit,one ofthebiggestissuesthatcametolightwastheworld’s over-relianceonglobalisedsupplychains.Before thepandemic,countrieswereheavilyreliantoneach otherformedicalsupplies.Whilehigh-techmedicaldeviceswerelargelyproducedbynationslikethe

UnitedStatesandGermany,Chinawasresponsible forthevastmajorityoflesstechnologicallyadvanced personalprotectiveequipment(PPE)productssuch asmasksandgloves(Gereffi,2020).ThiswaspredominantlyduetothecheaplaborandmanufacturingexpensesinChina,enablingthemassproduction oflow-valueitemslikemasks,whicharesignificantly cheaperwhenoutsourcedinsteadofbeingdomesticallyproduced(SebastianandBoykoff,2021).However,whentheCOVIDoutbreakeruptedinChina, thegovernmentimposedanexportbanonmasks. Thisdevastatedtheglobalmasksupplychain,as Chinaproducedalmosthalfoftheworld’smasksupply(MeichleandLajo,2021).Subsequently,other nationsfollowedintheirsteps,ceasingexportstoprioritisedomesticmaskproduction.

Somenationswereabletosuccessfullyrelocate maskproductiondomestically.Forexample,Taiwan wasabletoswiftlymobilizeproductionchainswithin amonthduetothegovernment’sinterventionwhich financedandpushedfornewproductionlines(MeichleandLajo,2021).Facemaskproductionwas deemedahighpriorityandthuswasnotleftentirely totheprivatesector;thegovernmentplayedacrucialroleinensuringthatproductionlevelsremained highandultimatelyoversawaproductioncapacityof almost20millionunitsperday(MeichleandLajo, 2021).Similarly,SouthKoreaandJapansawgovernmentinterventiontorampupdomesticproduction levelstomeetthegrowingdemand(Lee,2020;Tsuji, 2020).ThesuccessinTaiwan,SouthKorea,and Japancanbeattributedtotheirexistingmaskmanufacturingexperience,asthesethreenationshavea historyofregularmaskproductionandconsumption, andwerethuswell-provisionedwiththeprocessesof maskmanufacturing.Incontrast,themajorityof othernationshavestruggledtomeetdomesticdemandsforseveralreasons.Countriesstruggledto rampupproductionduetothecomplicatednature ofmask-makingandthecostlyequipmentrequired (Grumilleretal.,2021).Manyofthesecountriesdid nothaveanexistingmarketforfacemasksinthe firstplaceandwereunabletokeepupwiththesuddensurgeindemandastheywereunaccustomedto thesheeramountofunitstheyneededtoproduce (Noguchi,2020;Simonite,2020).

Inaninterview,MikeBowenofPrestige Ameritech—oneofthefewmanufacturersofface masksintheU.S.–statedthatwhilethedemandhas risensteeplysinceCOVIDstarted,theirdemandfor maskswastypicallyscarce(Noguchi,2020).Because thepandemicwasunforeseen,existingmaskmanufacturersinthesenationswereunpreparedtoseesuddenspikesindemand,andcouldnotwithstandsuch drasticchanges.Furthermore,thetime-consuming andcostlynatureofboostingmaskproductionposes consequencesfornationslackingregularmaskconsumption.Bowenstatedthatduringthe2000sswine fluoutbreak,Ameritechhadaimedtobolstermask productionbypurchasingmoremachinesthattook

4monthstobuildandcostuptoonemilliondollars(Noguchi,2020).However,bythetimethese machineswereready,thecrisishadendedandthe demandforfacemasksplummeted.Thesedifficulties thatarosereflectaneedtounderstandthevulnerabilitiesofglobalvaluechains(GVCs)concerningmedicalorpharmaceuticalproducts,especiallyintheface ofunexpectedepidemics.Thediscrepancybetween hownationsaccustomedtomaskusagefacedthedisruptedsupplychaincomparedtothosewithoutsuch practicessuggeststhatmaskproductioncannotbe easilyreshoredinashortamountoftimeandthat movingforward,countriesshouldaimtoslowlyexpandthiscommoditychainintotheWesternworld, whilerecognizingthelimitedmaskconsumptionlevelsthere(OECD,2020).

5. TECHNICALITIESANDCOMPLEXITIESOFMASKMANUFACTURING

Understandingtheintricaciesofmaskproductionrequiresanexaminationofthetechnicalitiesandresourcesnecessaryformanufacturing.Productionitselfisrelativelycheaptomakewhenthereisn’ta shortage(OECD,2020).However,whilemaskproductionisnotaskill-intensiveprocess,itisextremely detailedandspecializedintermsofrawmaterialsand machinery(MeichleandLajo,2021).Maskproductionrequiresmultipleinputsandasophisticatedassembly,andbottlenecksoftenarisefromtheshort supplyofspecializedinputsandtime-consumingnatureofmanufacturing(Gereffi,2020).Theeffectivenessofmasksinfilteringparticlesreliesona multi-layeredstructureofnon-wovenfabric,typically craftedfrompolypropylene,atypeofpolymerderivedfrompetroleum.Polypropyleneundergoesa “melt-blown”processthatproducesfineelectrically chargedfibersthatcantrapsmallparticleswhileallowingairtopassthroughthem(OECD,2020).Multiplelayersoffabricarethenassembledtogethervia ultrasonicwelding.Therearetypicallythreeormore layers—aninnerpiecethatisplacedincontactwith themouthdesiredtoabsorbmoisture,afilterpiece madefromthemelt-blownmaterial,andanouter piecetoprotectfrompossiblecontactwithliquids (OECD,2020).Finally,metalnosestripsareinserted,andelasticearloopsareattachedinbetween thelayers.Themainbottleneckinproducingface masksistheprocessofproducingthemelt-blownfabric(Gereffi,2020).Themanufacturingofmelt-blown fabricishighlyspecializedandproducedbyonlya limitednumberofcompaniesduetothesignificant capitalexpenditureofthemachineryinvolved(Gereffi,2020).Thisposedachallengeasitrequireda largemonetaryinvestment,andthishasbeenthe reasonwhythemajorityofmaskmanufacturingduringthepandemicwasfromtheconversionofexisting productionlines(OECD,2020).Asalesdirectorat HaigongMachinery,acompanyspecializinginassemblingpartsformelt-blownlines,statedthat“every-

one[considers]maskmanufacturing,buttheydon’t understandtheprocess.Oncetheylearnthecostof thesemachines,theygiveup”(Dallasetal.,2020).

AlthoughtherewerestillahandfulofWestern companiesthatdecidedtoinvestintheseproductionlines,theeconomicsustainabilityoftheirinvestmentposedachallenge(Tina,2024).Muchlikethe Ameritechsituation,adeclineinmaskdemandispredictedpost-pandemic(Grumilleretal.,2021).Consideringthesignificantfinancialinvestmentittakes tosetuptheselines,theinvestmentislikelytofall short(Grumilleretal.,2021).Inaddition,thesenew Westernproductionlinesareunabletocompetewith Chinesepricingafterthepandemicsubsides.This echoesthereasoningbehindtheinitialconcentration ofmaskproductioninregionslikeChina—itissignificantlycheaperforconsumerstopurchaseproductsfromthem.U.S.manufacturersthatinvested inmaskproductionreportedhavinghundredsofmillionsofunsoldfacemasksintheirinventoryafter China’sloss-leadermasksreenteredthemarketand averagepricesbegandroppingsharplyasconsumers beganturningtowardslowercostforeignproducers onceagain(Aeppel,2021;Tina,2024).

6. CONSUMERINFLUENCEONMASK PRODUCTIONCHAINS

Thecomplexrelationshipbetweenmaskproduction andconsumptiontrendsunderscorestherolethat consumersplayinpropellingthecommoditychain. ThegovernancestructureofPPEstendstobeskewed towardsbuyersduetothe“commodity-likecharacteristicsoftheproducts,”thecompetitivepricing betweensellers,andthelowertechnologicalrequirements(Grumilleretal.,2021).Theemphasisonconsumerdemandhasmajorimplicationsforthefuture ofmaskproductionchainsandconsumptiontrends; understandingtheleverageconsumersholdiscrucialinaddressinghowglobalvaluechainsformedicalsuppliesshouldbeorganizedtopreventarecurrenceoftheCOVID-19maskshortage.Thepandemicrevealedtherisksofover-relianceonforeign supplychains,anddemonstrateda“pressingneed to...investinstrategicvaluechainsandtoreduce over-dependencyonthirdcountriesintheseareas” (Dallasetal.,2020).Movingforward,theexisting GVCstructureshouldbereexaminedinrelationto thegeographicalandtechnologicalfactorsembedded withinthisspecificsupplychain(Dallasetal.,2020). Notably,countriesshouldaimtostrikeabalancebetweendomesticproductionandinternationalsourcing.TheCOVID-19outbreakhasdemonstratedthat itwouldbeexpensivetomaintainself-sufficiencyin maskproductionbutriskytoheavilyrelyonimportedgoods,thussuggestingthatnationsshould aimtomeetinthemiddle(OECD,2020).Furthermore,thepandemichighlightedthenecessityofinternationalcollaborationinmaintainingsteadysupplychains.Thedisruptioninthemasksupplychain

duringtheCOVID-19epidemiccanbepartiallyattributedtogovernmentinterventionthatrestricted opentrade.Whileitisunderstandableforcountries toprioritizedomesticsupplies,maintaininginterconnectedmarketscanpromoteaccesstoinnovation, goods,andinformationthatinturn,helpsintacklingthecrisis(OECD,2020).Inparticular,given thatfacemaskshaveanextendedshelflife,countries shouldmakeaconcertedefforttostrategicallymanufactureandstockuponmasksasacontingencyplan forpotentialfuturecrises(Grumilleretal.,2021). Collaborationamongstdifferentnationsisimperative tosecuringaresilientglobalsupplychainforessential commoditiessuchasfacemasks,andthuscountries shouldaimtocooperateinpreparationforpossible futurecrises.

7. LIMITATIONSOFTHESTUDY

Whilethispaperaimstoprovidevaluableinsights intothetrendsandrelationshipsbetweenthehistoricalunderpinnings,culturaldifferences,andglobal supplychaindisruptionsoffacemaskproductionand consumption,itisessentialtorecognizeitslimitations.Firstly,thestudyprimarilyfocusesonmembercountriesoftheOrganisationforEconomicCooperationandDevelopment(OECD),whichlargely consistsofnationsthatpossessahigh-incomeeconomyandahighratingontheHumanDevelopment Indexscale.Thismayhaveimplicationsonthe generalizabilityofthefindingstocountriesoutside theOECDmembership,particularlyinthecontext ofhowfacemaskusageisperceivedandpractised. Therefore,findingsmaynotfullyrepresenttheexperiencesofpopulationsinsomenon-OECDcountries, wherefactorssuchasaccesstohealthcare,cultural practices,andgovernmentpoliciesmayinfluenceconsumptionandproductionpatterns.Additionally,the study’sfocusontheCOVID-19pandemicanditsimmediateaftermathmaylimittheapplicabilityofthe findingsonfuturecontexts.Thepandemichasundeniablytriggeredunprecedentedchangesinfacemask demandandsupplyinrecentyears,butthesedynamicsmayevolveovertimeaspublichealthsituations change.Theconclusionsdrawnfromthispapermay notaccuratelycapturethelong-termtrendsorfuturedevelopmentinthefacemaskindustryinthe longterm.

8. CONCLUSION

Facemasks,acommodityhistoricallylargelyproducedandconsumedinEastAsia,sawsignificant changesinrecentyearsduetotheCOVID-19pandemic.Theglobalcrisissawanunprecedented spikeindemandworldwide,ultimatelyresultingin widespreadshortagesthatcastdoubtonthesustainabilityofthecurrentglobalsupplychain.Theexpansionoffacemaskproductionandconsumptioninto

theWesternworldisacomplicatedprocessthatrequiressignificantrestructuringandcoordinationbetweennationsasasafeguardagainstpotentialfuture disruptions.Movingforward,facemaskswillonly continuetoexpandasacommoditychain,andthe shortcomingsthatbecameapparentduringthepandemicshouldthusbeaddressedassoonaspossible.

Acknowledgements –Thispaperwassubmittedto GGR221:NewEconomicSpaces,taughtbyDr.DeborahLeslie.

9. REFERENCES

Aeppel,T.(2021,May11).America’smaskmakers facepost-pandemicMeltdown. Reuters. Andrejko,K.L.,Pry,J.M.,Myers,J.F.,Fukui, N.,DeGuzman,J.L.,Openshaw,J.,Watt,J. P.,Lewnard,J.A.,andJain,S.(2022).Effectivenessoffacemaskorrespiratoruseinindoor publicsettingsforpreventionofSARS-COV-2infection—California,February–December2021. MorbidityandMortalityWeeklyReport,71 (6), 212–216.DOI:10.15585/mmwr.mm7106e1 BBC.(2021,November21).Covid:Hugeprotests acrossEuropeovernewrestrictions. BBCNews. Bradsher,K.,andAlderman,L.(2020,March13). TheWorldneedsmasks.Chinamakesthem,but hasbeenhoardingthem. TheNewYorkTimes Dallas,M.,Horner,R.,andLi,L.(2020).Themutual constraintsofstatesandglobalvaluechainsduringCOVID-19:Thecaseofpersonalprotective equipment. WorldDevelopment,139,105324. DOI:10.2139/ssrn.3763218

Fearnley,L.,andWu,X.(2022).BeyondAsian ‘maskculture’:understandingtheethicsofface masksduringtheCovid-19pandemicinSingapore. CriticalPublicHealth,33 (3),343–354. DOI:10.1080/09581596.2022.2114315

Gereffi,G.(2020).WhatdoestheCOVID-19pandemicteachusaboutglobalvaluechains?The caseofmedicalsupplies. JournalofInternationalBusinessPolicy,3 (3),287–301.DOI: 10.1057/s42214-020-00062-w

Grumiller,J.,Grohs,H.,andReiner,C.(2021). Increasingresilienceandsecurityofsupplyproductionpost-COVID-19:fromglobaltoregionalvaluechains?CasestudiesonmedicalandpharmaceuticalproductsVienna.AustrianFoundationforDevelopmentResearch. ideas.repec.org/p/zbw/oefser/122021.html

Hyun,J.,Setoguchi,A.,andBrazelton,M.A. (2022).Somereflectionsonthehistoryof maskedsocietiesinEastAsia. EastAsian Science,TechnologyandSociety:AnInternationalJournal,16 (1),108–116.DOI: 10.1080/18752160.2021.2015125

Jennings,R.(2020,March11).NotjustCoronavirus: Asianshavewornfacemasksfordecades.Voice ofAmerica.

Jiang,H.,Luo,D.,Wang,L.,Zhang,Y., Wang,H.,andWang,C.(2023).Areview ofdisposablefacemasksduringtheCOVID19pandemic:Afocusonmicroplasticsrelease.Chemosphere,312(1),137178.DOI: 10.1016/j.chemosphere.2022.137178

Lee,H.K.(2020,February27).SouthKoreatakes newmeasurestohaveenoughfacemasksdomesticallyamidcoronavirus. ABCNews.

