LIMINALITY IN DISPLACEMENT TIBETAN REFUGEE SETTLEMENTS IN SOUTH INDIA
GOPI BHUPTANI 130135830 MA/ad 2013-2014 SHEFFIELD SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE THE UNIVERSITY OF SHEFFIELD
LIMINALITY IN DISPLACEMENT TIBETAN REFUGEE SETTLEMENTS IN SOUTH INDIA
GOPI BHUPTANI 130135830 MA/ad 2013-2014 SHEFFIELD SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE THE UNIVERSITY OF SHEFFIELD
CONTENTS
Introduction
6
Glossary of Definitions
8
Theory ~ Liminality ~ Return
10
‘Successful’ refugee (re)settlements
12
Tibetan refugees in India Exodus and Exile Refuge and Resettlement Nation-building in exile Political associations and activities
14
Tibetan Diaspora In the world In South Asia In South India
18 20 22
Bylakuppe Multiple borders of interaction & self-sufficiency Stakeholder landscape The site - Purang Camp
24 36 38 40
Research Question
48
Methodology & Design Approach
50
Constructing future narratives: speculation and temporalities
51
Constructing Scenarios Partial Return (The Design Proposal) No Return Complete Return
53 65 73
Spaces of Liminality Bibliography
81 88
INTRODUCTION Refugee life is suspended between two places; the place of refuge and the site of origin. The place of refuge is a ‘thirdspace’ in-between which becomes the transitional space of liminality. How do notions of physical and metaphorical dislocation affect cultural and spatial practices in refugee settlements? How can architectural character define such places of ‘frozen transience’ and articulate spaces which are by definition ‘not really there’? The experience of liminal spaces presents a discontinuity in movement and leads the occupant to question their surroundings, thus leading to a heightened awareness of the space as a transformative threshold between distinct spaces. The principal subject of focus for the thesis is the Tibetan community-in-exile in India, particularly the Tibetan refugee settlements in southern India. The Tibetan exilic diaspora in India is distinctive in several ways. Most of these characters have evolved from the threat of losing Tibetan culture and the need to protect their socio-cultural ethos. The settlements in South India were established with a clear intent of creating non-assimilative and self-sufficient communities. While having become one of the most successful communities in terms of self-sufficiency and maintaining cultural identity, they regard their presence in Indian settlements as temporary and uphold a strong desire for return to their homeland. The design explores how the infrastructure of the settlements can demonstrate a strong presence and also nurture the desire for return.
6
“Rites of passage are integral to the life course of human beings. They exist in societies as culturally appropriate means to help individuals transition into their new social role or status. The stories and journeys of refugees resonate with the literature on rites of passage. Their journey includes an uprooting from home which is followed by a crossing over into liminal space. The refugees’ stories and their reflection on settlement and home suggest a process of continuous liminality that articulates the complexity of experience and sense making in the lives of migrants.� (Dam & Eyles, 2012)
7
GLOSSARY OF DEFINITIONS migration 1. movement of people to a new area or country in order to find work or better living conditions 2. movement from one part of something to another diaspora 1. a group of people who live outside the area in which they had lived for a long time or in which their ancestors lived 2. the movement, migration, or scattering of a people away from an established or ancestral homeland exile a situation in which you are forced to leave your country or home and go to live in a foreign country
8
refugee one that flees; especially: a person who flees to a foreign country or power to escape danger or persecution liminal (from the Latin word lumen, meaning “a threshold�) 1. of or relating to a sensory threshold 2. of relating to, or being an intermediate state, phase, or condition liminoid that temporary state during a rite of passage when the participant lacks social status or rank, is required to follow specified forms of conduct, and is expected to show obedience and humility
9
THEORY ~ LIMINALITY ~ RETURN Vertovec defines diaspora as a social form. The most initial reference of the term ‘Diaspora’ was to the Jews, connoting forced displacement, alienation and loss. This was accompanied by a dream of ‘return’. This can also, to an extent, be applied to the Tibetan community in exile. Vertovec describes diaspora as a social form since the emphasis remains upon an identified group characterised by their relationship-despite-dispersal. The ‘social biography of exile’ as described by Dawson & Johnson (2004) is that of leaving, arrival and return. “The focus of analysis is the sense of `betwixt and between’, of being between `here and there’ which characterizes the experience of the exiled, and which is seen to incite responses which centre around the idea of return. However, the experience of return never effects a simple recovery of origins.” (Dawson & Johnson 2004) In narrating and experiencing exile, the betwixt and between, it could be the transient – the liminal quality of exile - that lies between the sense of phases, states and places, as a temporary and transitional stage which is unresolved. Van Gennep (1908) explains that all rites of passage are marked by three phases – the separation, the liminal period and the reincorporation. Separation involves withdrawal from an earlier fixed point in social structure and the preparation to move. Reincorporation involves re-entering society, thus consummating the passage. The intervening liminal period is the stage of transition. The vliminal period is structurally, if not physically, invisible (Turner, 1968). The attributes of liminality or of liminal personae are ambiguous. According to Turner, all liminality must eventually dissolve, for it is a state of great intensity that cannot exist very long without some sort of structure to stabilize it - either by a return to the surrounding social structure - or by the liminal communities developing their own internal social structure. This liminality can be re-conceptualised as the awareness of the betwixt and between, in order to get away from it being seen as a temporary stage in the process of movement from one place to another; as a condition of in-betweenness, a crossroads of numerous real and imagined comings and goings. In most cases of exile, the forced displacement causes alienation and loss, which is also accompanied by a dream of ‘return’. The Tibetan refugee community in India too have maintained a strong desire to return to Tibet and the idea of ‘homeland’ has served as a powerful anchor of their community. The thesis proposes to explore for the desire for ‘return’ is manifested in architectural expression and how and how notions of physical and metaphorical dislocation affect cultural and spatial practices in Tibetan settlements in India. 10
How can the experience of liminal spaces present a discontinuity in movement and lead to a heightened awareness of the space as a transformative threshold between distinct spaces? Is it possible for spatial and architectural expressions to present a sense of stronghold for the community, yet communicate a transitory association with its host land?
