From Place of Transit to Destination by Giselle Holz

FROM PLACE OF TRANSIT TO DESTINATION

A CONTEMPORARY INVESTIGATION TO RECOVER (NON) PLACES

GISELLE HOLZ

Chair: Stephen Bender, Professor | Co-chair: Frank M. Bosworth, PhD Masters of Architecture - University of Florida CityLab Orlando Fall 2019

FROM PLACE OF TRANSIT TO DESTINATION

A CONTEMPORARY INVESTIGATION TO RECOVER (NON) PLACES

By:

GISELLE HOLZ CHAIR OF COMMITEE: STEPHEN BENDER CO-CHAIR: FRANK M. BOSWORTH

A RESEARCH PROJECT PRESENTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2019

LIST OF FIGURES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

7 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

01 INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1. PROBLEM STATEMENT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 PROBLEM BACKGROUND. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1. PROBLEM STATEMENT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2. PROBLEM BACKGROUND . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

15 15 15 17 18

02 LITERATURE REVIEW. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1. PATTERNS OF COMMUNITIES DEVELOPMENT - SUBURBAN SPRAWL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2. MODERN SHOPPING CULTURE - FROM THE RISE TO THE DECLINE OF MALLS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 DEMOGRAPHIC SHIFT - POPULATION GROWTH, NEW SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND THE CREATIVE CLASS. . . . . . 2.4 URBAN REALM AND THE URBANIZATION OF SUBURBS - RISE OF MINI CORES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5 SHIFT ON SHOPPING CULTURE, RETAIL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . STRUCTURE ABANDONMENT AND TRENDS FOR REUSE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.6 UNDEVELOPED ZONES AND STRUCTURES - SUBURBAN RETROFIT STRATEGIES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.7 CATALYTIC DEVELOPMENT - HOW TO CREATE VIBRANT COMMUNITIES.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

23 24 30 36 40 44 44 52 60

CONTENTS

03 SITE ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1. ORLANDO URBAN CONTEXT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2. SITE (DIS)CONNECTIVITY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3. COLONIAL PLAZA THROUGH THE YEARS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4. OPPORTUNITY ZONING AND FUTURE VISION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

67 68 70 76 80

04 PROJECT PROPOSAL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1. CONCEPT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2. DESIGN STRATEGIES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3. ACTIVATION THROUGH PUBLIC SPACES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4. THE DESTINATION PLACE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

83 84 86 89 91

05 CONCLUSION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

101

06 REFERENCES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

105

Figure 1 Abandoned Mall. Springdale Mall. Mobile, AL - 2017. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Figure 2 Sprawled Cities. Levittown, Pensylvania, 1952.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Figure 3 Abandoned Mall. Northridge Mall, Milwaukee.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Figure 4 American Highway System. Los Angeles, CA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Figure 5 Annual growth rates for urban and suburban counties (2000-2017) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Figure 6 Diagram highlighting Underdeveloped Areas in a major Arterial (Colonial Dr) close to Downtown Orlando, FL.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Figure 7 Suburban Neighborhood. Queensbury, England. 1935.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Figure 8 City Centers suffering from chaos and pollution. New York, 1900.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 Figure 9 National Interstate System Map, 1958. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Figure 10 Ranch-style house in suburban development, 1965.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Figure 11 Levittown Pennsylvania, c 1950. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Figure 12 Housing Mass Production. Levittown, PA. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Figure 13 First Families to move to the neighborhood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Figure 14 Housing Standardization, Levittown. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Figure 15 Suburban Style Neighborhoods is a common landscape in United States. Development in Central Florida, 2015. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Figure 16 Southdalle Center. Minessota, 1965.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Figure 17 Local Main Street. Orlando, FL. c 1900. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Figure 18 Jordan Marsh Department Store - Colonial Plaza. Orlando, FL. c 1972 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Figure 19 Southdale Center designed and planed by Victor Guren. Orlando, FL. c 1972. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Figure 20 Southdale Mall with a variety of programs and activities to promote community life in suburban areas. c 1960. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Figure 21 Faneuil Hall Marketplace. Boston 2009. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Figure 22 Faneuil Hall Marketplace. Boston, Massachusetts, c 1977 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Figure 23 Hispanic Creative Class Diversity. San Diego, CA. 2017. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Figure 24 States with Greatest decline in Average Household Size in comparison to US (2000-2010). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Figure 25 US Immigration Population Hit Record 43.7 Million in 2016. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Figure 26 Population gains/losses for the100 largest US metropolitan areas (2016-2017). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

LIST OF FIGURES Figure 27 Multi-centered cities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Figure 28 Jacksonville, FL is home to a variety of diverse districts and neighborhoods, each with its own distinct identity, history and culture. . . . . . . . . . 41 Figure 29 National MainStreet Program . The Objectives and Approach. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Figure 30 One Colorado Mall.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Figure 31 E-Commerce . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Figure 32 Brick & Mortar retailer market value compared to Amazon e-commerce (2006- 2018). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Figure 33 Figat7th website appealing to Millennials. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Figure 34 Figat7th renovation (left) of an existing downtown mall (right). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Figure 35 Abandoned Lowe’s Store Structure, 2009. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Figure 36 Bigbox facade repurpose into a Public Library. McAllen Public Library. McAllen, TX. Before (top) and After (bottom). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Figure 37 Interior renewal. McAllen Public Library. McAllen, TX. Before (top) and After (bottom). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Figure 38 Former strip mall. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Figure 39 Camino Nuevo Elementary Shool: New patio located on the 2nd floor. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Figure 40 A ribbed structure was added to connect classrooms, creating a shaded area to accommodate different activities during the day. . . . . . . . . . . 51 Figure 41 Many of the homes appeared identical with their ranch-style home. Levittown, Cape Code, 1951. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 Figure 42 Many of the homes exhibit significant exterior changes if compared to the original homes. Levittown, Cape Code, 2015. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 Figure 43 Main Street and Residential Townhomes. Baldwin Park. Orlando, FL. 2017. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Figure 44 Baldwin Park site plan handout, 2009 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 Figure 45 Prior destruction : Naval Base, 2009 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Figure 46 Prior occupation: Naval Base, 2009. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Figure 47 Smart Growth Principles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 Figure 48 Changes of Belmar over a 40 years period (1975-2015). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Figure 49 Belmar Site Plan. Mall infiil (2001 - 2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Figure 50 Belmar: Livable Community composed by pockets of walkability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 Figure 51 Vibrant downtown, Ohio. 2017. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Figure 52 The True City by Léon Krumer, 1983.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61

Figure 53 Fairfax Mosaic, a suburban neighborhood evolving like a urban vivid center.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Figure 54 Adaptable Design. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Figure 55 Orange County Location in FL (left) and City of Orlando limits (right). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Figure 56 Collage of Aerial Photography of Orlando, 1969.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Figure 57 Site Location and City of Orlando Limits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 Figure 58 Site Location and Main Street Districts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 Figure 59 Site Location and Connectors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Figure 60 Downtown Orlando and East Orlando Figure Ground. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Figure 61 Orlando Executive Airport edges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Figure 62 The Gruen Effect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Figure 63 Colonial Drive by Colonial Plaza Mall Picture 2018.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Figure 64 Schematic Section of Colonial Drive by Colonial Plaza Mall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Figure 65 Public, Pedestrian and Bicycle Transportation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Figure 66 Private Transportation and Car Oriented Design. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Figure 67 Colonial Plaza - Strip Mall, 1956. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Figure 68 Colonial Plaza - Enclosed Mall. Parade on the main entrance, 1969 (above) and an inteior view of the enclosed area (below), 1966.. . . . . . . . 76 Figure 69 Colonial Plaza - 1.7 miles from Downtown Orlando. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 Figure 70 Colonial Plaza through the Years. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 Figure 71 Remaining Original Structures in 2019.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 Figure 72 Seminole, Orange and Osceola County Population Growth Estimate. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Figure 73 Orlando Zoning Diagram . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Figure 74 Orlando Future Growth Vision - Downtown and Orlando East. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Figure 75 The Milk District - The new Orlando Main Street Announcement, 2016.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 Figure 76 The Festival Park event, August 2019.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 Figure 77 Colonial Plaza Sign . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 Figure 78 The Plaza Theatre Sign. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84

Figure 79 Project Proposal Site Plan Diagram. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Figure 80 Diagram of the project program.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 Figure 81 Project Proposal Diagram Connections to the City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Figure 82 Coy Drive View from North to South - Coytown and Colonial Connection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 Figure 83 Redesign of Colonial Dr. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 Figure 84 Redesign of Robinson St. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 Figure 85 Colonial Drive View from West to East - Milk District Portal. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 Figure 86 The Plaza Live Square - Bumby Ave View from North to South. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 Figure 87 Programmatic Floor Plan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 Figure 88 Project Overall - North to South Aerial View. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Figure 89 Ground Plan - Public Spaces Activating the Edges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 Figure 90 Milk District Fair Events Pavilion and Livingston Performance Stage View from South to North. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 Figure 91 West Diagrammatic Section . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 Figure 92 East Diagrammatic Section . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 Figure 93 Tram Station Plaza View. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Figure 94 Food Plaza - Livingston Street View from West to East. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 Figure 95 Site Plan - Terraces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 Figure 96 Project Physical Model. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First, I would like to express my appreciation and gratitude to my advisors, Professor Bender and Dr. Bosworth, for their guidance and encouragement. I also thank my dear husband, Eduardo, for standing by my side, dedicating his love and companionship during this long journey. Most importantly, I would like to dedicate a special thanks to my mom, dad, sister, brothers, and grandma. Their continuous love and support have comforted me even from so far. My goal has always been to follow their steps and make them even prouder. I dedicate a sincere â&#x20AC;&#x153;thank youâ&#x20AC;? to my studio mates, Victoria, Eli, and Sabrina, not only for their friendship but for making my sleepless nights fun and enjoyable. I thank Travis Johnson for all the ideas and his dedication to helping me materializing the physical model. And I also thank my friend, Cleo Simoes, for her valuable suggestions to improve the writing of this thesis in the last minutes. And, last but not least, to my coworkers and mentors at HuntonBrady Architects, for their patience, support, and understanding during this difficult, yet rewarding process.

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ABSTRACT Cities around the world are growing at a rate never expe-

adapt to this new shopping culture, are decaying or closing. The result

rienced before. Due to increased employment opportunities, better

is transforming previously active shopping districts into urban voids

education, healthcare, and access to improved infrastructure and

and contributing to a lower quality of life resulting in less desirable

services, denser cities have become great attractors for population

places to live and, consequently, decreasing the real estate value of

growth. This contemporary trend of the return to urban living points

neighborhoods.

out that quality of life issues, in particular, safety and affordability,

The public space, when existing, is rarely designed for pe-

are important characteristics for urban design. Consequently, they

destrians and creates inactive edges and provides few opportunities

are influencing the expansion of urban centers and urbanization of

for social interaction. The result is vacant urban spaces without a

suburban areas and creating a heightened pressure of urbanization

meaningful identity. Orlando suffers from this transformation as can

that is challenging the existing infrastructure of American cities. This

be seen in vacant or underutilized shopping malls that virtually elimi-

project focuses on reinventing underutilized structures for compact

nate the possibility of interaction with the physical or other people.

development.

With unprecedented population growth, Orlandoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s under-

Before WWII, local main streets with community services

performing and low-density areas are feeling the pressure for rede-

and neighborhood retailers were the main resources to sustain a city.

velopment and the need for vibrant activities that are able to attract

After WWII, it began the modern era of the suburban way of living

population.

began and resulted in population sprawl and uncontrolled develop-

This Masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Research Project investigated how abandoned

ment of innumerous retail structures to mimic activities that were

or underperforming retail buildings along Colonial Dr have con-

common in small urban centers. The outcome was the creation of iso-

tributed to the sprawl and disconnectivity of the city of Orlando and

lated islands of activities connected by an extensive roadway system.

proposes the redevelopment of Colonial Plaza and adjacent land to

By 2000â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s the impact of Internet shopping caused the decline

become a productive and connected portion of the city.

of brick-an-mortar stores. Since then, businesses that are unable to

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INTRODUCTION

1.1. PROBLEM STATEMENT 1.2 PROBLEM BACKGROUND

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Fig. 1. Abandoned Mall. Springdale Mall. Mobile, AL - 2017

1.1. PROBLEM STATEMENT The purpose of this Masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Research Project is to investigate how abandoned or underperforming retail buildings along Colonial Dr. due to the new Shopping Culture have impacted the physical environment of Orlando, FL; contributing to the sprawl and disconnectivity of the city. This project proposes redevelopment of Colonial Plaza Mall and its adjacent area by considering the vision of the Orlando future density and re-imagining the area to become a productive and connected portion of the city.

The specific research questions are:

1. What are the impacts that abandoned or declining large malls and big-box retailers have on neighborhoods where they are located (Fig. 1) ? 2. How can abandoned and declining retail structures be re-utilized to achieve civic and economic objectives in a context where older models no longer apply ? 3. What are the functions that create a viable and vital public space ?

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1.2. PROBLEM BACKGROUND

Fig. 2. Sprawled Cities. Levittown, Pensylvania, 1952.

Fig. 3. Abandoned Mall. Northridge Mall, Milwaukee.

