POLITICS

EGI President’s Letter Summarizing Georgia’s 2021

To celebrate the end of the year, George Melashvili, president of the leading hybrid independent civil society organization, the Europe-Georgia Institute (EGI), has released a summarizing letter – an annual report and assessment which discusses all major political events in Georgia.

The summary itself represents a summary of the organization’s weekly Political Digest, published by the EuropeGeorgia Institute with the support of the Swedish International Liberal Center, with the aim of summarizing current political developments in Georgia.

The Political Digest is one of the organization’s fl agship projects that helps its partners keep their fi nger on the pulse of Georgian politics. Its subscribers are the heads of international organizations, politicians, members of the European Parliament and national parliaments, as well as members of the Senate and Congress, heads of foundations and nongovernmental organizations.

The letter released by George Melashvili thoroughly reviews and summarizes all the important developments that occurred throughout the year that had a signifi cant impact on the current political and social polarization the country is facing.

The document notes that 2021 ended up being a year of turmoil – with everchanging Covid-19 news, turbulent political life, and Russia and Ukraine on the brink of war.

“Just like everywhere in the world, 2021 was a turbulent year that began in hope, fl irted with whiplash, and shuddered to a halt. I will outline several events that are most memorable to me: an unprecedented involvement of the European Union and Charles Michel’s agreement; aftershocks of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War and 3 + 3 format; events on the 5th of July and burning of the EU fl ag; municipal elections in Georgia and Mikheil Saakashvili’s return, and last but not least – Georgia’s long lasting bleeding wound: the judiciary,” notes the author.

The letter recalls that the year began with a clash between Nika Melia, the Chairman of the United National Movement, and the ruling party. Shortly after the decision to arrest Melia, Georgia’s 14th Prime-Minister Giorgi Gakharia resigned and announced the creation of a new “For Georgia” party.

“The party demonstrated promising results at the municipal elections, becoming the kingmaker in several municipalities. Gakharia’s resignation, Melia’s arrest and the return of Georgian Dream’s hardliner Irakli Garibashvili to the post deepened the political crisis even more,” the author concludes.

To deal with the deepening political crisis, Charles Michel’s agreement was achieved.

“Michel’s involvement and actions were not merely political: it was not only an important symbolic gesture that the European Union remains in the region, but an indication that the EU truly considers Georgia a part of the European space and is ready to engage. For those in Georgia who felt Westlessness and noticed an increased Russian presence and pressure, it was an important step in the right direction. The efforts of both Christian Danielsson and Charles Michel were huge, and will remain an example of political willingness and tremendous hard work. Even though the political relevance of the agreement decreased following both the decision of Georgian Dream to leave it, and Georgia’s municipal elections, it became a foundation for the ongoing process of reconciliation initiated by the President of Georgia. Even though it is yet too early to predict whether this reconciliation attempt will be successful or not, it is yet another important step for Georgia’s democracy,” reads the letter.

At the same time, the author adds, the aftershocks of the Karabakh War continue to keep the region stressed. This year an important development took place – Azerbaijan released 15 Armenian detainees, while Armenia provided Azerbaijan with important information that will facilitate humanitarian demining and prevent future casualties. Georgia played an essential role in facilitating these steps, which bring the people of the region closer to the peaceful and prosperous future they deserve.

Another aftershock of the war is the 3 + 3 format: an idea to launch a six-nation platform that includes the cooperation of Turkey, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, Russia and Iran. The offi cial position of the Georgian government is that Georgia’s engagement in this regional platform “will be very hard when we see no process towards de-occupation”, with emphasis that sovereignty and territorial integrity are “red lines” for the Georgian government. The meeting of the platform was held in Moscow on December 10th and featured the Georgian fl ag, causing the Georgian MFA to condemn this action and reiterate that Georgia “has repeatedly stated its clear position”, emphasizing that the country “is not considering participation in this format.” Considering recent events in and around Ukraine, the motivation of these actions is easy to read – to create bait for Georgia and send a false message of cooperation resulting in Georgia losing its sovereignty.