11
‘Successful’ refugee (re)settlements The ‘success’ of refugee settlements are gauged using varying parameters depending on the host country. Most cases of success are described with the understanding that the refugee population would ‘assimilate’ within the host country. There are however, a few examples of successful adaptation of refugees in their host societies while maintaining their identity and engaging in nation-building in exile (Cernea & McDowell, 2000). The Sahrawi people in Western Sahara have managed to create a model of ‘successful’ refugee adaptation without assimilation. While they require foreign funds for survival, the settlements are community-controlled and self-managed, without resident experts, advisers and aid-workers. Before fleeing Tibet following Chinese occupation, the Tibetans lived in scattered villages, speaking different regional dialects. In exile, they have aimed at developing an intense cultural and political nationalism. An essential characteristic of the Tibetan refugee diaspora is that in addition to maintaining a distinct group identity, they have also developed and promoted a culture that was suppressed in their homeland, having achieved in exile a ‘renaissance of Tibetan civilisation’ (Cernea & McDowell, 2000). ‘Success’ of Tibetan refugees in India was measured in terms the extent to which they were able to support themselves and maintain their identity. Both Tibetans and the Sahrawi aim towards self-determination and the establishment of an independent, sovereign state. While the Sahrawi have been involved in armed conflict with Morocco, the Tibetans are pacifists by creed and believe in continuing their struggle for a free Tibet through non-violent actions.
12
“People who are ‘out of place’ still have local frameworks that enable them and constrain them.” (Diehl, 2002)
13
Tibetan refugee settlements in India Exodus and Exile Since the invasion and occupation of Tibet by China in 1959, Tibetans have been fleeing to India, Nepal and Bhutan. Increasing political, cultural and religious repression led to an exodus of Tibetan population from Tibet. Tibetan emigration occurred in two major waves; the first one in 1959 when the Dalai Lama, Tibet’s spiritual and temporal leader, fled to India followed by 80,000 Tibetans. The next large exodus occurred in the 1980s when Tibet opened to trade and tourism. Besides these, continued flights occur every year with large numbers of Tibetans continuing to flee Tibet regularly. At present more than100,000 Tibetans live in India in refugee settlements and elsewhere in the country. Refuge and Resettlement The Tibetan communities living in exile in India in some ways contradict a number of academic assumptions, especially those expressing that culture and traditions are ever-changing. The settlements of Tibetan refugee groups in India were deliberately designed to re-create Tibetan society with its core values intact. The preservationist instincts were prompted by the threats of the disappearance of Tibetan culture in the homeland, the disappearance of exiled Tibetans into their host societies and of their culture being diluted with the host populations via interaction. Resulting from the belief that to preserve and maintain their distinct socio-cultural ethos and values they should live in homogenous communities, Tibetan settlements were built around a non-assimilative framework with evident social and cultural boundaries. Because of the desire to hold on to their culture, the adamant delineation of cultural boundaries, contained and self-sufficient nature of most Tibetan settlements in India they cannot be likened to other diaspora and migratory groups.
14
Nation-building in exile The community, while upholding a desire for return to Tibet, also has a pragmatic approach towards the welfare and education of its members. The aim of the settlements has been to facilitate the refugees’ self-sufficiency as a distinct group in the host state. The settlements were aimed at achieving self-reliance through agricultural, agro-industrial and handicraft units. Funds and aid were used beyond simply relief operations and invested into the building of an infrastructure which included co-operative societies, primary and secondary schools, healthcare facilities, monasteries and temples. These are supported by the Tibetan government-in-exile which has evolved into a highly regarded administrative bureaucracy and can perhaps be called a model government of a diasporic refugee population (Ember, Ember, & Skoggard, 2005). Political Associations and Activities Dalai Lama, government-in-exile, progressing from feudal and theological to democratic governance. The Tibetan government-in-exile deals with all matters of governance from basic social welfare of the diasporic community to complex political relationships and international diplomacy on behalf of Tibet. It has close relations with international aid and relief organisations, research and educational institutions and students of Buddhism. These connections and network of support is an important factor for the highly organised nature of Tibetan settlements in India and elsewhere.
15
Image source: internet
1911
Xinhai Revolution and establishment of the People's Republic of China
13th century
7th c.
20th century
1200
1899 1900
7th-9th c.
822
1244
1598
1630s-1717
1750
1850
1908-09
1912
1950
1951
1950s
195
Namri Songzen and descendants unify Tibetan-inhabited areas
Peace treaty with China delineates borders
Mongols conquerTibet. Tibet enjoys considerable autonomy under Yuan Dynasty
Sonam Gyatso made first Dalai Lama by Mongol Altan Khan
Power struggles between Manchu and Mongol factions in China
Rebellion against Chinese commissioners quelled by Chinese army
Russian and British rivalry for control of Central Asia
13th Dalai Lama flees to India as China sends in army to control his government
Chinese garrison surrenders to Tibetan authorities. Dalai Lama returns from India, Chinese troops leave
China enforces a long-held claim to Tibet. The 14th Dalai Lama becomes head of state
Tibetan signs the "Seventeen Point Agreement" guaranteeing Tibetan autonomy and to respect Buddhism, but also allowing the establishment of Chinese civil and military headquarters at Lhasa
Mounting resentment against Chinese rule leads to outbreaks of armed resistance
Upr Lha Dala his flee nort follo 80,0 Tibe
Tibet atsserts independence
1959 & 1960s
1960s
Refugees transited through camps in Missamari and Buxa in the northeast and Ladakh in the northwest, and also in areas around existing Tibetan settlements in Darjeeling and Kalimpong
Refugees are re-habilitated to permanent refugee settlements based on agriculture, agro-industries and handicrafts.