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Cities around the world are growing at a

utopias and experimental neighborhoods that

rate never experienced before. Due to increased

ultimately resulted in sprawl (Fig. 2) and devel-

employment opportunities, better education,

opment of large retail structures as a tentative to

healthcare, and access to improved infrastructure

relocate activities that were common in small ur-

and services, the city has become the ideal place

ban centers to the suburban areas. The outcome

to settle. In addition to be the preferred place for

was the creation of isolated islands of activities

people to live, cities are encountering confron-

connected by a complex roadway system (ROB-

tations between existing constructed structures

BINS, 2002).

and a broad variety of activities. This contempo-

By 2000â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s the impact of internet shop-

rary trend to the return of the urban living points

ping caused the decline of brick-and-mortar

out that quality of living, safety, and affordabil-

stores. Since then, some traditional large retail-

ity are important characteristics in all sectors of

ers are evolving to find a market in the current

planning. As a consequence, they are influencing

economic conditions to fit into dense cities and

the expansion of urban centers and the urbaniza-

also to expand to smaller towns and suburbs.

tion of suburban areas and they are challenging

Business that canâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t adapt to this new tendency are

the existing infrastructure of American cities.

closing (Fig. 3). Some of them are still surviving

Before WWII, local main streets with-

due to its competitive prices and convenient lo-

community services and neighborhood retailers

cations; others are adapting their buildings and

were the main resources to sustain a city. After

leaving their big abandoned boxes behind. For

WWII, it began the modern era of master plans

those remaining buildings (abandoned or not),

solitary programmatic archipelagos, the distance between their program and surroundings are

tionship between city and dwellers. With

unprecedented

population

intensified by their vast areas exclusively dedi-

growth, urban development and suburban re-

cated to cars. The limited activities are turning

development became necessary to attend to the

these areas into urban voids and contributing to

need for housing and infrastructure. But the

their transformation into undesirable places to

density of Orlandoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s urban core is still low and

live and, consequently, decreasing the real estate

more and more isolated centers are being cre-

value of neighborhoods.

ated. There is a tendency in the United States,

Therefore, connectivity between this

especially on the Sunbelt portion, of a growth

type of structures and the different zones of a city

concentration in interior metropolitan areas

(i.e: residential, commercial and institutional)

with a broader dispersal of the population away

are weakened due to the vast system of roads and

from urban agglomerations (Fig. 5). With that,

highways (Fig. 4). The public space, when ex-

the Orlando metropolitan area, like many other

isting, is just the result of the distance between

American municipalities, is composed of multi-

blocks and its inactive edges creates the perfect

ple mini cores. The lack of connectivity between

scenario to transform these spaces into (non)

these cores characterizes the landscape as an en-

places, spaces without meaningful activities and

vironment with a weak sense of closeness and

identity. In Orlando, is no different: malls inter-

held space, due to the constant distance between

rupt the grid of the city abbreviating the possibil-

people and activities.

ity of interaction with the context and the rela-

Fig. 4. American Highway System. Los Angeles, CA

Fig. 5. Annual growth rates for urban and suburban counties (2000-2017)

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This increased population growth with-

and providing spatial integration with new resi-

in multiple centers are forcing the redevelopment

dential and commercial structures of the sur-

of existing structures and, with that, it was nec-

rounding area. From the large scale proposal to

essary to redefine areas dedicated to retail into

the small details of the faĂ§ade of the adaptive re-

programs that encourage vibrant activities, other

used â&#x20AC;&#x153;boxesâ&#x20AC;?, this project will specially focus on

than retail itself. In Orlando, many buildings

the dynamism of function and form, in a flexible

that are occupying central areas with undervalue

portion of the city with a desirable sense of place.

activities are simply abandoned (Fig. 6). As an

Celebrating the present and establishing connec-

effective way of reducing the culture of urban

tions with past and future; interconnecting to the

sprawl and environmental impact, recycled por-

transiency need of large influxes of people.

tions of the city can result in an interesting mix of uses necessary to create an active city. Seeking the materialization of the statement, an architectural scale proposal will bring strength to this point. The integration between architecture and dwellers will be represented by the threshold between indoor and outdoor, the new and the old. A reconciling between environment, users and place identity; preserving a sense of time in a context that is in constant change

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Fig. 6. Diagram highlighting Underdeveloped Areas in a major Arterial (Colonial Dr) close to Downtown Orlando, FL.

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LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1. PATTERNS OF COMMUNITIES DEVELOPMENT - SUBURBAN SPRAWL

Fig. 7. Suburban Neighborhood. Queensbury, England. 1935.

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Preceding the population boom of Modern Era, traditional American cities were composed of one business center known as Downtown. After 1950, planning and design were drastically influenced by the suburban life idealization and urban centers were transformed into evidence of disinvestment and abandonment. With scarce population and no renovation on buildings, the city became a result of a stagnated landscape that persisted until the 2000s. The suburban culture originated in London by the end of the 18th century as a direct response to the unprecedented urban growth and the rise of the modern bourgeoise. (Fig. 7) The new social class that had the desire to live in aristocracy style homes in a more picturesque and healthier environment, departed from the chaos of the industrialized city core. This settlement, located in the periphery of large cities, was physically separated but economically and culturally dependent from major institutes (i.e.: professional offices, department stores, specialized shops, hospitals, and theaters) and from the urban environment (FISHMAN, 1987. 05). Considering

that these areas were located farther than walking distance, suburbs only became possible with the evolution of transportation structures, that allowed the daily commute from residential areas to workplaces, which were located in the city center. During the Industrial Revolution, the manufacturing process was responsible for the increase of the labor population and the dissolution of crafted workers transforming the residence into an emotional environment rather than an economic unit. This significant separation from work and residence later became a prerequisite for suburbanization in American cities (JACK- SON, 1985). Through the early 19th century the majority of the population worked at their homes, manufacturing goods, distributing products or providing services to the local community. At that time, there were no efficient transportation systems to take them anywhere else to shop, work or escape; leaving no choice other than live at the city center (GARVIN, 2018. 8). Dominated by industries, cities grew dense, dirty and polluted and were transformed in en-

vironments full of pestilences and chaos (Fig. 8). With a faster and standardized production, greater profits became possible resulting in wealthier and larger upper- middle-class merchant elite, the modern bourgeoise. As Frederick Engels described, the modern bourgeoise could be defined as the class of modern capitalists, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage labour. (EN- GELS, 1848. 14) In a typical premodern city like London, when income and social stand were decreased, it became common to move from the city core to the outskirts where zones were more affordable. At this time the “suburb” term was well known as its own definition by the Oxford English Dictionary: “a place of inferior, debased, and especially, licentious habits of life”. Opposing to that description, the modern suburbia represented the collective affirmation of class wealth and privilege, the “new ideal of family life” strongly connected with the emotional character of the idea of a “sacred home”. As Robert Fishman pointed out, the modern suburb of England and North America was a contradiction in

the basic term that defined the urban structure, it was the peripheral zone in which people of means chose to live. Considering that, from its origins, the suburban way of living was based on the principle of exclusion, departing work from family residence, segregating middle class from working-class housing, by avoiding the gray elements of the city and by embracing the abundant use of greenery; consequently and paradoxically, “alienating the middle class from the urban- industrial world they themselves were creating” (FISHMAN, 1987. 04). With industrialization, thousands of factories were built in the center of towns and cities. The city grew into complete chaos with remarkable mass immigration, and the industrial slum (a quilt of packed humanity) became the new pattern of the city and the desire for class segregation was expanding. The only solution for this tumultuous city was (1) either to redevelop through some coordination between political and economic forces for a construction program to reclaim the center of the middle class or (2)

Fig. 8. City Centers suffering from chaos and pollution. New York, 1900.

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Fig. 9. National Interstate System Map, 1958.

Fig. 10. Ranch-style house in suburban development, 1965.

page | 26

turn to the periphery and develop in new areas where distance alone would be sufficient to isolate the single class elite residential districts that seemed incompatible with the urban core. (FISHMAN 1987. 119). The exodus from the intolerable city increased its pace with the advent of the interurban trains and became route with the emergence of the automobile (GRUEN, 1967. 19). In the 19th century the arrival of new forms of rapid transportation, including the electrified street- cars that replaced horse-drawn omnibus lines, allowed residents and workers to travel greater distances within a short period of time to work, shopping districts and entertainment zones. With that, most downtown areas expanded (GARVIN, 2018. 8). But it was only after WWII when the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1944 and the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956 took place connect-

as the heartland of the expansion of economy elements, attracting research centers and contributing to the abandonment of the city core (FISHMAN 1987, 182). With a bigger demand to accommodate families seeking escape from the intolerable conditions of the city, mass-housing builders bulldozed natural landscapes to open space for new housing developments (Fig. 10) resulting in suburbia expansion. As nothing could avoid undesirable settlements along highways connecting the city to villas, implementing Frederick Law Olmsted ideas became the solution from this problem and started being implemented. By creating a conscious process of planning and design that would isolate a tract of undeveloped land from all undesirable uses and define that land as suburbs suitable only (zoning). The suburban design was now transformed into a commodity

ing major cities of America through a network of interstate roads (Fig. 9). That was when â&#x20AC;&#x153;America would appear to the Age of Suburbsâ&#x20AC;?, characterizing suburbia not as a satellite city anymore but

and developers started replicating the bourgeois type of construction resulting in a mass era of suburbanization through the real estate business process (FISHMAN, 1987. 119).

Fig. 11. Levittown Pennsylvania, c 1950.

PRECEDENT. LEVITTOWN After WWII, in response to the se-

would find a sense of peace and tranquility unat-

vere home shortage and the unusual high birth

tainable in city life. “Levittowns” are the subur-

rates, communities like Levittown became to

ban developments that started to be constructed

attend this massive population growth. Was in

in 1947 in multiple locations (Long Island, New

this type of community that American families

Jersey and Pennsylvania - see Fig. 11 & 13) be-

would find stability and protection within the

came the precursor of this type of development.

suburban home, a single-family tract house, that

After experiencing mass production during

“offered growing families a private heaven in a

WWII, Bill Levitt, one of Levitt home-building

heart- less world” (JACKSON, 1985). Advertisers

firm owners, mastered prefabrication (Fig. 12).

of suburban developments emphasized the green

The process applied in the house construction-

open spaces of the suburbs promising that buyers

made homes uniform in appearance, reflecting

page | 27

Fig. 12. Housing Mass Production. Levittown, PA.

Fig. 13. First Families to move to the neighborhood.

page | 28

the broad standardization of the industry and the

provided by the Federal government through the

landscape where it was produced. (HAYDEN,

Federal Housing Administration (FHA) and

2003. 133-135).

through the interstates of the highway system.

These models constructed by Levitt and

FHA and Veteranâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Administration (VA) stimu-

Sons served as prototypical post-war planned

lated the construction in a mass of suburban

communities for other developments, becom-

houses, providing affordable subsidized home-

ing a standard reference for the suburban house

ownership to millions of families (JACKSON,

(Fig. 14). This private solution for the housing

1985. 205). Due to the program requirements of

crisis was only possible with the public incentive

standard setbacks and lot sizes, suburban envi-

Fig. 14. Housing Standardization, Levittown.

ronments became the preferred location for these new developments, since urban centers were ruled out due to the absence of vast space to accommodate this new house standard. Today we can still see the marks of this type of development across the United States that have been strongly influenced by the suburban life idealization (Fig. 15). Home and community have been turned into commodity and community became less about the relationships and started being cultivated and developed in a particular place. Its image was developed by corporations, resulting in lack of identity without architectural detail, human scale or authenticity (LUKEZ, 2007). The quality of â&#x20AC;&#x153;nowherenessâ&#x20AC;? (local emptiness) permeate the urban American landscape being the result of many factors including emphasis on de- signing objects in the landscape rather than the spaces between them, focus on mobility (being not possible to root to a place) and a banal housing stock (KUNSTLER, 1993). , American landscape was transformed into isolated clusters. Moreover, due to the preference to suburban over urban areas by population, city centers became evidence of disinvestment and abandonment and the image of the city became stagnated with scarce population and no renovation on buildings. (ROBBINS, 2002).

Fig. 15. Suburban Style Neighborhoods is a common landscape in United States. Development in Central Florida, 2015.

page | 29

2.2. MODERN SHOPPING CULTURE - FROM THE RISE TO THE DECLINE OF MALLS Buying and selling are as old as man-

ter of the American cities. General stores offered

kind. From prehistoric to the modern era, men

a small variety of goods and couldn’t exploit what

exchange goods by necessity or for happiness ful-

industrialized production and transportation

filling. The introduction of the merchant turned

could supply. As a consequence, a new type of

the trade transaction into commerce. Wherever

store was incorporated to display the great num-

the merchant settled, he became integral and in-

ber of products that started being produced: The

vigorating part of the urban life (GRUEN, 1967.

Department Store (Fig. 18). The fixed prices and

17).

the grand amount of goods into one place amazed The “traditional neighborhoods” locat-

the new class of shoppers and transformed the

ed in city centers evolved to supply the popula-

social and psychological relations of the market-

tion’s demands and were characterized by a mix

place. (CRAWFORD, 1992. 17).

of uses. Most of these areas had a “Main Street”

With the rail transportation installa-

within walking distance from houses, that is

tion in the 19th century, cities expanded along

where local businesses sold their merchandise

railroads and created multiple centers around

and produce to locals (Fig. 17). These small

stations. Shops, churches and civic buildings

stores and sidewalks connecting them provided

emerged,and established residential commu-

a vibrant place with local identity and a sense of

nities. Their sizes remained controlled by the

community (SCHINDLER, 2012. 478-479).

walkable distance from the train stops (GRUEN,

With the rise of industrial capitalism

Fig. 16. Southdalle Center. Minessota, 1965.

page | 30

1967. 20).

(in the mid-eighteenth century) a new consumer

During the period of modern suburbs

culture based on increased product circulation

growth and automobiles being incorporated,

appeared in the first mass-consumption environ-

shops and department stores located in Down-

ments that changed the organization and charac-

town became no longer pertinent. As Interstate

highways and suburbs required commercial ser-

(city) hands, they had very little interest in public

vices in newly developed areas, city stores started

space needs. They basically dealt with the space

building their suburban branches (SCHINDLER,

requirements of the car and not the spatial needs

2012. 479). That was when department stores

of a democratic society. The degradation of the

started to function as anchor elements to strate-

cheaply made roads and parking lots, of the land-

gically create new energy for retail spaces (Fig.

scape and sanitary system, were then handed to

16).

the public after developers went away with their Due to a lack of government over- sight,

profit.

strip centers kept developing out of the city

The ideal single-family home (inhabited

boundaries, where the government did not have

by commuting father, housewife and two chil-

specific rules in place to control its multi- plica-

dren) demanded an enormous range of goods for

tion. The traffic congestion became a problem

their new lifestyle including a house, a car, ap-

and opened the way for alternative routes. Later,

pliances, furniture, televisions, lawn mowers and

these new routes attracted new stores and were

bicycles. Since the suburbia lifestyle was creating

turned into new retail corridors.

serious effects on the entire urban life, the hu-

In many cases, this sprawl development

man activities ended up based on the marketing

forced the creation of cities that may not have

of goods as a gratification of personal needs and

ever existed without them. These new cities were

desires (GRUEN, 1967.22). Without a familiar

left to contend with poorly planned and poor-

environment and networks to set the social stan-

quality infrastructure developed by real estate

dards present in urban areas, suburban families

speculators for the lowest cost and the most gain.

turned out to use their possessions to create a

Entire towns were developed this way. In addi-

sense of belonging in their new communities.

tion, since they were developed out of the public

(CRAWFORD, 1992. 20-21).

