NEWS

Get Ahead of the New Year Rush: Check Out the USAID-Georgia Benefi ciary Entrepreneur Product Exhibition This Weekend

AUSAID-Georgia New Year Exhibition-Sale of benefi ciary entrepreneurs' products is to be held on December 5 at Dedaena Park, Tbilisi. More than 90 young and professional entrepreneurs from Tbilisi, as well as from different regions of the country, will take part. The exhibition is open to all those who are interested in Georgian products and support business development.

The exhibition will be visited by US Ambassador Kelly Degnan and USAID Georgia Mission Director Peter Wiebler, alongside representatives of USAID programs and guests from various international and local organizations. At the exhibition, visitors will be able to meet entrepreneurs, check out their products, and shop for gifts ahead of the New Year holidays. Entertainers, face painters and actors will be there to keep both younger and older guests entertained.

The exhibition is being organized by the USAID Georgia programs: USAID YES - Georgia, USAID Economic Security, and USAID Agriculture Programs.

Entrepreneurs participating in the event will offer guests handmade accessories, jewelry, leather and felt products, agricultural products (honey, churchkhela, dried fruit, dairy products, etc.), Georgian wine, paintings, decorations, clothes, shoes, toys, herbs, bags, self-care, and cosmetics.

The exhibition, which will start at 14:00 and last until 20:00, will be held in full compliance with the Covid-19 regulations.

The exhibition aims to promote the professional growth of entrepreneurs, deepen business relations, and introduce businesses and their products to the public. In addition, the event aims to raise public awareness about USAID-Georgia's mission and activities in Georgia.

And be sure not to miss out on your chance to discover more about USAIDGeorgia’s programs at the event: USAID YES-Georgia (a support program for youth and women entrepreneurs), its Economic Security Program, and its Agriculture Program.

Corona Updates: ‘Green Passports’ Introduced, New Omicron Strain Threatens the World

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In case of violation of the rule, the sanction is 10,000 GEL for a legal entity and 2000 GEL for an individual entrepreneur. In case of recurrence of the offense, the facility will be sealed.

Also from December 1, restaurants had their hourly restrictions lifted, and the number of spectators allowed in cinemas, theaters, and operas was increased from 30 to 50%.

THE STATISTICS

Georgia reported 5050 coronavirus cases, 4214 recoveries, and 80 deaths on Tuesday. Tbilisi recorded the highest number of 1821 Covid-19 cases, followed by the Imereti region with 865 cases, and the Kakheti region with 317 cases.

Georgia reported 4,459 coronavirus cases, 3957 recoveries, and 65 deaths on Wednesday. Tbilisi recorded 1740 of those cases, followed by Imereti with 843 cases, and Samegrelo-Zemo Svaneti with 358 cases.

Georgia reported 3731 coronavirus cases, 4295 recoveries, and 72 deaths on Thursday.

The daily test-positivity rate stands at 7.37%.

Georgia’s total case tally reached 853,833, among which 796,453 people recovered and 12,191 died.

As of Thursday, 2,197,83 people had received a coronavirus vaccine.

OMICRON

Health offi cials around the world are sounding the alarm on a “heavily mutated” coronavirus variant which emerged in South Africa.

The World Health Organization announced it had designated the new strain a “variant of concern” and named it Omicron after the 15th letter of the Greek alphabet.

“Omicron’s emergence is another reminder that although many of us might think we are done with Covid-19, it is not done with us,” said the WHO’s Director General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus.

WHO says there’s no evidence to suggest that symptoms linked to Omicron are different from those caused by the other variants, however, like all coronavirus variants, Omicron may be capable of causing severe illness or death, particularly among vulnerable populations.

In connection with the spread of the new strain of coronavirus, the Georgian government set new travel rules for certain countries.

Any person, regardless of their citizenship, who has a travel history to the following countries in the last 14 days will be subject to 14-day isolation in the quarantine area when entering Georgia: • South Africa • Botswana • Zimbabwe • Namibia • Lesotho • Eswatini (Swaziland) • Mozambique • Malawi

After completing the 14-day quarantine, individuals will undergo PCR testing. In the case of Georgian citizens, quarantine hotel and PCR-test costs are covered by the state, while in the case of foreign citizens – by themselves.

RESTRICTIONS IN OTHER COUNTRIES

Following the WHO announcement, the US began restricting travel from South Africa and several other countries Monday.

So far, more than 30 countries around the world, among them Australia, Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Russia, United Kingdom, and the US, have instituted new travel restrictions for international visitors in response to Omicron. Most restrictions target southern Africa.

Three countries, Japan, Israel and Morocco, have issued complete international travel bans since Friday.