Bylkakuppe timeline
Tibetan refugees at Dharamsala Image source: http://www.rangzen.net/2012/ 08/25/tibetans-in-india-the-case-for-citizenship/
2000
g ment rule
ks of
ce
2014
1959
1965
1966
1970s
1987
1993
2002
2006
2009
2010
2011
2014
Uprising in Lhasa. The Dalai Lama and his ministers flee to northern India, followed by 80,000 other Tibetans
Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR) is established
The Cultural Revolution reaches Tibet and results in the destruction of a large number of monasteries and cultural artefacts
End of Cultural Revolution leads to some easing of repression but large-scale relocation of Han Chinese into Tibet continues
The Dalai Lama calls for the establishment of Tibet as a zone of peace and continues to seek dialogue with China, to achieve self-rule for Tibet within China
Talks between China and the Dalai Lama break down
Contacts between the Dalai Lama and Beijing are resumed
A new railway linking Lhasa and the Chinese city of Golmud is opened. Critics say it will increase Han Chinese traffic to Tibet and accelerate the undermining of traditional Tibetan culture
A meeting of Tibetan exiles in northern India reaffirms support for the Dalai Lama's long-standing policy of seeking autonomy
Envoys of Dalai Lama visit Beijing to resume talks with Chinese officials
Dalai Lama announces his retirement from politics. Exiled Tibetans elect Lobsang Sangay to lead the government-in-exile
Lobsang Sangay rejects claim by Chinese authorities that the Dalai Lama is in talks with Beijing about the possibility of his return to Tibet
1959 exodus into India
Image source: http://www.thetibetpost.com/en/news/exile/4071indian-government-to-extend-welfare-schemes-to-tibetans
Tibet Timeline Sources: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tibet, http://www.centraltibetanreliefcommittee.org, Life in exile - CTRC, Dept of Home, Planning Commission CTA
TIBETAN DIASPORA around the world Since 1959, Tibetans have been fleeing from Tibet to Nepal, Bhutan, India, USA, Europe and other parts of the globe. Tibetan refugee population remains the largetst in the Asian sub-continent.
Canada USA 4,275 9,000
18
Bhutan 1,600
Nepal 20,184 Europe 2,940
India 110,000
Australia 533
Tibetan Diaspora around the world Sources: Sources: Tibetan Tibetan Government Government in in exile, exile, U.S. U.S. Committee Committee for for Refugees Refugees and and Immigrants,U.N. Immigrants,U.N. Statistical Statistical Yearbook, Yearbook, Office Office of of Tibet, Tibet, New New York, York, Australian Australian Census, Census, Canadian Canadian Census Census
TIBETAN DIASPORA in South Asia On leaving Tibet, Tibetans sought refuge in their neighnouring countries of India, Nepal and Bhutan. They have managed to set up ‘succuessful’ refugee settlements in these countries, maintaining a distinct group identity and also developing and promoting their culture. The settlements were aimed at achieving self-reliance through agricultural, agro industrial and handicraft units. Funds and aid were used beyond simply relief operations and invested into the building of an infrastructure which included co-operative societies, primary and secondary schools, healthcare facilities, monasteries and temples. These are supported by the Tibetan government-in-exile.
20
CHINA
Dharamsala Dalhousie Manali, Kullu
TIBET Simla
Pondoh
Delhi
NEPAL
Chorpatan Pokhara Helitar Tserok
Clement Town Herbertpur
BHUTAN Gangtok Ravangala Darjeeling Kallimpong Shillong
Maduwala Ra jpur
INDIA
Mussoorie
Bomdila Tezu Miao Tuting
Manipat
Bhandara
Chamdragiri
Mundgod Bangalore site of interest
Bylakuppe Hunsur
Mysore Kollegal
46 Tibetan Settlement Offices 71 Settlements and Cluster Units 12 Ma jor Agricultural Settlements 21 Small Agricultural Settlements 20 Co-operative Societies 20 Handicraft Centresv
Tibetan refugee Diaspora in India, Nepal and Bhutan Sources: Tibetan Government-in-exile
TIBETAN SETTLEMENTS in South India Tibetan Settlements were set up in South India in the 1960s to re-habilitate the new Tibetan refugees. Most of thses were agriculture-based settlements and later expanded into agro-industries and handicrafts. Bylakuppe is one of the largest Tibetan settlements in India and the first agricultural one. It consists of multiple camps situated across 3,000 acres of agricultural land and has served as a model for planning other agriculture-based settlements. Nearby settlements of Mundgod, Hunsur and Kollegal are based on a similar model.
22
MUNDGOD
sharavati valley wildlife sanctuary
mookambika wildlife sanctuary shettihali wildlife sanctuary
bhadra wildlife sanctuary
BANGALORE
arabian sea
western ghats river kaveri
BYLAKUPPE Madikeri
MYSORE Coorg
HUNSUR
brahmagiri national park
KOLLEGAL nagarhole tiger reserve
The BYLAKUPPE settlement
24
Kushalnagar (nearest town)
er ri riv Kave
M
ys or e
-M
ad
ik er i
Ro a
d
Ingalakere lake
Namdroling Monastery Golden Temple
Nalanda Gurukul International Public school
Tashi Lhunpo Monastery
PURANG CAMP - potential site
Bylakuppe Post Office Serpom Monastic University
teak & bamboo forest
Sera Mey Monastic University Sera Mey Gyalrong Khamtsen Sera Lachi Monastry Sera Jey Institute for Buddhist Studies
Sera Jhe Health Care Center
Sera Jey Guest House Old Age Home CST Golledhala School 2nd camp lake
re so My ri ke
i ad -M ad Ro
Buddhist Temple CVP School
25
BYLAKUPPE Bylakuppe is a small town home to two Tibetan settlements Lugsum Samdupling and Dickyi Larsoe. It was among the first refugee camps set up in South India. It was established in 1960 for an initial population of 3000 settlers. Later assistance by a number of other foreign funding agencies and individuals helped to improving the infrastructure.
26
Mr Luthi was promoted to take charge of infrastructural development in the settlements in Mungod and Chandragiri.
1966 A settlement of 3,950 refugees called Dรถguling was established near Mundgod in northwestern Karnataka
1960 Karnataka State, in South India, offered 3,000 acres of uninhabited stretch of jungle in gently rolling hills at Bylakuppe, 52 miles west of Mysore City. It agreed to accept initially 3,000 Tibetan refugees and provide a grant of four million Indian rupees to execute the rehabilitation project.
Exodas and exile Rehabilitation of Tibetan refugees at Bylakuppe
1959 1960 Following the uprising in Lhasa, the Dalai Lama, his ministers & 80,000 other Tibetans fleed to northern India. Refugees transited through camps in Missamari and Buxa in the northeast and Ladakh in the north-west. They also congregated in the areas around the existing Tibetan communities in Darjeeling and Kalimpong.