Fig. 17. Local Main Street. Orlando, FL. c 1900

Fig. 18. Jordan Marsh Department Store - Colonial Plaza. Orlando, FL. c 1972

page | 31

“Planning is needed not only to bring order, stability, and meaning to chaotic suburbia; it is necessary in order to establish a strong logical framework within which individual merchandising enterprises can flourish and provide crystallization points for suburbia’s community life” Victor Gruen, 1967. 23

Fig. 19. Southdale Center designed and planed by Victor Gruen. Orlando, FL. c 1972 page | 32

Malls became agents of planning and

activities (Fig. 19). Commerce with community

order in suburban communities to facilitate the

life providing a space for cultural (Fig. 20) activi-

sales effectiveness and the demand of the sub-

ties would be able to create a psychological relax-

urban shopper, allowing a better shopping ex-

ation, increasing the time expended by shoppers

perience (CRAWFORD, 2002). With that, the

in these environments, therefore increasing the

Shopping Center started being developed in con-

profits of stores. (CRAWFORD, 2002).

veniently accessible areas with ample free parking

Shopping Centers, besides offering solu-

space. Only the shopping center could fulfill the

tions for shopping needs, became opportunities

need of suburbanites for the amenities of urban

for cultural, social, civic and recreational activi-

living and protect the surrounding communities

ties (GRUEN, 1967. 267). Its character of public

from decay. By increasing its desirability it would

space couldn’t be established due to the lack of

consequently raise its property values (GRUEN,

publicness that shopping centers environments

1967. 23). Victor Gruen, one of the main malls’

provided throught security systems and restric-

designers of the United States, proposed the Mall

tive set of rules. With this privatizing ideology

as an escape from the city and a hub of human

and consumerist culture, malls turned citizens

into consumers as people ended up going to the mall in search of a public space and were seduced into a privatizing shopping behavior (MATTSON, 2002). Protected by pension funds and insurance companies, the “malling” process was a risk-free investment and became a self-preserving process.. Less than 1% of the malls failed in their first twenty-five years, reaffirming that mall development was a great investment. Thus, as the Gruen system of “world in the mall” could be replicated, it became possible to guarantee profitability in a logic of dollar per square feet. It later became a standardized mall development procedure that was reinforced by institutions such the International Council of Shopping Centers. (CRAWFORD, 1992. 8). Between 1950 and 1970, enclosed malls expanded and became magnets for suburban developments serving as urban nodes (CRAWFORD, 2002). Due to the Euclidian zoning that molded the suburbs, it kept the different uses separated from one another. Homes and shopping areas were maintained apart by car driving distances and the suburban shopping experience became the opposite of the tradition-

Fig. 20. Southdale Mall with a variety of programs and activities to promote community life in suburban areas. c 1960.

page | 33

al Main Street. Characterized mainly by stand-

tion of the mall business. Successful older malls

alone big box stores and strip malls surrounded

updated their design for newer enclosed spaces

by parking lots, these “lifeless” places ended up

and new malls started focusing in providing spe-

limiting the interaction between neighbors and

cialized services and products in a specific new

community (SCHINDLER, 2012. 480).

architectural form.

Malls became victims of their own suc-

Today, the shopper has more choices of

cess. The development of areas located away

“places” to buy. Large big-box competitors, such

from centers contributed to the disconnection of

as Walmart, provide multiple shopping options in

suburban and urban areas. As newer and nicer

one place by lower prices. E-commerce allows the

houses became available farther away, commu-

customer to purchase their goods without leaving

nities started moving out and leaving smaller

their homes and, as a result, travels to shopping

and affordable properties to be occupied by

centers had decline and traditional department

marginalized groups that by conventional think-

stores have gone bankrupt (MATTSON, 2002).

ing, wouldn’t be able to be good consumers and

As new forms of shopping challenged the mall

maintain the necessary cash flow for business

structure, the adaptability and redevelopment

sustainability (SMILEY, 2002).

became fundamental for mall surviving. Existing

By 1980 malls saturated the market and

malls started to be renewed by upgrading their

started adapting themselves in response to mul-

interior design or adding amenities. In the ur-

tiple economic and social changes. During that

ban sphere malls became more compact. Open

time, to locate and satisfy the customers’ needs

malls were revived, and the reuse of old factories,

had become increasingly important. The con-

piers or historical areas became candidates to be

stant reconfiguration of physical space and pro-

reconfigured as a mall. (CRAWFORD, 1992. 10).

gram became necessary as means of preservaFig. 21. Faneuil Hall Marketplace. Boston 2009 page | 34

PRECEDENT. FANEUIL HALL In 1976, for example, the developer James Rouse restored the historic Faneuil Hall (Fig. 21 &22) in Boston and transformed the space into a Market Place offering merchandise and food. The structure itself blurred the boundaries between mall and urban setting and received innumerous awards due to its success by attracting local residents (CRAW- FORD, 2002). Rather than restoring the complex back to one specific time, the renewal celebrated a variety of styles that can be distinguished as contemporary additions to the historic building. This example is constantly celebrated to by architects and other critics due to its acknowledgement of the value of urban life, its quality design in connecting retail activities to the urban environment and its capability of reenergize the city. Recently, another proposal was submitted to remodel the 40-year-old glass structure and improve the building programs to meet the current demands and consequently attract more people to the public realm.

Fig. 22. Faneuil Hall Marketplace. Boston, Massachusetts, c 1977

page | 35

2.3 DEMOGRAPHIC SHIFT - POPULATION GROWTH, NEW SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND THE CREATIVE CLASS Basic forces since the Industrial Revolution are changing the way we work and live. The

Fig. 23. Hispanic Creative Class Diversity. San Diego, CA. 2017.

page | 36

sexual orientation, which goes against the idea of the conventional family (FLORIDA, 2012).

Internet, the rise of new technologies, the global-

This new economic structure is influ-

ization and the type of jobs offered are influenc-

encing the nationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s demographics, the new social

ing the patterns of our daily lives creating new

structure composed of creative people is influ-

expectations, needs, and desires on the working

encing the workplace and society: disappearance

population. (FLORIDA, 2012). The 2008 eco-

of dress codes, flexible hours, respect for diver-

nomic crash triggered a new global economic

sity, meritocratic values (people being respected

order that is taking shape. The old economic

and regarded in job environments accordingly to

model prioritized consumption and was based

their merit) (FLORIDA, 2012). With that, manu-

on waste, oil dependency, sprawling and unsus-

facturing had become a minor downtown activi-

tainable ways of life. Today, the new expanding

ty, transforming the office work into the most im-

order is based on the creativity that became the

portant urban activity by 2017. Major cities felt

fundamental driver of this new era, it enabled us

these changes. Between 1990 and 2017, Los An-

to develop our talents and individuality, our tru-

gelesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; available workforce declined from 20% to

est selves through our work and other activities.

8%; Cleveland, from 21% to 12% and New York,

Today, differently from the idea of the bourgeois

from 11% to 4%. In 2017, according to US Census

and modern suburbanization, the diversity of

Bureau, office work represented 37% of the em-

communities and innovation became key factors

ployment in Los Angeles, 35% in Cleveland and

for the economic success of a place. That means

40% in New York. Los Angeles (GARVIN, 2019.

that there is a necessity of openness to all kind

11). The rise of creativity as a fundamental eco-

of people, no matter gender, race, nationality or

nomic driver, created a new social class, named

by Richard Florida as The Creative Class. The

country with households composed of the moth-

Creative Class, consists of 40 million Americans,

er, the father, two to three children and a couple

approximately 1/3 of the workforce of United

of cars. The family structure is changing. Many

States today (FLORIDA, 2012. 8), predominately

reasons explain the shift in most states, including

composed of liberal-minded entrepreneurs and

a decline in the birth, the population is getting

professionals that work with Science, Technol-

married when older, the population is aging, and

Class of programmers, designers, and information

ogy, Arts, Media and Culture, traditional knowl-

single-parent families and baby-boomer popu-

workers. The term used to mean artists and writ-

edge workers and traditional professions. This

lation rates are rising. Some suburbs have more

ers. Today, it means job stabilityâ&#x20AC;?

transformation of economic and social order

senior citizens and baby boomers than families

brought and new energy for new paths of re-

with young children, and with that, single person

â&#x20AC;&#x153;In a time of high unemployment, when traditional skills can be outsourced or automated, creative skills remain highly sought after and highly valuable. We all want to be part of the Creative

TechCrunch.com. 2017

markable growth and prosperity, but, at the same time, it is causing adversity and intensifying the inequality of classes. The difference between the higher-skilled, higher- wage creative class jobs and the lower-skilled, lower-wage service class jobs (food preparation, retail sales and home healthcare services) are increasing. So, the solution for this increasing inequality is to transform all jobs into opportunities that develop our creativity and boost our human potential. (FLORIDA, 2012). Moreover, between 2000 and 2010, the average household size varied greatly across states (Fig. 24). The United States used to be a

Fig. 24. States with Greatest decline in Average Household Size in comparison to US (2000-2010)

page | 37

households are the fastest-growing household in the United States as the nuclear family represents a smaller percentage of the overall mix (GALLAGHER, 2014). According to the US Census Bureau, in 2016 the nationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s immigrant population, both legal and illegal, climbed to a record of 43.7 million (Fig. 25), being 13.5 percent of the US population â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the highest share since 1910, when the country had only 13.5 million immigrants, representing 14.7 percent of the US population. When compared to the turn of the century in 2001 there was a population increase of 12.6 million people. In 2030, it is expected that 56.9 million people (15.8 percent) will be immigrants. The influx is expected to continue to ascend, reaching 72.3 million (18.2 percent) immigrants by 2050. Of all states, Texas, Florida and California recorded the greatest numeric increase. In Florida, between 2010 and 2016 the census indicated that the State gained 578,468 immigrants, and, according to American Immigration Council, in 2017 immigrants represented 20.2% (4,086,240 people) of the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population, being half of all immigrants naturalized US citizens, allowing them to be fully active in their communities. Fig. 25. US Immigration Population Hit Record 43.7 Million in 2016

page | 38

Some states are facing a different scenario (Fig. 26). The average household size can indicate that specific

states are being preferred as new homes for the international population, that usually have a bigger family structure, and/or preferred by Americans to raise their families. The family size declined in 40 states; but remained unchanged in New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, Oklahoma, and Tennessee; and grew in Nevada, California, Florida, Delaware and Texas. States with increasing average household size, except Delaware, have a sizeable presence of Hispanics due to the increasing immigrant population. These characteristics affect neighborhoods, including the number of housing developments and the location of schools and higher education districts to meet the demand. It is important to observe that the population is a great indicator that some areas are preferred over others by different population groups due to their attractiveness. As urban and suburban centers become denser as the population is increasing, seeking better job opportunities or looking for better housing to raise a family are transforming the local characteristics of cities to attract a diverse population that has a diverse income, race, and ethnicity (Fig. 23). Consequently, these groups are demanding a more varied selection of urban house types, creating a high pressure for new developments and better infrastructure, making these factors fundamental considerations in neighborhood and city planning in America.

Fig. 26. Population gains/losses for the100 largest US metropolitan areas (2016-2017)

page | 39

2.4 URBAN REALM AND THE URBANIZATION OF SUBURBS - RISE OF MINI CORES The most important aspect of postwar

Technoburbs evolved into techno-cit-

American development was the decentralization

ies. In Silicon Valley, for example, an advanced

of housing, industry, specialized services and of-

communication technology was implemented to

fice jobs; and the subsequent separation of subur-

make the existence of this decentralized city pos-

bia from the central city created a decentralized

sible. This new trend transformed the relation-

environment that attempted to maintain the eco-

ships and physical interaction unnecessary, gen-

nomic and technological dynamism associated to

erating a city with urban diversity but without an

the city. This change indicates that the modern

urban concentration.

suburb evolved and created a new city.

Fig. 27. Multi-centered cities

page | 40

This new city structure relinked the

Known by different authors as “outer

home to work and contained the community into

city”, “exurbia” or “technoburb”, this peripheral

one area, eliminating the need for massive com-

zone has emerged as a viable socio-economic unit

mutes. From that central starting point, the mem-

dependent of road system and allocated into the

bers of the household created their own city from

wasted land of suburbia structure. Located along

the multitude of destinations that were within

the highway growth corridors with a variety of

suitable driving distance (FISHMAN, 1987. 190).

housing types and supported by shopping malls,

As a result, this new multi-centered city (Fig. 27)

industrial parks, office complexes, hospitals and

that could stretch its limits more than 70 miles

schools, made their residents stay local and start

from the core in all directions were often more

looking for jobs in their immediate surrounding.

well integrated in the sense of communication

Therefore incentivizing high tech industries and

with other techno cities than they were with its

specialized services to settle where the workforce

core (FISHMAN, 1987. 190).

could be found.

Downtowns’ trajectory over the years

“For most Americans, the real center of their lives is neither an urban nor a rural nor even a suburban area, as those entities have traditionally been conceived, but rather the technoburb, the boundaries of which are defined by the locations people can conveniently reach in their cars.” Robert Fishman, 1987

had different directions since the modern era.

BIDs, the business improvement districts’ pro-

The mid-20th century downtown was main-

gram (GARVIN, 2019. 2). With that, the char-

tained as the business center even after the exo-

acter of downtown retailing and servicing was

dus of population to the suburban areas. Cities

altered creating opportunities for new business

like San Jose, Houston, Indianapolis and Jack-

and property development and, consequently,

sonville never stopped growing. Others, like De-

generated the downtown rebirth in some Ameri-

troit, St Louis and Bridgeport were in decline.

can cities by reversing decline and or accelerating

As a result of the population need, Los Angeles,

growth. (GARVIN, 2019. 2).