The most heartbreaking development is also connected with Georgia’s occupation: early in April, a family of three drowned in their attempt to cross the Enguri River separating occupied Abkhazia from Samegrelo. Russian authorities effectively closed the Enguri crossing point in late February 2020, forcing the local Georgian population to threaten their lives. This tragedy is a continuation of a heartbreaking pattern in Gali district, home to over 30,000 people, of which the absolute majority are ethnic Georgians with Georgian citizenship. These people live under constant threat to both their lives and identity, and are denied basic human rights. Irakli Bebua, a young Gali resident who burnt the fl ag of the occupation regime in Abkhazia, remains in jail, and Russian authorities continue to kidnap Georgian citizens both along Enguri River and in Shida Kartli.

The document also mentions a judgment on the interstate case of Georgia v. Russia (II), released on January 2, as an important development regarding occupation. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) asserted that since August 12, 2008, Russia has exercised continued “effective control” over the Tskhinvali region/South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The Court also held Russia responsible for the breach of six articles of the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR), as well as for failure to conduct an effective investigation into the alleged breach of the right to life, in the aftermath of the Russo-Georgian War of August 2008. The “historic decision” was celebrated in Georgia both by the offi cials and the opposition as a major win for the country, and the signifi cance of the landmark ruling was also stressed by Tbilisi’s international partners.

According to the author, the most disappointing events in Georgia’s political life were the 5th of July events. The attacks were committed by right-wing groups on July 5 and 6 in an effort to prevent the Tbilisi Pride march from taking place. The attacks targeted civic activists, community members, and journalists who were peacefully exercising the rights guaranteed to them by Georgia’s Constitution. The mobs went largely unchecked by authorities as they attacked citizens and also broke into and vandalized the offi ces of the Shame Movement, the Human Rights Center, and Tbilisi Pride, attacked a long-term opposition tent protest outside of Parliament, and burnt the European fl ag hanging in front of the Georgian Parliament.

“I will not dive into theories connecting the ruling party with the alt-right groups (who eventually were able to easily register a political party following these events), but the fact that the Georgian government had and has the responsibility to do their utmost to protect journalists conducting their work and citizens exercising their constitutional rights is obvious,” notes George Melashvili. “The government did not protect this right, and did little to nothing to bring justice to the injured, and failed to publicly condemn and prosecute acts of violence against them. The tragedy of Lekso Lashkarava, a TV Pirveli cameraman who was found dead at home on July 11, days after being attacked by the mob, will remain a constant tragic reminder of these events.”

“Regarding the elections, I will just quote the ISFED Main Findings report published recently: ‘Municipal elections were more or less competitive; the election day was largely well administered. However, the fi nancial and administrative resources concentrated in the hands of the ruling party prevented the provision of an equal electoral environment. The electoral environment was damaged by the high number of cases of pressure, threats, dismissal or coercion on political grounds, and the inappropriate response of the state to such cases.’ Cases of pressure, threats, dismissal or coercion are an unfortunate reality of Georgian politics, and they need to stay in the past. The return of Georgia’s third President was the most important earthquake of Georgian politics this year. Even though everyone, including the former President, should be equal before the law and, in ordinary circumstances, the fact of his arrest is not something extraordinary, there are several rather unfortunate developments turning this case into an example of politically motivated justice,” the author points out.

The letter also touches upon the judicial proceedings related to the third President of Georgia, Mikheil Saakashvili, which drew special public attention. During Saakashvili’s hunger strike, the Special Penitentiary Service refused to bring the accused to court. The termination of the essential part of the medical treatment and the pending investigation in the State Security Service were named as reasons.

The Public Defender of Georgia believed that restricting the possibility of appearing before a court grossly violates the right to a fair trial enshrined in the Constitution of Georgia and the European Convention. As for the refusal to escort Mikheil Saakashvili to court for alleged security reasons, it is noteworthy that the procedural law does not provide for such a thing. It should be noted that today Mikheil Saakashvili has access to court and he has twice participated in the trial in person.

According to the author, another unfortunate development was the release of footage showing the transfer of Mikheil Saakashvili to Medical Establishment No. 18 against his will, the fact that was assessed by the Public Defender and the State Inspector’s Offi ce as a violation of the prisoner’s right to honor, dignity and privacy.