1960
1961-62
1962
1963
1961
1964
1965
1965
1969
666 Tibetan refugees arrived from Himachal Pradesh to Lukzung Samdrupling in December
The refugees stayed in tents while they worked to construct houses and clear farmland
The First Camp was built. Farming was initially carried out in a co-operative way
The households of Camp One started cultivating private land
A cooperative society was set up which procured and advanced seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides; marketed agricultural produce; and provided tractors, trucks, & warehousing. It later played a crucial role in managing carpet weaving centres, flour mills, poultry farms and other ventures such as retail outlets in the settlements. In the same year, a school was opened in the settlement.
A special complex of concrete houses was built with assistance from foreign organizations to set up a dispensary with inpatient facilities.
Swiss advisor Mr Luthi planned and executed a number of development schemes including land-use, mechanization, water supply, irrigation and electricity.
The settlement accommodated a total of 3,217 Tibetan refugees
A 2nd Tibetan refugee settlement, Dekyi Larso, was created next to Lukzung Samdrupling The two settlements became the largest Tibetan refugee community in India
Initially accommodated in road-work camps, they were later re-habilitated to permanent refugee settlements based on agriculture, agro-industries and handicrafts.
Tents at Camp One in 1961
Camp One in 1960
1971
1975
1986
1988
1990s
2,200 road workers from the north were settled in the Rabgyeling settlement near Hunsur, a short drive from Bylakuppe
'Material assistance' ended as the Government of India and UNHCR considered Tibetan refugees in India to be economically self-sufficient
A meeting between the respective Indian State Governments and the Tibetans led to the realisation of the need for more diversification to target the needs of the second generation and timely execution of the rehabilitation programs
The Planning Council was instituted to improve the use of CTA’s human, physical and financial resources in the development of the refugee community
Department of Home initited 2nd phase of the rehabilitation and reconstruction work by mechanizing and diversifying the agricultural methods and by introducing micro enterprises in the settlements.
Redesigning the Rehabilitation Scheme
1980s
Constructing future scenarios
2014 In the ideal timeline, the settlement is a temporary place of refuge, a place to pass through. It is a destination for those fleeing Tibet, but it is also a place one must aim to leave in the hope of returning to their homeland.
1969 The increasing influx of foreign funds helped to re-establish in Bylakuppe large monastic institutions like Sera Mey, Sera Jey and NamdrĂślling. The settlement moved into an expansive phase in terms of construction projects, commercial development, and welfare services. Camp One and (behind) Camp Two in 2006 Image source: The journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies (http://www.thlib.org/collections/)
Bylakuppe Timeline Sources: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tibet, Dept of Home - CTA (Central Tibetan Administration), Tibetan Diaspora in India (Rathee, 2010)
settlement 2
settlement 1
Past 10 years’ growth in the Bylakuppe settlement
Settlement 1
Settlement 2
Past 10 years’ growth in the Bylakuppe settlement
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Ins
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Studying the relations with different organizations and Tibetan groups at local, regional, national and global scales leads to the conclusion that the settlements are not ‘self-sufficient’ or ‘introvert’ in the global sense. They seem self-sufficient at the local scale with regard to the ability to sustain without outside products or influences. However, the settlements are connected with multiple organisations that facilitate and enhance their functioning – the relations and networks with global groups are discordant with the boundaries of an introvert community.
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MUNDGOD
BYLAKUPPE
Doeguling
Lugsung Samdupling & Dickyi
11 villages 13,490 residents
23 villages 20,000 residents
Schools
Monastries
Services
Kindergarten
Tractor repairs & rentals
Pre-primary school
Co-operative Society
Primary school
Fair price shop
Secondary school
Old age home
Residential Hostel
Flourmill Dairy farm Shops
Cauvery Valley Project
Central Tibetan Relief Fund
Karnataka State Government
COSPE
Trinley Djinpa Association Central School Welfare Board, New Delhi SOS TCV
38
NCA Norway Tibet House Trust, UK DGDC, Belgium Trento, Italy The Charitable Foundation, Australia
ADMINISTRATION ADMINISTRATION
INDUSTRY INDUSTRY & & ECONOMY ECONOMY
Seasonal woollens woollens Seasonal business business
Shop-keeping Shop-keeping
Restaurants Restaurants
143km 143km 38km 38km
i Larsoe Larsoe
HUNSUR HUNSUR
KOLLEGAL KOLLEGAL
Rabgayling Rabgayling
Dhondenling Dhondenling
14 14 villages villages 3,984 3,984 residents residents
22 villages villages 22 4,171 residents residents 4,171
Skill Skill development development Animal husbandry husbandry program program Animal
RESIDENTS RESIDENTS & & USERS USERS
Healthcare Healthcare Tibetan Tibetan Medical Medical & & Astro Astro Institute Institute
Low-cost building building centre centre Low-cost
Modern Modern allopathic allopathic hospital hospital
Mechanical workshop workshop Mechanical
Small Small health health clinics clinics
Handicraft centre centre Handicraft
INFRASTRUCTURE INFRASTRUCTURE & & FACILITIES FACILITIES Youth Youth Empowerment Empowerment Support Support
STAKEHOLDERS’ LANDSCAPE
FUNDERS FUNDERS
POTENTIAL SITE in Bylakuppe - PURANG CAMP The Purang Camp, was initially a part of the fourth Old Tibetan Bylakuppe Settlement. It is today a thriving organic farming camp. Its location offers a beautiful view of the lake, forests, hills and the lush landscape of Bylakuppe. Though in close proximity to the main Mysore-Madikeri road, it is poorly connected to the larger settlement. The poor road conditions and lack of connectivity deprives the area of easy access to schools, shops, temples & health facilities.