The epidemiological situation in The Netherlands and other European countries has been diffi cult, with Omicron only adding to the unrest. It has led to the Dutch government deciding that hospitality facilities and cultural venues - cafes, museums or cinemas - will be closed from 5PM for the next three weeks.

Restrictions have also been tightened in the UK: wearing face masks in public transport and shops became mandatory to prevent the spread of the new strain, and those arriving in the country have to undergo PCR tests.

The UK's health minister noted that the regulations serve to maintain the progress the country has made in fi ghting the virus, and to ensure that citizens, along with their families, celebrate Christmas peacefully.

The Potential in Georgian and Cypriot Naval Cooperation

Head of the Georgian Maritime Transport Agency Tamar Ioseliani held a meeting with Deputy Minister of Shipping of Cyprus Vassilios Demetriades. Source: Maritime Transport Agency of Georgia Cypriot and European navy vessels maneuver in formation during an exercise in 2020. Source: Cyprus Ministry of Defense

BY MICHAEL GODWIN

Georgia recognizes that it can learn from Cyprus, which walked the same road towards its accession to the EU… One might think that Cyprus is a small country, not one that might decide the fate of the EU. But for Georgia, it is very symbolic because Cyprus has already walked the path we are on today. Cyprus achieved its result in 2004 and knows that path. – said President Salome Zurabishvili.

When viewing the broader intergovernmental relationship terrain of Eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea nations, Georgia and Cyprus do not often make large waves. In the shadow of larger regional players such as Turkey and Russia, Cyprus maintains a low profi le. However, the connection between both Georgia and Cyprus made headlines when the former made an overt escalation of diplomatic ties.

Georgian President Salome Zurabishvili paid her fi rst offi cial visit to the island nation of Cyprus in early November. At the same time, the Georgian Maritime Transport Agency also engaged their Cypriot counterparts in a new discussion on partnerships. This culminated in a new Joint Maritime Committee agreement.

The agreement is angled at expanding the education and training of their maritime assets, sharing techniques and procedures in the fi elds of research, and innovative new methods of interlinking maritime industries to create maritime clusters.

These maritime clusters consist of various entities, both private and public, that operate in close cohesion to develop the maritime and naval fi elds of a nation. Cyprus, since its independence in 1960, has rapidly grown its standardization measures as well as expansion of its ports. In addition, Cyprus has commissioned multiple naval patrol vessels from other EU member states, thus expanding its defensive naval capabilities.

This EU membership is something the Georgian President made signifi cant note of during her visit, stating that Cyprus is not far ahead of the position that Georgia fi nds itself in today; the pursuit of EU member ascension. Since joining the EU in 2004, Cyprus has adopted many of the now-standard European economic and political customs.

While these trade, technology, and general maritime partnerships are the fi rst ripples in a wave of new development, the national security implications run under this current of cohesion. Cyprus and Georgia are of surprising similarity in terms of technology, research and development, and operational capabilities and restraints.

From the outset, Cyprus was forced to rapidly develop its security infrastructure. Internal strife and invasion plagued the country during the 1960s and 1970s. In the Turkish invasion of 1974, the majority of the naval vessels of the Cypriot Navy were sunk in an almost mirror image to the Georgian Navy in the 2008 Russian invasion.

In another kindred image between these two nations and their naval component, Cyprus also has no large capital or signifi cant warships. Despite their location as a key strategic island in the Eastern Mediterranean, they have yet to expand from coastal patrol and littoral tactical vessels. Nonetheless, they have repeatedly purchased quality ships from EU partners such as Italy, Spain, and France.

The new collaboration and sharing of relevant maritime data stands to allow both nations to operate with unusual effectiveness despite their small size. Manufacturing procedures, new technologies, and shared experience as a naval underdog in combat situations all make these two nations ripe for increased partnership.

This partnership needs to bring the two nations and their fl edgling naval forces into the spotlight of European and American support programs. With so many capable warships being retired, Georgia and Cyprus make excellent candidates as recipients for these vessels. The Cypriot navy, similar to the Georgian, is too small to be of effective use for NATO or other operations.

Being composed of Offshore Patrol Vessels (OPV), Fast Patrol Boats (FPB), and Fast Attack Crafts (FAC), their combat effi cacy is somewhat limited. Faced with larger threats, these craft are incapable of properly defending the coast. As such, the relationship between these two nations must evolve into a combined effort to acquire modern warships and achieve naval relevance.

The requirement for these nations to arm themselves accordingly will not go unheeded, as European and American partners continue their investment in these nations. The practicality of keeping these two in the NATO fold are key to ensuring the security of Central Asia as well as potentially stymieing Russian advancement. Georgia and Cyprus, paired and in similar predicaments, are the sabre’s edge in maritime trade, security, and defense.