Leung,H.(2020,March12).Whywearingaface maskisencouragedinAsia,butshunnedinthe U.S. Time

Meichle,N.K.,andLajo,M.T.(2021).Maskindependency:Taiwan’sresponsetomaskshortage intheCOVID-19pandemic(No.02/2021). CoronaNetResearchProject.coronanetproject.org/workingpaperseries/papers/meichle 202103.pdf

Noguchi,Y.(2020,March5).Notenoughfacemasks aremadeinAmericatodealwithCoronavirus. NPR

OrganisationforEconomicCo-operationandDevelopment(OECD).(2020).Thefacemask globalvaluechainintheCOVID-19outbreak: evidenceandpolicylessons. Organisation forEconomicCo-operationandDevelopment oecd.org/coronavirus/policy-responses/theface-mask-global-value-chain-in-the-covid19-outbreak-evidence-and-policy-lessonsa4df866d?fbclid=IwAR18A9PlWFcrq2L1V 0gB rw1gwYuZPeMI bJKSmCtJqVwUMS6eR0EO XD9ucsnotes-d4e401

Sebastian,C.,andBoykoff,P.(2021,September15). USmaskmakerssaytheyarebeingclobberedby cheapercompetitionfromChina. CNN. Simonite,T.(2020,March29).Howdecadesofoffshoringledtoamaskshortageinapandemic. Wired Stewart,E.(2020,August7).Anti-maskersexplain themselves. Vox. Tina,B.(2024,February4).TheU.S.investedmillionstoproducemasksathome.Nownobody’s buying. TheWallStreetJournal Tsuji,T.(2020,February28).Sharptomassproducemasks,usingcleanrooms. NikkeiAsia. asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Coronavirus/Sharpto-mass-produce-masks-using-clean-rooms WorldHealthOrganization(WHO).(n.d.). Shortageofpersonalprotectiveequipmentendangeringhealthworkersworldwide.World HealthOrganization.who.int/news/item/0303-2020-shortage-of-personal-protectiveequipment-endangering-health-workersworldwide?fbclid=IwAR1VUe0g0XdctSzZhh5l KoHErmthPEFeeK EgFFEAl9PmLLtFsaTh HXAr-A

Zhang,Y.S.,Noels,K.A.,Young-Leslie,H.,and Lou,N.M.(2022).“Responsible”or“Strange?” differencesinfacemaskattitudesandusebetweenChineseandNon-EastAsianCanadiansduringCOVID-19’sfirstwave. Frontiers inPsychology,13,853830.DOI:10.3389/fpsyg.2022.853830

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Landmarks:TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography 9(2024),41-45

ACommonsforWho?Encampments,theHousing Crisis,andLearningtoResistintheEraofCOVID-19

JesseUptonCrowe1

1 DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto,100St.GeorgeSt.,Toronto,ON,M5S3G3

ABSTRACT:InToronto,theCOVID-19crisisbroughtwithitthegrowthofpublicencampment communitiesinawaythatwasnotpreviouslyvisible.Thegrowthofthesepublicunhoused communitiesinspiredgrassrootsorganizingandresistancetothecity’sconstantattemptsto clearandinvisiblethoselivingoutside.Thispaper’sgoalistosituatethismomentofactivism andorganizinginTorontowithinthegreaterglobalsquattersandhousingrightsmovementsthat havegrownoutofneoliberalausterityandthedestructionofthesocialsafetynet.Thecentral questionofthistextexamineswhohastherightstothecityinwhataresaidtobecommon spaces,andwhoareconsideredworthycitizenstobealliedwith.TheCOVID-19crisisisframed asacentralmomentinleftistorganizinginNorthAmerica.InToronto,movementsaround encampmentsupportgrewandunhousedsolidaritymovedbeyondbeingaradicalidea.Here wetracethismomentofexceptionandgrounditinMarxist,collectiveorganizingtraditionsof mutualaidanddirectaction.

Keywords: campingbylaws;criminalization;evictions;homelessness;housingjustice;municipalpolicy;policing;publicspace;selfplanning

1. INTRODUCTION

InToronto,theCOVID-19crisisbroughtwithit thegrowthofhomelessencampmentsincentralpublicparks.Priorto2020,encampmentsweremainly seentuckedintoravinesandundertheGardiner Expressway,makingtheinfluxofcampsinpopularparkshighlyvisiblebothliterallyandpolitically (Evans,2022).Thegrowthofthesecommunities inspiredgrassrootsorganizingandresistancetothe City’sconstantattemptstoclearandmakeinvisiblethoselivingoutside.Thegoalofthispaperis tosituatethismomentofactivismandorganizing inTorontowithinthegreaterglobalsquattersand housingrightsmovementsthathavegrownsincethe implementationofneoliberalism.Iamfocusingon alargehomelessencampmentatLamportstadium whichlastedfrom2020to2021(MidnightSun,2022). AcomparativeelementI’minterestedinishowpoliciesandzoninghavelimitedthegrowthofencamp-

© 2024TheAuthor.PublishedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)attheDepartmentof GeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto.

ments,andworkedagainstcommunityledsolutions inToronto.

Iamwritingthispaperreflexivelyasanactivist andorganizerfromtheParkdaleEncampmentSupportNetwork,ananti-capitalistvolunteerrunorganizationwhostillfightagainsttheCityofToronto’s variousmethodsofclearingandpathologizingthose livingthroughoutencampmentswhostruggletorebuildthemselves.Iamafeminized,white,housed person,andcomefromaplaceofprivilegeorganizingamongstthosewhoareofteninsurvivalmode livingprecariously.Iamemployingapostmodernist andMarxistlenstoevaluateelementsofclassthat leadtothecity’scriminalizationofhomelessnessand tolookatthewaysthatpeoplesuchasartists,academics,andworkersseesolidaritywiththeunhoused asimportant.

IlooktoLatinAmericawherepeoplehavebuilt permanent favelas or barrios andsquattedbuildings, takingbackspacewithoutthefalseimpressionthat theneoliberalgovernmentwilltakecareoftheirneeds (Diaz-Parra,2018).Iarguethatbuildingnetworksof communitysolidaritybetweenhousedandunhoused peopleisparamountincreatingmaterialchangefor

J.UptonCrowe

homelesspoliciesinurbancentres.Further,inorder tounderstandwhatitmeanstopushbackagainstthe dominanceofthestate,itisimperativetoconnect strugglesforhousingtotheimpactsofglobalcapitalism,andlooktosquatter’smovementsinLatin Americaforlessonsincollectiveaction.

2. NEOLIBERAL“PUBLIC”SPACE

InOntario,fromthe1990sonwards,therewasaneoliberalhollowingofsocialprogramsunderPremier MikeHarris(Evans,2022).Whatwewereleftwithin 2020-2022wasadoubleconservativegovernmentundertheleadershipofMayorJohnToryandPremier DougFord,bothofwhompreferredtopandertocorporatedevelopersandpropertyownersthantorefund affordablesocialhousingprograms.Throughthese conservativegovernments,policiesthatfavourthose investedinpropertyareenforcedinordertokeep publicspaceinhabitablefortheuseofthemiddleclass(Evans,2022).

CityofTorontopoliciesonpublicspacemayseem innocuousforthosewiththeprivilegeofhavingan apartmenttogoto.Whenonelivesoutside,there arevariouslawsthatworktocriminalizeday-to-day survival.Anti-campinglaws,loitering,lawsagainst openalcoholinpublic,allofthesepoliciesmakesimplytryingtoexistwithoutahometicketableoreven arrestable.Chapter608.13and608.14oftheToronto MunicipalCodestatesthatnooneisallowedtoinstalltentsorpermanentstructuresincityparksand thatnopersonisallowedtosleepinapublicpark, evenwithnowhereelsetogo(CityofToronto,2023).

3. COVID-19ANDMUTUALAID

Duringthepandemic,theambiguouslynamedPathwaysInsideProgrammaskeditsgoalofclearance byanymeansnecessaryundertheframeworkofliberalwording(FactCheckToronto,2022).Thecity employedvariousmethodsofpersuasioninclearing encampments.Someliketheequallyhumorously namedcityoutreachgroup,StreetstoHomes,arepotentiallyhelpfulifsomeoneistryingtoaccessshelter spacebutcontrarytotheirname,theyrarelyhave permanent,affordablehousestooffer.ParksAmbassadors,alsopoorlynamed,havetheprimaryjobof surveillingandcountingtentstoreportbacktothe citytoenactenforcement.Fromthere,thecitycan choosetoissuetrespasstopropertyticketswhichare enforceablebyforcefulmassclearingatthehandsof citystaffandtheTorontoPolice(FactCheckToronto, 2021).

Duringtheearlymonthsofthepandemic,longtimehomelessnessadvocatescalledonthecityto rapidlychangetheirpoliciesinanattempttomitigateharm.Becauseoftheprecariouslivingsituationsunhousedpeopleareplacedin,likecongregate sheltersorridingtransit,theyweredeemedtobeat

highriskforsevereillnessordeathduetoCOVID19.Thefirstcallcamefromagroupof75advocates workinginhomelessnessandharmreduction.This groupcitedhumanrightsviolationsincallingforthe alreadyovercrowdedsheltersystemtopracticesocial distancingguidelines,demandingtomoveresident’s bedsatleasttwometresapart(Casey,2020).The distancingmeasureswereanimportantfirststep,but alsolimitedtheaccessanduseoftheshelters,which resultedintherapidexpansionofvisibleencampments.

TheCOVID-19lockdownsmeantthatmanyworkingclasspeoplewereunabletoworktheirpublicfacingjobs.Manyworkerswereleftidletowitnessthe growingwealthdisparitiesinToronto.Musicians,retailworkers,serversandhairstylistslikemyselfwere abletohaveourmaterialneedsmetbycollectingfederalfundingthroughemergencypaymentprograms liketheCanadaEmergencyResponseBenefit(CERB or,later,CRB).Havingone’smaterialneedsmetgave manypeoplelikemyselfachancetobereleasedfrom theworkloadofcapitalismand,thus,achancetoact onourpoliticaldesirestocreatechange.

Therewasapivotalmomentinthebeginning of2020wheneveryonewasstuckwatchingtheir phones.COVID-19wasmakingpeopleacutelyaware ofthecracksinthesystem.Massmovementsformed aroundthemurderofGeorgeFloyd,andtheorganizingofBlackLivesMatterdrewthousandsofpeople ontothestreetsinsolidarity(Spade,2020).On-thegroundactivismandsocialmediaadvocacybecame possiblebecausesomanypeoplenowhadtime.At theencampmentlevel,thisplayedoutwithpublicsocialmediacallstocomedownandhelpstopclearings andtopressurethecitytochangepoliciesandput anendtoencampmentevictionsduringthepandemic (Deforge,2021).

TheencampmentthatformedatLamportStadiumwasaproductofaccess.Thelandscapeofthe parkisinmanywaysperfectfortheoverflowofthose whoarenotaccessingabedinthesheltersystem, butareusingtheservicestheyprovidesuchasharm reduction,meals,andcommunity.TherearetwoimportantstructuresontheLamportgroundsthatat thetimeprovidedservicestothoselivinginthatspecificpark.Thereisthesoccerstadiumitself,which wasclosedduringthepandemic,enablingittobe usedforitsshowersandwashrooms.Thereisalso theSt.Felixrespitecentre.Builtin2015asatemporary24-hourdrop-incentre,itquicklypivotedinto becomingalong-term-staysheltersitewithoutanyof theamenitiesnorregulations(EncampmentSupport NetworkParkdale,2024).

Onegroupoforganizersandadvocatesthat formedduringthepandemicwastheEncampment SupportNetwork(ESN).ESNformedafterapublic calloutwasmadetosupportactivistsinwitnessing andshamingtheCityofTorontoduringtheeviction ofamulti-tentencampmentundertheGardinerExpressway.Thiswasoneofthefirstmomentsthepub-

licwereabletoreadilyrespondtoaneviction.Peoplewerenotreactinginoutrageafterthefact,but ratherwereabletointerveneinthemoment.ESN tookholdofapivotalmomentinsocialmediaand insocialmovementbuildingtoputtogetheranorganizationthatwoulddedicatetheirentirelockdown livestobothprovidingmaterialneedstothoselivinginencampmentsandbeingaloudpoliticalvoice againstthecity’spoliciesofviolentdisplacement.

Iwanttostresstheimportanceofusingthemutualaidmodelforbuildingsolidaritynetworksthat takeonstateoppression.Unlikethecharityornonprofitmodels,themutualaidmodelstrivestoinvolve alargenumberofpeopleorganizingtogetherforthe mutualbenefitofasmanypeopleaspossible.Mutual aidisrootedinanti-capitalism,andasamodelstrives topushagainstallmodesofoppressionthatarefaced inacapitalistsociety.Decisionsaremadecollectively withtheintentionofbreakingtypicalrace,class,and genderbarriers(Spade,2020).

ESNwasnottheonlymutualaidgrouptoform atthisjuncture.The“KeepYourRent”campaign creatednetworksofsolidaritybetweenneighboursin buildingswherepeoplewerefacingevictionandas agrouprefusedtopaytheirrentuntiltheirneighboursevictionnoticesweredropped.ParkdaleOrganize,thegroupthatorganizedthecampaignalso mappedouttheemptyunitsintheirlow-incomehighriseandcreatedaself-runcommunityfoodbankinsideasquattedunitattheheightofCOVID-19lockdowns(ParkdaleOrganize,n.d).TorontoTinySheltersandtheiroutspokenfounderKhaleelSeivwright raisedover $200,000towardsthematerialsneededto buildhundredsofwoodentinyhomesandfloodedthe majorparkswiththem(Draasima,2021).Theseinitiativesfittheframeworkofmutualaid:theyweredirectlyimpactingandworkinginsolidarityacrosstypicalclasslines,breakingoutoftheneoliberalmindset thatviewspeopleinpovertyasavictimofmoralfailure.

4. VIOLENCE,DISPLACEMENT,AND MASSCLEARING

Overthecourseoftheyearandahalfbetweenthe beginningofESNin2020andthetwomassclearing attemptsatLamportStadiumin2021,therewere variousmethodsusedtopressurethecitynotto cleartheirpublicencampments.Oneimportantway ofshowingmasssolidaritywithToronto’sencampmentswasthroughvisibleandpublicmedia.Social mediaworkedtoprovidetimelyupdatesandeducationaroundthecity’spoliciesandactions,which hadreachedwithinamorenarrowaudience,and mainstreammediawasoftencalledintopressconferencesortowitnessmarchesandpoliticalactions. Themosteffectivemethodwasthroughthedistributionoffreelawnandwindowsignswiththesimplephrase“wesupportourneighboursintents”(Deforge,2021).Thisseeminglysimpleapproachhelped

toquantifytheamountofpeopleinhomesandbusinessesadjacenttoencampmentslikeLamportwho wereagainstencampmentsbeingevicted.

Inthesummerof2021theCityofTorontochose toenactviolentclearingsinthreeoutoffourofthe majorencampmentsinthecore.Hundredsofmilitarizedpolicealongwiththeemploymentofhundredsoftemporaryprivatesecurityworkersfacedoff againsthundredsofcommunitysupporters,organizersandencampmentresidentswhoputtheirbodies betweenthetentsandtheclearingequipment.The cityusedfencingasawaytowallsupportersinwith policeandtofurtherkettleactivistsandresidents, violentlydraggingandarrestingpeoplewhorefused toletthemopenlyclear.

TheMidnightSunwroteascathingarticledetailingtheviolenceofthecity-fundedevictions(MidnightSun,2022).Peoplewhogatheredtoprotect theirhomelessneighbourshadtheirphysicalbodiesusedtoflattententsascopsinriotgeartossed andarrestedthem.Thisclearingandviolencedoes notsolvenordeterthebuildingofencampmentson visiblepublicland.Byfocusingonlyonpunitive andcoercivemethods,theCityofTorontochoseto spendmillionsoftaxdollarstohirepoliceaswell as24-hourprivatesecurityratherthanreroutethis moneytowardspermanenthousingsolutionssuchas expropriatingbuildingsawayfromtheprivatemarkettoensureafutureofavailableaffordableunits (FactCheckToronto,2022).AlthoughtheLamport Encampment,alongwiththeothermajorencampmentswereclearedintheend,theviolentpublicart oftheseclearingsscarredthecity’sreputationandled toasterncalltochangetheircoursebytheToronto Ombudsman’sofficeinMarch2023(AddoandBuggle,2023).