Seattle and many other cities became resurgent

Programs that were established as a di-

with vibrant downtowns (Fig. 28). Those cit-

rect reaction to the population sprawl to avoid

ies that never stopped evolving or invigorating

the decline of downtown, incentivized its revival

were being transformed from single-use busi-

and created unique places. Typically governed by

ness districts into dense mixed-use downtowns

municipal level, these initiatives brought atten-

(GARVIN, 2019).

tion to the urban renewal of decaying districts.

The contemporary downtown began

By reducing the crime, removing unused and

to emerge in 1990’s with the advent of internet,

insignificant buildings, restoring historic struc-

the acceleration of deindustrialization, the crime

tures; cities were able to open space for new op-

rates reduction and the implementation of the

portunities, including: housing, business and

Fig. 28. Jacksonville, FL is home to a variety of diverse districts and neighborhoods, each with its own distinct identity, history and culture.

page | 41

transportation infrastructure. City governments in Florida, for example, were able to establish areas with unique needs to be redeveloped. These areas, named as Community Redevelopment Agencies (CRA), through tax increment financing, they have been able to use tax revenues directly and immediately for redevelopment purposes, such as a particular project. In 1980, The National Main Street Program (Fig. 29) was put in place to address multiple issues that older and historic downtowns were facing. Since then, the program helped over 2,000 communities across the country to bring economic vitality and historic character and to tight community relations. These true public-private partnerships began to incorporate and develop the so-called places that were able to attract the creative class. “Downtown is important because it’s the heart and soul of any community. If you don’t have a healthy downtown, you simply don’t have a healthy town.” Ed McMahonChair, National MainStreet Board of Directors

Downtowns that are thriving or resurging have one thing in common: a large residential population. Lower Manhattan, for example, in 1950 had a population of 800. The population Fig. 29. National MainStreet Program . The Objectives and Approach

page | 42

grew immensely since then. In 2017, the US Census registered

61,000 residents living in converted commercial

it is determining where companies are choosing

structures or in newly constructed residential

to locate and grow (FLORIDA, 2012).

edifications. In Philadelphia, for example, 44

The population of urban areas grew

% of jobs and 32% of property tax are located

by 12.1 percent, much faster than the country’s

in downtown, which is constituted by only 5%

growth rate of 9.7 percent from 2000 to 2010.

of the city’s territory. This indicates that urban

Al- together, there were 486 urbanized areas in

cores are being preferred and becoming denser

the United States having an overall population

(GARVIN, 2019).

density of 2,534 people per square mile. With

Now, in the age of globalization and

more people residing in urban areas, it has been

modern communication technology, there is the

a crescent demand for infrastructure, including

argument that people can work from anywhere.

housing, public transportation, road repairs and

Contrary to that, the location had become an im-

social services such as schools and healthcare.

portant aspect of people’s routine. They are pre-

This complex mix of facilities is very different

ferring to live in urban centers or urbanized sub-

from the suburbs’ environments. Many of the

urbs. Starting from the 2000’s Census, it has been

remaining suburban residents go downtown to

noticed from the first time since the modern sub-

shop, visit major institutions and patronize en-

urban era that the city is gaining population. That

tertainment venues. In order to accommodate

points out that what makes people live in the city

all those people, institutions and activities; ev-

is the quality of it. The shift on the new house-

ery downtown needs a suitable public realm of

hold structure and the population values being

streets, squares, and parks (GARVIN, 2019. 13).

based on experience rather than consumerism (Fig. 30). It changed the preferability of cities

Fig. 30. One Colorado Mall.

“The vividness and coherence of environmental image was singled out as being a crucial condition for the enjoyment and use of the city.” Kevin Lync. The Image of The City.1960

over suburbs by talented and creative people and

page | 43

2.5 SHIFT ON SHOPPING CULTURE, RETAIL STRUCTURE ABANDONMENT AND TRENDS FOR REUSE The retail real estate industry is under-

trends, traditional large-format stores are declin-

going one of the most profound transformations

ing, and new smaller format stores are becoming

in its history. The World Economic Forum Re-

more present. Consequently, brick-and-mortar

port points out that the next decade is expected

stores will close as companies, adjust strategies

to be the golden age of the consumer, but a con-

and/or downsize their physical infrastructure.

sumer with more choices and control than ever

A Nielsen Analysis dated from December 2016,

before. The rapid advance of technology innova-

indicated that the new supermarket stores that

tions and the growing influence of the millennial

opened were 18% smaller than the existing ones.

generation have created both new challenges and

Traditional properties are likely to close and re-

opportunities for shopping center owners. That

main abandoned, face demolition or be retrofit-

will result in profound cultural and economic de-

ted for uses other than retail.

mand for the neighborhoods that large structure malls are located.

Fig. 31. E-Commerce

page | 44

Internet sales have been the main responsible for the reduced amount of retailing

As e-commerce is projected to grow

spaces destined only for retail sales. The US re-

from approximately 10% in 2017 to greater than

tail sales have grown from $1.8 trillion in 1992,

40% in 2026, the line between online and offline

of which 4% ($78 billion) was sold by non-store

will continue to blur (Fig 31 & 32). The physical

retailers; to $4.85 trillion in 2016 of which ap-

store will evolve from being a distribution chan-

proximately 12% ($564 billion) was sold by the

nel to a true e-commerce participant, a hybrid

Internet. With that, the Shopping Malls are fac-

form of destination where shoppers will interact

ing difficulties to be maintained and are suffer-

with the product, talk to product experts and

ing a drastic reduction in quantity. In 1990, there

provide an ambiance which encourages consum-

were more than 1,350 shopping malls in Ameri-

ers to stay and keep coming back. With these new

ca. By 2017, the number dropped to 1,100 malls,

there were 6,985 store closures and a further decline in stores can be expected. In downtown districts, where the population and the number of retail customers are in significant growth, the decline has been much less pronounced than in suburban malls (GARVIN, 2019. 3). According to the US Census Bureau, the millennial generation (those born between 1980 and 2000) is projected to surpass baby boomers as the nationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s largest living generation. As millennials are consumers that chose to invest in experiences rather than products, many mall landlords are being enthusiastic in adding experiential retailers and restaurants, including popular local and regional concepts that appeal to this population. With that, shopping centers are coming to play a greater role in the cultural life of their surrounding communities. The urban renewal is being noted as the influx of welleducated, young-adult millennials are settled in major cities. According to Nielsen (2016), 62 % of millennials say that they prefer to live in the type of mixed-use communities found in urban centers, largely because of the job and social opportunities. So, it is in urban cores (downtowns) and â&#x20AC;&#x153;urbanburbsâ&#x20AC;? (suburbia with a touch of the city with walkability characteristics, mixed use development and multi-family housing) where the demand for mix use zones are creating opportunities to reposition existing centers and undertake a limited amount of development.

Fig. 32. Brick & Mortar retailer market value compared to Amazon e-commerce (2006- 2018)

page | 45

Fig. 33. Figat7th renovation (left) of an existing downtown mall (right)

PRECEDENT. FIGAT7TH

In 2002, Brookfield Properties (company that owns, manages and develops office properties in the downtown core of American cities) has taken a once-failing center in downtown Los Angeles and repurposed it to serve a large number of millennials that now live and work in the area. The original Mall from 1986 located between two office towers was redeveloped into a Lifestyle Center with cultural, dining and shopping hub (Fig. 33). A City Target (superstore adapted to Fig. 34. Figat7th website appealing to Millennials page | 46

city’s center) serves as an anchor retail since a Macys store closed at 2009. The addition of new retailers and food court concepts created by local chefs with a strong presence on social media transformed the space into a kind of “live, work, play” environment (Fig. 34). FIGat7th and its robust events calendar of many arts-focused programs along with the entertainment venues L.A. Live and Staples Center were catalysts to the residence construction boom that transformed downtown Los Angeles into an energized area.

THE BIG BOX ISSUE When operational, big box stores can

money in the construction of infrastructure and

serve as anchor stores for larger shopping areas,

provisions to support these stores. When the

creating suburbanized version of a traditional

retailers are settled, incentives and investments

main street especially when they are combined

often are discontinued. Many retailers then aban-

with smaller stores. For that reason, many local

don their structures (Fig. 35) therefore bringing

governments created incentives for these types

harm to smaller shops and decline to surround-

of structures providing public subsidies for de-

ing property values (SCHINDLER, 2012. 494-

velopers and retailers. They often invest taxpayer

495).

“The sidewalk must have users on it fairly continuously, both to add to the number if effective eyes on the street and to induce the people in buildings along the street to watch the sidewalks in sufficient numbers” Jane Jacobs, 1961

Abandoned structures often indicate

decline, they accelerate the degeneration of the

that the community where they are inserted is

relationships among people and lead to the com-

decaying. It can result in a uncomfortable envi-

munity breakdown; especially in suburban envi-

ronment repulsing people away. Places like that

ronments that strongly rely on commercial areas

often become unfunctional and detached heir

to create social interaction of their neighbors

neighborhoods. When the spaces that provide

(SCHINDLER, 2012. 497).

the opportunity of social interaction begin to

Fig. 35. Abandoned Lowe’s Store Structure, 2009

page | 47

Fig. 36. Bigbox facade repurpose into a Public Library. McAllen Public Library. McAllen, TX. Before (top) and After (bottom)

page | 48

In the United States, the land use pro-

certain design standards, such as roof and faĂ§ade

duced is basically the result of individual devel-

modulation or the use of certain materials. Cali-

operâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s proposals rather than a cohesive and holis-

fornia (since 2011) has been imposing binding

tic city plan. However, this tendency is beginning

measures on big-box retailers by demanding

to change, and some local governments started

developers to provide upfront capital during the

working with their communities to reinforce

construction if the structure is abandoned the

their image and identity. Now, the multiplication

funds would be available to demolish and clean

of greyfields reveals the opportunity of redevel-

their sites. In Montana (since 2003) the code re-

opment of areas into something creative, sustain-

quests for alternative plans of alternative reuse

able and community-based (Fig. 36 & 37). That

for the building in case the determined business

can result in the benefit of bringing a more com-

fails during the permit approval phase. Unfortu-

petitive business to the economic and business

nately, most communities in the United States

climate (SCHINDLER, 2012. 498-499).

do not currently have such ordinances in place

Moreover, as municipalities begin to

and some cities that have regulations in place

understand the negative overcome that big boxes

still have the problem of the existing big-boxes

have brought to their communities. As a solu-

that are not subject to them because they were

tion, many cities began to control their new con-

constructed prior to the execution of such rules.

structions. Limiting the square footage of new

(SCHINDLER, 2012. 500 -501).

developments has been a successful restriction in

There is a common answer to the prob-

Massachusetts. Setting a cap of 20,000 to 30,000

lem of empty big-boxes by direct reusing its

SqFt, for example, would avoid supercenters like

structure for another similar retail tenant. But,

Walmart from entering in determined commu-

due to a set of restrictions, it is not as simple as

nities. Washington (since 2010) started requiring

it sounds. Many super-stores lessors have clauses

in their contracts that disallow a competitor from

JONES, 2010).

lease space after it is vacated. Added to that, usu-

The conversion of shopping centers

ally, popular retailers are located in areas where

into communitiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; assets is reflecting the effort

other successful retailers are already settled and

on the part of many landlords to integrate the

donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t need new stores in the same zone. In cases

retail experience with its surroundings (Envi-

when the location itself causes the failure of the

sion 2020). There are new opportunities to create

business the site becomes unattractive for other

spaces where a wide variety of activities and peo-

retailers. For these many reasons, owners of

ple could coexist. Obsolete malls in areas where

empty big-boxes are often forced to release their

housing is needed and building stock is limited

spaces by lower rental rates (30 to 50% below the

can be transformed into Open Minded Spaces,

peak levels) or by a reduced contract period (re-

places that stimulate unexpected activities that

duced from 20 to 10 years) (SCHINDLER, 2012.

lead naturally to the communication that makes

502-503).

democracy possible (FISHMAN, 2002). New

Many owners prefer to find different

uses such as school, post office, performance

paths than the direct reuse which was found

stage, childcare center, public library, recreation

unlikely or unsatisfactory. Re-inhabitation of

area, cafeteria, art gallery, playground, prayer

abandoned mall structures turned into redevel-

hall can bring a variety of functions to neighbor-

opment opportunity. Reuse the unused structure

hoods and return the private space back to the

for something different from its original purpose

public. A commercial behavioral with a dose of

has been a common approach to secure a poten-

civic activity is allowing customers to reconceive

tial of success (SCHINDLER, 2012. 503). New

themselves as neighbors and citizens again

functions are transforming communities that

(BARBER 2002).

Fig. 37. Interior renewal. McAllen Public Library. McAllen, TX. Before (top) and After (bottom)

they are part of (WILLIAMSON and DUNHAM-

page | 49

PRECEDENT - CAMINO NUEVO ELEMENTARY SCHOOL

Fig. 38. Former strip mall

Camino Nuevo Elementary School is an

dentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s parents that now have the chance to learn

adaptive reuse of an abandoned strip in Los An-

throughout classes and workshops about health

geles (Fig. 38). Daly Genik Architects converted

care, parenting, language training, and other im-

the L-shape mall into a two-story elementary

portant skills. With strong programs, schools are

school that received numerous awards. Despite

enabling communities by strengthening families

the minimal change in the building structure,

and encouraging them to stay.

this retrofit is a great example of how established

As Rudy Bruner Award granted a Gold

communities can be benefitted from specific

Medal to this project in 2003, it was emphasized

pro-gramâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s functions (Fig. 39). In this case, the

the importance of educational projects into cities

community involvement was very important to

as they serve broader community needs (Fig. 40).

understand their needs.

Schools can make a greater difference in social

The charter school acts as a public

development if compared to affordable housing

anchor bringing diverse possibilities for the

or other more traditional brick-and-mortar proj-

low-income community where it was located

ects. Effective schools contribute to skills evolve-

(Dunham-Jones and Williamson, 2009. 71-72).

ment and to an increased passion for learning

It brings incredible potential by creating equa-

that augment the chances of students to succeed

tional opportunities that are able to stabilize and

in their own lives.

reenergize the local neighborhood. Besides that, Fig. 39. Camino Nuevo Elementary School: New patio located on the 2nd floor

page | 50

the educational aspect is extended to the stu-

â&#x20AC;&#x153;The Camino Nuevo Charter Academy is an important community center, providing a reason for families to remain in what has been a highly transitional neighborhoodâ&#x20AC;?.