DECEMBER 3 - 9, 2021 NEWS

3 Our Infi rm & Irrational Ex

OP-ED BY NUGZAR B. RUHADZE

History has its ways and means to judge personalities and their exploits. Often, those judgments materialize after centuries have passed from the days of their glory, but in our accelerated times, the postgrandeur evaluations might arrive earlier than we expect them to. This is exactly the case with the third chief executive of Georgia whose entrance into big politics was marked with revolutionary alterations in the country. He found himself at the helm of the nation right out of the blue, having taken over the government of the country literally overnight. He was extremely popular, and the nation wanted him to be out there for all of us to make life better after the corruptive stagnation of the previous regime. And, indeed, he did his modernizing job, refurbishing the governing apparatus and reorganizing law enforcement so quickly and dexterously that he acquired the reputation of the most notable reformer of the post-soviet era. He turned himself into the real talk of Europe, if not the world, as a leader with synergetic capabilities and qualifi cation that deserved to be emulated by others. To maintain his power and fame, the only thing he had to do in the aftermath of that outstanding personal accomplishment was to keep up the good job, remain calm and balanced, and to carry on making the impression that he was the best among peers.

To the greatest chagrin of his fanatically dedicated team and his strongly faithful supporters, the leader of the nation failed to do so. Something didn’t work in his grandiose plan to change the country. Most of the ensuing analytical conclusions would corroborate that the self-centered Ex over-abused his power, thus becoming totally immersed and lost in his ambitious and erroneously concocted invincibility, stumbling over his unforgivable blunders and, fi nally, being overwhelmed by a huge wave of his own people’s fury over his malice and cruelty towards his massively punished subjects.

The old splendor kept him afl oat for quite a while, trotting the world and doing high-ranking jobs every now and again, but the dream of being a comeback kid never left his soul and mind. He talked profusely worldwide and made a lot of waves wherever he went, but all his efforts were stillborn and vain. He needed his roots back and his formidable infl uence over a new generation of Georgians.

Years passed and nothing of the sort happened, and, in politically motivated spiritual desperation, the stray but not repentant prodigal son, crossed the border of his homeland, clandestinely and unlawfully. Apprehension and imprisonment followed, but he persistently continued playing the tough and obstinate political oppositional leader, resorting to hunger strike and to writing Lenin-style politicized missives to instruct and inspire his fellow fi ghters.

One of the most vivid samples of his letter-writing activity from penitentiary is his epistle, submitted to POLITICO Magazine through his lawyers, starting with these words: “I am writing from the country where I once served as president. I was arrested on charges I believe to be politically motivated.” After managing to get the convict moved from the isolation ward to a wellequipped infi rmary, the opposition now endeavor has turned into an effort to have him recognized as a political prisoner, conducive to his eventual liberation. Nobody on the Ex’s side would ever utter even a word about his guilt before the Georgian people, for which he is currently doing time. Trying to wipe from our collective mind every piece of his erstwhile wrongdoings, the opposition continues lionizing its ‘unfairly’ incarcerated leader, sporadically commenting on his sickness, irrationality and negative emotionality, all caused by his mistreatment in detention. The Ex is indeed irrational at times. Suffi ce it to remember how he talked to his convoy details, fervidly pouring all his rage and resentment on absolutely innocent men who were just doing their law-enforcing job, for which they get paid, and have nothing to do with the Ex’s political misfortune. This is just one brief episode of the man’s irrationality, saying nothing of his recent model of behavior in the courtroom, where he desperately wanted to look not like a prisoner, but very presidential. The meaninglessness of his absurdly vigorous fans and defenders, who are killing themselves to see him out and free, is just another story to deliberate on.

Le Gateau / Patisserie

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INTERVIEW BY VAZHA TAVBERIDZE

European Policy Center’s Amanda Paul on Georgia’s European Perspectives

As the Associated Trio of the Eastern Partnership, represented by the Georgian, Ukrainian and Moldovan prime ministers, made its fi rst joint pilgrimage to Brussels this week to meet the top offi cials ahead of the upcoming EaP summit on December 15, GEORGIA TODAY sat down with the European Policy Center's Senior Policy Analyst Amanda Paul to discuss the European perspectives of the three countries, with particular onus on Georgia.

THE UPCOMING EAP SUMMIT WILL BE HELD IN DECEMBER. WHAT DOES THE FUTURE HOLD FOR THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES?