5. SQUATTERSMOVEMENTS

ThereisanelementofNorthAmericanexceptionalismthatcomestoToronto’sframingofhomelessness. Becausewedon’tseefull-onfavelastyleinfrastructuresnorothervisualindicatorsofunhousedstructuralpermanence,thecitycanspintheirownnarrativesaroundthesuccessofthesupportstheyprovide.However,hundredsofpeopledieonthestreets ayearwithcausesrangingfrompoisondrugdeaths tofreezingoutside(FactCheckToronto,2022).The inabilitytoexpropriatespacecontinuestodirectly leadtodeaths.InLatinAmerica,therearestrong movementsthatvaluecommunityandworktogether totakeoverunusedbuildings.Workingasacollective,squattersmovementsinBuenosAirescalledthe MOIoccupybuildingsincitizenexpropriation(D´ıazParra,2018).Thoughdifficultandmessy,thecultureofresistancemadeformoresteepedinclassconsciousnessandadherencetoa“rightstothecity” frameworkofcreatingcommonuseproperty(Harvey, 2019,p.73).

Squattersmovementsareimperativetolearnfrom

J.UptonCrowe

ifwearetoaimfortheliberatorygoalofhousing forall.Theydonotconfinethemselvestotheconstraintsofpropertylawsnordotheywaitforthestate toenactslowmovingpolicychangeinordertoaccesshousing.InCaracas,organizersfromthesquatter’sassociation ElNi˜no enactedthetakeoverofthe largestunfinishedskyscraperdowntown(McGuirk, 2014).This44-storyskyscrapershellbecameinformallydesignedhousingfor3,000peopleatitspeak, allbecauseagroupofpeoplewhowerepushedoutto barriosontheedgesofthecityorganizedcollectively tostakeclaimtothecentreofit(McGuirk,2014).

SquattersmovementsliketheMOIandElNi˜no sharethesamefightwithencampmentmovements likethoseinToronto.Theyactivelyasserttheirrights tobevisibleinthecitycoreandnothiddenawayat theperipheries.Theydonotrelyonthestateto benevolentlydoleouthousingnordotheyappease thestatebyinvisibilizingthemselvesontheperipheries,thevalleysorthecarceralandovercrowded sheltersystem.Theystandtheirgroundwithclear collectivegoals:squattersmovementsstandforthe righttoreclaimunusedspaceinthecitycoreandencampmentmovementsseektobeabletooccupycentralparksuntiltheirpermanenthousingneedsare met.

6. ENCAMPMENTSOLIDARITY FUTURES

Aftertheevictionsatmajorencampmentssuchas Lamport,TrinityBellwoods,andScaddingCourt, veryfewpeopleweremovedoffofthestreetsandinto permanenthousing.Manypeoplemovedfromone evictedparktothenextoneonthechoppingblock, draggingtheirbelongingsandleavingtheirtents, sleepingbags,andwhatevertheycouldn’tcarryto bebulldozed.Theywerethenlefttorelyondonationstorebuildtheirhomes.Whenthelastcamp fell,formerresidentsofallofthecampsmadea choicetonotbecomehiddenagain,buttomoveas agrouptoDufferinGroveparkwheretheycould standfirmintheirdemandforpermanenthousing. Inthefallof2021,justmonthsaftertheCityenactedtheirviolentmethodsofenforcingtheir“Zero Encampments”policy(CityofToronto,2021),the publicpressureforcedthemtopivotentirely.After themovetoDufferinGrove,thecitypivotedtooffer servicesthattheyshouldhavebeendoingallalong (ESN.parkdale,2021).Throughcommunitypressure andpublicshaming,workersbroughtservicesdirectly totheparkslikeincometaxclinicsandIDclinicsas wellasbringingactualpermanenthousingoffersto thepark(CityofToronto,2023).

TheCityofTorontohasbeencautioustothisday whenitcomestotheirapproachtoclearingandservicingencampmentsaswellashowtheyactinfront ofencampmentorganizers.Themainstrategiesthe Cityisabletogetawaywithaftertheirreputation towardsunhousedpeoplewaspubliclytarnishedare

mainlytohavesmallteamsofCityworkersshowup tocampseverydayinanattempttosnatchandgrab tents.TheCitynowknowsthatnotgroupsofencampmentorganizersandcommunitysupportersare keepingwatchtohelpunhousedpeopleresisttheviolenceofthestate.Further,Citydecisionmakersare startingtorecognizethatmanypeoplelivinginthe campshavebeenactivelyeducatingotherresidents abouttheirrightstoresistevictionaswellashowto usetheirtentsasleveragetowardpermanenthousing.

IntakingnodsfromorganizingstructuresinLatin America,unhousedpeopleandtheircomradescontinuetopushforpermanenthousing,theendof carceralcitypolicies,andtobeabletoliveoutside indignityuntilsafeandappropriatehousingisavailable.Throughthebuildingofthesemassmobilizationsofunhousedandhousedworkingclass,weshare togetherMarxistclassconsciousnessandTrotskyistorganizationalstructureswithouteverhavingto formallyengagewitheithertheorist(Harvey,2019). Theawakeningofgroundup,collectivistclasspower idealsarehowsquattersmovementsandencampment networksareconnected,itisinthepoliticsofuprising,defianceandadismissalofneoliberalwaysof livingthattietourmovementstogetherfromSouth toNorth.

Acknowledgements –Thispaperwassubmittedto GGR217:UrbanLandscapesandPlanning,taught byDr.LorenMarch.

7. REFERENCES

Addo,K.andBuggle,C.(2023,March24). TorontoOmbudsmanReport:Investigationinto theCity’sClearingofEncampmentsin2021. www.toronto.ca/legdocs/mmis/2023/cc/bgrd/ backgroundfile-235280 Casey,L.(2020,September29).HomelessAdvocates,cityofTorontosettoclashincourtover physicaldistancinginshelters. GlobalNews CityofToronto.(2021,June8). Agendaitemhistory2021.CC34.1. https://secure.toronto.ca/council/agendaitem.do?item=2021.CC34.1 CityofToronto.(2023,June9).UpdatesonCity ofToronto’sencampmentoutreachserviceswith releaseoftheDufferinGrovereport.Cityof Toronto.toronto.ca/news/update-on-city-oftorontos-encampment-outreach-services-withrelease-of-the-dufferin-grove-report/ CityofToronto.(2023,July23).Toronto MunicipalCodeChapter608Parks. https://www.toronto.ca/legdocs/municode/1184 608.pdf

ACommonsforWho?

D´ıaz-Parra,I.(2018).Thesquatters’andtenants’ movementinBuenosAires.Avindicationofcentralityandtheself-managedproductionofspace. InN.M.Yip,M.A.M.L´opez,andX.Sun (Eds.), ContestedCitiesandUrbanActivism,pp. 275–296.PalgraveMacmillanSingapore.DOI: 10.1007/978-981-13-1730-9 12

Deforge,M.(2021,June15).Anarchistposters onInstagram:“Isupportmyneighboursin tents.noencampmentevictions”.Instagram. www.instagram.com/p/CQJXBOsFNUU/?img index=1

Draasima,M.(2021,February23).TorontoCarpenterwhobuildstinysheltersforunhousedpeople callsoncitytodroplegalfight. CBCNews EncampmentSupportNetworkParkdale.(2024). Thehousingcrisisisarealestategame.Housing map.esnparkdale.com/map ESN.parkdale.(2021).DufferinGrovePilot Project:CarrotandStick.Instagram.instagram.com/p/CVgLMqSPNaj/?hl=en Evans,A.(2022).TentEncampmentsinToronto, Canada:ExcavatingNorthernHousingInformalities. RadicalHousingJournal,4 (2),25–46. DOI:10.54825/zxlp1314

FactCheckToronto.(2021,June7).Claim: Parksambassadorsworktoensurethecity’s parksareaccessible,equitableandsafeplaces forall.FactChecktoronto.ca/2021/04/22/parksambassadors/

FactCheckToronto.(2022,October2). Encampmentevictions.FactChecktoronto.ca/category/encampments/ encampment-evictions/ Harvey,D.(2019).Thecreationoftheurbancommons.InD.Harvey(Ed.), Rebelcities:From therighttothecitytotheUrbanRevolution,pp. 67–88.Verso:Brooklyn,NY. McGuirk,J.(2015).TorreDavid:apirateutopia.In J.McGuirk(Ed.), Radicalcities:AcrossLatin Americainsearchofanewarchitecture,pp. 175–206.Verso:Brooklyn,NY. MidnightSun.(2022,July22).OneyearafterLamportStadium. MidnightSun ParkdaleOrganize.(n.d.). ParkdaleOrganize http://parkdaleorganize.ca/ Spade,D.(2020). Mutualaid:Buildingsolidarity duringthecrisis(andthenext).Verso:Brooklyn,NY.

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Landmarks:TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography 9(2024),47-51

AnEvaluationofNeoliberalism’sImpactonUrbanPlanninginOrdos,China intheContextofChina’sHistoricallySocialistPlanningPrinciples

EmmalynTsang1

1 DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto,100St.GeorgeSt.,Toronto,ON,M5S3G3

ABSTRACT:ThispaperwillservetoexploretheestablishmentoftheKangbashidistrictof OrdosCity,InnerMongoliaandexaminehowneoliberalismhasinfluenceditsspatialdevelopment. Remaininglargelyunoccupiedforyears,withonlyone-thirdofthecitybeinginhabited,Ordos isadistinctexampleofthepossibleconsequencesofneoliberaldevelopment(Russell,2017). EveninfluencingChina’shistoricallysocialistgovernment,neoliberalismhasbecomeincreasingly evidentwithinChina’seconomicanddevelopmentalpolicy,especiallycatalyzedthroughthe riseofglobalizationandinterculturalexchange.TheconstructionanddevelopmentofOrdos CityinInnerMongoliareflectsthetransformativeimpactofneoliberalismonChina’surban planningparadigm.ThispaperexaminestheuniquespatialcharacteristicsofOrdosCity,shifting fromtraditionalsocialistplanningprinciplestoaneoliberalapproach,asevidencedbyplanning processes’emphasisonfinancialprofitandinvestmentmotives.

Keywords: economicviability;Kangbashi;neoliberalism;overbuilding;socialisturbanplanning;spatialdevelopment;Zhuhai

1. INTRODUCTION

Throughacomparativeanalysisofneoliberaland socialistplanningoverthepastcentury,theenduring consequencesofneoliberalism’seffectonOrdosCity’s landscapewillofferinsightsintothecomplexitiesof China’sevolvingurbandevelopmentstrategies.This paperwillexaminewhatfactorsspecifically,whether itwassocialistorneoliberalpolicy,ledtothefailure oftheestablishmentofOrdos.Inthecontextofurban planning,thispaperwilldefinethefollowing:

Failure:Failureismultifaceted,butthispaperwillprimarilyfocusoneconomicviabilityand communityengagement/occupation.Economicviabilitywillrefertofinanciallossesandotherforms ofeconomicinstability,andcommunityengagement/occupationwillrefertovariousfactorsincludingpublicperception,population/occupationofthe area,andgeneralsocialprogress.Failureinurban planningmayrefertosituationswheretheintended goalsandoutcomesofaplanninginitiativearesig-

© 2024TheAuthor.PublishedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)attheDepartmentof GeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto.

nificantlycompromised.

Success:Successwillbedefinedastheopposite outcomeoffailure,withintendedgoalsandplanning initiativescompleted.Thispaperwillalsoconsider successashighcommunityengagement/occupation andincreasedeconomicviability.ThecityofZhuhai, China,willserveasanexampleofdevelopmentalsuccessconcerningsocialistplanning.

2. METHODS

Researchwillbedrawnfromexistingacademicliteratureonneoliberalism.Thepaperwillalsoreference articlesrelatingtotheKangbashidistrictofOrdos City,aswellasurbanplanningprocessesinChina, specificallytheexampleofthecityofZhuhai.Qualitativeandthematicanalysiswillbeemployedtoassessthelong-termeffectsofneoliberalismonOrdos aswellasfutureprojections.Therewillbeamixof positivistandinterpretivistsocialresearchmethods andanalysistointerprethowlandscapeshavebeen influencedbypastpolicies.Thecomparativestudy willhighlightthedifferencesbetweenneoliberalism andsocialistplanningoverthepastcentury.

3. THENEOLIBERALISTPLANNING APPROACH

Thepolitical-economicconceptofneoliberalismhas becomemoreprominentinurbanplanningandspatiallandscapes,particularlyoverthepastcentury. Neoliberalplanning,rootedinfree-marketprinciples, isdefinedbymarket-orientedsolutionsandfinancial gain(Goonewardena,2017).Planningapproaches typicallyencapsulatetheprioritizationofmarketand businessrationalitytocoordinatewithpublicinterest(Olesen,2013).Policiesaimedtoenableneoliberalplanningincludereducingrestrictiveeconomic regulation,includingcorporatetaxation,welfareprograms,andprivatizationofpublicservices.Thisalso typicallyincentivizeseconomicglobalizationandcapitalmobility(Pecketal.,2009).Anotherneoliberal planningapproachincludeslarge-scaledevelopmental projects,referredtoas“mega-projects,”conceived withtheoverarchinggoalofattractingvisitorsand long-termoccupants.Theseprojectsestablishadistinctandincreasednicheofconsumerswiththeintentionofincreasingeconomicgrowthinurbanareas (Hackworth,2014).Examplesofmega-projectsmay includetheconstructionofasportsarena,touristattractions,orashoppingdistrict.

Thespatiallandscapesofneoliberalplanningare characterizedbyan“uneven”state,withintensevariationandconstantchange(Pecketal.,2009).Modernneoliberalurbanspacesoftenresultinuncertainty regardinggeographicalandeconomicenvironments, astherearenumerousactors,suchastransnational corporations,governments,andinvestorsthatare constantlyinfluencingthelandscapeofsuchurban areas(Pecketal.,2009).Asneoliberalismbecomes moreestablishedwithinplanninginitiatives,otherinadvertentandlong-termsocio-economicchangesmay appearinaspatialregion.Governmentpolicyand currentplanningeffortsmayobserveinstabilityasthe resultofregulatorystruggleandrestructuringthat appearswiththeinfluenceofneoliberalism(Pecket al.,2009).Theremaybeincreasedrisksofeconomic collapsewiththelackofstructure,butwiththeconceptofneoliberalism,creativedestructionmayoccur fortheestablishmentofnewgrowthanddevelopment (Pecketal.,2009).ThisconceptissignificantlyreducedinrelationtoChina’simplementationofneoliberalpolicyandplanning,asthefederalgovernmentstillretainscontrolovermanyeconomicdecisions.Neoliberalplanningisexecutedatthemunicipalorlocalgovernancelevelwithminoradministrativedecentralizationtoreducepoliticalrisk(Pond, 2010).ThishelpstoensurethattheChinesegovernmentmaintainsnationalpoliticalcontroloverurban planningdecisions.

InthecontextofChina,whichhistoricallyemployedsocialistpractices,thegovernmenthasfocused effortsonforeignanddomesticinvestment.Thecity ofOrdosisanexemplaryrepresentationoftheresultsofneoliberalplanning,withextensivequalities

ofandrapideconomicchangeandinstabilityobserved(Pond,2010).However,socialistChinadoes notcompletelyadheretotrueneoliberalism,rather theyadoptqualitiesofsuchthroughthecollaborationofprivateandgovernmentfirms(Zhangetal., 2023).Foreffectiveresourceallocation,Chinahas outsourcedvariousplanningprocesseswhenplanning Ordos(SuandQian,2020).Neoliberalplanningemphasizeseconomicgrowthasacentralgoal,attracting privateinvestmentandfosteringinternationalcompetitiveness,whichwasChina’sprimarygoalinestablishingOrdosasaneweconomiccentre(Pond, 2010;Hackworth,2014).Therehavebeenadditional consequencesobservedparticularlyintheexampleof Ordos,whichmaynotbenecessarilyattributedtothe presenceofneoliberalplanning.Forexample,there arepreexistingproblemsofwaterscarcity,whichare exacerbatedbytheurbanizationofOrdos,andprojectedpopulationgrowth,butthesefactorscanstill existoutsidetherealmofneoliberalplanning.

