Poland’s answer to the crisis: more Europe = more euro
This article outlines the main discussions on European integration in Poland, pointing to the positions of the various political parties on European questions. On top of being one of the few European countries where the crisis has hardly made its impact felt to date, Poland has even experienced economic growth in the years that big parts of the European economies went into recession. How have these economic circumstances influenced the EU debates in Poland? Where does the biggest Central and Eastern European EU member state stand on issues of further integration and solidarity within the EU? Małgorzata Kopka, Program Coordinator “Dialogue Forum Europe” at the Heinrich Boell Foundation’s Warsaw office gives in the article below a comprehensive picture of the key issues at stake in the Polish debates on Europe. The Polish debate, or at least the topic which is currently dominating the message to the public, can be summed up in the words of the Polish Prime Minister, Donald Tusk, which were spoken to participants of this year’s European People’s Party Congress on 17 October 2012 in Bucharest: “Hypocrisy is when a politician says ‘more Europe’, but on the following day says that this Europe, which is having difficulties integrating, should be divided into two distinct organisms: those in the euro-zone and those preparing to join it. Hypocrisy is when (and here in Bucharest it is particularly remembered) the same politician says ‘more Europe’, and later says that not all European states should be in the Schengen zone. That is the height of hypocrisy.”1 1
http://wiadomosci.gazeta.pl/wiadomosci/1,114871,12690 659,Mocne_slowa_Tuska_w_Bukareszcie__Nie_pozwolci e__by.html
Poland: General Political Background Poland in currently governed by coalition that formed after the elections in 2007 by Civic Platform (Platforma Obywatelska, PO) and Polish People’s Party (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, PSL). PO lead by Prime Minister Donald Tusk is a centre-right party, member of the European People's Party (EPP), holding 207 out of 460 seats in Sejm and 25 in EP. PO succeeded in winning four consecutive elections and Tusk remains as Prime Minister for the second term which is a record in postcommunist Poland. The Civic Platform combines neoliberal stances on the economy with social conservative stances on social and ethical issues. The Polish President Bronisław Komorowski was elected in 2010 as PO candidate. The junior coalition partner PSL (28 seats in Sejm) is a centrist, agrarian and Christian democratic party. It is also a member of EPP (4 seats in the EP). The main opposition party (137 seats in Sejm) is Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS). This national conservative soft euro sceptic party is a member of European Conservatives and Reformists with six seats in EP. PiS position was weakened by the split of its liberal wing in November 2010 that went on to form Poland Comes First (Polska jest Najważniejsza, PJN). The catholic-nationalist group followed and split off in 2011 to form the United Poland (Solidarna Polska). The third party represented in the Polish Parliament is Palikot’s Movement (Ruch Palikota, RP), founded by a former PO leader Janusz Palikot in Oktober 2010. The media have described the party as libertarian, liberal, anti-clerical, populist and left- wing. The British Financial Times newspaper described the party's economic views as heterogenous, ranging in scope from libertarianism to social democracy. RP gained 40 seats in Sejm, declared to run for EP in 2014 and will probably join the ALDE group (according to the last interview with Janusz Palikot on Gazeta Wyborcza, weekend edition 1.-2.12.2012). The fifth parliamentarian faction is the Democratic Left Alliance (Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) with 27 seats in Sejm, a member of Socialists & Democrats group with 7 MEP. After some ups (notably the election campaign of party leader Grzegorz Napieralski in the presidential elections in 2010) and some downs (the corruption scandal named Rywin gate or the last three parliamentary elections) SLD seems to slowly recover under the comeback leadership of the former Prime Minister Leszek Miller.
EU 2012 Policy Priorities: Agriculture, Food and Rural Development
The Greens 2004 (Zieloni 2004) are currently represented in neither the Sejm, nor the Senate. As of 2010, the party has 3 councillors and 2 members of regional parliaments.