Rudy Bruner Award. 2003 Selection Committee

Fig. 40. A ribbed structure was added to connect classrooms, creating a shaded area to accommodate different activities during the day

page | 51

2.6 UNDEVELOPED ZONES AND STRUCTURES SUBURBAN RETROFIT STRATEGIES The process of retrofitting neighborhoods is known as an Adaptative Design Process and has been applied in edge cities and suburbs to transform them into unique places with their own distinctive identities. The main guidelines of this process can be described as listed below by Paul Lukez:

Evolve identity over applied identity; Root to place over absent of place; Historical over a-historical; Fig. 41. Many of the homes appeared identical with their ranch-style home. Levittown, Cape Code, 1951.

Temporal over a-temporal; Acquired meaning over market meaning; Community as a place over community as commodity.

Fig. 42. Many of the homes exhibit significant exterior changes if compared to the original homes. Levittown, Cape Code, 2015.

page | 52

These items are strongly connected and

when allowed, try to adapt their environment in

can be identified in projects and arguments of

order to supply the demands of their own time.

New Urbanism, Transit-Oriented Design, Smart

Levittown, for example, reveals a constantly ten-

Growth Movement and by designers, planners

tative to properly fit the form with its use (Fig.

and thinkers that are concerned with the idea

41 & 42). Residents had altered the shape and

to forcibly fit new structures to places. The pro-

the configurations of their homes and commu-

cess of change succeeds when the urban form is

nity to meet their contemporary needs. (LUKEZ,

uniquely matched to place or circumstance it is

2007.15).

inserted. This is a natural process that habitants,

Examples of urban fabric that has been inhabited and altered overtime to meet the needs of its inhabitants point out how territorial control is exercised over a site and its structures by its residents In any suburb or edge city, the landscape is rigorously controlled by public and private interests, strongly influencing on how land is developed. (LUKEZ, 2007.17). NEW URBANISM - THE INSTANT CITIES As the Suburbanism contributed to the sprawl and destruction of communities, in 1980 the New Urbanism tried to fix the loss of vitality in these places in a cosmetic way avoiding class and racemixing (population diversity, which is one of the main needs for vital cities) (MATTSON, 2002). The New Urbanism, as a real estate strategy, became an important deal to promote the public awareness of sprawl, its problems and potential solutions. By advocating the integration between metropolitan and regional planning, the movement re-established the hierarchy of neighborhoods, their blocks, streets, and pedestrian networks. Supported by public transit, it made possible the connection to other neighborhoods and urban centers. The principles of the traditional town were revived and applied in some areas, transforming them into pedestrian -friendly and mixed-use neighborhoods, thus reducing the dependence on the automobile.

Fig. 43. Main Street and Residential Townhomes. Baldwin Park. Orlando, FL. 2017

page | 53

PRECEDENT - BALDWIN PARK Baldwin Park, a neighborhood in Or-

residents in 1,100 acres with a commercial main

lando, Florida, is a large mixed-use develop-

street (Fig. 43). The success of this development

ment that is part of neighborhood-scale mas-

is based on the variety of housing typologies,

ter- planned communities envisioned in the

density, mixed-use areas, green area, walkability

1990s. Based on the principles of New Urbanism,

and the connectivity to the other areas of the city,

compared with similar projects from the same

especially to the urban core. Schools attracted

period - Avalon Park and Celebration (the Dis-

families with children for the area and it is popu-

ney Town), Baldwin Park is the most successful

lar with senior citizens due to the walkability

neighborhood by virtue of its clear connection to

characteristic.

the city.

The diverse housing typology is resLocated 2 miles east of downtown, the

ponsible for a mixed population income despite

area is an urban infill that became possible with

the neighborhood being considered an upper-

the US Naval Training Center closure in 1998,

income region. All of that contributed to the resi-

which left a thousand-acre hole in the heart of

dents heterogeneity, that points Baldwin Park as

the city (Fig. 45). Instead of redeveloping the area

the city’s most successful New Urbanist project

with suburban housing style, office park, and big

and one of the larger walkable “infill” develop-

box stores, the city took an unprecedented step

ments in the country.

by striving for a walkable neighborhood with a mixed-use town center (Fig. 44 & 46).

Fig. 44. Baldwin Park site plan handout, 2009

page | 54

Despite their triumph, neighborhoods like Baldwin Park are susceptible to a rapid

By 2003 the first residents started oc-

economic decline. The characteristic of homo-

cupying the area that today counts with 6,000

geneous buildings with the same age and the

community set of rules, that prohibit new de-

New Urbanism projects are often criti-

velopments and construction renovation, can

cized as “instant cities” and “faux downtowns”.

contribute to the community decay: Buildings

It has been observed by innumerous critics, that

become stylistically dated and suffer physical de-

suburban retrofits are new places frequently in-

cline at the same time and degree. Besides that,

habited by buildings that simulate older archi-

due to their attractiveness in branding and mar-

tectural styles. The architecture language relies

keting, New Urbanism projects are often predict-

on historical precedents instead of vibrant con-

able and less likely to incorporate local character-

temporary examples (LUKEZ, 2002. 15). But it

istics and identity.

is important to mention that these instant archi-

Through concepts of walkability, col-

tecture and cities, despite their stylistic design

laborative mix of uses and diverse housing ty-

quality questions, have lots to teach from their

pologies, it is possible to significantly reduce

benefits as urban strategies. Today, that “instant

the car- bon emissions (by reducing the use of

urbanism” had become necessary to attend the

automobiles and reusing existing structures).

urgent demand to urbanize sprawled areas in or-

Included to that, there is a potential to stimulate

der to provide new residential zones and to create

interpersonal relationships and to transform de-

sustainable neighborhoods by increasing density

velopment strategies into systematic growth pat-

and compatibility of areas.

Fig. 45. Prior destruction : Naval Base, 2009

terns by creating solutions for the social, environmental and economic problems that American suburban zones are suffering from (WILLIAMSON and DUN-HAM-JONES. 2008, 2-3). Fig. 46. Prior occupation: Naval Base, 2009

page | 55

SMART GROWTH - INCREMENTAL METROPOLITANISM The Smart Growth (Fig. 47) and Transit Oriented Design, on the other hand, try to reverse sprawl by redeveloping empty lots by concentrating new development among existing structures. Concerns over vehicle traffic and air quality trigger transit-oriented developments that consist in planning for mass transit and market for more in-town locations (WILLIAMSON and DUNHAM-JONES. 2008, xii). These types of acts of repair and infill connect past and present by placing new buildings with older structures that are possible to survive and coexist in evolving and vibrant communities. The generation of new spatial-temporal typologies can emerge naturally from neighborhoods’ demands, resulting in organic and spontaneous growth that brings unique and strongly

rooted identity to the place. Using existing infrastructures, like constructed buildings, roads, sewer lines, power transmission and others, can avoid extra expenditures and save natural green areas from unnecessary development. With this approach, the city itself can be recycled through lifecycles. Having infrastructures functioning as foundation for development, while short live features, such as retail buildings, can be flexible, constantly reconfigured and reprogrammed over time (Fig. 48). Neighborhoods that are designed to accommodate change, not only create more unique community identities, but also are more likely to survive societal and demographic shifts. The building then, must be treated as a strategy rather than a plan (LUKEZ, 2007.19).

“ Adaptive Design Process yields a more life-enhancing environment where the past and future are contained in the present. The search for new and unusual hybrid building typologies can create building and landscape conFig. 47. Smart Growth Principles

page | 56

figurations that are unique to a specific time and space”.

Paul Lukez, 2007.

1945

1995

Today, successful retrofitting projects

induce compelling public space and are needed

serve as gathering spaces for surrounding resi-

to achieve the critical mass necessary to induce

dents, office workers and occasional visitors. The

behavior change and evolution of the larger

different services, shops and restaurants are able

transportation, regulatory and market systems.

to serve a diversified population functioning as

It is important to indicate that the role

vibrant nodes rather than a truly urban center.

of both public and private sectors are extreme-

Larger projects that donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t plan public transpor-

ly important to allow the retrofit of individual

tation systems to connect the multiple existing

properties and to adjust governing regulations

centers run the risk of becoming standalone frag-

that are facilitators for creating new possibilities

ments in the American landscape (WILLIAM-

for a healthier metropolis (WILLIAMSON and

SON and DUNHAM-JONES, 2008, 10). Areas

DUNHAM-JONES, 2008, viii).

with 40 or more acres are great opportunities to

2015 Fig. 48. Changes of Belmar over a 40 years period (1975-2015)

The three main strategies for retrofitting are (WILLIAMSON) : 1. Re-inhabitation, or various forms of adaptive reuse, 2. Re-development, or urbanization by increasing density, walkability, use mix, and 3. Re-greening, from small parks and plazas, to restoring wetlands ecologies.

page | 57

Main tactics to guide into successful suburban retrofits (WILLIAMSON) : 1. REUSE THE BOX: Adaptive reuse of vacant commercial buildings for new, often communityserving uses, such as libraries or medical clinics, is both socially desirable and reduces waste. 2. PROVIDE ENVIRONMENTAL REPAIR: Restore Wetlands and Creeks that were erased or diminished by suburban development patterns. 3. REVISE ZONING CODES AND PUBLIC WORKS STANDARDS FOR RE-DEVELOPMENT: Make it easier to build compact, mixed-use developments with complete streets, and make it harder to build single-use, auto-dependent places. 4. KEEP BLOCK SIZE WALKABLE: Without careful modulation, the hybridization of suburban building types and parking into urban blocks and streets can lead to oversized blocks and monotonous building fronts. (Walkable block with a perimeter dimension of less than 1700 linear feet.) 5. ESTABLISH A MORE CONTINUOUS STREETSCAPE WITH SHALLOW LINEAR BUILDINGS: Wrappers can be employed around reused box buildings and liners can screen surface parking lots to provide a more continuous streetscape. 6. USE APPROPRIATE STREET TYPES AND REAL SIDEWALKS. 7. IMPROVE CONNECTIVITY FOR DRIVERS, BICYCLISTS AND PEDESTRIANS: Build interconnected street networks to increase walkability and public safety, while distributing traffic and reducing overall vehicle miles traveled. 8. CONSIDER FUTURE CONNECTIVITY AND ADAPTABILITY 9. DIVERSIFY HOUSING CHOICE AND PRICE: Ability to respond to changing demographics; provide more housing choices. 10. ADD NEW UNITS TO EXISTING SUBDIVISIONS: Infilling residential neighborhoods with affordable housing choices for singles and seniors, and increase residential density without dramatically altering the morphological pattern. Fig. 49. Belmar Site Plan. Mall infiil (2001 - 2012)

page | 58

11. INVEST IN QUALITY ARCHITECTURE: Beautiful, durable, culturally significant, and built to meet high standards of environmental performance both in the public spaces and the buildings.

PRECEDENT - BELMAR By the â&#x20AC;&#x2122;90s, Villa Italia Mall, like so

Belmar was designed to encourage pe-

many malls of its generation, had fallen into a

destrian traffic, promote community building

decline. The model of department store anchors

and emphasize the importance of public spaces.

and a sea of parking out front was outdated, and

Density and urban vitality were introduced in a

people just werenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t coming anymore.

suburban setting where retail was weak. Since the

Located in Lakewood, CO, the dying

emphasis was on turning completely away from

mall that was substituted between 2001 and 2012

the big-box mall, only a department store was re-

by an urban, walkable and bus-served mix of uses

inhabited as an office building, with retail on the

and public spaces. A walkable district that looked

ground floor.

like it had evolved organically, rather than being fabricated from scratch (Fig. 49). The main concern of developers, public

This retrofit has been a tremendous positive impact on the entire city and the local community that became stronger and more united.

institutions and community was to make sure the design, program was able to create a livable community and for that reason, diverse type of housing, architectural styles and cultural activities were provided in the existing lot that was divided by 22 blocks. A local brick maker created different types of brick for different buildings to prevent uniformity of faĂ§ades. Today, the vivid space has sidewalks occupied by shopper and restaurant tables; plazas are occupied by adults and kids.

Fig. 50. Belmar: Livable Community composed by pockets of walkability

page | 59

2.7 CATALYTIC DEVELOPMENT - HOW TO CREATE VIBRANT COMMUNITIES. “The secret of building better, more vibrant locations, was not just attracting companies with handouts and tax breaks, but rather building a “people climate” that could attract the diverse human talents that drive true prosperity”. Richard Florida, 2016.