40
er ri riv Kave
M
ys or e
-M
ad
ik er i
Ro a
d
SUNKADAHALLI
DODDAHONNURKAVAL
AVARTHI Namdroling Monastery Golden Temple
MARADIYUR KOPPA
Tashi Lhunpo Monastery
Bylakuppe Post Office teak & bamboo forest
Sera Mey Monastic University
Sera Jey Institute for Buddhist Studies
PURANG CAMP - potential site
MUTHAKUR
Serpom Monastic University
Sera Mey Gyalrong Khamtsen Sera Lachi Monastry
Ingalakere lake
Nalanda Gurukul International Public school
Sera Jhe Health Care Center
DODDAHONNUR
Sera Jey Guest House Old Age Home CST Golledhala School OLD CAMP 2 OLD CAMP
DODAVE
re so My
2nd camp lake
ri ike
ad
-M a Ro
GUDDENAHALLI
d
Buddhist Temple CVP School
LAKSHMIPURA
GOLLARAHOSAHALLI
41
PURANG CAMP
Haleyuru Bus Stop
re so My ri ike
ad
-M ad Ro
Bylakuppe Bus Stop
Road apura
ad a - Bett alapur
Thirum
First Camp Road Junction
Ingalakere Ingalakere Lake Lake
THESITE SITE THE
d
PURANG PURANGCAMP CAMP
teak & bamboo forest
TTh hiri urum ma alal app uur ara - -B Bee tttat add aap puu rara RoR aoda d
NN
PURANG CAMP
44
Purang Camp
LIMINALITY in design ~ PASSAGE ~ CROSSOVER ~ TRANSITION The liminal character of a refugee settlement is manifested in the distribution of spaces engaged with the themes of thresholds, arrivals and passage; in-between spaces, places of ambiguity and transition, a site of passage in which borders, boundaries and thresholds are crossed, indeterminate zones of oppositions and interactions.
46
47
RESEARCH QUESTION This thesis aims at exploring how the physical and psychological quality of ‘temporariness’ is expressed in Tibetan settlements. “Are new constructions of institutions articulated as acts of permanent settlement that contradict the desire to return? Paradoxically, the more established these institutions become, the more they turn into vehicles that can connect the present struggles to a history of displacement and a future of returns.” (Petti, Hilal & Weizman, 2013) It proposes to explore how refugee life is suspended between two places; the place of refuge and the site of origin, and how notions of physical and metaphorical dislocation affect cultural and spatial practices in Tibetan settlements in India. This ‘thirdspace’ in-between becomes the transitional space of liminality. The idea of return poses both a challenge and a promise in a phase in which ‘homeland’ becomes an idea or a notion rather than a geographical territory. Would the action of ‘return’ merely be a physical re-location and a reversal of time?
48
How can the experience of liminal spaces present a discontinuity in movement and lead to a heightened awareness of the space as a transformative threshold between distinct spaces? Is it possible for spatial and architectural expressions to present a sense of stronghold for the community, yet communicate a transitory association with its host land?
METHODOLOGY & DESIGN APPROACH The Design Methodology includes imagining narratives and speculating various speculative approaches and outcomes of the current situation to suggest multiple hypothetical results. The outcomes are perceived by using the complexities of the creation of a settlement, the desire for return, and the constantly shifting possible views of reality. This involves the constructing narratives for imagined Scenarios. ‘Return’ plays a part in spatial expression and in the construction of the multiple speculative scenarios :
‘partial return’
‘no return’ ‘complete return’ “Return is an act that is both practiced at present and projected as an image into an uncertain future.” (Petti, Hilal & Weizman, 2013)
50
Constructing future narratives: speculation and temporalities Speculating a script for multiple scenarios involved exploring the possibilities of the future which at the same time affirm the ambiguities of the present. Changes in networks and international relations also changed in each scenario. The Scenarios : No return builds on the accepted reality of a ‘lost land’. Exile becomes permanent and return is not possible. A mass exodus from Tibet is imagined. As a result, the settlement is overcrowded and stretched to capacity. Intensive agricultural techniques applied to sustain the increased population. New programmes involving skills development are set up. Land becomes scarce and valuable resulting in dense settlements with clear borders and increase in vertical buildings to keep maximum land available for agriculture. With no scope for negotiations, political support and activist groups disband. The government-in-exile continues to function efficiently, though with less participation of international aid and support organisations. Newer avenues for generating income and livelihood need to be explored in which case the community cannot afford to be introvert. Cultural and commercial borders are slackened, out-migration from the settlements increases. Partial return, or interative return, is a scenario similar to that existing in Tibetan settlements in India. It is one in which there are multiple movements of interaction among refugee settlements and also between the homeland and the settlement. While the older migrants uphold hopes to return, those who have been born and raised in India recognise a different reality and aspire for different objectives. Exile not being seen as a temporary stage in the process of movement, but as a condition of accepted in-betweenness, a crossroads of numerous comings and goings. In Complete return, return to homeland is achieved. The refugee Tibetan population return to Tibet. A few stay back in India. The settlement is abandoned within a few months and land is reclaimed by local population. The buildings are however not put to use. Nature and vegetation take over and the structures eventually fall to ruin. These traces of Tibetan heritage remain: along boundaries of the settlement and in the form of architectural structures —as a testament to generations of exile. The Central Tibetan Administration has stated that it is “not designed to take power in Tibet”; rather, it will be dissolved “as soon as freedom is restored in Tibet” in favour of a government formed by Tibetans inside Tibet. All political collaborations dissolve, though connections and goodwill remain. Activist groups disband. Funds and aid decrease substantially. Rehabilitation and humanitarian agencies and NGOs may still be involved, and new ones might be approached for re-construction of their homeland. 51
constructing scenarios - PARTIAL RETURN
53
PARTIAL RETURN Partial return, or interative return, is a scenario similar to that existing in Tibetan settlements in India. It is one in which there are multiple movements of interaction among refugee settlements and also between the homeland and the settlement. While the older migrants uphold hopes to return, those who have been born and raised in India recognise a different reality and aspire for different objectives. Exile not being seen as a temporary stage in the process of movement, but as a condition of accepted in-betweenness, a crossroads of numerous comings and goings.