I don’t honestly expect there’s going to be an amazing announcement or great breakthrough at the EAP summit. I think it’s going to be more a continuation of goals that have already been laid down by the EU for the Eastern Partnership countries. This is going to be disappointing for some countries, specifi cally the Associated Trio, who would like to see more differentiating in terms of their relations with the EU.

WHO HAS THE MORAL HIGH GROUND IN THIS CASE – THE EU OR THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP TRIO? DO WE HAVE THE GROUNDS TO DEMAND MORE?

It’s always good for ask for more, isn’t it? It gives these countries something to aim for, but at the same time, I do believe that there is still work to be done on basic things in all of these countries in terms of important political and economic reforms, fi ghting corruption, strengthening rule of law and so on. Obviously, in some of the countries, including Georgia, there has been some worrying backtracking in terms of democracy. There is an ongoing political crisis in Georgia that doesn’t seem set to be resolved anytime soon.

HOW DAMAGING DO YOU THINK SUCH CRISES IN THE THREE COUNTRIES COULD BE FOR THE EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE IN GENERAL, AND FOR DEEPER INTEGRATION?

All the crises are damaging to different extents. Moldova, which used to have a crisis on almost a yearly basis, is now in a good position, with a reformist parliament, government and president. Ukraine is moving ahead. The most worrying case these days is actually Georgia. Georgia’s image has been seriously damaged by the events that happened this year, by this political polarization, and now the protests and the situation with former President Mikheil Saakashvili. It’s all deeply concerning.

AND YET GEORGIA IS PLANNING ON SUBMITTING AN OFFICIAL MEMBERSHIP BID IN 2024. WHAT’S YOUR TAKE ON THAT – WHAT SHOULD GEORGIA EXPECT?

Georgia is very ambitious and has always been so. And, let’s be fair to Georgia, it has achieved a lot since the beginning of the Eastern Partnership. It has regularly been fl agged as a leading country in the group. But honestly, I think submitting an application in 2024 is not a very realistic thing to do based on the situation in the country, based on what still needs to be done. Georgia needs to strengthen the independence of the judiciary, to fi ght against corruption; they need to have a less confrontational approach between the different political parties. You have to be able to make a compromise, and Georgia hasn’t learned the art of compromise, that is evident from the two leading political parties and what happened with the Michel Agreement- the fact it was ditched by the ruling party doesn’t look good. Also bad is the fact that it is so unclear what is going on with Former President Saakashvili. There are concerns about political justice as well. None of this refl ects well on Georgia, and I think it is a shame, because it runs contrary to all the good things that have been done by many people in Georgia over the last years.

YOU MENTIONED IT’S ALWAYS GOOD TO ASK FOR MORE. DO YOU THINK THAT PERHAPS GEORGIA DOESN’T REALISTICALLY EXPECT ITS APPLICATION TO BE SUCCESSFUL, BUT MIGHT BE AIMING FOR SOME SORT OF CONSOLATION PRICE?

I think we also need to remember that it’s unrealistic based on internal developments in the EU. The EU is not currently looking for new members, and we can see at the moment that even when it comes to the Western Balkans’ membership perspectives, there is a resistance to making substantial progress. It’s just not the best time to submit a membership application. If Georgia was a perfect country, met all of the criteria, had no problems, then it could maybe try, but I think we need to have caution here, because otherwise it is not going to get a particularly nice response to the application from the side of the EU.

At the same time, I think there is a need for the EU to continue to incentivize the countries of the Eastern Partnership to continue with their reform processes. It’s disappointing that the EU is not able to give a clear membership perspective or give a clear green light that one day they are going to be members of the EU, but this is not going to change for the foreseeable future. Simply put, the hard work needs to be done at home.

YET, EVEN IF GEORGIA WAS REALLY PERFECT, THERE IS STILL THE RUSSIAN FACTOR. WHAT IS THE IMPACT OF THE KREMLIN ON DECISION MAKING IN BRUSSELS WHEN IT COMES TO GEORGIA’S EURO-ATLANTIC ASPIRATIONS?

There’s a difference here between NATO and the EU, because NATO gave Georgia an explicit promise that it could be a member, and it’s very clear that Georgia has gone far beyond the criteria that was put down, doing more for membership than other countries which have already joined. Yes, I believe Russia has had some sort of veto in this process, I mean, nobody in NATO will ever agree with it, but I think it’s clear as water that the Russian objection has been taken into consideration.

But in the EU, the situation is slightly different because of the fact that they have not promised membership, they just committed to closer integration in different sectors, closer relationships with the EU politically and economically. Of course, even if Georgia was a perfect country, this Russia question would still be there. For the EU as for NATO, Russia represents a signifi cant security threat, both traditional and hybrid. So, the question that always comes up is, is it worth it for our own security to bring countries into the club that already have serious security problems with Russia?