Fig. 51. Vibrant downtown, Ohio. 2017 page | 60

The new population structure com-

a clue of what is wrong about non-urban areas

posed by the creative class has brought a respect

(sprawl, suburbs). It illustrates that the public

for livability and sustainability into American cit-

realm and the civic buildings always were an im-

ies, being the opposite of the old Fordist indus-

portant part of a true city, as the street was an

try that exploited workers and natural resources

important part of the public realm—it was the

until exhaustion. Creative people are influenc-

connector between public spaces (Fig. 52).

ing workplace and society. With that, the places

As we know, downtowns tend to be

that we live are demanding vibrant and energetic

vibrant areas (Fig. 51). They are more than eco-

communities. In order to cities and suburbs be-

nomic instruments, they are able to accumulate

ing able to sustain these communities, they are

knowledge and culture into one place and allow

feeling the pressure to be revived and densified

new ideas, technologies and ventures. As Jane Ja-

(FLORIDA, 2012).

cobs arguments, cities are the vast and intricate

Open-minded places (WALZER, 1986)

collection of ideas and institutions called civili-

are characterized by diversity and inclusion. Cre-

zation. For that reason, city centers are place for

ativity requires open-minded places transform-

universities, museums, libraries and medical cen-

ing them into moral and economic necessities

ters (GARVIN, 2019. Ix). But downtown is un-

(FLORIDA, 2012). Leon Krier’s diagram give

able to change anything by themselves. People,

business, institutions and public agencies are the even after the business hours (GARVIN, 2019.11). As ones responsible to what happens to downtowns the population are settling in dense and central areas (GARVIN, 2019. xii).

seeking for new work opportunities, participating in

The conventional downtown renewal a new economic venture or enjoying the benefits of a through stadium complexes, generic retail dis- thriving cultural center; these areas are being critical tricts and malls are not the solution to reactivate supporters of is large variety of activities (GARVIN, places anymore. A less expensive path to revival 2019.11). including improvement of neighborhood with smaller investments in parks, bike paths, streetlevel culture and improvement in the quality of places are shaping remarkable forward-looking communities that are open, energized and diverse. Suburbs are seeking to remake themselves into better, more livable communities by adding transit, supporting their arts and culture scenes, developing pedestrian-friendly town centers with the best features of real cities (FLORIDA, 2012). By the 21st century, due to the population and social shift, downtown has become a high-density concentration of business, retail, entertainment and institutional activities combined to an agglomeration of residences (GARVIN, 2019. 4) that would keep downtown occupied

Fig. 52. The True City by LĂŠon Krumer, 1983.

page | 61

Downtowns that never stopped evolving or resurged and are persistent through the time are considered vibrant places. Alexander Garvin provided a list of characteristics of Vibrant 21st American Downtown that can serve as a base list in order to create a successful place and, furthermore, attract people that are the main actors and maintainers of a community. 1. Location with major warehousing, merchandising and shipping activity; 2. Successfully thriving place of business; 3. Heterogenous residential districts; 4. Tourism destination; 5. Prosperous concentration of stores and restaurant; 6. Popular entertainment centers; 7. Museums, libraries, hospitals, schools and other institutions that serve the entire metropolitan region; 8. Public transportation system that makes the area easily accessible, while providing convenient, safe and affordable circulation; 9. Convenient and attractive public realm that includes streets, sidewalks, promenades, parks and playgrounds that are open to anybody and provide something for everybody; 10. Concentration of trees and greenery that sustain a habitable environment; 11. District that public agencies (often with the help of the BID) keep safe, clean and attractive.

page | 62

PRECEDENT - FAIRFAX MOSAIC Fairfax’s Mosaic is a vibrant district in Merrifield, VA with walkable shopping street. An aging multiplex cinema surrounded by a sea of deteriorating asphalt previously occupied the site. Located in a suburban area that is being able to develop since 2012 like a traditional urban neighborhood due to its flexible zoning that depends and adjusts according to the demand (Fig. 53). The 32-acre developed area is known as a “town center” or “lifestyle center” and try to recreate a portion of the city center by incorporating mixed-use program (retail, restaurants, hotel, art house, movie theater, housing, and a green park). While most town centers try to mimic a historical architecture, this district has townhomes and apartments with contemporary design. In 2009, Fairfax County created its first community development authority (CDA), a public/private partnership with Edens, the developer. In 2011, the Mosaic CDA issued and sold bonds to finance the neighborhood’s infrastructure, including roads, water and sewer system, and parks using tax increment financing (TIF). “We wanted Mosaic to feel very organic. While we had a design team within Edens to oversee all of the design, we wanted each building to stand out on its own, so we selected a different architect for each building.”

- Tom Kiler, Edens vice president of development on Mosaic Fig. 53. Fairfax Mosaic, a suburban neighborhood evolving like a urban vivid center.

page | 63

Fig. 54. Adaptable Design

page | 64

RESEARCH OUTCOME

Cities change through time, based on economic, social and technological shifts and evolution and its planning must be adapted constantly in order to fit the changing demands. Adaptable design, based on precedents, can be applied to a current need in specific situations. But, since vivid communities are strongly attached to the place, their unique characteristics and needs must be carefully identified in order to address issues through urban and architectural proposals. There are no formulas or a specific list of tools to be applied in order to reach a success that is expected to last over time. Zoning codes must be flexible and negotiable in order to allow consistent structures to connect unique and multiple centers that are vastly present in the American landscape. No work can be considered finalized. The constant movement of society demands a constant and adaptive city (Fig. 54).

page | 65

SITE ANALYSIS

3.1. ORLANDO URBAN CONTEXT As mentioned in the previous chapters, Orlando (Fig. 55), like most American cities, faces the problem of the sprawl that was intensified after the housing shortage in 1945 and suburban developments in the following years (Fig. 56). By that time, the city’s business district started to weaken and culminated with the development of Florida theme parks in 1971 (Walt Disney World). The city divided itself into two “layers” of users, the local and the tourists, thus creating

two unconnected “Orlandos” that still contribute to the lack of a strong local identity. Currently, Orlando’s urban development is exclusively dedicated to cars and there is still no efficient public transportation system in place. The city lacks public spaces, the constructed landscapes have no human scale and no urban connections towards the pedestrians, which result in an unfriendly environment for a healthy living style.

Fig. 55. Orange County Location in FL (left) and City of Orlando limits (right)

page | 68

Fig. 56. Collage of Aerial Photography of Orlando, 1969.

page | 69

Colonial Dr SR 408

3.2. SITE (DIS)CONNECTIVITY

Fig. 57. Site Location and City of Orlando Limits i4

Site investigation began with the areas

Street Districts - see Fig. 58) and adjacent devel-

along Colonial Dr., which is a notable Central

oped communities (Baldwin Park, Colonialtown,

Florida retail arterial. It was established in 1947,

Thornton Park, and Lake Eola). The site selection

stretching the connection between both Florida

was concentrated on the boundaries of the Exec-

coasts and opening up commerce for local citrus

utive Orlando Airport. Despite acting as a spatial

farmers (Fig. 57).

separator of the city grid, it has a great potential-

Colonial Drive crosses the Orange County and is part of the State Road 50 (SR 50) Colonial Dr

SR 408

page | 70

center of Orlando.

that runs across Orlando. It is where a large num-

On the west edge of Executive Airport,

ber of retail structures surged along the road due

between Maguire Boulevard and Bumby Avenue,

to its importance as a touristic and suburban

one of the first mall experiences of Orlando is lo-

commuting route. Later, the State Road 408 (SR

cated. Colonial Plaza Mall, inaugurated in 1956,

408), known as the East-West Expressway, was

was an important magnet for new residents to

designed around 1970 to relieve the traffic con-

the area that was originally occupied by orange

gestion on SR 50.

groves and cattle farms. Today, like other retail

The easternmost portion of Colonial

business sites along Colonial Drive, the mall is

Dr. (Fig. 59) was selected for further study for

underutilized and contributing to the deprecia-

this project due to its proximity to the main ar-

tion and decline of the adjacent neighborhoods.

eas of the city (Downtown Orlando and Main Fig. 58. Site Location and Main Street Districts

ity to be redeveloped and become a new business

To understand the characteristics of the

Fig. 59. Site Location and Connectors page | 71

Fig. 60. Downtown Orlando and East Orlando Figure Ground page | 72

area, a series of diagrams were developed to illustrate the main relationships between the selected site and the city. Initially, the constructed structures were highlighted to define the public domain and its relationship to the portions of the city. Through the figure-ground diagram represented in Figure 60, it became clear that Colonial Dr. acts as

Fashion Square Mall Colonial Drive

a North and East divider due to its design and intense automobile traffic.

Colonial Mall Orlando Executive Airport

Altogether, Orlando Executive Airport, Colonial Plaza, and Fashion Square Mall are ruining the area. The impermeable blocks due to the privatization of access and architecture of its edges buildings are discouraging the city to connect beyond these boundaries and maintaining the adjacent neighborhoods disjoined from it (Fig. 61). Despite the short distances from different activities and programs, the area remains isoFig. 61. Orlando Executive Airport edges page | 73

SPRAWL INCREASED ROAD SURFACES

INCREASED USE OF AUTOMOBILES VICIOUS CYCLE DECREASED USE OF PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION

SHOPPING MALLS AS ANCHORS FOR NEW COMMUNITIES

SEPARATION OF URBAN FUNCTIONS

Fig. 62. The Gruen Effect

lated from the rest of the city. There is no other

quently isolates storefronts from sidewalks and

way to access it other than by roads exclusively

creates an unpleasant experience for pedestrians

designed for cars or through an unreliable pub-

(Fig. 65 & 66).

lic transportation system. The existing assigned

Many of the businesses concentrated

bicycle routes in Orlando are uncomfortable and

along its landscape are a consequence of the im-

unsafe to ride. The bike paths and trails are often

pulsive vicious cycle of the shopping culture (Fig.

interrupted, sharing their spaces with cars and

62) and are one of the greatest contributors to the

absent of shadows and with that it becomes in-

city sprawl over the years. The presence of big-

conceivable to incentivize their use (Fig 64 & 65).

box, strip mall and fast-food structures are for-

Colonial Drive is a wide public space

eign elements to the local business and neighbor-

but it fails in providing a space where people can

hoods that are currently located on either side of

safely walk, bicycle, and socialize. The street de-

Colonial Dr. These structures create not only a

sign is composed of six or eight lanes dedicated

physical but a cultural barrier that reinforces the

exclusively for 2-way car traffic. The edges are

disconnectivity of the area to its character and

mainly occupied by surface parking that conse-

defines the area as a place of transit routes.

Fig. 63. Colonial Drive by Colonial Plaza Mall Picture 2018.

Fig. 64. Schematic Section of Colonial Drive by Colonial Plaza Mall

page | 74

Fig. 65. Public, Pedestrian and Bycicle Transportation

Fig. 66. Private Transportation and Car Oriented Design

page | 75

3.3. COLONIAL PLAZA THROUGH THE YEARS Located 1.7 miles from Downtown Orlando, Colonial Plaza Mall (Fig. 69), one of the first shopping experiences of the city, has been changing since it opened as a strip mall in 1956. Previously owned by Thomas Gilbert Lee, the founder of T.G. Leeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s local dairy business, 20 acres of the block were sold to a New Yorkâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s real estate group that transformed the vacant area into an open-air strip mall (Fig. 67). The daily commute from suburbs incentivized the developing of innumerable retail structures on the main routes of the city, including in Colonial Drive (State Road 50). Like any other strip mall of the modern era, suburbs motivated the rise of these types of structures along roads and highways, which later led to the relocation of stores to suburbs and deterioration of the abandoned buildings in the city. Due to its central location, Colonial Fig. 67. Colonial Plaza - Strip Mall, 1956

page | 76

Plaza was able to adapt through the years and Fig. 68. Colonial Plaza - Enclosed Mall. Parade on the main entrance, 1969 (top) and an interior view of the enclosed area (bottom), 1966.

Executive Airport

Festival Park

SR 408

Colonial Plaza Mall

Downtown Orlando

I-4

Colonial Dr (SR 50)

Fig. 69. Colonial Plaza - 1.7 miles from Downtown Orlando

page | 77

Fig. 70. Colonial Plaza through the Years

maintain the business supporting the city resi-

completely redeveloped, losing the majority of its

dents and visitors.

original structures (Fig 70).

In 1962, with the advent of the air-

Today, the 55 acres site is composed of

conditioning, the mall was remodeled and an

The Plaza Live, Colonial Lanes and some of the

enclosed area was created, receiving the title of

department storeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s original structures can still be

the first enclosed shopping mall of Orlando (Fig.

seen (Fig. 71). The site has easy access to all of

68). By that time, Department Stores acted as

Orlandoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s major highways putting the majority of

anchors of smaller stores which guaranteed the

industrial and business centers reachable within

success and expansion of the mall on the con-

minutes.

sequent years and attracted many residents and

As mentioned before, the shopping cul-

businesses to the surrounding area. Starting from

ture is changing and Colonial Plaza, like many

the 1990s, the functions of the mall were declin-

other American malls, is becoming a decaying

ing with the rise of the Regional Malls like Fash-

place in an area that is too valuable to remain as

ion Square Mall (across Colonial Drive), Florida

is today, an oversupply retail use area.

Mall and Millennia Mall. In 1996, the mall was

page | 78

Fig. 71. Remaining Original Structures in 2019.

page | 79

3.4. OPPORTUNITY ZONING AND FUTURE VISION

Population Growth By 2040, regional population will increase by 47%

Increase by 47% Family Structure • • •

Millennials (not having kids) Baby Boomers (Retired) City or Dense areas living (choice to live in vibrant and walkable centers)

Source: US Census Bureau, American Community Survey (2016), GAI Consultants

Source: US Census Bureau, 2017 Population Projections Bureau of Economic and Business Research (BEPR)

Fig. 72. Seminole, Orange and Osceola County Population Growth Estimate

page | 80

As previously stated, failing malls are becoming more and more present in American Cities. These abandoned structures are opening new opportunities for redevelopment and revitalization of central areas especially in cities that are gaining population. Orange, Seminole and Osceola Counties Source: US Census Bureau, 2017 Population Projections Bureau of Economic and Business Research (BEPR) are going through an accelerated growth to culminate in 2040, when the population is expected to increase by over 40% of its current total (Fig. 72). With unprecedented population growth, underperforming and low-density areas are feeling the pressure for redevelopment and the need for vibrant activities that can attract communities. According to the City Planning Division, the zoning district of the analyzed area equals to the downtown area as an Active Center District (Fig. 73). These districts allow the denser and taller constructions in the city. Also, the OrSource: US Census Bureau 2017 lando Executive Airport is under an opportunity zone of the city. The Opportunity Zone Program is a federal initiative that provides tax incentives. The city’s role is to connect the available funds

with projects that create new opportunities for residents and public mobility. By that, the vision plan is to refocus development towards a diversity of options including housing, office and other uses creating a more customer-friendly corridor by expanding the market for commercial activities and lessening the excess of existing retail structures. Having said that, it is expected that the future of the airport territory will be a compacted constructed and high populated space of Orlando (Fig. 74). Considering that the selected site is located next to the current and future most dense developments of the city (Downtown, Baldwin Park and Airport Redevelopment) and inserted in the unique and vibrant neighborhood of Milk District, the Colonial Plaza Mall has significant connecting potential. Therefore, being possible to transform the space in a catalyst infrastructure that would be able to promote the revival of the existing community and success of the newly established communities.