54
DESIGN PROPOSAL The design proposal is a Social Contact and SelfHelp Centre in the form of pavilions and a tower to facilitate and support multiple functions and also accommodate the functional and temporal changes in each scenario. The lower-most spaces near the ground consist of communal and interactive spaces and lead to more personal, private & escapist spaces higher up. The extreme top becomes a viewing deck creating a heightened awareness of the liminal existence – where space and time lose visual and physical co-ordinates and become ‘endless’ or ‘liminal’. The aim is to design spaces lacking functional definition, allowing the imagination of the uses in the different scenarios, to create a framework containing the varied and unplanned activities of the inhabitants. The same space could be used with very different intentions in the different scenarios. For example, the upper floors are lighter, airier and have an escapist character. In the scenario of no return however, every bit of space becomes valuable, and nothing is taken for granted. This makes the terrace a very valuable element, one of the few places offering escapism, retreat, seclusion and solitude.
pavillion pavillion the pavillion becomes aa receiving space the pavillion becomes receiving space before the passage - it is issolid and ground before the passage - it solid and ground hugging though also with the viewing deck hugging though also with the viewing deck atat the top the top
the bridge connects the pavillions toto the the bridge connects the pavillions the tower - forming aa path which continues tower - forming path which continues upto the Purang Camp upto the Purang Camp bridge / path / passage bridge / path / passage
56
tower tower tower tower facilitates facilitates and and support support multiple multiple functions functions and and also also accommodates accommodates the the functional functional and and temporal temporal changes changes inin each each scenario scenario
viewing viewing deck deck - escapist, - escapist, liminal liminal
private private & personal & personal spaces spaces nearer nearer the the top top private private & personal & personal spaces spaces nearer nearer the the top top interaction interaction and and learning learning
pavillion pavillion communal communal sapces sapces near near the the ground ground
the sunken bridge the sunken bridge
stronghold, stronghold, welcome, welcome, sense sense ofof arrival arrival
pavillion pavillion
57
towards Mysore - Madikeri Road
Ingalakere Lake
pavillion 1
a Th i
ru
teak & bamboo forest
m
al
ap
ur a
-B
et ta d
ap
ur a
Ro a
d
aa
tower tower
establishing establishing connections connections with with Purang Purang Camp Camp by by creating creating routes routes through through && along along the the tower tower and and pavillions pavillions
bridge 22 bridge bridge 11 bridge
PURANG PURANG CAMP CAMP pavillion 22 pavillion
N N
scale scale 11 :: 2500 2500
the pavillion passage bridge
60
the tower the tower
passage
passage
Lake Ingalakere Lake Ingalakere
Section aa Section aa scale 1 : 1000scale 1 : 1000
61
THE TOWER
The viewing deck - at the extreme top - creates an awareness of liminal existence, where space and time lose visual and physical co-ordinates and become 'endless'
Higher levels - on moving up through the building, the structure becomes lighter and brighter and spaces become smaller, quite and more private - meditative areas
Intermediate levels - casual and interactive spaces for teaching, learning and exchange of skills
The Spiral staircase - creating a heightened awareness of the act of passing upwards through the building The Enclosure - creating a sense of containment, caution and curiosity and allowing for vague visions to the outside world Lower platform - public social space
62
scale 1 : 500
constructing scenarios - NO RETURN
65
NO RETURN This scenario builds on the accepted reality of a ‘lost land’. Exile becomes permanent and return is not possible. A mass exodus from Tibet is imagined. As a result, the settlement is overcrowded and stretched to capacity. Intensive agricultural techniques applied to sustain the increased population. New programmes involving skills development are set up. Land becomes scarce and valuable resulting in dense settlements with clear borders and increase in vertical buildings to keep maximum land available for agriculture.
66
2020
2044
2054
Demonstrations for a free Tibet and the right to return
Talks break down. Possibiltiy of no return. Worldwide protests and demonstrations
Tibet borders are closed. Mass exodus of Tibetans into India and other countries.
Bylakuppe settlement
No return & mass migration
2014
2054
2014
2050
The present settlement..... designing to create self-help groups and social contact
The settlement prepares for new migrants and the possibility of no return. Begining of the creation of a permanent settlement.
2060
2085
Preparing for mass migration. the accepted reality of a lost land and building a permanent home in the host country. Architectural character still echoes the longing for home.
Multiple towers to accommodate the various needs and ammenities for the new migrants. New contact centres, NGOs & skill building centres are set up.
Imagined landscape of mass migration & overcrowding at Bylakuppe
67
Le ss pa rti c
ipa
t
NO RETURN
Support & P
With no scope for negotiations, political support and activist groups disband. The government-in-exile continues to function efficiently, though with less participation of international aid and support organisations. Newer avenues for generating income and livelihood need to be explored in which case the community cannot afford to be introvert. Cultural and commercial borders are slackened, out-migration from the settlements increases. nities & pportu More o
68
i diversif
cation
SUPPORT
OOD LIH E V LI
C h Ju ief st Ju ic st e C ice om C m om is m si on iss er ion er
Th e Tib Dalai La So etan ma urc Ad Ch e m Blu ari e B & Re inist tab r so oo le urc ation kF Tru 's eD un st d ev Wel elo fa pm re S o en t F ciety un d
Tibet Aid Tibe t Tibe Relief Fu t Ho nd use Tibe Trus t t The Founda t Tibe ion t Fu nd
on m is si C om
sio n
Ju s e Su pr em
Ti be ta n
JU DI C
AD
B E Lu Y L A K U P P ing g l s un dup g & D S a m soe i c ky i L a r