The developments around the State Inspector’s Offi ce are also rather unfortunate – the Government of Georgia initiated a reform to eliminate the offi ce of State Inspector of Georgia by splitting it into two separate agencies, decreasing the ability to monitor wrongdoings by offi cials and weakening it. The document assesses these developments as “rather unfortunate personal/political retaliation to the offi ce.”

“And fi nally – last but not least – Georgia’s long lasting bleeding wound: the judiciary. Since Georgia regained independence, the judiciary has always remained the soft spot. Every political party has tried to subdue the judiciary, and this process continues. Legal experts and civil society organizations highlighted that Parliament’s fl awed process did not advance the most qualifi ed nominees, resulting in less-qualifi ed judges receiving lifetime appointments to the court. Even though the parties agreed to conduct ambitious judicial reform through a broad, transparent process that includes legal experts, civil society, and opposition parties, Charles Michel’s agreement was violated. Unilateral legislative changes, including those adopted against the advice of international partners while the April 19 Agreement was being negotiated, are inconsistent with the letter and spirit of the Agreement.

“The early April amendments to the Organic Law on Common Courts failed to fully address Venice Commission recommendations, including a key recommendation related to staggering judicial appointments. Recent changes regarding appointments of CEC members is also part of this unfortunate trend, and the decision to break and weaken the State Inspector’s Offi ce is another unfortunate example,” the author concludes.

The situation in and around Ukraine, as well as Russian demands, continue to be closely monitored in Georgia. Following Russia’s demand to “disavow the 2008 Bucharest Summit decision – that Georgia and Ukraine will become NATO members”, the Georgian MFA issued a statement that “On April 3, 2008, at the NATO Bucharest Summit the leaders of the NATO member states decided that Georgia (and Ukraine) will become a NATO member. The above-mentioned is an extremely important, consensus-based political decision in line with the fundamental principle of international law that all states have the sovereign right to choose their own foreign policy course.”

The President of the Europe-Georgia Institute believes that the geopolitical situation remains a challenge for Georgia.

“The situation should become more predictable after the negotiations between Russia and the US planned in January, and all that is left for Georgia and Ukraine is to hope that the next year will be better than the previous. The attempts to divide Europe into spheres of infl uence, to neglect the free will of the people living both in Georgia and Ukraine, should not succeed. The time of great-power dominance is long gone, and both people of Ukraine and Georgia have the right to decide our own fate – this is what we believe at the EGI, and will do our best to defend Georgia’s choice,” George Melashvili’s letter concludes.

Adam Reichardt: The EU Should Be More Straightforward on the Trio's European Prospective

INTERVIEW BY VAZHA TAVBERIDZE

As the dust settles (if there was any to start with) in the aftermath of the 2021 Eastern Partnership Summit in Brussels, it’s time to analyze what the Associated Trio of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine are getting from Brussels for their combined efforts, and how the EU plans to cope with the ever increasing challenges in the EaP region. GISP spoke to Adam Reichardt, editor of the New Eastern Europe Magazine, to gauge the future prospects of the Eastern Partnership.

WHAT DOES THE ASSOCIATED TRIO OF GEORGIA, UKRAINE AND MOLDOVA HAVE TO SHOW FOR THEIR EFFORTS? WHAT DID THEY BRING HOME?

I guess the real question is what there was for them to bring home in the fi rst place. The ultimate aim of the Associated Trio is to get that European prospective, or membership prospective, and that's still a way away. But I would actually want to say that I view the Trio as a very positive development. The fact that Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova have decided to jointly pursue their integration is a really positive sign. This reminds me of how the Visegrad countries organized themselves in the 90s to get NATO and EU membership. The emergence of the Associated Trio as a group, as a bloc, is a really important development in the Eastern Partnership. Obviously, these are three different countries with three different agendas and stages of development and integration, but I think it was important for the Trio to show during the summit that they were united in their efforts to get deeper integration and eventually get the European prospective.

WHEN WE TALK ABOUT THE NATO MEMBERSHIP PERSPECTIVES OF GEORGIA AND UKRAINE, ONE KEEPS HEARING AN INCREASINGLY POPULAR TERM – “RUSSIA’S UNSEEN VETO”. SHOULD WE ALSO BE TALKING ABOUT UNSEEN RUSSIAN VETOES WHEN IT COMES TO THE EU MEMBERSHIP PERSPECTIVES OF THE TRIO?