The Velvet Crisis In the past few months, Poland has been a constant talking point for European commentators, economists and politicians as an example of a nation which has resisted the worldwide economic crisis. The Polish GDP even managed to grow in critical periods such as in 2009, and to this day its growth remains one of the most important in the European Union. Without delving too deeply into the reasons for this ‘success’, it can be concluded that the Polish market was rescued by intense domestic consumption and structural fund investments which flowed regardless of the financial crisis. These factors aided in offsetting the negative impact of the crisis abroad which Poland experienced due to a reduction in export turnover. For a bigger picture of the economic situation, it is impossible, however, not to mention the growth in social stratification (Poland “overtook” Romania this year), and this will most likely increase under the influence of the upcoming economic slowdown. It is increasingly common to discuss the next wave of mass emigration which affects, above all, the young and the educated who do not have prospects of permanent employment. This Polish velvet crisis, as coined by the Minister of Economy, Waldemar Pawlak2 , does not have the same effect on everyone.
Different diagnoses and different solutions In discussions about the causes of the crisis, the dividing line runs between supporters of further integration who believe that the economic problems are the result of leaving the European integration project unfinished (an opinion supported by both the Civic Platform and the Democratic Left Alliance) and between representatives of right- wing groups who believe excessive political ambition, unwarranted European integration and the introduction of a common currency are the sources of the current problems3. A similar dividing line also applies to the possible and necessary scenarios for recovering from this economic recession.
2
http://www.mg.gov.pl/Serwis+Prasowy/Wywiady/Wywiad y+wicepremiera+Waldemara+Pawlaka/Polska+aksamitny +kryzys 3 http://www.polskieradio.pl/7/1691/Artykul/674094
2
EU anti-crisis procedures are often discussed by the Polish ruling elite. These voices are dominated by approbation for steps taken. Poland supports the fiscal pact and the implementation of austerity measures in Greece; it believes that negotiations on banking supervision are headed in a direction on course with Poland’s needs. Parliamentary representation of the Civic Platform fully shares the views of the government about which it is said – and not only about the crisis – that it has never expressed a different opinion to that of Prime Minister Donald Tusk. Criticism has also not been voiced by the parliamentary left: the Democratic Left Alliance and Palikot’s Movement both support the integration model advocated by the government. In mainstream media, an acceptance of these actions by leading consultants and economic experts dominates the public debate. Criticism comes from the traditional eurosceptics, the Law and Justice and United Poland parties: more Europe in these circles would mean more EU bureaucracy and more expenses from the EU budget. Implementing a common currency was politically motivated and was not based on economic considerations, and it is thus doomed to fail. It is necessary to take a step back, try to work together, but not deepen integration. Public opinion, according to the latest report by the Public Opinion Research Centre on how to resolve the problems of the eurozone, is divided more or less evenly in three theories: “everything possible must be done to prevent the collapse of the eurozone”, “nations such as Greece should leave the eurozone and return to their national currency”, and “it would be best to abandon the common currency altogether”. Support for Poland being a member of the EU remains very high (82% of respondents) and so too does the assessment of the benefits of deepening integration within the European Union (62%).4
First league ambitions The problem which has received much attention and which has also divided public opinion is the matter of eurozone membership. In signing the Treaty of Accession, Poland pledged to adopt the common currency. Joining the eurozone was the statement topic
“Poles on the fiscal pact and deepening integration in the European Union” (Polacy o pakcie fiskalnym i pogłebianiu integracji w Unii Europejskiej), CBOS report, BS/21/2012, Warsaw, February 2012, http://www.cbos.pl/SPISKOM.POL/2012/K_021_12.PDF 4
EU 2012 Policy Priorities: Agriculture, Food and Rural Development