Fig. 73. Orlando Zoning Diagram

Fig. 74. Orlando Future Growth Vision - Downtown and Orlando East

page | 81

PROJECT PROPOSAL

4.1. CONCEPT The goal of this proposal is to reverse

rooted in the historical preservation and encour-

sprawl throughout an urban design proposal. The

ages the retrofit of existing buildings to maintain

project consists of the reinvention of underuti-

the character and the history of the area. In con-

lized structures and an infill design of the park-

sideration to this fact for the project, the mean-

ing spaces, thus aiming for a compact develop-

ingful historical structures and spaces of the area

ment that will be able to transform the area into

are being maintained, including Colonial Lanes

a productive and connected portion of the city

(Fig. 77), The Plaza Live (Fig. 78), Skate Park,

The location of the selected site is Or-

Festival Park (Fig 76), and older department

landoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Main Street District. As known, the Milk

stores that still retain a few original architectural

District is a vibrant community (Fig. 75) that is

elements (refer to Fig. 71).

Fig. 75. The Milk District - The new Orlando Main Street Announcement, 2016.

Fig. 76. The Festival Park event, August 2019. page | 84

Fig. 77. Colonial Plaza Sign

Fig. 78. The Plaza Theatre Sign

Fig. 79. Project Proposal Site Plan Diagram page | 85

4.2. DESIGN STRATEGIES The starting point of this proposal is to consider that the Orlando Executive Airport is now a new dense and high populated territory of the city. With that, the Colonial Mall Plaza is now a site that acts as a mediator between the long-established residential area on its western, southern, and northern portion (Colonialtown South, Hampton Park, East Central Park, Colonialtown North, and Coytown). Not to mention the new and dense area on its eastern segment and along the Colonial Drive axis (Fig. 79). The design drivers for this project are: •

To improve connectivity for bicyclists and pedestrians;

•

To create convenient and attractive public realm that includes streets, sidewalks, promenades, parks and playgrounds;

•

To invest in culturally significant architecture;

•

To transform the place into a destination for tourists;

•

To build compact and mix-use;

•

To create heterogeneous residential districts;

•

To provide a prosperous concentration of stores and restaurants;

•

To contribute to the concentration of trees and greenery;

•

To propose in districts that public agencies keep safe, clean and attractive.

To that end, it is essential to emphasize that the intervention begins with the reconstruction of the existing structures. Then, the establishment of the activities and conditions that reinforce the character of the place are maintained. And, finally, there is the insertion of the new structures that will bring the vibrancy and density necessary to transform the area into a destination place (Fig. 80 & 81). Fig. 80. Diagram of the project program. page | 86

Fig. 81. Project Proposal Diagram Connections to the City page | 87

Fig. 82. Coy Drive View from North to South - Coytown and Colonial Connection page | 88

4.3. ACTIVATION THROUGH PUBLIC SPACES

As the placemaking movement starts Street (East and West), receive trees and bushes with streets, the first step is to redesign the main along their path. This addition creates a buffer streets of access to the site, including Colonial between the car routes and sidewalks, as well as Drive, Livingston Street, and Robinson Street.

shadows along the paths for better walkability,

On both Colonial Drive and Robinson thus making the public spaces safer and comfortStreet, car lanes are modified to accommodate able to accommodate the range of users. a median and the light rail track. A new public

The reorganization of how the streets

Fig. 83. Redesign of Colonial Drive

transportation loop is inserted to integrate the function is not only a streetscape design but a area to the rest of the city, which is composed way to incentivize the population to participate of Downtown Orlando, the East of the former in civic life, which was weakened during the Orlando Executive Airport, and the Main Street modern era with the establishment and use of Districts of Orlando (Fig 81). Livingston Street cars in the cities, resulting in their sprawl. In this and sidewalks are remodeled to receive paths ex- manner, is essential to make people own and reclusively dedicated to bicycles and pedestrians.

claim their streets whit the purpose to animate

The adjacent streets, including N Bumby the social and economic life of their communiAve, Primrose Drive, Coy Drive, N Graham Av- ties. It is by creating a direct impact on how their enue (North-South) and E Concord Street, Mt public place looks, function, and feel that the Vernon Street, E Amelia Street, and Fairgreen transformation of entire cities is made possible.

Fig. 84. Redesign of Robinson Street page | 89

Fig. 85. Colonial Drive View from West to East - Milk District Portal page | 90

4.4. THE DESTINATION PLACE

The establishment of the activities and existing structures that perpetuate the character of the Milk District are important references to configure a sense of place and to serve as anchor elements for new structures and functions that are being established in the area (Fig. 86). The artistic performances that take place in The Plaza Live, the variety of events that happen at the Festival Park and the different services, restaurants, and business provided by the residents are the main energy that is required to repair the porous and fragmented edges of the site (Fig. 85).

Fig. 86. The Plaza Live Square - Bumby Ave View from North to South

page | 91

Fig. 87. Programmatic Floor Plan

page | 92

To create a density of people, the residential function becomes essential for this project. A mixed-use development is also required to provide opportunities for people to interact daily (Fig. 87). The proposal of different uses in the same block helps to energize the area during different hours of the day and provides a wide range of opportunities for the residents, such as job offers and different housing typologies (Fig. 88). Some of the programmatic elements of the proposal are the central tram station, retail spaces, restaurants, offices, apartments, music

Fig. 88. Project Overall - North to South Aerial View

venues, and a permanent fair pavilion that can promote local farmersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; produce and local artistsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; work (Fig. 90).

page | 93

4 5 6

9 Plazas:

8 10

1. Coytown Plaza 2. Colonialtown Plaza 3. Colonial Plaza 4. Taste Plaza

5. Main Station Plaza 6. Church Plaza 7. Play Plaza 8. The Plaza Live Square 9. The Milky Way Plaza 10. Milk District Fair Pavilion 11. Food Truck Plaza 12. Livingston Performance Stage Plaza 13. Sports Plaza 14. The Festival Park

Fig. 89. Ground Plan - Public Spaces Activating the Edges page | 94

The ground and the second floor are dedicated to public use and are configured by different parks, plazas, squares, and accessible terraces. In addition to functioning as points of reference that can create a new mental map for city users, these public spaces are the locations where the local community comes alive, where bonds among neighbors are strengthened and where a sense of belonging is fostered (Fig. 89). The edge plazas are activated by the perimeter streets and the daily movement of local small businesses, services, residences, the L.G. Dairy, and the Baptist Church. The inward portion of the site vibrancy is maintained by the tram station, which was placed on the center of the block and is an important promoter of the

Fig. 90. Milk District Fair Events Pavilion and Livingston Performance Stage View from South to North

local economic development, as well as a major generator of pedestrian traffic.

page | 95

Fig. 91. West Diagrammatic Section

Fig. 92. East Diagrammatic Section

page | 96

Throughout the public transportation that was set in place, the project creates a connecting piece of these areas to the city. The station is the start point from where people can be connected to the rest of the city or the ending point, from where the pedestrian can experience a sequence of open spaces and a great variety of shopping and service locations (i.e. cafes, restaurants, bakeries, dry cleaners, book stores, etc.) until arriving at their final destination (Fig. 93). Even though the block is not open for car circulation, it is important to mention that the city grid does not interrupt the passage for pedestrians, bicycles, and tram system circulation (public transportation). The project is de-

Fig. 93. Tram Station Plaza View

signed for the transit and enjoyment of people. Therefore, regardless of the fact that cars are not being considered, the visual connection across the block is being maintained (Fig 91 & 92).

page | 97

Fig. 94. Food Plaza - Livingston Street View from West to East page | 98

The upper floors accommodate private activities, including offices, coworking spaces, apartments, and lofts. From their windows and private terraces, workers and residents can stay connected with the different public activities (Fig. 94 & 95). The project permits that these places become engaging livable, sustainable, worth caring about, and responsible for the maintenance in the sense of belonging of their users.

Fig. 95. Site Plan - Terraces

page | 99

CONCLUSION

CONCLUSION This Masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Research Project focused on reversing Orlandoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sprawl issue. This problem is reinforced by a broad number of retail structures along important corridors of the city, such as Colonial Drive, due to the shift of the shopping culture. Decaying malls are opening a place for opportunities in cities that are under the pressure of redevelopment due to the accelerated population growth. As the demand for new housing and job opportunities are increasing, urban change is becoming more and more necessary. The retrofit of these commercial areas is becoming a frequent strategy to create compact neighborhoods and to transform areas as connector elements of the multiple cores located in the American Cities. For this reason, this project investigated Orlando, particularly the eastern portion of Colonial Drive. This portion was once an essential retail corridor that crossed Florida from East to West as the main commercial, touristic, and commuting route of the region. Nonetheless, Orlando Executive Airport, Colonial Plaza, and Fashion Square Mall located in this part of the city are ruining the area. These structures, which are mainly composed of impermeable blocks mostly oriented for automobile use, discourage the city to connect beyond their boundaries, thus maintaining the adjacent neighborhoods isolated. The Colonial Plaza Mall, one of the first shopping experiences of Orlando since 1956, went through major modifications to keep its businesses open. In 1996, for instance, the mall was completely redeveloped and lost most of its original structures. And, even though the mall is located in a vibrant community with a strong

page | 102

identity that is the Milk District, the stagnated program of the openstyle mall is decaying and expected to become a greyfield in the city. For this project, it was considered the fact that the current zoning of the Orlando Executive Airport will allow the opportunity to settle a compact and populous territory in the next decades. With that, the Colonial Plaza Mall site was redeveloped and established as an important mediator between the existing traditional residential area and the new dense neighborhood on its eastern segment. The initial stage of the project consisted on (1) redesigning the existing road connectors, (2) reinventing the activities and conditions that were able to fortify the character of the district, and (3) inserting new structures that were capable to bring the necessary vibrancy and density to transform the area into a destination place. The main goal of this project was to reverse sprawl throughout an urban design proposal. Therefore, resulting in a development that can provide a HUB of diverse activities and possibilities in a dense mixed-use building, including residential structures. The reorganization of how streets and public spaces function assisted in incentivizing the population to participate in civic life and to encourage them to reclaim their streets that have been taken by automobiles since the 1950s. Ultimately, this project created an opportunity to improve the social and economic life of the Milk District and generated a direct impact on how the public place looks, functions, and feels. Considering that these effects can be expanded and multiplied by the public transportation system that was set in place, the area can be considered an integral, animated node not only for the local community but for the whole city (Fig. 96).

FURTHER STEPS All things considered, the next steps for this research will be to acknowledge the need for access to cars to the site. Even though this project restricted the car and car-oriented design, it is essential not to deny the car presence in American cities. With that, the next strategy to the project will consist of locating parking spaces, underground and edges, and drop off areas close to the apartment areas. When allowing automobile circulation through the block, it will help to maintain the area active until a public transportation system is efficient enough to activate the public realm. Finally, another aspect that can be studied and further developed is the design of an alternative format, different from the mega-structure. This design can be established as a gradual proposal to avoid â&#x20AC;&#x153;instant cities.â&#x20AC;? As the constant cultural and economic changes demand an adaptive city, its survival depends on the regular update of spaces and uses to maintain the necessary vibrancy that attracts people and democratic communities. Still, as no work can be considered finalized, it is critical to consider that each proposal is a temporal solution for a temporal issue. Fig. 96. Project Physical Model page | 103

REFERENCES

WORKS REFERENCED “A New Technique for More Accurate Impact Assessment”. Econsult Solutions, Inc. 2016. Broome, Beth. “AIA Honor Award: 25 Years Award Faneuil Hall Marketplace” . Architectrual Record, 2019. CNU Congress of New Urbanism: Baldwin Park. - Accessed April, 4. 2019. https://www.cnu.org/what-we-do/build-great-places/baldwin-park Community Redevelopment Agencies. Accessed April, 25. 2019. https://redevelopment.net/cra-resources/q-a-for-cras/ Crawford, Margaret. The world in a shopping mall, in SORKIN M. (edited by) Variations on a theme park. The new American city and the end of public space. New York, Hill and Wang, 1992. Crawford, Margareth. Suburban Life and Public Space. 2002 Dunham-Jones, Ellen and Williamson. Retrofitting Suburbia: Urban Design Solutions for Redesigning Suburbs. Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 2009. Federal Highway Act. Accessed April, 23. 2019. https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/publications/publicroads/96summer/p96su18.cfm Fishman, Robert. Bourgeois Utopias. The Rise and Fall of Suburbia. New York, NY. Basic Books Inc, 1987. Fishman, Robert. The End of Suburbia : A New Kind of City Is Emerging--the ‘Technoburb’. LA Times, 1987 Florida, Richard. The Rise of The Creative Class, Revisited. New York, NY: Basic Books, 2012. Frey, William H. “US Population Disperses to Suburbs, Exurbs, Rural Areas and Millfe of the Country Metros”. The Avenue, 2018. Friedrich, Engels. Note to: Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels: ‘Manifesto of the Communist Party’ in: Karl Marx: ‘Selected Works’, Volume 1; London; 1943; p. 204. Galyean, Crystal. “Levittown. The Imperfect Rise of American Suburbs”, US History Scene Website. Accessed February 11, 2019. http://ushistoryscene.com/ article/levittown/ Garvin, Alexander. The Heart of the City: Creating Vibrant Downtowns for a New Century. Washington, DC: Island Press, 2019. Gruen, Victor and Smith, Larry. Shopping towns USA: The Planning of Shopping Centers. New York, NY: Reinhold Publishing Corporation, 1967 Hardwick, M Jeffrey. The Mall Maker. Victor Gruen, Architect of an American Dream. Philadelphia, PA. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004 Herriges, Daniel. “Baldwin Park - A Test for New Urbanism”. Strong Towns, 2017. Accessed March 01, 2019. https://www.strongtowns.org/journal/2017/5/31/ baldwin-park-a-test-for-new-urbanism