Some EU countries are much more sensitive to Russian interests than others. That is one of the main reasons why the declarations are often watered down in terms of not being so decisive, or not pledging to anything like membership prospective for the Eastern Partnership countries. But I don’t think the Kremlin takes the EU seriously, as a geopolitical power, that is. I think the Kremlin is much more interested in NATO, as this as a security alliance which is led by the United States. As for the EU, if we were in a different situation, where we didn't have already existing tensions and the possibility of escalation in the region, perhaps there would be more room to maneuver. As things stand, there is barely any space left. If we were to compare NATO and EU membership, the Russian “invisible veto” is much more present on the NATO side.

CHARLES MICHEL PROMISED A “STRONG REACTION AND HEAVY PRICE TO PAY IF THERE IS NEW DIRECT MILITARY AGGRESSION IN UKRAINE”. THE WORD “NEW” CAUGHT THE EYE – DOES IT MEAN THE CURRENT MILITARY AGGRESSION IN UKRAINE DOESN’T WARRANT ANY SORT OF INCREASED ATTENTION FROM THE EU? DOES BRUSSELS FEEL THEY’VE DONE ENOUGH?

I wouldn't go that far. The Kremlin is good at creating mass paranoia and tension, and everyone is slowly adjusting to it. Then again, I don’t think that any new moves aimed at Russia to punish it, if there is renewed escalation, would be very effective, as Russia has already managed to adapt. Unless the EU really goes all-in, such as investigating the off-shore investment schemes taking place in some EU countries, like Cyprus. Expelling Russia from the SWIFT system would also be quite hurtful, but then again, I am sure Russia has calculated its chances and the risks much better than the bureaucrats in Brussels have calculated what they can do to effectively deter Russia from causing more havoc in Ukraine. Unfortunately, the EU is left with very little leverage, unless they are willing to provide some military support. I'm not talking about troops on the ground, but equipment, support in terms of increasing defensive weapons, but the EU doesn't work that way. Some individual countries in the EU work that way, but the EU as a bloc does not operate in that manner. The Ukrainian government itself, the Zelensky administration, has done above and beyond to keep this issue at the top of the Western agenda. The Crimea platform, for example, was is a very good initiative, and was an opportunity for Western countries to reaffi rm the fact they do not recognize the annexation of Crimea, and that they do support Ukraine in its endeavors. But the question is, how far are they willing to go to support Ukraine? Unfortunately, I don’t think there's much room there, beyond the steps that they're unwilling to take.

BELARUS WAS ALSO WIDELY DISCUSSED AT THE SUMMIT. THE EU RESPONSE TO LUKASHENKO FOR PLAYING THE MIGRANT CARD: NEW SANCTIONS

Imagining the Future World Order

Continued from page 4

Even France, which went through a revolution and forged new social norms, adhered to the Vienna Order of 1815.

None of these sentiments exist in the modern world. Russia and China are united by a common adherence to pushing back against liberalism, but beyond this, they have shared norms. Other powers are even more dissimilar. It is hard to picture America, Russia, China, India, Japan, and the European democracies sitting around a table to discuss global issues and forge long-term solutions. They might work together on climate change concerns, but they have little interest in working together on other matters.

In the Concert of Europe, democracies worked with autocratic states; the states were united by their aristocracies and shared norms. But even then, disagreements abounded by the end of the 19th century, and by the 20th century, the countries had become unpalatable to one another as the different economic trajectories of the European states undermined their fragile unity.

Why, then, should a similar system work in the 21st century?

A key factor challenging the notion of several major powers policing the world is the nature of today’s world. It contains nearly 200 states, so even with the resurgence of spheres of infl uence, it would be diffi cult if not impossible for a few powers to control so many players. There is also the question of how those powers would manage the grievances of smaller but nevertheless powerful states like Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, South Africa, and Brazil.

International orders take shape as a natural development; i.e., as the next stage in international relations. What might be the world’s next stage? This is a hard question to answer, but there are trends worth considering.