00 t 35,0 abou lakuppe in By
nt me est e l t t abl t se ishm ent of a permanen li & l to s cation of towers arriva ccomo date the new
e th
a lP
as eK Th
ha
g
p
en
e xil -e
a (C
en
t
am rli
ure ult
on e m ty ati C Ho curi n & ern t n Se ligio &I Re alth ation He orm Inf ance on Fin ucati Ed
stic Mona dents 45% : n & stu d Childre emplo ye 30% : ds & un a m o N 20% : mers 5% : Far
tion Occupa
odus Mass ex
n Migratio
tion
yrs 44% : 14-25 33% : 26-59 yrs
Age
17% : 0-13 yrs 5% : 60 > yrs
India : 64 Nepal : 14 Bhutan : 4
Schools
Education & Lit eracy
School enrolme nt : 85-90% Literacy rate
Ind
ia
ns tio
98 : 1,2 tan 14 Bhu 3 1 ,5 al : Nep ,000 : 110 ia d In
ula Pop
Mundgod Bylakuppe Hunsur Kollegal
la Re al
et) bin
IVE UT C E EX
So uth
t M as be s Migra n from Ti ions ti o mu l ii ltip pav s
e am
-in nt
by
e
tic e
gD ivi ais in
We lfa re/ Fu nd R
IA RY
d
g dup sun ug Dickyi Larso lin e &
GI LE
DIAS PO RA
d ivelihoo ting a l a r e n e e n for g ultur Agric s strie indu o r Ag rts xpo &E g r in cto eav Se tw e e p c s Car rvi es Se sin u b ns ll e o wo er int W
AKUP BYL Sam PE
S
t en er m fi c tl e e of t se far l we
ed ct le
ca Lo
r li Pa
VE TI LA
OGRAPHICS DEM
tions disband
l Aid
er g Pr y fa oj rm ec t ing
L
CO LLA BO RA TI ON S
En
Ho Libra me r for y & the Ag e
t
m lia ar
du an hm ork t Ka w Y n Ne ndo a Lo nev w Ge sco ls Mo usse ra Br ber n Ca yo k To ei ip Ta lhi De
NS IO SS MI
FUN NS DS TIO &A U T ID I T arter of the T h C S e h ibeta y T IN ns ed b n r in E ve n Admin go x l Tibevta o ernment-iistratio ile ntra n Ceibetan G a m s a l a -ex n r a h il e (T D )
g
Protest Organ isa
itu te
N IO AT TR IS IN M
we lfa re or ga ter nis na at tio ion na s lC orp ora tio n
Tib et In
st
er on
N IG RE FO
In
l
er &
al ay an
i ca Polit
l tura Cul
m
na l F inan cia
tre
of vo lun te
Inte rnat io
n Ce
and disb ents
re ovem ultu ist M an C entre ibet Activ al C T s t e f n r r ical gA ter o ultu tio Polit Cen ibet C formin chive ca r ree r jush Karpo-T of Pe ks & A titute du c e s E r Man i n o I t wa itut Kh a Inst etan W lingka tion as tan tra es ib bu on nis i Tibe y of T g Nor M e illa dm A rar 's V ation Lib ar ools ren nd y t S ch elf hild Fou ci e tan W nC n So es ib e eta om ols datio al T Tib n H Scho n ntr y Ce ou eta ter tan nF Tib s e Lio na ute Tib ow ta Mo stit ery ho Sn ya In st mb l mg ng na Sa i a t Na hol Mo pi C os acy g oling an r k H ocr tion le e my amd a De Dem oci rvic er Ja N n ss Se ent & ta be hts ’s A ial C Ti n c e g Ri me So op an Wo an t H um an bet ibe T t rH Ti fo Tibe
n ta be Ti
tio n
Hi
s Ju
om C
e tic
si is m
DHARAMSALA
: 82.4%
Bhutan Nepal India
So uth
As ia
Canada Europe
USA
W ide rD
Australia
ias
po ra a
rou nd the
wo rld
69
NO RETURN
70
constructing scenarios - COMPLETE RETURN
73
COMPLETE RETURN Complete return to homeland is achieved. The Tibetan population return to Tibet. A few stay back in India. The settlement is abandoned within a few months and land is reclaimed by local population. The buildings are however not put to use. Nature and vegetation takes over and the structures eventually fall to ruin. These traces of Tibetan heritage remain: along boundaries of the settlement and in the form of architectural structures —as a testament to generations of exile.
74
2020
2044
2060
Demonstrations for a free Tibet and the right to return
Talks with China Possibiltiy of return to Tibet
Rebuilding Tibet. Material aid and funding ends but goodwill and associations with volunteer organistaions remain to help rebuild Tibet
Bylakuppe settlement
Complete return
Ruin scenario
2014
2054
3014
2014
2055
2065
3015
The present settlement..... designing to create self-help groups and social contact
Preparing for return to Tibet. Discontinuing programmes with NGOs and volunteer organistaions for Bylakuppe.
Bylakuppe and others sites in South India are fully abandoned. Only a few Tibetans remain in India
The land previously hosting the Tibetan settlement is re-claimed by the local population. But marks of Tibetan heritage and exilic life remain in the form of now derelict architectural structures.
75
bu
tg
No
mo re v wi ll & wi rel th re
oo d
COMPLETE RETURN
Support & Pr otest O
The Central Tibetan Administration has stated that it is “not designed to take power in Tibet”; rather, it will be dissolved “as soon as freedom is restored in Tibet” in favour of a government formed by Tibetans inside Tibet. All political collaborations dissolve, though connections and goodwill remain. Activist groups will disband. Funds and aid will decrease substantially. Rehabilitation and humanitarian agencies and NGOs may still be involved, and new ones might be approached for re-construction of their homeland.
76
More o
ni pportu
atio iversific ties & d
n for ge
gD
ivi
sio n
l Aid l Fin anci a
JU DI C
IA RY
We lfa re/ Fu nd R
Inte rnat iona
ment-in-exil e diss ent is o vern GogovernmL h a sel ected i lves a nT w e ibe N t
IS
gra
D HOO ELI V I L
BY
L
PE g
A K U P li n un g dup & D S a m soe i c ky i L a r
gs
tio n
tio opula
nt
et ib oT
in of entire p l ru la bu ilt s nd is reclaimed by locals entua truc & ev tures f all into disuse
ain rem a few
E TIV CU E EX
:1 India
behi
nd
10
tion
ula Pop
DIAS PO RA
Mi
ft ts le siden ppe no re Bylaku in
VE TI A L
OGRAPHICS DEM
Lu
g dup sun ug Dickyi Larso lin e &
G LE
AD
AKUP BY L Sam PE
SUPPORT
CO LLA BO RA TI ON S
AID
N IO AT TR IS IN M
elihood ng a liv enerati e ultur Agric s strie indu o r Ag s ort Exp & r ing cto eav Se tw e e p c Ca r rvi ss Se ine s u sb en l l oo rw e t in W
FUN DS &
S ION UT T I ST IN
g
disband
l
al ay an
i ca Polit
l tura Cul
m
In er st &w itu l at ion elf te eh s are ab are o ilit rg ati mai an on nta isa in ine tio Tib d ns et to he lp
Organisation s
band
Hi
L
re nt Ce
dis ents
n ta be Ti
vo lun te
mate ri from al & m o non -Tib netar y eta n in assi sti sta tut n ion ce & se nd aid s
ais in
ure ovem Cult ist M l etan Centre s Activ f Tib na rt re ical o gA ter o ultu Polit Cen ibet C formin chive ati T ree e Ar er uc jush Karpoof P rks & stitut Ed Man ic a o ute In t w s ka nW on nstit Kh a i g I a t n t a tan tra es ibe orbuli on inis Tibe g of T N y M e illa dm n rar sA 's V Lib tio ar ool ren unda ty Sch elf hild Fo ci e tan W nC n So es ibe o s i l eta om al T oo ndat Tib nH ntr ch u Ce eta an S ry Fo Tib ste et ion e a L n Tib ut ow ta Mo tit ry ho Sn ya Ins ste mb l mg ing na Sa ita Na hol Mo sp y C ng li Ho rac n ng ya dro ek oc atio ce m m el m i i D J a Na De soc erv ter n n s S & ta be hts ’s A ial Ce Ti n c e g Ri me So op an Wo an t H um an ibet ibe T t T rH fo Tibe