Jefferson, Thomas. From Thomas Jefferson to Benjamin Rush, 23 September 1800. Lukez, Paul. Suburban Transformations. New York, NY. Princeton Architectural Press, 2007. Main Street Program Website. Accessed April 22, 2019. https://www.mainstreet.org/about-us Mattson, Kevin. Antidotes to Sprawl. 2002 McCarthy, Niall. “ The US Immigrant Population Climbed To a Record of 43.7 Million In 2016”. Forbes, 2017. Millard, Davir R. “The Mosaic District: Urban Village Grows from Suburban Wasteland”, 2013. Commercial Real Estate Development Association. Accessed March, 05, 2019. https://www.naiop.org/en/Magazine/2013/Fall-2013/Development-Ownership/The-Mosaic-District.aspx Reed, Dan. “Stop Hating on Suburban Town Centers. Real Cities Could Learn a Lot From Them.” .2016. https://www.washingtonian.com/2016/10/31/stophating-suburban-town-centers-rockville-mosaic-district-silver-spring/ Retail Trends: 7 Case Studies that Prove that Experimental Retail is the Future. 2017. Accessed March 05, 2019. https://www.thestorefront.com/mag/7-casestudies-prove-experiential-retail-future/ Schindler, Sarah B. The Future of Abandoned Big Box Stores: Legal Solutions to the Legacies of Poor Planning Decisions. University of Colorado Law Review. V83, 471-548 (2011-2012). Smiley, David. Addressing Redress. 2002 Smiley, David J. Sprawl and Public Space: Redressing The Mall. New York, NY. Princeton Architectural Pass. First Edition. 2002 Ted Talk “Retrofitting Suburbia” – Ellen Dunham-Jones, 2010 The Future of the Shopping Center Industry. Envision 2020. Report from the ICSC Board of Trustees 2016. The U.S. Immigrant Population Climbed To A Record 43.7 Million In 2016 Wahba, Phil, “Struggling malls to fall further behind in 2015 – outlook”, Fortune, 28 January 2015. Accessed January 15, 2019. http://fortune. com/2015/01/28/2015mall-outlook. Williamson, June. “11 Urban Design Tactics for Suburban Retrofitting”. Build a better burb. Accessed March 01, 2019. http://buildabetterburb.org/11-urbandesign-tactics-for-suburban-retrofitting/

LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 1 : Photo: Brian Ulrich, TIME Magazine. Digital Image http://time.com/4865957/death-and-life-shopping-mall/. Accessed April 15, 2019. Fig. 2: Special Collections Research Center, Temple University Libraries. Digital Image https://philadelphiaencyclopedia.org/archive/levittowns/. Accessed February 25, 2019. Fig. 3: Photo: Eron Leber. Digital Image https://onmilwaukee.com/market/articles/northridgetour.html. Accessed February 10, 2019. Fig. 4: Photo: Michael Light. Digital Image http://web.colby.edu/ckasprak/. Acessed April 16, 2019. Fig. 5: William H Frey analysis of US Census Population Estimates, released March 22. 2018. Graphic: Metropolitan Policy Program / Brookings. Digital Image https://www.brookings.edu/blog/the-avenue/2018/03/26/us-population-disperses-to-suburbs-exurbs-rural-areas-and-middle-of-the-country-metros/ Accessed April 14, 2019. Fig. 6: Graphic: Giselle Holz. Edited Google Earth Satellite Image. Fig. 7: Photo: RH Windsor. Digital Image https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/sep/10/metroland-100-years-england-original-vision-suburbia. Accessed March 1 ,2019. Fig. 8: Mulberry Street in New York City, c. 1900. Image courtesy Library of Congress. https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/us-history/the-gilded-age/ gilded-age/a/america-moves-to-the-city Accessed February 25, 2019. Fig. 9: Library of Congress. Digital Image: https://www.loc.gov/item/2011593044/ Accessed May 1, 2019. Fig. 10: Digital Image https://www.curbed.com/2018/4/10/17219786/buying-a-house-mortgage-government-gi-bill. April 20th, 2019. Fig. 11: Photo: Michael Light. Everett Historical. Digital Image https://www.citylab.com/equity/2016/03/what-will-become-of-levittown-pennsylvania/471438/. Accessed February 25, 2019. Fig. 12: Image: Alamy. Digital Image: http://ushistoryscene.com/article/levittown/. Accessed April 11, 2019. Fig. 13: Photo: Howard Hamburger. Digital Image https://philadelphiaencyclopedia.org/archive/levittowns/ Accessed February 25, 2019. Fig. 14: Image: Bettmann/Corbis. Digital Image http://ushistoryscene.com/article/levittown/ . Accessed February 25, 2019. Fig. 15: Photo: Calrton Ward Jr. Digital Image https://news.wfsu.org/post/six-years-after-sweeping-changes-lawmakers-re-evaluating-growth-management. Accessed April 29, 2019. Fig. 16: Photo: Minnesota Historical Society. https://www.businessinsider.com.au/first-shopping-mall-us-southdale-center-history-photos-2017-8#/#the-malloriginally-had-5200-parking-spaces-on-its-lot-though-it-has-since-added-more-with-an-underground-parking-garage-2. Accessed February 5, 2019. Fig. 17: Photo: State Archives of Florida. Digital Image https://photos.orlandoweekly.com/38-classic-shots-of-orlando-from-the-early-20thcentury/?slide=2&2view-looking-north-along-orange-ave. Accessed March 1, 2019. Fig. 18: Photo: State Archives of Florida. Digital Image: https://www.floridamemory.com/items/show/145627. Accessed March 1, 2019.

Fig. 19: Drawing: Victor Gruen. Pictures: Gruen and Associates. Digital Images: http://www.gruenassociates.com/project/southdale-center/ Accessed March 5, 2019. Fig. 20: Photo: Victor Gruen Collection, American heritage Center, University of Wyoming. Digital Image https://qz.com/454214/the-father-of-the-american-shopping-mall-hated-cars-and-suburban-sprawl/ Accessed March 5, 2019. Fig. 21: Photo: Steve Rosenthal (top left), : Beth Bhroome (bottom left); Digital Image: https://www.architecturalrecord.com/articles/6027-aia-honor-award--year-award-faneuil-hall-marketplace. Accessed May 5, 2019. Fig. 22: Photo: Steve Rosenhtal (right). Digital Image: https://architectureboston.wordpress.com/category/vol-14-no-1/. Accessed May 5, 2019. Fig. 23: Photo: Mike Blake/Reuters. Digital Image: https://www.citylab.com/life/2017/05/mapping-the-diversity-of-the-creative-class/516171/. Accessed May 10 , 2019. Fig. 24: US census Bureau 2000 and 2010 Graphic: ESI Econsult Solutions Inc. Digital Image https://econsultsolutions.com/a-new-technique-for-more-accurate-impact-assessment/. Accessed April 14, 2019. Fig. 25: Graphic: Statista/Forbes. Digital Image https://www.forbes.com/sites/niallmccarthy/2017/10/18/the-u-s-immigrant-population-climbed-to-a-record43-7-million-in-2016-infographic/#44d2b2105e99. Accessed April 14, 2019. Fig. 26: Graphic: Metropolitan Policy Program / Brookings. Digital Image https://www.brookings.edu/blog/the-avenue/2018/03/26/us-population-disperses-tosuburbs-exurbs-rural-areas-and-middle-of-the-country-metros/ Accessed April 14, 2019. Fig. 27: Graphics: Gensler Architects. Digital Image https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/multi-center-city-model-future-sergio-valentini/ Accessed May 1, 2019. Fig. 28: Photo: Visit Jacksonville. Digital Image https://www.wheretraveler.com/jacksonville/eat/guide-jacksonvilles-neighborhoods Accessed May 1, 2019. Fig. 29: Logo and Graphic: Digital Image https://www.mainstreet.org/mainstreetamerica/theapproach. Accessed March 11, 2019. Fig. 30: Digital Image: https://properties.shopcore.com/properties/onecolorado/ Accessed March 11, 2019. Fig. 31: Image: NationMaster. Digital Image https://www.nationmaster.com/ecommerce. Accessed May 1, 2019. Fig. 32: Image: Yahoo Finance. Fig. 33: Left Image: Gensler Architects. Digital Image: https://www.gensler.com/projects/figat7th Accessed April 1 , 2019. Right Image: Unknown photographer. Source: flickr Accessed April 1, 2019. Fig. 34: Source: http://www.figat7th.com/ Accessed May 1, 2019. Fig. 35: Source: Institute for Local Self-Reliance. Digital Image https://ilsr.org/big-empty-boxes/ Accessed May 1, 2019. Fig. 36 and 37: Digital Images https://99percentinvisible.org/article/ghost-boxes-reusing-abandoned-big-box-superstores-across-america/ Accessed January 28, 2019.

Fig. 38: Photo: Rudy Bruner Awards Imagery. Creative Community Building: 2003 Rudy Bruner Award for Urban Excellence. Bruner Foundation INC. Bonita Springs, FL: CDG Caronchi Design Group, 2004. Accessed April 29, 2019. Fig. 39 and 40: Photo: Architect’s Arquive. Digital Image http://kevindalyarchitects.com/projects/#/project/cnca-elementary Accessed April 29, 2019. Fig. 41: Photo source: Library of Congress. Digital Image https://www.newsday.com/long-island/nassau/levittown-then-and-now-1.13639511 Accessed April 30, 2019. Fig. 42: Photo: Flying Dog Photos/Kevin Coughin . Digital Image https://www.newsday.com/long-island/nassau/levittown-then-and-now-1.13639511 Accessed April 30, 2019. Fig. 43: Photos: Daniel Herriges. Digital Images https://www.strongtowns.org/journal/2017/5/31/baldwin-park-a-test-for-new-urbanism Accessed February 11, 2019. Fig. 44: Source: Morgan Property Solutions. Digital Image: https://www.morganpropertysolutions.com/homepage-with-map/baldwin-park-realtor/ Accessed February 11, 2019. Fig. 45: Photo: unknow photographer. Source: http://baldwinpark.homestead.com/photogallery.html Accessed February 11, 2019. Fig. 46: Photo: unknow photographer. Source: http://baldwinpark.homestead.com/photogallery.html Accessed February 11, 2019. Fig. 47: Digital Image https://neighborhoodview.org/2018/04/16/could-smart-growth-guide-maldens-development/ Accessed April 15, 2019. Fig. 48: Map: Ellen Dunham-Jones and June Williamson “Retrofitting Suburbia” 2009. Pg 162-164 Fig. 49: Drawing: Van Meter William Pollack. Digital Image https://www.vmwp.com/projects/belmar-master-plan/ Accessed May 1, 2019. Fig. 50: Photo: Van Meter William Pollack. Digital Image https://www.vmwp.com/projects/belmar-master-plan/ Accessed May 1, 2019. Fig. 51: Photo: Laura Watilo Blake. Digital Image: https://www.usatoday.com/picture-gallery/travel/destinations/10greatplaces/2017/05/04/vibrant-downtownshopping-districts-across-the-usa/101287518/ Accessed May 1, 2019. Fig. 52: Drawing: Léon Krumer. Digital Image https://www.usatoday.com/picture-gallery/travel/destinations/10greatplaces/2017/05/04/vibrant-downtown-shopping-districts-across-the-usa/101287518/ Accessed March 8, 2019. Fig. 53: Photo: David Madison. Digital Image: https://www.washingtonian.com/2016/10/31/stop-hating-suburban-town-centers-rockville-mosaic-district-silverspring/ Accessed May 1, 2019. And Photo: Fairfax Mosaic District. Digital Image: https://www.fxva.com/listing/mosaic-district/2326/ Accessed May 1, 2019. Fig. 54: Drawing: Duany Plater-Zyberk & Co Digital Image https://leanurbanism.org/publications/lean-sprawl-repair-mall-retrofit/ Accessed May 2, 2019. Fig. 55: Drawing: Giselle Holz Fig. 56: Drawing: Giselle Holz. Collage of digital aerial photographies from University of Florida Digital Collection. Aerial photographs of Orange county. 1969. Fligh 1LL. “U.S. Department of Agriculture. Agricultural Stabilization and Conservation Service.” 1969. Photographies by Park Aerial Surveys Inc. Flight 1LL. Tiles 54, 56, 71 and 73/. https://ufdc.ufl.edu/aerials. Accessed April 2 , 2019

Fig. 57 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 61: Drawings: Giselle Holz. Fig. 62: Drawing: Giselle Hol. Modified version of figure from Centers for the Urban Environment : Survival of the Cities by Victor Gruen,1973. Graphic: Victor Gruen. Digital Image: https://99percentinvisible.org/episode/the-gruen-effect/ Accessed March 1, 2019. Fig. 63. Google Map Imagery, 2018. Accessed April 15, 2019. Fig 64-66: Drawings: Giselle Holz. Fig. 67 (top): Orange County Regional History Center archives. Digital Image: http://architechturalpast.blogspot.com/2011/11/ronnies.html. . Accessed February 25, 2019. Fig. 67 (bottom): Photo: unknown. Digital Imgage: https://swampysflorida.com/?p=3683. Accessed February 25, 2019. Fig. 68: Department of Commerce collection. Digital Image: https://www.floridamemory.com/items/show/82605. Accessed February 25, 2019. Fig 69: Drawing: Giselle Holz Fig. 70 and 71: Drawings: Giselle Holz. Based on digital images: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/59/Colonial_map.jpg - http://mall-hall-offame.blogspot.com/2010/01/circa-73-site-plan-showing-newly.html. - http://mallmanac.blogspot.com/2013/04/no-supply-no-demand-colonial-plaza.html Accessed August, 19. 2019. 71: Drawing: Giselle Holz. Fig. 72: Image from Regional Affordable Housing Executive Summary Report May 2018 Fig. 73: Drawing: Giselle Holz. Based on Orlandoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Zoning Maps (Zoning 02, 04, 08, 10). https://www.orlando.gov/Our-Government/Records-and-Documents/ Map-Library?_ga=2.243188610.1082948871.1576043132-1439798986.1575256461. Accessed August 6, 2019. Fig. 74: Drawing: Giselle Holz. Fig. 75: Digital Image https://bungalower.com/2016/10/10/milk-district-officially-orlando-main-street/ Accessed October 9, 2019. Fig. 76: The Milk District Instagram Page. https://www.instagram.com/p/B1gZiwQFot9/ Accessed October 9th, 2019. Fig. 77: Orlando Sentinel June 3, 2007. Digital Image: https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/269402991/ Accessed August 25, 2019. Fig. 78: Digital Image: https://photos.orlandoweekly.com/27-orlando-historic-landmarks-havent-destroyed-yet/?slide=1&fairchildd-greenlandconsulting Accessed April 25, 2019. Fig 79-95: Drawings: Giselle Holz. Fig. 96: Photo of Physical Model made by Eduardo A. Venancio, Giselle Holz and Travis Johnson.

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