First we need to state some simple truths. We must cast off the idea of a world without American infl uence. Powerful states do not lose their geopolitical weight overnight (consider the Roman Empire in late antiquity, the Mongols in the Middle Ages, and the British Empire in the relatively recent past). The 2008 fi nancial crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic undermined the West’s position, but it has not lost its edge, and the US remains the most geopolitically favored power.

It must also be acknowledged that spreading one ideological model all over the world cannot work. No state in history has ever managed to do this. There were always several power centers, even in the time of the all-powerful Roman Empire and the period of British dominance of the seas. There are simply not enough resources for one state to dominate the world and all its lands.

Even after the fall of communism and the collapse of its great power rival, the US did not manage to spread liberal democracy deep into the heart of Eurasia, Africa, and elsewhere. Efforts were made, but with minimal success.

China is in many ways exceptional, as it possesses both vast human resources and constantly improving technological capabilities. It also sits at the edge of the Pacifi c Ocean and looks into the heart of Eurasia. It has the potential to transform the entire continent (the Belt and Road Initiative comes to mind). But it lacks what the US has: soft power, which includes a wide variety of highly attractive tools, from governance to education to economic liberalism.

China will gain momentum by enlisting many more partners and could even pursue a policy of purposeful support for and spread of illiberalism and defense of autocracies. But it is safe to say that there will be a limit to Chinese success. The border will likely be drawn somewhere from the Baltic Sea to the Caucasus and the Mediterranean, the area where Western infl uence is strong.

China will also face the question of legitimacy. Why should it be welcome to form the rules for those parts of the world that resisted an equivalent effort from the US? Even some illiberal states will stand up to Beijing.

A world without active American engagement in Eurasia will accelerate a new age of spheres of infl uence. This might resuscitate the role of diplomacy and diminish the need to use the military tool, but diplomatic engagement will be based on the prestige of two or three states, especially their leaders. Less attention will be paid to international mechanisms, global institutions with erstwhile pretensions to introduce norms on the behavior of and between states. The power and infl uence of those institutions will decay, and in the extreme scenario, they could share the fate of the League of Nations following WWI.

The new age of spheres of infl uence will allow the US to engage in offshore balancing, something like what the British Empire did in the 19th to early 20th centuries. Balancing among Eurasian states will be possible only through the constant application of diplomatic and at times military capabilities. With a few exceptions, the US will base its foreign policy on realpolitik, even helping autocratic states when necessary to shore up weak states against stronger ones.

Offshore balancing is not only less reliable but also fraught with the potential for military clashes. The pre-WWI period is a good testimony to this. A milieubased approach in which multilateral global institutions are built and promoted is a far more powerful tool with which to moderate the behavior of rogue and illiberal states.

ON 17 INDIVIDUALS AND 11 ENTITIES. IS THIS ENOUGH OF AN IMPACT?

It's more symbolic than impactful. The sanctions, of course, are important, but there are some opportunities where they could be much more impactful, including closing certain loopholes: a memberstate wide non-recognition of Lukashenko as president for example. I think there are still some levers left for the EU in terms of really turning the screws on Lukashenko and his regime. The EU should defi nitely do much more in terms of supporting Belarus’ civil society, making it easier for Belarusians who are fl eeing, and there are a lot of them, to get asylum, and to continue their lives in countries outside of Belarus. Poland, for example, has really done a lot in this regard, and it would be good if others followed suit.

NOW TO WHAT WAS PROMISED FOR THE EAP COUNTRIES. IT WAS VERY MUCH UNDERLINED THAT DEEPENING COOPERATION WILL HEDGE ON THEIR WILLINGNESS TO REFORM. IS THAT A PLACEHOLDER FOR THE EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE THAT WAS NOT MENTIONED AT THIS SUMMIT?

It’s a question of whether it's a placeholder or an excuse not to give your gift. It’s easy to say, “well, the reform process is too slow,” or “there's even some backsliding in some countries, and this is the reason why we still haven’t given the membership perspective.” But this is just an excuse, because if you look at the Balkan countries, which have seemingly ended up in the accession negotiation process limbo, it’s clear to see that internal problems within the EU are to blame. At the moment, there's a lot of skepticism in terms of enlargement of the European Union. And if there is a European perspective given to Georgia, Ukraine, or Moldova, then there will be a lot of outcry in some capitals of EU member states.