4. ORDOS’NEOLIBERALFAILURES

SeveralfactorshavecontributedtoOrdosCity’sfailureinoccupationanddevelopment.Whilethisfailuremaybeassociatedwithcreativedestructionand projectedchangeineconomicpatternswithintheregion,everlastingimpactshavechangedthedemographicandspatiallandscapeoftheregion.The city’sconstructionwasdrivenbyneoliberalprinciples,emphasizingfinancialprofitandinvestmentmotives,whichmaynothavealignedwiththeactual needsanddemandsofthepopulation.Thereare alsofurtherconsequencesassociatedwiththespeculative,profit-drivenurbanplanninginitiativesasdefinedbyneoliberalism.Socialinequality,thesideliningofmarginalizedcommunities,andthelackofconsultationwithpublicopinionareparticularlyevident inthisexample.

ThefailureofOrdoscanbeattributedtothedemographiccompositionofitsoccupants.Nomadic peoplefromInnerMongoliaandsurroundingcultural regionsseemtobereluctanttosettleinthearea, particularlyintheaffluentKangbashidistrict(Pond, 2010).Despitehavingthehighestgrossdomestic product(GDP)ofpeopleinallofChina,theprimary demographicofKangbashiinvestorsandoccupants appearsunrealisticwhencomparedtothebroader demographicoftheInnerMongolianregion(Pond, 2010).Thereisanintenseeconomicimbalancethatis onlyfurtherdividedbytheculturallyvariedindividualsoftheregionsurroundingOrdos.China’sattempt tocreatealargeurbancentrefailedtorecognizethe alreadyestablishedpastorallifestylesoftheexisting population.Asaresult,thespatiallandscapeofthe cityresultedinintenselyurbanizedareaswithlarge volumesofmoderninfrastructure,onlytoresultin lowoccupationofcivilians,andthegeneralexistence ofa“ghosttown”(Otede,2018).Outofalloftheinfrastructureconstructed,lessthan30%ofthecityis

Neoliberalism’sImpactonUrbanPlanninginOrdos

occupied(Otede,2018).Lowoccupationlevelshave resultedfromhighlivingcoststhathadbeensetby thepresenceofinvestors,makingthecityunattractivetomovetoforcommoncivilians.Furthermore, non-economicissueshavealsorisenfromsuchneoliberalefforts.Forexample,publichealthissuesrelated toairpollutionhavefesteredasaresultofurbanizationandindustrialization(DouayandBlack,2017).

ThemostsignificantinfluenceonOrdos’citylandscapeistheconceptofoverbuilding.Overbuilding referstotheexcessiveconstructionofinfrastructure andrealestateinaparticulararea,surpassingthe actualdemandforsuchdevelopments,andhasmaterializedextensiveeconomicfailureandlackofcivilianengagementintheregion(SuandQian,2020). Market-drivengrowth,specificallytheestablishment ofinvestmentproperties,hasledtoexcessiveexpansioninthepreviouslyunderdevelopedregion,further accentuatingthefailuresofneoliberalplanning(Su andQian,2020).TheurbanlandscapeofOrdoshad transformedonce-emptyspacesintodenselydevelopedurbanenvironments,butinthisspecificexample,stilllackinginpopulation(Otede,2018).

5. SOCIALISTCHINA’SURBANPLANNINGAPPROACH

Ordos’neoliberaldevelopmentstarklycontraststhe restofChina’stop-downurbanplanningprocesses. InChina,thedominanturbanplanningapproachis characterizedbyacentralizeddecision-makingprocess,wherethenationalgovernmenttakesthelead anddelegatesdecisionstolowerprovincialandmunicipallevelsofadministration.ThiscentralizedsystemisdeeplyrootedinChina’ssocialistgovernment structure.Insomeinstances,lowerlevelsofadministrationhaveuniquelyoutsourcedurbanplanningresponsibilitiestoprivatefirmsthatoperateunderneoliberalprinciples.

Undersocialistplanningpolicies,theChinesegovernmentexercisessubstantialcontrolovercrucial aspectsofurbandevelopment,includinglanduse, infrastructure,andeconomicpolicies(Kai,2004). China’ssocialisturbanplanningsectorhasevolved overtheyears,particularlywiththeestablishmentof variousurbanplanningsocietiesandassociationsthat haveformedacomprehensivenetwork.Suchadministrativeorganizationsarewidespreadwithinnational, provincial,andmunicipalgovernments,anddevelopmentalplansaresubmittedforapprovaltothestate council(Kai,2004).Theestablishmentofthisstructureistoensurethattheentireprocessissupervised andadministeredbyChina’ssocialistgovernment. Thistop-downgovernancemodelisalsodesignedto ensureuniformityandcoherenceinnationaldevelopmentstrategies,aswellastofocusonthephysical effectivenessofdevelopmentefforts.However,this typeofapproachmayendupneglectingtheconsiderationofothersocialandfinancialfactors(Suand Qian,2020).

Regardlessoftheinfluenceofneoliberalism,there havealwaysbeenrisksandconsequencesassociated withsocio-economicstability.However,withsocialistplanningmethods,socialconsequencesandconflictarecommonlyobserved.Thismayincludesocialdisparitiesandlimitedindividualagency,which arecatalyzedbysocialistsystems’authoritativeplanningmethods(DouayandBlack,2017).Thismay leadtodiscontentamongcertainsegmentsofthe population,withlittleroomforcivilianparticipationandpublicinvolvementindevelopment.Residentsmightfeeldetachedfromdecision-making,leadingtopotentialconflicts.Suchdiscontentcandirectlymanifestinprotests,demonstrations,orother formsofresistanceagainstperceivedinjusticesor inequalities.Whilecollectivedecision-makingcan promotesocialcohesion,itmaylimitindividualautonomy(DouayandBlack,2017).Residentsmight havelessflexibilitytopursueindividualpreferences orentrepreneurialventures,potentiallyleadingtoa moreuniformbutconstrainedurbanlandscape.Despitecriticisms,thecentralizedplanningapproachin Chinahasnotablebenefits.Itfacilitatesrapidand large-scaleurbantransformations,leadingtoextensiveconstruction,rapidurbanization,andmodernization,alldirectedbycentralplanningauthorities (Zhangetal.,2023).ThisapproachhasbeeninstrumentalinshapingChina’surbanlandscapeby transformingpreviouslyunderdevelopedregionsinto economicpowerhouseswithinanintenselyshorttime period.

6. ZHUHAI’SSOCIALISTSUCCESS

Zhuhai’ssuccessfuldevelopmentdemonstrates China’seffectiveimplementationofsocialisttopdownplanningapproaches.Byimplementing centralizedpolicies,thecoastalcityhasexperienced rapidandwell-coordinatedurbandevelopmentleadingtoeconomicgrowth,andintenseurbanization (Zhaoetal.,2022).Thesocialistplanningmodel inZhuhaihasledtoprofit-maximizinginvestments beneficialtothegovernmentthroughsynchronized effortsinvarioussectors.Sucheconomicprosperity hasincentivizedcontinuedgrowthinpopulationand occupancy(Zhaoetal.,2022).Ontheotherhand, therearetrade-offssuchaslocalautonomy,lackof flexibility,limitedlocalinput,andpotentialdiscord betweennationaldirectivesandlocalneeds.

IntheexampleofZhuhai,itshigherpopulation densitycanbeprimarilyattributedtoeconomicopportunitiesthathavemanifestedasaresultofsocialistdevelopment.Theoverwhelmingpresenceofbusinessesinmultiplesectors,forexample,cateringor tourism,attractsresidentsfromvariousregionsand booststhelocaleconomy.Socialistplanningdirectiveshaveresultedinanurbanlandscapethathas heavilyprioritizedaccessibilityandpublicinfrastructure,withapproximately70%ofresidentsrequiring only30minutesorlessfortheirdailycommuteto

E.Tsang

work(Zhaoetal.,2022).Theeconomicsuccessesof Zhuhaicanbequantifiedwithfixedassetstotalling 911.3billionyuan,andglobalmonetaryflowsofimportsandexportstotalling1462.9billionyuan(Zhao etal.,2022).Themunicipalmarketisalsoflourishing,withtheconsumergoodsandretailmarket reaching453.7billionyuan(Zhaoetal.,2022).These economicindicatorsareonlyreachedthroughtheextensiveengagementofthecity’sever-growingpopulation,framingZhuhaiasanotableexampleofsuccess asaresultofsocialistplanning.

7. CONCLUSION

WhileZhuhaiandOrdosaresignificantexamplesof socialistandneoliberalistplanning,thepotentialobservedconsequencesofthesecaseshavenotbeenextensivelystudiedinexistingresearchandliterature. Itisimportanttorecognizethattherearelimitations imposedbycensorship,particularlyinthecontextof socialistChina.

Informationisnotcompletelylimited,however,as thereisstillquantitativedataandexistingliterature thatstilloffervaluablecontextforevaluationand analysis.Thepopulation-driveneconomicstrength inZhuhaicontributestoamorestableandsustainablefinancialoutlookcomparedtoOrdos,whereeconomicsuccessmaybeconcentratedinspecificareas withlimiteddemographicsupport,directlyimpacted bysocialistandneoliberalplanningmethods.QualitativedataonGDPandfinancialindicatorshighlightZhuhai’sprosperityinstarkcomparisontoOrdos.WhiletheGDP,particularlyintheKangbashi districtofOrdos,mayappearhigher,itiscrucialto notethesignificantdisparityinpopulationsizebetweenthetwocities(Pond,2010;SuandQian,2020; Zhaoetal.,2022).DespitethepotentialconcentrationofeconomicactivitiesinspecificdistrictsofOrdos,theoveralleconomicvitalityofZhuhaiismore robustduetoitslargerandmorediversifiedpopulation(Pond,2010;SuandQian,2020;Zhaoetal., 2022).

Neoliberalism’simpactonthecityofOrdoscharacterizestheconceptofcreativedestruction.Failure andthedismantlingofexistingstructuresarenecessaryfornewandinnovativegrowthtooccur(Pecket al.,2009),however,inOrdos,notmuchshiftedafter itsdevelopment.Thefailureofoverbuildinghadresultedinfinancialconsequencesforthegovernment, withOrdos’newlyurbanizedinfrastructureresulting inlowpopulations.Thisviciouscycleoflowcivilianinvolvementandfinancialdeficitdoesnotallow foranyeconomicgrowth,inherentlyjuxtaposingthe desiredoutcomesofneoliberalism.Thismassiveconstructionefforthasresultedinanunderwhelmingurbanlandscape,wheretheanticipatednewgrowthand vibrancyhavenotmaterializedasexpected. Ultimately,neoliberalismandsocialistplanning approachesmaycauseseveredivergenceinurbandevelopment,especiallythroughthegradualshiftor

combination.Thedecentralizeddecision-makingprocessofneoliberalplanningcontrastsChina’snational governmentcontrol.Inbothcases,localneedsmay havenotbeenconsidered,leadingtopotentialfailure.ThisisespeciallyevidentthroughtheexampleofOrdos,astheopposingeconomicpoliciesdid notsignificantlyincreaseeconomicgrowththrough commonpeople.Whilecentralizedplanningmethodsmayhavetheirweaknesses,theimplementation ofneoliberalismthroughtheplanningofOrdosresultedinstiflingcivilianneeds/involvement,creating discrepanciesinreality.

Acknowledgements –Thispaperwassubmittedto GGR217:UrbanLandscapesandPlanning,taught byDr.LorenMarch.

8. REFERENCES

Douay,N.,andBlack,M.(2017).Editorial:urbanplanninginChina:concepts,actors,and projects. ChinaPerspectives,1 (109),3–5.jstor.org/stable/26380485

Goonewardena,K.(2007,July22).Planningandneoliberalism:thechallenge forradicalplanners. PlannersNetwork plannersnetwork.org/2007/07/planning-andneoliberalism-the-challenge-for-radical-planners/ Hackworth,J.(2014). Theneoliberalcity:governance,ideology,anddevelopmentinAmerican urbanism.CornellUniversityPress:Ithica,NY. Kai,T.(2004).UrbanplanningsysteminChina -basicfactsandreformprogress.DepartmentofUrbanandRuralPlanning.dungdothi.files.wordpress.com/2011/09/urban planning system in china.pdf Olesen,K.(2013).Theneoliberalisationofstrategicspatialplanning. PlanningTheory,13 (3), 288–303.DOI:10.1177/1473095213499340 Otede,U.(2018).Kangbashi:Therichest“ghost town”inChina?.InJ.GolleyandL.Jaivin (Eds.), Yearbook2017:Prosperiety,pp.76-79. AustralianNationalUniversityPress. Peck,J.,Theodore,N.,andBrenner,N.(2013).Neoliberalurbanismredux? InternationalJournalofUrbanandRegionalResearch,37 (3), 1091–1099.DOI:10.1111/1468-2427.12066 Pond,E.(2010).Urbanismonthe Steppe:theinsta-cityininnerMongolia. WorldPolicyJournal,27 (4),41–47. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40963771 Su,X.,andQian,Z.(2020).Neoliberalplanning,masterplanadjustmentandoverbuilding inChina:ThecaseofOrdosCity. Cities,105, 102748.DOI:10.1016/j.cities.2020.102748

Neoliberalism’sImpactonUrbanPlanninginOrdos Zhang,Y.,Man,X.,andZhang,Y.(2023).From “Division”to“Integration”:Evolutionand ReformofChina’sSpatialPlanningSystem. Buildings,13 (6),1555.DOI:10.3390/buildings13061555 Zhao,Z.,Zhang,X.,Zhang,Z.,andPeng,X.(2022). SpatialPatternAnalysisofZhuhaiUrbanDevelopmentBasedonPOIBigData. Proceedingsofthe20223rdInternationalConferenceon BigDataandSocialSciences(ICBDSS2022), 794–807.DOI:10.2991/978-94-6463-064-0 82

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Landmarks:TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography 9(2024),53-60

RevitalisingNeighbourhoods:UrbanPlanning’sImpactson ActiveTransportation-RailwayLandsWestCaseStudy

NatalieChanHeiChing1

1 DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto,100St.GeorgeSt.,Toronto,ON,M5S3G3

ABSTRACT:Thispaperexploresthetransformativeroleofurbanplanninginitiativesinshapingactivetransportationenvironments,focusingontheRailwayLandsWestneighbourhoodin Toronto.Byexaminingkeyplanningobjectives—connectivity,infrastructurequalityandsafety, accessibilityandinclusivity,andmixedlanduseandproximity—thisstudyanalyseshowcomprehensiveplanningstrategiespromotewalking,cycling,andotherformsofactivemobility.Drawing insightsfromscholarlyliteratureandtangibledevelopments,thepaperdemonstrateshowthe RailwayLandsWestSecondaryPlanhasfosteredapedestrian-andcyclist-friendlycommunity. Throughaninclusiveapproach,theplanenhancesaccessibility,safety,andvibrancy,ultimately creatingasustainableandinclusiveurbanenvironmentconducivetoactivetransportation.By prioritizingactivetransportation,policymakersandurbanplannerscanfosterhealthier,more connected,andsustainablecommunities.