sa ion itut Tibet t s in in ed hed ter ablis s i t n mi -es ad e re f l ar se
to Tibet RETURN
n Migratio
Mundgod Bylakuppe Hunsur Kollegal
So uth
Ind
ia
LHASA Nepal India
So uth Po As pu ia la ref ug tion ee fro set m tl e So to men uth A Tib t et s retu sian rns
Canada Europe
USA
Wi de rD
Australia
ias
po ra a
rou nd the
wo rld
77
COMPLETE RETURN
78
SPACES OF LIMINALITY in-between spaces - places of ambiguity and transition - a site of passage in which borders, boundaries and thresholds are crossed
81
The Sunken Bridge RO&AD architects’ sunken bridge in Netherlands, was aimed at creating ccess while preserving the integrity of the site. In this case, the sunken bridge creates a passage within the still water, forming a liminal space of movement, stagnancy and reflection. 83
non-functional spaces between railings and walls - louvres which allow visual access but bar physical approach
The upswing of the deck creates a contained yet infinite space unable to be clearly defined
louvres which filter light - shadows constantly change
The Intermediate Decks
85
The Viewing Platform The extreme top becomes a viewing deck creating a heightened awareness of the liminal existence – where space and time lose visual and physical co-ordinates and become ‘endless’ or ‘liminal’ 87
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Betts, A., Bloom, L., Kaplan, J., & Omata, N. (June 2014). Refugee Economies - Rethinking Popular Assumptions. Humanitarian Innovation Project, University of Oxford. Bonnerjee, J., Blunt, A., McIlwaine, C., & Pereira, C. (2012). Connected Communities: Diaspora and Transnationality. University of London. Cernea, M., & McDowell, C. (Eds.). (2000). Risks and Reconstruction: Experiences of Resettlers and Refugees. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank. Cupers, K., & Miessen, M. (2002). Spaces of Uncertainty. (W. James, Ed.) Verlage Muller + Busmann. Dam, H., & Eyles, J. (2012). Journeys to home and liminal spaces among former refugees. socialspacejournal.eu . Dawson, A., & Johnson, M. (2004). Migration, Exile and Landscapes of Imagination. (S. Cairns, Ed.) London: Routledge. Diehl, K. (2002). Echoes from Dharamsala: Music in the life of a Tibetan refugee community. University of California Press. Annotation: The book is an ethnographic study of the politics and poetics of Tibetan culture in exile, using music to understand the experiences of Tibetans living in North India. It narrates how different music makes the refugees resonate with or against one another, and how the various reactions of different genres being loved, debated, rejected or ignored is a reflection of the community’s relationship with people and places. Ember, M., Ember, C., & Skoggard, I. (Eds.). (2005). Encyclopedia of Diasporas: Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the World. Springer. Gatrell, P. (2013). The Making of the Modern Refugee. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gennep, A. v. (1960). The Rites of Passage. London: Routledge. Gupta, A., & Ferguson, J. (1992). Beyond “Culture”: Space, Identity, and the Politics of Difference. Cultural Anthropology . Annotation: The essay is an example of one of the academic and anthropological theories that are partly proven and partly contradicted by the Tibetan communities in India. The Tibetan diaspora affirms that remembered places, in this case ‘homeland’, serve as powerful anchors of community for dispersed people. However, Gupta and Ferguson’s suggestion of blurring of lines of culture between ‘here’ and ‘there’ in a diasporic world is, to an extent, negated by the Tibetan settlements in India since one of the primary concerns of the refugee community has specifically been to preserve the rich cultural 88
heritage of Tibet. Huber, T. (2008). The Holy Land Reborn. The University of Chicago Press. Kaza, K. (n.d.). The Otla: A ‘Free Space’ in Balkrishna Doshi’s Aranya Settlement. Magnusson, J., Nagarajarao, S., & C, G. (2008). http://www.thlib.org/collections/texts/jiats/#!jiats=/04/magnusson/all/#ixzz0yEL9dx00. Retrieved from The Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies. Petti, A., Hilal, S., & Weizman, E. (2013). Architecture after Revolution. Sternberg press. Annotation: This book presents work by the architectural collective Decolonizing Architecture Art Residency. It presents suggestions for spatial intervention, collective learning, public meetings, and legal challenges to open an arena for speculating about the transformation of Israel’s physical structures of domination. Although Tibetan settlements in India are peaceful communities with cultural and religious freedom, they can be compared with the Palestinian settlements in Israel for such shared traits as those that uphold a strong desire for return to their homeland and a refusal to settle for a life of exile for themselves and their future generations. The book talks about how the notion of “return” has defined the diasporic and extraterritorial nature of Palestinian politics and cultural life. This can help in exploring how the desire for return and intended temporariness of present dwelling can be manifested in architectural expressions. Rozelle, L. (2010). Resurveying Delillo’s ‘White Space on Map’. Studies in the Novel, Project Muse , 42, 443-452. Traganou, J., & Mitrasinovic, M. (Eds.). (2009). Travel, Space, Architecture. Ashgate Publishing Company. Annotation: Travel, Space and Architecture describes examples of manifestation of travel and mobility in architectural practices and the contrast between movement and fixity. It proposes a new theory of detaching architecture from the idea of culture, place and identity to reframe understanding of spatial practices. Turner, V. (1964). Betwixt and Between: The Liminal Period in Rites of Passage. Vertovec, S. (1999). Three meanings of ‘diaspora’, exemplified among South Asian religions. Data & Statistics: Retrieved from http://tibet.net/home/about-us/settlements-in-india/. Data & Statistics: Retrieved from http://tibetoffice.org/exile-community/reconstruction-in-exile. 89