This is a reality we need to recognize and take into account. But at the same time, I think the EU can and should be more straightforward and say “here are the steps to get to the membership prospective, and some of them might not even depend on what you do, and once that membership prospective is achieved, this is how we get to membership.” Sadly, we're still waiting for that to happen. If reforms are of such paramount importance, tailor the conditions around them, so if certain countries don’t meet those conditions, then we know where the blame lies. I think the Associated Trio should push for that; they should make the reforms and then say, “we have achieved this and that here, we now expect the European prospective,” at least put it somewhere on paper.

Image source: doc-research.org ON A POSITIVE NOTE, THERE IS THE ECONOMIC INVESTMENT PLAN MENTIONED BY COMMISSION PRESIDENT VON DER LEYEN, WITH AN ESTIMATED INVESTMENT OF 37 BILLION EUROS. HOW CAN WE GAUGE ITS IMPACT?

That is indeed one cause to be optimistic about. I'm always optimistic that things will eventually head in the right direction. It's just a long process, maybe longer than some of us expect. We expect a lot of short-term satisfaction and actions and results. The investment in the region is clearly quite large, and each country has had the opportunity to set out its own priorities, and they can work together with the EU on where these investments should be directed. We're looking at infrastructure, connectivity, digital transition, climate, green resilience, and all of this obviously helps physical integration with the European Union. These are very important developments, but we will see the results in the longer term. A big challenge is also accountability, making sure that the money is not just dwindled away and ends up in the pockets of oligarchs in the region. This is a huge, huge challenge for the EU to make sure it doesn't happen.

And then, lastly, another big challenge, one which the EU has been dealing with for a long time, is PR and communication: the EU has invested a lot of money in these countries already, and a lot of support is going to civil society, to different sectors, economic sectors. It needs to communicate this and tell these societies, “look, the EU is giving you all this, this is part of being even just in the Eastern Partnership.” The EU is very, very poor in terms of PR communications. There should be a more strategic approach in terms of showing how much investment has already been made. This is a key challenge. Actions, obviously, speak louder than words, but words are also necessary.

Maqro Construction: How the Real Estate Market Survived the Pandemic and Restrictions

Against the background of pandemics and restrictions, the Georgian real estate market is still actively developing. Despite the restrictions, construction and development companies continue to build both projects and sales. To fi nd out how to cope with the pandemic and restrictions, what is the pricing policy in the real estate market, GEORGIA TODAY talked to the Deputy General Director of one of the largest construction companies, Maqro Construction, Oguz Kaan Karaer.

“The pandemic, like for other big companies, was a challenge for us, but it did not break us. The restrictions made only minor adjustments to the pace of development and operation of our company,” Karaer tells us.

“Maqro Construction operates in different areas of business. Prior to the pandemic, we were working on several projects in Georgia, as well as in the Czech Republic, Turkey and Belarus, including the construction of a fi ve-star brand hotel, the Swissotel Tbilisi Center in the heart of Tbilisi, state projects in Zugdidi and Poti, and the Green Diamond development project, at the third and largest stage, together with the international network Accor. These were planned projects and I can proudly tell you that these projects are still ongoing. This is the merit of the team of professionals who are employed in our company and I want to thank them for that, it makes us really proud.”

WHERE DOES MAQRO CONSTRUCTION STAND NOW?

The mitigation of restrictions has allowed us to move into a proactive phase of work and at this stage the company is working at full capacity in all directions. It is also worth mentioning the fact that the activities of our company have increased even more against the background of lockdowns, for example, seeing us winning several tenders related to road construction. In May, we started the construction and sale of the third and largest stage of the multifunctional residential complex Green Diamond. Up to 800 families are already living in the fi rst two completed stages. The environment we have created under this project has raised great expectations among people interested in buying real estate. Our customers living in the fi rst two completed stages bring their loved ones to buy apartments and develop businesses on the territory of the complex. In short, the concept on which Green Diamond is built has been 100% justifi ed, and the construction and sales process is accelerating in recognition of this.

WHAT IS THE THIRD STAGE OF GREEN DIAMOND? TELL US ABOUT THE PROJECT.