Keywords: activemobility;inclusivedesign;sustainablecommunities;transportationplanning;urbanrevitalization

1. INTRODUCTION

TheRailwayLandsWestneighbourhoodin Torontohasundergonearemarkableurbanrevitalizationinrecentdecades.Beforethe1960s,thisarea wastheCanadianNationalRailway’sSpadinaStreet Yard(Phillips,2016).Inthemid-1960s,thesitewas abandonedduetode-industrializationonthewaterfront.Thesitewaslatersoldtoprivatedevelopersin thelate1990s(Lee,2018).Theneighbourhoodundergoesatransformativeurbanchangethatischaracterizedbyhigh-densitydevelopment.Thedistrict evolvedfromindustrialrailwaylandstoavibrant, high-risecondoresidentialcommunityknownforits emphasisonactivetransportation(Phillips,2016; CityofToronto,2017).Activetransportation,encompassingvariousmodeslikewalking,cycling,and human-poweredmobilityaids,likewheelchairs(InfrastructureCanada,2021),playsapivotalrolein reshapinghowresidentsengagewiththeirsurroundings.Thispaperarguesthatplanninginitiatives,

© 2024TheAuthor.PublishedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)attheDepartmentof GeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto.

likeSecondaryPlanning,shapesandpromotesactivetransportationwithinurbanenvironmentsStructurally,thepapercomprisesthreeparts.Theneighbourhoodservesasanexemplarycasestudyforthe fourfocusesduetoitscomprehensiveurbanrevitalizationinitiatives,whichhaveprioritizedenhancing connectivity,improvinginfrastructurequalityand safety,promotingaccessibilityandinclusivity,and implementingmixedlanduseandproximitystrategiestofosterarobustactivetransportationenvironment.

Thispaperaimstoexplorethecriticalroleofplanninginitiativesinshapingtheactivetransportation systemwithinRailwayLandsWest.Byexamining theneighbourhood’splanningobjectivesandtheir implementationwithinthelocalcontext,thisstudy willanalyzehowurbanplanninghastransformedthe areaintoapedestrian-andcyclist-friendlyenvironment.Theinitialsectioninvolvesacomprehensive reviewofscholarlyliteraturetoidentifykeyconcepts andacademicapproachestoactivetransportation. ThenthepaperhighlightstheRailwayLandsWest SecondaryPlan’sroleinactivetransportationplanning,showcasinghowcomprehensiveplanningstrategiesfocusonpedestriansystems,cyclinginfrastruc-

ture,andtherevitalizationofunderutilizedspaces, contributingsignificantlytotheestablishmentofa robustactivetransportationsystem.Finally,thepaperendsacriticalnarrativewithanunderstanding ofthesignificanceofplanninginitiativesinanactive transportationcommunity.

2. LITERATUREREVIEW

Drawinginsightsfromscholarlysourcestoexplore activetransportationplanningwithanacademicapproach,itbecomesevidentthat4keycriteria:1. connectivity,2.infrastructurequalityandsafety, 3.accessibilityandinclusivity,and4.mixedland useandproximity,collectivelycontributetoarobust activetransportationneighbourhood.Thesedimensions,extensivelydiscussedinvariousliterature,underpinthefundamentalelementsessentialforcreatingenvironmentsthatfacilitateandpromotewalking, cycling,andotherformsofactivemobilitywithinurbansettings.

2.1. Connectivity

Connectivitystandsasafundamentalcriterioninfosteringarobustactivetransportationenvironment. Berriganetal.(2010)emphasizethesignificance ofstreetconnectivityincreatingwalkablecommunities.Theirstudyilluminatedthestrongassociationsbetweenstreetconnectivityandincreasedlevelsofactivetransportation.Enhancedstreetconnectivityandpedestrian-friendlyinfrastructurewere foundtobesignificantlycorrelatedwithhigherrates ofactivetransportationmodessuchaswalkingand cyclingactivitiesamongresidents.Thepresenceof well-connectednetworksnotonlyencouragedgreater physicalactivitybutalsofacilitatedsmootherand moreaccessibletravelroutes,providingresidents withsafer,moreconvenientoptionsforwalkingand cycling.Similarly,WangandWen(2017)emphasizetheroleofconnectedinfrastructureininfluencingpeople’schoicesregardingwalkingandcyclingas modesoftransportThesecohesivenetworksfacilitateuninterruptedmobility,encouragingindividuals toengageinactivetransportationbyofferingconvenientandaccessibleroutesthatcatertodiversetravel needs.

2.2.

InfrastructureQualityandSafety

Infrastructurequalityandsafetyfostertheeffectivenessandacceptanceofactivetransportation.Millwardetal.(2013)underscorestheintrinsiclinkbetweenplanningstrategiesandthequalityofinfrastructure,assertingthatwell-plannedpoliciessignificantlyimpacttheinfrastructureconducivetopromotingactivetravelandfosteringawelcomingenvironmentforpedestriansandcyclists,therebyencouragingtheirparticipationinactivetransportation.

Furthermore,EwingandHandy’sstudy(2009)underscorestheimportanceofsafetyasacornerstonein thewalkabilityofanarea.Theirfindingsemphasize thecriticalneedforsafety-enhancingmeasuressuch aswell-markedcrossings,prominentlydisplayedsignage,andmeasuresaimedatreducingtrafficspeed. Thesesafety-orientedprovisionscreateapedestriansafeenvironmentandconsequentlypromoteaculture ofactivetransportation.

2.3.

AccessibilityandInclusivity

Theaccessibilityandinclusivityofaneighbourhoodensurethatactivetransportationinfrastructureaccommodatesdiversedemographics.Thediscoursesurroundingaccessibilitypredominantlyrevolvesaroundissuesofwheelchairuse(Bromleyet al.,2007;Pierce,1998).Ageneralfindingisthatthe persistentchallengesfacedbywheelchairusersreflect apersistentexclusionfrompublicspacesandpublic transportservices(Gaete-Reyes,2015;Imrie,2000; Sapeyetal.,2005).Wheelchairusersoftenconfront exclusionwithintheactivetravelparadigmdueto societalconstraintsandthemainstream’soversight oftheirneeds,challengingtheperceivedinclusivity ofthebroaderactivetravelconcept.Consequently, themarginalizationofwheelchairuserscontributes totheirlackofintegrationintothenarrativeofactivetransport.Forpolicymakersandurbanplanners, WangandWen(2017)highlighttheimportanceof universalaccessibility,emphasizingtheneedforinfrastructuredesignsthatcatertoallagesandabilities.Theystressedtheimportanceofamenitiessuch asramps,elevators,andaccommodationsforpeople withdisabilitiestoensureinclusivitywithinactive transportationnetworks.Moreover,ImrieandHall (2010)emphasizetheroleofpolicyinterventionsin enhancingaccessibility,advocatingforinclusivedesignprinciplestocreateequitableaccesstoactive transportationoptions.

Diversifiedactivetravelmodeshavethepotential toenhanceinclusivitywithintransportpracticesby broadeningthedefinitionofactivetransportandextendingaccessibilitytodiversegroups.Fang(2016) andHarpool(2018)underscorehowtheutilisationof unusualactivetransportationlikeskateboarding,notablybyteenagersandindividualsfromlower-income backgrounds,expandsaccesstoaffordable,independent,andphysicallyactivemobility.Someargued thatsuchinclusivityintransportisconsideredamatterofurbanrights(Stratford,2016),intertwinedwith thepoliticsofmobility.“Urbanrights”referstothe entitlementsthatindividualspossesswithinurban environments,encompassingvariousaspectssuchas mobilityandsharedexistence.Thisconceptacknowledgesthereciprocalresponsibilitiesindividualshave towardsoneanotherwithinthecity(Bissell,2014). Itrecognizesthatwhilecitiescanbeenchantingand offeropportunitiesforgenerousspatialpolitics,the dominanceofautomobilityoftenrestrictsalternative

formsofmobilityandlimitstherealizationofdiverseusevalues(Urry,2006).Therighttothecity reflectstheawarenessofindividualsregardingtheir presenceandmovementamongoneanotherwithin urbanspaces.Thishighlightstheimportanceofequitableaccesstoactivetransportationoptionsand thecreationofinclusiveurbanspaces.

2.4. MixedLandUseandProximity

Mixedlanduseandproximityplayavitalroleinencouragingactivetransportationbyreducingthedistancesbetweenresidential,commercial,andrecreationalareas.AstudybyChristianetal.(2011) suggeststhatthemanipulationoflandusecombinationssignificantlyinfluencesthecorrelationsobservedwithvariousformsanddurationsofwalking activities.Notably,thestudyfoundthatengaging inoveranhourperweekoftransport-relatedwalkingexhibitedthemoststatisticallysignificantcorrelationwithaLandUseMix(LUM)indexincorporating Residential;Retail;Office;Health,WelfareandCommunity;andEntertainment,CultureandRecreation landuses.Thissuggeststhatdifferentcompositions oflandusecombinationscontributeuniquelytodistinctwalkingbehaviours,emphasisingthenuanced relationshipbetweenlandusepatternsandvarious formsofwalkingactivities.Additionally,Cerveroand Kockelman(1997)highlighttherelationshipbetween land-usediversityandtravelbehaviour,notingthat mixed-useneighbourhoodssignificantlyincreasethe likelihoodofwalkingandcyclingasprimarymodes oftransportation.Theconceptsuggeststhatneighbourhoodsorareaswithamixoflanduses,suchas residential,commercial,andrecreational,tendtoofferopportunitiesforshortertripsandfacilitateaccesstovariousamenitieswithinwalkingorbiking distance.This,inturn,mayencourageandsupport activetransportationmodeslikewalkingandcycling, asindividualsfinditmoreconvenientandfeasibleto engageintheseactivitiesduetotheproximityofdifferentdestinations.

3. THESIS

Thetransformativepowerofurbanplanninginitiatives,particularlyinaddressinginfrastructurequality,safetymeasures,connectivity,inclusivity,and mixedlanduse,ispivotalinshapingtheactivetransportationlandscapeofneighbourhoods.UsingRailwayLandsWestascasestudy,thispapercontends thatacomprehensiveapproachintegratingthefour factorsdiscussedwithinurbanplanningframeworks significantlyinfluencestheviabilityandattractivenessofactivetransportationmodes.Byexamining casestudiesandscholarlyliterature,theargument hereadvocatesforthecentralroleofurbanplanning strategiesinfosteringasustainableandvibrantenvironmentconducivetorobustactivetransportation practices.

4. CASESTUDY:RAILWAYLANDS WEST

TheRailwayLandsWestneighbourhoodservedas anexampleofthetransformativepotentialofurban planninginitiativesinshapingathrivingactivetransportationecosystem.AttheheartofthisrevitalizationoftheneighbourhoodistheRailwayLands WestSecondaryPlan(CityofToronto,2009),aland useplanwithdetailedpoliciesapprovedbythecity in2006.Thiscasestudywilldelveintothecriteriaofawell-plannedactivetransportationsystem–Connectivity,InfrastructureQualityandSafety,AccessibilityandInclusivity,andMixedLandUseand Proximity,andhowtheyareimplementedwithin RailwayLandsWest.Drawinginsightsfromboth scholarlyliteratureandtangibledevelopmentswithin theneighbourhoods,thisdiscussionexploreshow theseplanningobjectivesandpoliciesfosteraneighbourhood’senvironmentconducivetowalking,cycling,andalternativemodesofactivetravel.

Therearesomelimitationswhenconductingthis casestudy.Itreliesheavilyonsecondarysources, suchasscholarlyliteratureandplanningdocuments, whichmayintroducebiasoroverlooknuancedperspectivesthatcouldbegainedfromprimarydatacollectionmethodssuchasinterviewsorsurveys.Furthermore,theanalysisprimarilyexaminestheplanninginitiativesandtheirintendedoutcomesbutmay notfullycapturethelivedexperiencesorperceptions ofresidentsregardingactivetransportationwithin theneighbourhood.Finally,thestudy’sscopeislimitedtothetimeframeoftheplanninginitiativesand theirimmediateimpacts,withoutextensiveconsiderationoflong-termsustainabilityorpotentialchallengesinimplementationovertime.Theselimitationsshouldbeconsideredwheninterpretingthefindingsandapplyingthemtobroaderurbanplanning contexts.

4.1. Connectivity

TheRailwayLandsWestexemplifiestheconnectivity infosteringarobustactivetransportationenvironment.TheimplementationoftheSecondaryPlan’s visionhasnotablyemphasizedwell-connectedpathways,enhancedcyclingnetworks,andpedestrianfriendlystreets.Theintricatewebofinterconnected pathwaysandstreetsnotonlyfacilitatesseamless movementwithintheneighbourhoodsbutalsoserves asacatalystinencouragingresidentstochooseactive transportationmodes,enablingeasyaccesstotheir destinations.

TheimplementationoftheRailwayLandsWest SecondaryPlan,particularlythegrid-likepublic streetsystemandtheemphasisonmajornorth-south andeast-westconnections(CityofToronto,2009), highlightedtheefforttoenhanceconnectivity.The layoutofstreets,designedforstreet-orienteddevelopment,encourageseasynavigationandaccessibil-

Fig.1:MapofRailwayLandWestNeighbourhood(CityofToronto,2009).

ity,fosteringapedestrian-friendlyenvironmentthat supportswalkingandcyclingasprimarymodesof transport(Mehta,2008).TheSpadinaAvenueas aprimarynorth-southstreet,interlinkingtheRailwayLandsWesttothecentralCityandtheCentral Waterfront,andFortYorkBoulevardasacontinuouseast-westlink,exemplifiesahigh-quality,accessiblepathwayfosteringseamlessmovementwithinand beyondthearea(CityofToronto,2009).Various modesoftransitshowcasesanefforttowardscreatinginterconnectedpathwaysconducivetopedestrians,cyclists,andprivatevehicles.ThePuenteDe LuzBridgeandtheSirIsaacBrockBridgealsoact ascausewaysconnectingtheneighbourhoodwiththe restofthecity,allowingcycliststopassthroughwith cycling-friendlydesign(Giuliano,2012).Thisintegratedstreet-orienteddevelopmentapproachnotonly ensureseaseofaccesstoamenitiesbutalsophysicalconnectionsbetweentheneighbourhoodandthe otherdowntownareas.

Fig.2:ThePuenteDeLuzBridgeandtheSirIsaac BrockBridge(Google,n.d.).

4.2. InfrastructureQualityandSafety

TheRailwayLandsWestSecondaryPlanemphasizes thecreationofsafeandwell-designedinfrastructure forbothpedestriansandcyclists.Theseinitiatives aimtofosterasecureenvironmentthatpromotesactivetransportationandenhancestheoverallsafetyof residentsandvisitorswithintheneighbourhood.For PedestrianConnections(CityofToronto,2009),designingpedestrianconnectionsasextensionsofpublicsidewalksreinforcesacohesiveanduninterrupted networkofwalkways.Thisapproachnotonlyencouragespedestriantrafficflowbutalsoensuresa seamlesstransitionbetweendifferentareas,promotingsafetyandconvenienceforpedestrians.Emphasizingacomfortableanddiversestreet-levelpedestrianrealmindicatesafocusoncreatinganinviting environment.Bymaintainingsufficientpedestrian traffic,theseconnectionsensureanactiveandsafe atmosphere,enhancingtheappealandsafetyofsidewalksandpedestrianroutes.ForBicycleInfrastructure,theprovisionforseparatebicyclelanesorwider curblanesonstreetslikeFortYorkBoulevardand north-southstreetssignifiesacommitmenttocyclist safety(CityofToronto,2009).Thisinitiativeaims toprovidedesignatedspacesforcyclists,enhancing safetyandcomfortwhileencouragingcycling.The establishmentofacentralbicyclefacility,inclusiveof parkingandchangefacilities,ensuresthesafetyand convenienceofcyclistswithintheareaandfurther reinforcestheinfrastructuretosupportcyclists.

IntherelationshipBetweenBuildingsandPedestrians,thePlanencouragedaccessibleuses,such asstreet-relatedretailandservicespaces,andpromotesactiveengagementwiththesidewalk,enhancingsafetyandvibrancy(CityofToronto,2009). Thefocusonhuman-scalearchitecturalfeaturesand minimizingconflictsbetweenpedestriansandvehiclescontributestoasaferenvironment,encouraging morefoottraffic.Designingpublicspaces,includingstreets,sidewalks,lighting,andparks,prioritizes pedestrians’safety(Perkinsetal.,1992).Clearvisualandphysicalaccesstotheseareasensuresvisibility,enhancingsafetyandsecurityforpedestrians, cyclists,andotheractivetransportationusers.