As for Russia, they view this as threat to their own existence, which is one of the reasons President Putin always pushes back against it, always accuses the EU of trying to force these countries into what he calls a “sphere of infl uence.” It is not the case, but this is the paranoia that Russia has, going back centuries. It’s about being encircled, and the need to have a sort of a buffer zone between themselves and the West.

Unfortunately, I don’t see there is going to be much of a change, if any, in Russia’s approach or its strategic objectives in this region. Putin’s objective is for these countries to be failed states that don’t have any chance of becoming part of Europe. He doesn’t want democratic, successful countries in his neighborhood.

IS THE RECENT, SEEMINGLY IRREVERSIBLE SPLIT BETWEEN MOSCOW AND NATO GOING TO HAVE ANY TANGIBLE IMPACT ON NATO-ASPIRANT COUNTRIES GEORGIA AND UKRAINE?

It doesn’t make life any easier, does it? The less dialogue there is between NATO and Russia, the more diffi cult it can make things. It can lead to more misunderstandings or bad communication, but, obviously, it’s a very diffi cult relationship to manage, with zero trust from both sides. As I said, Russia still represents a serious threat to NATO, and this is why there is still such a huge NATO presence deployed on that fl ank, and it’s a challenge that still needs to be overcome. That said, the challenge of Russia has reduced somewhat of late, affected by the increasing challenge coming from China, which has increased its importance on NATO’s agenda.

NORD STREAM 2 IS ALLEGEDLY COMPLETED AND IS SET TO START FUNCTIONING SOON. WHAT IS THE RESPONSE FROM AND IMPACT ON THE WEST? IS THERE ANY FAILSAFE MECHANISM FOR RUSSIA NOT TO USE IT TO INCREASE ITS DE FACTO VETO POWER EVEN FURTHER?

In my opinion, the whole Nord Stream 2 pipeline was a serious mistake made by Germany, because it will obviously increase the EU’s reliance on [Russian] gas. That said, the EU doesn’t have a common energy policy, which is problematic. But still, the EU has managed to reduce the leverage that Russia has on it in terms of gas since the 2006 and 2009 crises. It’s more about a price spike and lower gas volumes than it has to do with Russia – Russia just manipulated it as a way to try and get Nord Stream 2 online quicker. For the EU, energy security is as much a priority now as the transition from fossil to green energy is. This will take time, and means looking for energy sources that don’t come from Russia, looking to the Caspian Region and elsewhere.

People are fooling themselves if they think they’re going to be independent from gas, and a substantial amount of that Russian gas, for quite some time yet, because when the EU stopped using coal, this actually increased the need for more gas, and Russia will continue to use that to its own advantage.

Afghan Fallout: Consequences and Repercussions for the Region

BY VICTOR KIPIANI, CHAIRMAN, GEOCASE

The withdrawal from Afghanistan has dynamized discussions of the West's alleged retreat from peripheral areas and growing focus on a single core region.

The line that separates those regions of the world in which the West continues to pursue and defend its interests on a must basis from those secondary ones, in which the West could or would intervene on a highly discretionary basis only and if a broader context is served, has shifted westwards and currently lies between the Black and Caspian seas.

This region has not only become a border along which geopolitical interests and infl uences clash, but also positions itself as the key “safety locker” for the many security challenges originating in the Middle East, South Caucasus and southern fl ank of Eastern Europe. The role and impact of the Black and Caspian intermarium have indeed never been so meaningful and vital for the emerging Eurasian landscape as they are nowadays.

Besides, it is a new test for the West to prove its resilience, capability and commitments in the new order that will arguably be premised on the regional proxy systems (the so-called regional hub-andspoke model) of the emerging international order. It is even more important for the West to increase the direct support it provides to upgrade the capacity of its allies and partners to defend themselves in those regional systems in which the West's presence is not as direct or tangible as some would wish. The Black Sea is clearly such a region, in which Western interests are refl ected in Georgia’s regional posture and conduct, national defensive capabilities and unwavering foreign policy.

Indeed, this country fi nds itself in the cross-hairs of anti-Western and anti-democratic offensives of various types, colors and categories. A successful Western and democratic Georgia would therefore serve as a test of the viability of the principles and values of the Western normative world. These two sides of the matter are nowadays so strongly interconnected as to be inseparable.

Since we mentioned Georgia’s connectedness with Western geopolitics and the West's security architecture, it is also worth noting that, over the years, the country has actively participated in various NATO-led operations in Afghanistan, notably the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and Continued on page 5