The main essence of Green Diamond is that the customer can get all the necessary conditions for a comfortable life without leaving the complex. I’ll tell you a short story which happened to me personally in Tbilisi. I visited my friends in Nutsubidze, it was quite late when I decided to leave. The hosts told me I needed 5 tetri for the elevator and gave me a coin. I said goodbye and got in the elevator. I accidentally pressed the parking fl oor button and this is where my problem started - there was no other way out of the parking lot except the elevator, I no longer had 5 tetris, the phone did not receive a signal to allow me to call my friends! Imagine, I spent two whole hours in the dark. And thank goodness that one of the residents returned home late and my forced detention ended there! It was then that I realized how important it is to plan properly and calculate every detail. This would not have happened in our residential complex. The area of the complex is closed and protected, and provides for almost all needs, be it parking, shopping facilities, recreational facilities such as sports playgrounds, children’s and exercise areas, outdoor swimming pools, etc. The customer should be able to enjoy all benefi ts. Added to this is the fact that the complex is away from the noisy rhythm of the city, and big shopping and sports facilities are within easy reach. It is also important that at this stage, based on previous experience, we are offering a novelty to customers: Now people interested in Green Diamond have the choice to buy a readydecorated apartment or in black frame condition. This has increased interest even more. At this stage, the process of construction and sale of three blocks is underway. We will soon start building the fourth block as well. In future, we will start new construction and sales once every three months. The project has lasted 36 months and includes the construction of 11 blocks. In the current project, we have an interest-free installment plan, which also makes it easier for customers to buy an apartment. In addition, different promotions are available at different times with special discounts. DOES THE PROJECT PROVIDE AFTER-SALES SERVICES FOR THE COMPLEX?

Of course. The complex is located on a total area of 7 hectares, one third of which is green space, and this, in addition to the infrastructure, needs maintenance. The complex is serviced by a company that is responsible for the maintenance of the landscaped yard, outdoor swimming pools and elevators, and it monitors, protects and maintains the entire area of the complex. The goal of our company is to create comfort for customers in all regards.

We have created a special service for customer relations that will ultimately control and help our residents solve problems as far as possible. On the website, there is a “Jivo-chat,” where users can communicate directly with customer service about their problems, and there are phone numbers and email addresses. The relationship between us and our customers does not end with the purchase of real estate and the signing of the contract: Our goal is to make the customer satisfi ed so they can enjoy to the end all the benefi ts we have created within the complex. I would also like to thank all our customers and once again express my respect for them and assure you that we will always be by their side.

WHAT IS THE MARKET SITUATION TODAY IN TERMS OF PRICES? AS A REAL ESTATE EXPERT, WHAT SHOULD CONSUMERS EXPECT IN THE FUTURE?

If we take the data of the third quarter of 2021, the Residential Real Estate Price Index (RPPI) has increased by 6.2% compared to the 2020 average, and this is logical in the environment in which we live, I mean the pandemic, restrictions and the resulting processes.

The pandemic created signifi cant global gaps in the supply chain. Restrictions in different countries continue to slow the fl ow of raw materials and ready goods, which in some cases leads to a complete cessation of production. Organizations were forced to reduce staff, which led to staff shortages. This further accelerated and deepened the problems that already existed in the supply chain, to which are added infl ation, expensive materials, and so on.

All this in general leads to an increase in prices. It is true that in Georgia, and in Tbilisi in particular, that growth is not large at this stage (as I mentioned above, 6.2%), but we cannot escape it in the future. According to statistics from the world's leading countries, for example, the price of newly built apartments in the United States has increased by 32.6%, while in large cities such as New York, Chicago and Dallas, this growth is close to the 43% mark.

We strive to maintain affordable prices and thus make it easier for customers to purchase an apartment in our complex. This project was already planned, the prices were set, and most importantly, our unwavering position was that the prices must be fi xed in the national currency. This applies to both the single payment system and internal installments. I think this makes the process of buying an apartment much easier for our customers. In addition, the company uses individual approaches with all customers. We have discounts, at this stage for example there is a special New Year promotion on apartments and parking lots. We try our best to offer customers acceptable conditions.

I would like to take this opportunity to wish all our customers and future customers a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year, and a happy life in your new home!