4.3. AccessibilityandInclusivity

Theemphasisoncreatingpedestrian-friendlyspaces anddedicatedcyclinglanesenhancestheneighbourhood’saccessibilityforadiverserangeofresidents, promotingequitableaccesstoactivetransportation options.ThesafeandconvenientpedestrianconnectionsbetweenRailwayLandsWestandnearbyneighbourhoodsemphasizeaccessibilityforalldemographics(CityofToronto,2009).Prioritizingconnections suitableforschool-agechildrenpromotesinclusivity andensuresthatpathwaysarewelcomingandsafe contributingtoaneighbourhoodaccessibletofamiliesandindividuals.Byintegratingtheseconnections seamlesslyintoexistingpathways,theplanaimsto

createaninclusiveenvironmentthatcaterstopedestriansofdiverseabilities.ThePlanalsostressed ondevelopmentofasafeandinvitingpublicrealm. Theemphasisoncreatinganattractive,inviting,safe publicrealmandtheinclusionofgenerouslyproportionedpublicstreets,parks,andaccessibleopen spaces,alignswithfosteringaninclusiveenvironment (CityofToronto,2009).Theseprovisionsnotonly catertoaestheticappealbutalsoensuresafetyand comfortforallcommunitymembers,promotingan inclusivespaceforactivetransportation.Foraccessibilitydesign,apreferenceforat-gradepedestrian connectionsalongpublicsidewalkspromotesuniversalaccessibility(MetaxatosandSriraj,2015).Residentialandpublicusesaccessiblefromgradelevel, coupledwithstreet-relatedretailandservicespaces openingontosidewalks,showsaninclusiveapproach toaccommodateactivetransportationusersincludingwheelchairusers.Buildings,parks,andpublic spacesarealsodesignedtoallowconvenientaccessfor individualswithphysicaldisabilities(CityofToronto, 2009).Thisprovisionaimstoensurethatpublic

Fig.3:Designatedbicyclelanes(Google,n.d.).

Fig.4:DesignatedbicyclelanesintheRailwayLand WestNeighbourhood(Google,n.d.).

N.ChanHeiChing

spacesarewelcomingandfunctionalforeveryone,regardlessofphysicalabilities.

Fig.5:Designatedpedestrianwalkwayintheneighbourhood(Google,n.d.).

4.4. MixedLandUseandProximity

TheMixedLandUseapproachoutlinedintheplan, particularlyintheBathurst-SpadinaNeighbourhood, showcasesablendofresidentialareaswithlocal street-relatedretail,serviceuses,andcommunityfacilities(CityofToronto,2009).Bypromotingmixeduseareasalongsideresidentialspaces,theplanfacilitatesthecreationofawalkableandliveableenvironment.AsstatedintheSecondaryPlan(Cityof Toronto,2009),“TheBathurst-SpadinaNeighbourhoodwillcontainlocalstreet-relatedretailandserviceusesandcommunityservicesandfacilities... shouldbewithinreadywalkingdistance...”(p.12), themixed-usedevelopmentandtheconsiderationof walkabilityintheplancontributedtotheproximityofshopsandpublicservices.Dailynecessities likesupermarkets,communitycentres,alibrary,clinics,schools,andotheramenitiescanbefoundin theneighbourhoodwithina10-to15-minutewalk. Theproximityandwalkabilityallowpeopletoreduce commutingtimeintheirbusyschedules.Italigns withtheconceptofa15-minutecityinwhichmost ofthedailynecessitiesandservicesarereachableby a15-minutewalk(Weng,2019).Thisreducesdependencyonvehiculartransportandpromotesactivetransportationchoices,enablingpeopletoconvenientlyaccesstheireverydayessentials.

5. SIGNIFICANCEOFPLANNINGIN ACTIVETRANSPORTATION

Thesignificanceofprioritizingactivetransportationwithinthisneighbourhoodbeyondthemere enhancementofmobilityinfrastructure.Itfosterssafer,healthier,andmorevibrantcommunities.Byimprovingwalkability,creatingcyclingfriendlyenvironments,andenhancingpedestrian safetymeasures,RailwayLandsWestbecamean

active-transportation-orientedcommunity.48%of theresidentsuseactivetransportationtotheirwork (Walking:44%,Bicycle:4%).Thisissignificantly higherthanthecity’saverage,inwhichonly12%of citizenscommutetoworkbyactivetransportation (Walking:9%,Bicycle3%)(CityofToronto,2023). ThishasproventhattheRailwayLandsWesthasa considerateurbanplanninganddesignthatencouragestheuseofactivetransportation.

Theconceptsofconnectivity,safety,inclusivity, andproximityarehighlightedthroughoutthewhole SecondaryPlan,includingitsobjectivesandthepart aboutpublicspace,transportation,andlandusezoning.Theimpactoftheseinitiativesresonatesprofoundly,affectingdiversegroupswithinthecommunity.Familiesrelishsaferroutesfortheirchildrentowalkorcycle,enhancingtheirsenseofsecurity.Youngprofessionalsfindincreasedaccessibilitytoworkplacesandamenities,promotingahealthierwork-lifebalance.Peoplewithdisabilitiesbenefit fromat-gradestreetdesignandensuretheirrights inparticipatinginthecommunity.Moreover,elderly residentsbenefitfromimprovedaccessibilityandreducedrelianceonconventionaltransportationmethods.

Understandingthenuancedimpactsofactive transportationinitiativesondiversegroupswithin RailwayLandsWestformsthecruxofcontextualizingitsrelevance.Byacknowledgingandaddressing thediverseneedsofresidents,theplanningapproach aimstocreateaninclusiveenvironmentthatcaters tovarioussocio-economicbackgrounds,abilities,and agegroups,ensuringthatnooneisleftbehindinthe journeytowardsahealthier,moreconnectedcommunity.Insummary,thestrategicemphasisonactive transportationasaplanningissueunderscoresitsrole infosteringvibrant,inclusive,andsustainablecommunitieswithinRailwayLandsWest.

Activetransportationhasbeenproventobebeneficialtoresidentsbyfosteringasenseofcommunity,reducingdependencyonautomobiles,protecting theenvironmentandimprovingpeople’shealth(Sallisetal.,2004).Withdetailedandcarefulplanning intheearlystagebypolicymakersandurbanplanners,planninginitiativescanactimpactfullyandeffectivelyincreatinganaccessible,inclusive,safe,and interconnectedstreetsystemwithinneighbourhoods, fosteringthecultureofactivetransportation,thusenhancingthewell-beingofitsresidentsandpavethe wayformorelivableandsustainableurbanspaces.

Acknowledgements –Thispaperwassubmittedto JGU346H:TheUrbanPlanningProcess,taughtby Dr.YinnonGeva.

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TeaganSharrock1

1 DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto,100St.GeorgeSt.,Toronto,ON,M5S3G3

ABSTRACT:Thispaperexploresthedynamic,relational,andcontextualnatureofIndigenous treatyagreements,emphasizingtheirsignificancefromanIndigenousperspectiveasongoingrelationshipsthatdemandcontinuouscommitmenttoupholdandrenewterms.Historicalanalysis revealsthedualroleoftreatiesinvalidatingstatesovereigntyforcolonizerswhileunderminingIndigenousself-determination,leadingtothepresentstateofcolonizationinCanada.Asa solution,thispaperadvocatesformoderntreatyfederalism,envisioninganation-to-nationrelationshipthataddressesbothalienruleanddispossession.Moderntreatyfederalismseeksshared powerwithinCanadianfederalism,necessitatingthedismantlingofassimilatingstructureslike the IndianAct.Emphasizingtheframework’spotentialtorectifyhistoricalinjustices,thispaper connectsittoglobalmovementsrecognizingIndigenousrights.Thisproposedapproachaligns withtheevolvingglobalconsciousness,presentingCanadawithanopportunitytoleadinclimatefocused,sustainablepoliciesthroughaco-equalpartnershipwithIndigenousnations.Thepaper concludesbyhighlightingthepotentialformoderntreatyfederalismtoserveasacomprehensive solutiontohistoricalchallengesandinjusticesfacedbyIndigenousnationsinCanada.

Keywords: Indigenoustreatyagreements;self-determination;settlercolonialcontext;sovereignty;UNDRIP

1. INTRODUCTION

Indigenoustreatyagreementsareintendedto bedynamic,relationalandcontextual(Starblanket, 2019).FromanIndigenousperspective,treatiesrepresentanongoingrelationship.Partiesinvolvedin thetreatyhavearesponsibilitytocontinuallyupholdandrenewtreatytermsinordertomaintainthe relationship.Followingcolonialexpansioninwhat isnowknownasCanada,treatyagreementswere usedforcolonizerstovalidatetheirstatesovereignty and,simultaneously,astoolstoundermineIndigenoussovereigntybycolonizers(Stark,2016).This interactionbetweensettlersandIndigenousnations hascreatedanunequalrelationshipthathasresulted inthecolonizationofCanadatoday.

FollowingthepassingoftheUnitedNationsDeclarationontheRightsofIndigenousPeoples(UNDRIP)in2007,nationsaroundtheworldarerecognizingandvalidatingtherightsthatIndigenousPeo-

© 2024TheAuthor.PublishedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)attheDepartmentof GeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto.

plespossess(Stark,2016).Withanincreasedpresenceininternationalpolitics,Indigenousnationsin Canadaarespeakingoutabouttherightsthatare notbeingachieved(Simpson,2008).Asinternational pressurerisesanddecolonialchangescontinuetooccurglobally,Canadamustreconstructitspolitical systemthatisestablishedthroughtheprivilegeof settlersandsubservienceofIndigenousnations.

ColonizationinthesettlercolonialcontextisfacilitatedinCanadaintwoways:alienruleandcontinueddispossessionofIndigenousPeoplesfromtheir lands.Establishedasanargumentforsettlerstosit aboveIndigenousnationsonfabricatedracialhierarchies,alienruleusesexistingtreatyrelationships tojustifycategorizingIndigenousnationsasminoritygroupsundertheconstitution(Getachew,2019). Equallyimportanttothiscategorization,Indigenous nationshavealimitedabilitytoachievetheirrightto self-determinationduetothecontinueddispossession fromtheirlands(Harris,2004).

Iarguethatmoderntreatyfederalismaddresses alienrulethroughtheabilitytore-institutetreaty relationshipsthroughaco-equalrelationshipwithIndigenousnations.Additionally,Iarguethatthis

isnecessarybecausenon-Indigenouspopulationsof Canadahaveanincreasingmoralinterestinmoving towardsIndigenoussystemsofknowledgeandpoliticalformtoaddressourrapidlychanging,unknown future.

2. COLONIZATIONINTHESETTLER COLONIALCONTEXT

2.1. AlienRule

Alienrulecanbedefinedasself-determiningnations,suchasIndigenousPeoplesinCanada,being governedbyadifferentnation,Canada(Getachew, 2019).Anotherwayofinterpretingalienruleisthe absenceofself-rule,and,inCanada,thesubordinationofIndigenouspopulations(Ladner,2003).

AlienrulehasbeenfacilitatedonIndigenousnationsinCanadaasaresultoftheinternationaldecolonialmovementofpoliticalreformandtheimplementationofselectivehumanrights(Getachew, 2019).IndigenousnationsreceivedconstitutionalstatusasadirectresultoftheCharterofRightsand Freedoms’categorizationofIndigenousnationsasa minoritygroup(Ladner,2003).Asaresult,IndigenousPeoplesinCanadaaretreatedasmarginalized groupsinsteadofseparatenationswiththeability anddesiretogovernthemselvesandareclassifiedas constitutionaloutsiderswhohavenosayinCanadian federalism(BearRobe,1992).

Tofacilitatealienrule,colonizersattheonsetof settlementinCanadafirsthadtoengageintreatyrelationships(Starblanket,2019;Stark,2016).When colonizersarrivedinwhatisnowknownasCanada, theyengagedintreatyagreementswithIndigenous nations.ThesetreatiesallowedsettlerstohavejurisdictionovertheirownpeopleonIndigenouslands aswellasassertthatresourcesandlandswouldbe sharedamongsettlersandIndigenousnations.Havingtheintentionofandparticipatingintreatyrelationshipsnecessarilyrequiredanacknowledgementof Indigenoussovereigntybysettlergovernments(Stark, 2016).

Settlernations,however,havesincearguedthat suchanacknowledgementofsovereigntyhasnotoccurred,reinforcingthenotionthattreatiesservedthe functionofremovingIndigenoustitletoland,henceforthadvancingcolonialexpansion(Ladner,2003; Starblanket,2019).Infact,somescholarsidentifythe numberedtreatiesinCanadatobedirectactsofdeceitandbetrayalinthewaythatsettlersinterpreted them(Starblanket,2019).FromanIndigenousperspective,treatyagreementsrepresentaresponsibility toarelationshipwiththeagreeingpartiesandrequirefrequentrevisitingtomaintain,andtherefore holdsignificantvalueandmeaningwithinIndigenous cultures(Simpson,2008).

Alienrule,throughtheisolationofIndigenous Peoplesasanoutsidergroup,hasresultedintheinabilityofIndigenousnationstobeself-determining

andperpetuatedanarrativeforthecountryof Canadatoabsolveitselfofresponsibilitytotreaties.

2.2. Dispossession

ThecontinueddispossessionofIndigenousPeoples fromtheirlandshasworkedincombinationwith alienruletoexpeditesettlercolonialism.EvenifIndigenouscommunitieswereabletogovernthemselves (theabsenceofalienrule),Indigenousnationswould notbeabletobefullyindependentbecauseoftheannexedconnectiontotheirancestralland(Getachew, 2019).

Inthecurrenteconomythatreliesheavilyoninternationalrelationsandtheglobalresourcemarket, Indigenouscommunitiesaredependentonresource extractioneconomiestocreatealivablefuturefor theircommunities.Indigenouspracticesandvalues canthereforenotbefullyrealized.Indigenousrelationshipswiththelandarebasedonsustainabilityandreciprocityinsteadofextractionandprofit maximization(Simpson,2008).Therealizationof thesepracticesandvaluesarekeytoIndigenousindependencebecausetheyarekeytoIndigenousculture Thereforetheabsenceofthesekeyfactorsalsoresults inanabsenceofindependence.

Colonial-eratreatyrelationshipswereinterpreted bysettlersasagreementsaboutlandandresources, whileIndigenousinterpretationsincludednotions ofcollectivewell-beingandself-determiningpowers (BearRobe,1992).

Forsettlergovernments,treatyagreementswere toolstotransformtreaty‘relationships’tolandcessioncontracts(Starblanket,2019;Stark,2016).Governmentsachievedthistransformationthroughthe domesticationofIndigenousPeoples,inparticular thecreationofthestereotypesofthesavageIndian manandthedeviantIndianwoman(Stark,2016).

AnykindofresistancebyIndigenousPeopleswas seenasameanstojustifycriminalactionagainstIndigenousPeoplesthroughforce,ultimatelypromotingthecreationoftheNorth-WestMountedPolice. Imprisonmentbecameatooltoenhancethepass system,whichrequiredIndigenousPeoplestocarry passesofpermissiontoleavetheirreserves,andlater the IndianAct,whichselectivelyadministeredIndian statusanddefinedobligationstotheCrown(Stark, 2016).

Sincesettlersneededlegalprovisionstoenforce authorityoverIndigenousPeoplesundertreatylaw, there-framingoflegalnarrativestoenforcesettler jurisdictionthroughthecriminalizationanddomesticationofIndigenousPeopleshasbeenavitalinstrumentfortheircontinueddispossession(Stark,2016). Inthemeantime,settlersfailedtobepunishedunder theirownlawforcrimescommittedagainstIndigenousPeoples,mouldingacolonialgoverningsystem toaugmentsettlerpowerinCanada(Stark,2016).

3. MODERNTREATYFEDERALISM

3.1. WhatisModernTreatyFederalism?

Inthispaper,Iargueformoderntreatyfederalism asasolutiontoalienruleandthecontinueddispossessionofIndigenousnations.Moderntreatyfederalismistheideathatanation-to-nationrelationship canbeachievedbetweenIndigenousandsettlernationstoreconstituteIndigenouspolitiesassovereigns undertheirowninfluenceandco-sovereignswithin theirownterritories(Ladner,2003).Atthemoment,CanadaownsalljurisdictionsoftheTerritorial,Provincial,Federal,andSupremeCourtsof Canadaandthereforehasthepowertogovernover them(Ladner,2003).TheabilityforIndigenousnationstogovernthemselvesisdependentonnegotiated agreementswithCanada,anabilitythathasonly beenachievedinselectjurisdictions(Ladner,2003). TherefusaltoallowIndigenousnationstoself-govern impliesthattheCanadiangovernmentdoesnotbelievethatIndigenousnations,oraconstitutionally marginalizedgroup,havetheabilityforaseparate orderofgovernment,whichinherentlyviolatesthe Indigenousrighttoself-determinationexpressedin UNDRIP(Ladner,2003).

3.2. AnAnswertoAlienRule

TreatyfederalisminaCanadiancontextwouldallowbothIndigenousnationsandCanadatomaintain sharedpoweroverland,resources,andtheirpeople, addressingthesubordinationofIndigenousPeoples underalienrule(BearRobe,1992;Ladner,2003).

Moderntreatyfederalismwouldnotonlyupholdexistingtreatyrelationshipsthatfocusonlandandresources,butitwouldalsoallowforthecreationofnew treatyrelationshipsthatextendsharedpowerover theadjudicationofindividualnationsovereigntyand thejurisdictionovertheirownpeoples(BearRobe, 1992).Asopposedtobeingconstitutionaloutsiders underalienrule,Indigenousnationswouldhavea dedicatedplaceinCanadianfederalismwithacknowledgedself-governingpowerundertheconstitution. TheabilityforIndigenousnationstoself-governundermoderntreatyfederalismisalsoasolutiontothe absenceofself-rule.JustasIndigenousPeoplesare subjecttosettlerjurisdictiononsettlerland,settlers wouldbesubjecttoIndigenousjurisdictiononIndigenousland(BearRobe,1992).

Moderntreatyfederalismwouldrequirethestrikingofthe IndianAct andDepartmentofIndigenous andNorthernAffairs,asthesewereputinplace forthepurposeofassimilatingIndigenousPeoples intoCanadianculture(BearRobe,1992).Inaddition,treatyfederalismisanargumentinsupportof theprotectionofIndigenoussovereignstatus.This meansitisintendedtoprotecttherightsthatshould havebeenaffordedtoIndigenousnationsfromthe onsetofcolonialismthroughexistingtreatyrelationships,butthathaveinsteadbeenstrippedfromIn-

digenousnations.Moderntreatyfederalismdoesnot suggestthecreationofanindependentlegalsystemin Canada(BearRobe,1992).Instead,moderntreaty federalismsuggestsaco-equalrelationshipbetween Indigenousandsettlernationsundertheexistinglegalsystem.ItisnotintendedtobreakupCanada intoseparatejurisdictions.Instead,itwouldshare jurisdictionswithinCanada.Finally,moderntreaty federalismdoesnotsuggestaseparateIndigenous presenceinforeignaffairs.ModerntreatyfederalismintendsIndigenousnationstohavetheability togoverntheirownnationasaco-equalpartnerof Canadianfederalism(BearRobe,1992).

3.3. AnAnswertoDispossession

TheinitialmomentumtodispossessIndigenousPeoplesfromtheirlandcamefromaninterestofcapital forsettlers,whichnecessitatedtheacquisitionofIndigenouslandtoperpetuatethisprofit(Harris,2004). Thesubsequentlegitimizationandjustificationofdispossessionthatfollowedisafactorofculturaldiscourseandisoutlinedunderalienrule(Harris,2004). ThisculturaldiscoursehasfragmentedIndigenousrelationshipswithland,whichareanessentialaspect ofIndigenoussurvivalandculture(Simpson,2008). Therefore,addressingthedispossessionofIndigenous nationsfromtheirlandsremainsadifficulttaskbecausethisdispossessionhasbeenusedasaprimary toolofsettlercolonialexpansionandmaintenance (Ladner,2003).However,inaworldthatismoving rapidlytowardsnewvisionsofdecolonization,there isamoralinterestofthenon-Indigenouspopulation ofCanadatore-evaluatecurrentCanadianfederalism andmovetowardsamoreanti-colonialfederalsystem suchasmoderntreatyfederalism.Inrecentyears, non-IndigenousCanadianshavebecomeincreasingly awareoftheoppressionofIndigenousPeoplesintheir owncountryandhaveexpressedacollectivewishfor reconciliation.AnationalpollofresidentsofCanada identifiedthatmostpeoplebelievethatthefederal governmentisoneofthemajorbarrierstoreconciliationinCanada(Hopper,2022).There-institution oftreatyfederalismandassociatedmaintenanceof treatyrelationshipsnecessitatesthereversalofdispossessionbyallowingIndigenoussovereigntyover theirancestrallandsandresources.

Non-Indigenouspopulationsarebecomingincreasinglyawareoftheneedtotakeactioninthe faceofclimatechange.Theexistenceofafuture thatincludesthehumanpopulationasacollective mustrequireashiftawayfromanextractiveeconomic modelandtowardsaprogressivemodelthatenforces sustainabilityasapriority.TheideathatasustainableclimatefuturedemandsacomprehensiveunderstandingofIndigenouswaysofknowingisbecoming moreobvioustosettlerpopulationsastimegoeson (Sinclair,2021).ThemostrecentIntergovernmentalPanelonClimateChangereportdescribesthe heightenedimpactofachangingclimateonIndige-

T.Sharrock

nouscommunitiesandcultures(IPCC,2023).Not onlythat,butclimatechangehasthepotentialtocreatealastingdamagingimpactonallhumansocieties (IPCC,2023).Collectively,wehaveasmallwindow ofopportunitytoensureafutureofalllifeonthis planet,anditwillinvolvenotonlyanunderstandingofdiverseknowledgesystemsandculturalvalues suchastheonespractisedbytheIndigenousPeoples ofCanada,butalsotheirimplementationinthenear future.Attheircore,theseknowledgesystemsvalue sustainabilityandreciprocalrelationshipswiththe land,andwemustlearntoincorporatethesevalues inourcurrentpoliticalandeconomicsystems(Simpson,2008).BecauseIndigenousknowledgesystems requireanintimateknowledgeofthelandanditsresourceinteractions,anincreasingpublicinterestin decolonialprogresswilldemandamovementtowards Indigenousaccesstolandandresources(Simpson, 2008).

4. CONCLUSION

Throughoutthispaper,IhavedescribedthefunctionofmoderntreatyrelationshipsbetweenIndigenousnationsandCanadatoaddressissuesofalien ruleanddispossessionofIndigenousnations.Alien ruleanddispossessionofIndigenousnationshasbeen entrenchedinCanadianfederalism.Theresultis toenhancecolonizationinthesettlercolonialcontext,whichiscontinuallyreinforcedthroughthefederalsystem.ToamelioratethisandreturnconstitutionalpowertoIndigenousnationsthatalsoallowsfor Canadatocontinuetogovernovertheirjurisdictions withinthenation,Iintroducemoderntreatyfederalismasasolution.Moderntreatyfederalismaddresses alienrulethroughthecreationofnewtreatyagreementsthatseparateCanadianjurisdictionsfromIndigenousjurisdictionsandalloweachnationtogovern theirownundertheirindividualconstitutionallaws. Thisnation-to-nationrelationshipservesasanimplementationofIndigenousself-governanceandthereforeself-determinationwhilealsoallowingCanada tocontinuetogoverntheirpopulations.Modern treatyfederalismprovidesasolutionforthecontinueddispossessionofIndigenousnationsnotonlyby appealingtoCanada’sresponsibilitytoupholdexistingtreatyagreements,butalsobyengagingnonIndigenousCanadians’self-interestsinamovement towardsreconciliationwithIndigenousnations.ArealizationofmoralstandingwithinthegeneralCanadianpopulationalongwiththedecliningcondition oftheglobalclimatehasexposedtheopportunityfor

prominentinternationalactorssuchasCanadatodevelopsustainableclimate-focusedplanstoensurea collectivefuture.Canadaispresentedwithanexcellentopportunitytoadvancetothetopofclimate andIndigenouspolicies,andwhatbetterwaytodo sothanmoderntreatyfederalism?

Acknowledgements –Thispaperwassubmittedto INS492:ProblemsofEmpire,PredicamentsofDecolonization,taughtbyDr.CoreySnelgrove.

5. REFERENCES

BearRobe,A.(1992).TreatyFederalism. ConstitutionalForum/ForumConstitutionnel,4 (1-4), 6-11.DOI:10.21991/C94D4V Harris,C.(2004).Howdidcolonialismdispossess?Commentsfromanedgeofempire. AnnalsoftheAssociationofAmericanGeographers,94 (1),165-182.DOI:10.1111/j.14678306.2004.09401009.x Hopper,T.(2022,September30).Vastmajorityof Canadianssupportreconciliation,evenifthey differonthedetails:poll. NationalPost. IntergovernmentalPanelonClimateChange.(2023). SynthesisreportoftheIPCCsixthassessmentreport(AR6):Summaryforpolicymakers Getachew,A.(2019). Worldmakingafterempire: theriseandfallofself-determination.Princeton UniversityPress:Princeton,NJ. Ladner,K.(2003).Treatyfederalism:anIndigenous visionofCanadianFederalisms.InRocherM. C.Smith(Eds.), NewtrendsinCanadianfederalism,pp.167-194.2ndEdition.Broadview Press:Peterborough,ON. Simpson,L.(2008).LookingafterGdoo-naaganinaa: PrecolonialNishnaabegdiplomaticandtreatyrelationships. WicazoSaReview,23 (2),29–42. DOI:10.1353/wic.0.0001 Sinclair,R.(2021,October22).DecolonizingCanada’sclimatepolicy. CanadianClimateInstitute climateinstitute.ca/publications/decolonizingcanadas-climate-policy/ Starblanket,G.(2019).Thenumberedtreatiesand thepoliticsofincoherency. CanadianJournalofPoliticalScience,52 (3),443–459.DOI: 10.1017/S0008423919000027 Stark,H.K.(2016).Criminalempire:themakingof thesavageinalawlessland. TheoryandEvent, 19 (4).

Landmarks:TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography 9(2024),65-69

Dubai:ALandscapeofConsumptionandExploitation

1

SabrinaMukhida

1 DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto,100St.GeorgeSt.,Toronto,ON,M5S3G3

ABSTRACT:Dubaihasconcealed,throughphysicalandbureaucraticmeans,theconsumption ofservicesinordertopresentitsresidentswithautopianenvironment.Thisarticleemploysthe workofGeorgeRitzker’sLandscapeofConsumptionfromhisbook“EnchantingaDisenchanted World:RevolutionizingtheMeansofConsumption.”Iargue,withthesupportofRitzker,that Dubai’scuratedimageconcealstheharshrealitiesoflabourexploitation,ultimatelychallenging thenotionofDubaiasaflawlessconsumerparadise.

Keywords: consumerism;geographiesoflabour;productionofspace;socialstratification;utopianism

1. INTRODUCTION

Dubaiwasoriginallyafishingvillageandatrade linkbetweenMesopotamiaandtheIndusvalleyregion(Weeksetal.2017).Now,commonunderstandingsofDubaiareheavilyinfluencedbymedia representations.Dubaiiscommonlyenvisionedas acityfeaturingpalmshapedislands,asail-likehotel,andPharaonictemplesrepurposedasshopping malls,amongothericonicstructures(Elsheshtawy, 2009).YasserElsheshtawy(2009)contendsthatfor many,thisrepresentationbecomesa“Borgesianreality”,theauthenticDubai.Dubaiemergesasaunique urbanarea,hostingover200nationalitiesandwith anativepopulationconstitutinglessthan10percent ofitsresidents(Elsheshtawy,2009).Myargument inthisessayisthatDubaiexperiencesanewkindof utopianurbanlandscape,alandscapeofmaterialand serviceconsumption,centredaroundmassivecathedralsofconsumptionsuchastheDubaiMallthat reinforcetheconcealinglabourgeographiesinorder tosupportthecreatedutopia.Iuseutopiainreferencetoagoodlife,thelatterdefinedbytheOxford EnglishDictionaryasa“lifeofluxury,pleasure,and materialcomfort”(2023).Thisessaywillbedivided intothreeparts,expandingonutopianisminDubai, exemplifyingtheconsumption-basedlandscape,and addressingthelabourgeographiesthatsupportthe

© 2024TheAuthor.PublishedbytheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)attheDepartmentof GeographyandPlanning,UniversityofToronto.

utopianconsumption-basedlifestyleinDubai.

Thisessaydelvesintoanexplorationofthepursuanceofagoodlife,andhowthatachievesutopia withinthecontextofDubai.EmployingGeorge Ritzer’sframeworkofaLandscapeofConsumption, Ritzer(2005)characterizesthislandscapeasgeographicareasthathousemultiple“cathedralsofconsumption”(p.5),enticingindividualsthroughcontrolledallureandencouragingrepeatedengagement (Ritzer,2005)TheDubaiMallencapsulatesmultipleofwhatRitzerwouldconsider“cathedralsofconsumption”inonecontainedspace.Thesecathedrals aredesignedtoentertainandcaptivateindividuals, drawingtheminandfosteringarepetitivereturn throughitsingrainedculturesignificanceAprime exemplificationofthiswillbeseenwiththeDubai Mall,whichholdsnumerouscathedralsofconsumptionwithinitsconfines.

However,thelandscapeofDubaiextendsbeyond justtheconsumptionofgoods.ThisessayseekstoexpandonRitzer’sdefinitionbyintroducingthatDubai isalsoorientedaroundserviceconsumption,which isillustratedthroughtheimportationofdomestic work.Inexploringthisperspective,Iwillanalyze howDubai’ssocietalstructureisintricatelylinkedto theconsumptionofservices,particularlyintherealm ofdomesticandconstructionlabour.ThisexpansionofRitzer’sconceptbroadenstheunderstanding ofDubai’sutopianconstruction,revealingthecity’s multifacetedrelianceonbothmaterialandservice consumptioninshapingitslandscape.

2. DUBAI’SUNIQUEUTOPIA

ThebeliefthatDubaiisutopianhasitsrootsinmedia representationsandthatrepresentsanideallifestyle, agoodlife.Dubaiisintentionallycraftedasabrand, emphasizingvisibilityandwealthonaglobalscale. ThroughDubai’srepresentationofthehubofluxury,thecitizenswhointeractwiththisspaceare alsomanifestationsofaluxuriouslifestyle.Drawing onAhmedKanna’s(2005)framework,Khanaasserts thatratherthanperceivingthechangesandmodernizationinDubaiasableakdystopia,theresidentshaveadeptlyintegratedthesetransformations intotheirculturalfabric.Throughananalysisof datafrominterviewsandarchivalmaterialsduring hisfieldwork,Kanna(2005)contendsthatspecific idealizedthemesunderlieboththeexplicitandspatialdiscoursesandsymbolsofthecity.Thishas somethingtodowiththerecentgrowthofcertain builtenvironments,likebigshoppingmallsandother separatebuildingsandprojects.Theseprojectsare mostlyaboutmakingmoneybypromotingtourism andhigh-endshopping,buttheyalsohavetheirown uniquewayofbeingexperienced.Whenlookingat thissituation,ideaslikehybridity,interiority,and scalebecomeimportantinshapinghowpeoplein Dubaiseethemselves(Kanna,2005).Dubaiansare thenseparatedfromtheprocessofconsumption,asit becomesaculturalpromise.Thisprocess,asElsheshtay(2009)contends,takesonaBorgesianreality,a meta-fictionallayerinherentinDubai.

ThenextpointtoconsiderisfromKanna’s(2005, p.65)interviewwithMaryamalAbbasi’sreflections onherlifeinDubai:

Ithink,whenyoulookattheArabworld, youthankGodforaplacelikeDubai,really.ThankGodforaplacewhereyou havetemplesandyouhavemosques,and [where]youhavechurches.ThankGod. ThankGodforaplacewhereyouhavemore thanonelanguage.AlHamdulillaah[Praise God].Ya’ny[Imean],there’stolerance acrossmanylevels.ThankGodwedon’t havepoverty.Wehavepoorfamilies,[but] nobody’sonthestreetswithoutshelterand withoutfoodandgoinghungry.

Thisquoteservesasagenuineperspectiveofmany Dubaians.Itencapsulatesalivedrealitywherethe diversityofplacesofworship,languagevariety,and theperceivedabsenceofextremepovertycontribute toasenseofthankfulnessforthecity’sinclusiveness andtolerance.Forsome,thecitygenuinelyembodies autopianspacewhereablendofculturalrichnessand economicwell-beingprevails.Thisisnotthecasefor allcityinhabitants,aswillbeexplored.

Likewise,theEmirofDubai,SheikhMohammed binRashidAlMaktoum,espousesavisionofthecity thattranscendsmerearchitecturalachievements.He emphasizesthesignificanceofitstolerantpopulace,

statinginHarper’sBazaarArabia(2023,July15) that:

Whatmakesusproudofournationisnot theheightofourbuildings,thebreadthof ourstreets,orthemagnitudeofourshoppingmalls,butrathertheopennessandtoleranceofournation.Ourpridestemsfrom thefactthatweareacountrywhereeveryonethrivesequallyregardlessoftheirdifferences.

TikTokscanbeespeciallyhelpfulinprovingthis perceptionofutopia,asitremovesanacademicvoice andprovidesapersonalone.InoneTikTok,amassing1.1millionlikes,SafeAmri(2023)atteststothe amplesafetywomenhaveinDubai:“womeninDubai havetheabsolutefreedomrespectandsafetytothe pointwherewecanleaveourhousesatanytimeof theday,anytimeofthenightwithoutbeingbothered orworried.”Whilethenumberoflikesitselfdoesnot provethestatementaboutthesafetyofwomenin Dubai,itdoessuggestthatasubstantialaudienceon TikTokfoundthemessagecompellingorresonant. It’simportanttonotethatthesesperspectives, whilereflectiveoftheexperienceofthecoreclassin Dubai,maynotalignwiththemorecriticalstance takenbyresearcherssuchasBuckley(2013)whoarguesthatpovertyispervasiveinthecityandCooper (2013)whoarguesthatDubaiisnotasafehaven formigrantwomen.Thisquoteunderscoresapotentialdisconnectbetweentheprivilegedexperience ofthoseleadingcosmopolitanlifestylesinDubaiand theconcealedrealitythatresearcherscontendexists. Thecontrastingviewpointhighlightsthecomplexity ofsocietalnarrativeswithinDubai,withoneperspectiveportrayingthecityasautopiawhileotherspoint totheconcealedchallengesfacedbyasignificantsegmentofthepopulation.

3. LANDSCAPEOFCONSUMPTION ANDTHEDUBAIMALL

TheDubaiMallholdsadominantroleinthefabric ofDubai’slandscape,symbolizingtheessenceofconsumerculture.Ratherthanapproachingthisexamplewithanegativeconnotation,Iintendtoportray theDubaiMallasaculturalstonethatmustweave itselfintothefabricofdailylife.Itservesasaforce, shapingDubaianlifestyles.

AccordingtoGMI(2019),atotalof12.40million peoplevisitedDubaibetweenJanuaryandSeptember 2023.Oneofthecity’s‘nottomiss’touristdestinations,situatedinDowntownDubai,theDubaiMall standsasoneoftheworld’slargestandmosticonic shoppingandentertainmentdestinations.Spanning over5.9millionsquarefeet,themallhostsanextensiveselectionofmorethan1,300retailoutlets,rangingfrominternationalluxurybrandstolocalboutiques(TheDubaiMall,2019).Shoppingisthemost

importantcontemporarysocialactivity,and,forthe mostpart,takesplaceintheshoppingcentre.Developersanddesignersoftheretailbuiltenvironmentexploitthepowerofplaceandanintuitiveunderstandingofthestructureofspacetofacilitateconsumption andthustherealizationofretailprofits(Goss,1993). Strategicallylocatedinthecentreofthecity,adjacenttotheBurjKhalifaandoverlookingtheDubai Fountain,theDubaiMalloffersnotonlyampleshoppingbutalsohostsevents,lightshows,andseasonal celebrationsthroughouttheyear.Beyonditsretail, theDubaiMallnotablycontainsampleentertainment options,suchastheDubaiAquariumandUnderwaterZoo,anindooricerink,acinemacomplex,and KidZania,aninteractivechildren’sedutainmentcentre.Considertheseasthemultiplecathedralsofconsumption.Dubaiisoneofthemosthumidcitieson theplanet.TheDubaiMallmakessociallifepossibleinanotherwiseinhospitableenvironment.The sociallifeisstill,however,centredinacathedralofintenseconsumption.TheDubaimallconnectsDubai residentsinanexplicitwayasitprovidesthebest partofurbanliving,accessibilitytofood,shopping, andentertainmentinoneenclosedspace,makingthe DubaiMallanessentialfabricinthesocialculture andthereforeacomponentofhowDubaicreatedits utopiacentredaroundcathedralsofconsumption.

4. LANDSCAPEOFSERVICE CONSUMPTION

4.1.

MigrantDomesticWork

TheserviceeconomyinDubaiisintegraltoagoodlife becauseserviceconsumptiontakesawaytheburden ofmundanethatcomeswithtaskssuchasdriving yourowncar,yourownhousework,ormaintaining yourownhome.Thislabourisoftencheap,accessibleandgivesonemoretimeunburdened.Inthisway, theimportofmigrantdomesticlabourandtheconsumptionofservicesallowmobilityandhelpsprovide oneselfagoodlife.

Migrantdomesticworkers,faceeconomicconstraintsthatlimittheirchoicesinmigrationdestinations(Parre˜nasetal.,2019).Veneer,acasestudyfor serialmigration,saysthatdespiteanopportunityto movetoIrelandforhigherwages,sheoptedtoreturn totheUAEduetotheexorbitantcostofmigratingto Ireland.Thefinancialburdenandhighinterestrates associatedwithloansintheblackmarketdissuade herfrompursuingimmediatehigherearnings.The trade-offofenduringlowerwagesintheUAEismore appealingtoher,asitavoidstheprolongedperiodof indenturethatborrowingfundsformigrationwould entail(Parre˜nasetal.,2019).Thesenarrativesunderscorethecomplexandexploitativedynamicsthat characterizethelivesofmigrantworkersinDubai.

TheconsumptionofserviceleadstothedisenfranchisementofmigrantwomenintheUnitedArab Emirates.NicholasCooper(2013)writesonthein-

denturedservitudeinDubaiandthroughhiswork wecanargueagainstSafeAmri’s(2023)attestation thatDubaiissafeforwomenwhenweunderstandthe treatmentofDubaiandomesticlabourers.Though manywomenvolunteerfordomesticworkasnannies ormaidsfortheEmiratielite,lookingforworkand opportunityworkinginaforeigncountry,manyof thosesamewomenhavetofaceanintensebattlefor humanity(Cooper,2013).

Domesticworkersarerecruitedunderalegal sponsorshipsysteminDubai,wheretheiremploymentandresidencyaretiedtoaspecificemployer,akintothearrangementformigrantlabourers(Cooper,2013).Thissponsorshipmandates thatunskilledlabourer’s,includingdomesticworkers,musthaveanin-countrysponsor—usuallytheir employer—responsiblefortheirvisaandlegalstatus (Cooper,2013).Thissystemofimmigrationleaves domesticworkersvulnerabletoabuseandexploitationastheyenterintocontractualagreementswith employerswithoutpriorinteraction.

UponarrivinginDubai,domesticworkersoften facealossofautonomy,astheirpassportsareconfiscated,grantingextensivecontroltotheiremployers.Primarilyengagedinhouseworkwithintheiremployer’sresidence,theseworkersconfrontaunique predicament:theiremployersexertcontroloverthem everywakinghour(Cooper,2013).Restrictionson movementinandoutsidetheiremployer’shomeare common,withworkerseitherconfinedindoorsorforbiddentoleavethepremiseswithoutexplicitpermission.Notably,theexcessiveworkhoursarecoupled withmeagreornocompensation,leavingdomestic workersindiresituationswithlimitedavenuesfor escape(Cooper,2013).

Escapeisthenfurthercomplicatedbythefact thatemployersretaincontrolofthemigrantworkers’ passports.Changingjobsbecomesnearlyimpossible withoutthiscrucialdocument,andleavingthecountryisoutofthequestion.Attemptstoseekassistance fromtheirhomecountry’sembassyarehinderedby thelackofaccesstotheirpassport,leavingmanyin astateofhelplessness(Cooper,2013).

Ifadomesticworkermanagestoescapeandreportsabusetotheauthorities,theyfacelegalrepercussions.Runningawayfromtheiremployerisconsideredacrime,andchargesforbreachingtheiremploymentcontractareoftenlevied.Thisharshreality wasexemplifiedwhenanEthiopianmaid,drivento attemptsuicideasadesperateescape,wasarrested bytheDubaipoliceforviolatinglawsagainstattemptedsuicide,furtherillustratingthechallenging circumstancesfacedbydomesticworkersintheregion(Cooper,2013).

Toobtainagoodlifeandultimatelyachieve utopia,Dubaimustconcealthelabourthatallows Dubaianstolivemostcomfortablywithdomestic work.Inthissectionparticularlywecanhighlight thekeyintersectionsbetweenDubaiutopiaandthe dystopiaitmustcreatethroughitsservice-basedcon-

S.Mukhida

sumptionnetwork.

4.2. MigrantConstructionWork

Dubai’sutopianaspirationsdon’texistwithouta cleverlyhiddenuseofthemigrantlabourindustry.Thecity’sdevelopment,largelyfacilitated byamigrantworkforce,reflectsacomplexhierarchicalutopianismshapedbygovernanceandvisionaryeconomicprojects(Sargisson,2012).As urbanscholarElsheshtawy(2010)pointsout,the dilemmaariseswhendevelopmentprioritizesconsumptionandprofit,leadingtosocietalexclusion. Sargisson(2012),arguesthatwhileDubai’siconic spectacleandthemeddevelopmentsmayseemharmless,ahiddenfacetemerges—acitywithinacity.He continuesbyexplainingthatthedisenfranchised,residinginpublichousingprojectsandlabourcamps, contributetothecity’sgrowthwhilefacingmarginalization.Hearguesthatthisisaweakformofutopianism,groundedinrelentlessdevelopmentandexploitation,raisesethicalconcerns,andquestionsits sustainability.TheparadoxicalnatureofDubaiunfoldsasaspaceofopportunitywheredreamsarerealized,drivenbyexpatriatearchitectsanddevelopers seekingwealthandsuccessamidabackdropoflimitedgovernmentinterference(Sargisson,2012).

Migrantlabour,asexploredbyCooper(2013) whenanalyzingthecaseofDubai,UAE,isessential inthiscontext.Beyondtheirchallengingworkdays inhazardousconditions,migrantworkersinDubai facefurtherexploitation,residinginshantytownslike Sonapur,thelargestofitskind,housingover300,000 foreignworkers(Cooper,2013).Despitebeingironicallynamedthe“CityofGold”inHindi,Sonapur starklycontrastswithitsappallinglivingconditions, markedbyinadequateamenities,brokensewagesystems,andunbearableheatthatexacerbatesresidents’ challenges(Cooper,2015).AsHamza(2015)points out,migrantlabourersinDubaiexperiencemiserablelivingconditions,coupledwith14-hourworkdays,offeringthemnorest.Rapidurbandevelopmentandmodernizationhaveledtoageographicalhierarchy,placingthecitycentreatthetopof thepyramidandperipheralareas,includinglabour camps,atthebottom(Hamza,2015).Thisspatial structure,drivenbyan“outofsight,outofmind” mentalityandsoaringrentsduetomodernization,sociallyandspatiallyisolateslabourersfromtherestof society(Hamza,2015).Theseparationispalpable, makingitnearlyimpossibleforlabourerstointeractwiththecity’spopulace,giventhelackofpublic transportationandexorbitanttaxifaresfromthese peripheralareas(Gardner,2010,ascitedinHamza, 2015).Thegeographicalandsocialinsulation,highlightedbyHamza(2015),isevidentintheexhaustion andlimitedfreetimeoflabourers,hinderingtheir abilitytoventureintothecity.Theisolationisfurtheremphasizedbytheabsenceofpublictransportationintheseareas,andevenifaffordable,thelong

workhoursposeadditionalobstaclesforworkersto explorethecity(Gardner,2010,ascitedinHamza, 2015).Consequently,Dubaibecomesaplacewhere thepleasuresofconsumptionareisolatedfromthe laboriousprocessesenduredbymigrantworkers.

ThebackboneofDubai’sutopiaissustainedby labourthatislargelysegregated.Nanniesindomesticrolesfindthemselvesconfinedwithintheirsponsor’sresidence,whileconstructionworkersareoften relegatedtoperipheralareasawayfromthebustling heartofthecitytheyworkin.Inthecontextof Dubai’sutopianvision,thismeansthatachievingthe ultimateexperiencereliesnotonlyonpurchasingtangibleproductsbutalsoonconsuming,andultimately concealingthelabourintegraltothecity’sfabric.

5. CONCLUSION

Dubaihasproducedanewsortofutopiabased aroundconsumerismofmaterialgoodsandservice. TheinfluentialworksofGeorgeRitzer,particularly hisconceptualizationofalandscapeofconsumption, playedapivotalroleinshapingthefoundationof myanalysis.Dubaiisaninternationalcityfromthe topdownbutcleverlyhidestheworkthatsupports theirutopianspaceandconstructstheirgoodlife. Dubaiisnotinherentlyharmfulasalivingenvironmentforthosewiththemeanstoaffordit.Imaintainthatindividualsderivesatisfactionfromtheculturalambiencesurroundingtheseconsumeristlandscapes,activelyembracingalifestylesteepedinconsumerism.Thisessayextendeditsfocustoscrutinize theintricatedynamicsoflabourandwealthdisparitieswithinDubai,aimingtoilluminatethenuanced waysinwhichinequalitymanifests,evenwithinthe seeminglyutopianbackdrop.Thoughthislifestyle issuggestivelyunsustainableandunethicalthrough itsconcealedlabourgeographies,modernDubaians wouldratherbenowhereelse,astheyliveagood life,theirutopia.

Acknowledgements –Thispaperwassubmittedto GGR217:UrbanLandscapesandPlanning,taught byDr.LorenMarch.

6. REFERENCES

Buckley,M.(2013).LocatingneoliberalisminDubai: migrantworkersandclassstruggleintheautocraticcity. Antipode,45 (2),256-274.DOI: 10.1111/j.14678330.2012.01002.x Cooper,N.(2013).CityofGold,Cityof Slaves:slaveryandindenturedservitudein Dubai. JournalofStrategicSecurity,6 (3), 65–71.http://www.jstor.org/stable/26485057 Elsheshtawy,Y.(2008).Navigatingthespectacle: landscapesofconsumptioninDubai. ArchitecturalTheoryReview,13 (2),164-187.DOI: 10.1080/13264820802216544

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