for subsequent governments and it enjoyed an increasing public support until Poland joined the Community. The moment the relevant conditions were fulfilled, there was a lack of political will to complete the process. After the current ruling coalition took power in 2007, the division of supporters and opponents of the zloty to euro conversion levelled out and the voice of opposition currently dominates society – 60% of respondents5. At the same time, Poland has felt the effects of being outside of the eurozone such as when the Polish Minister of Finance did not participate in certain fiscal pact consultations while chairing the Council of the European Union. A missing seat for the representative of Poland at such important discussions made evident that Poland missed its euro opportunity. On the one hand, this most likely helped Poland’s smooth transition through the crisis. On the other hand, it highlights a growing concern that Poland will remain in the second league of European countries. This concern has motivated the Polish government to take intensive steps to ensure that the division, which arose from strengthening the cooperation between members of the eurozone, does not widen. Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs Radosław Sikorski made waves with his speeches, first in Berlin in November 2011 and then in September 2012 in Oxford. The primary message of both speeches included strong support for the European project, for deepening cooperation and integration. In Berlin, Sikorski urged Germany to assume leadership and responsibility for the European market, while in Great Britain he attempted to debunk the myths which constitute the foundation of British euroscepticism. He emphasised that “Poland is determined not to allow the EU to split, to be paralysed, or to allow it to regress to twentieth century politics”6. Sikorski’s speeches, especially the one given in Berlin, were met with polar receptions: from impulsive delight to hysterical criticism, as Roman Kuźnia, adviser to the president on international affairs, assessed7. “Poles on the fiscal pact and deepening integration in the European Union” (Polacy o pakcie fiskalnym i pogłebianiu integracji w Unii Europejskiej), CBOS report, BS/21/2012, Warsaw, February 2012, http://www.cbos.pl/SPISKOM.POL/2012/K_021_12.PDF 6 Minister Radosław Sikorski’s speech “ On Great Britain and Europe”, Blenheim Palace, 21 September 2012, http://www.msz.gov.pl/resource/5155f717-7aeb-42d19a60-be551e608348:JCR 5
3
Turning to Chancellor Merkel, Sikorski expressed the hope that Poland had placed on Germany – the leading EU economy and the largest net contributor. This was also a tribute to the long- term support that Germany has given Poland in its accession efforts and in its integration process. The consensus of Donald Tusk and Angela Merkel does not, however, appeal in circles to the right of the Civic Platform. The primary complaint of right- wing opposition forces is strongly linked to the issue of sovereignty of the Polish state in the integration of the European Union under the “diktat” of Germany. However, while Poles believe that larger countries such as Germany or France benefit most from integration, this vision of being dangerously dominated by larger states is not shared by the majority of the population.
A lack of alternatives? The voice that represents Europe’s left-wing circles has remained weak throughout the debate on the crisis and the future of the European Union. As mentioned previously, SLD and Palikot’s Movement have declared themselves as pro-European parties, however their solutions for furthering integration do not significantly differ from those of the ruling, centre-right Civic Platform. The Social Europe Campaign, which is based on a common social policy and fiscal integration, with balancing regional inequalities and public investments from the European Union’s federal budget in a manner consistent with the economy, the environment and the social needs of Europeans, can only be read about in publications by Political Criticism representatives or at the F. Lassalle Centre for Social Thought8. This increases the dangerous division within the public sphere in Poland between pro-European neoliberalism and archaic nationalism. The Polish Green Party, while remaining in extraparliamentary opposition, calls for solidarity as the cohesive element of the EU, which is considered to be a fundamentally good project, but requires adjustments. “We not only need more Europe, but also a better Europe”, stated Darek Szwed during a debate with MEP Róża Thun9. The Green solution for the further development of Europe is the concept of a Green New Deal – an economic, social and ecological See http://www.kulturaswiecka.pl/node/579 and http://www.krytykapolityczna.pl/Opinie/SutowskiOprzetr waniustrefyeurozadecydujaNiemcy/menuid-197.html 8
7
9
http://www.prezydent.pl/kancelaria/aktywnoscdoradcow/art,69,prof-roman-kuzniar-o-debacie-ntprzyszlosci-ue,2.html
http://www.wiadomosci24.pl/artykul/dokad_zmierza_eur opa_debata_z_udzialem_rozy_thun_w_krakowie_246249. html
EU 2012 Policy Priorities: Agriculture, Food and Rural Development
transformation. However, the ability to promote this important project in Poland is severely limited.
And even more euro The opposition and the ruling coalition rarely speak with one voice. However, the upcoming EU budget is perceived by all political options as the current priority of Polish activity in the European arena. At the same time, there is compliance in striving for the highest possible amount that Poland could accrue and to maintain high expenditure on cohesion and agriculture policy. A frequently cited argument pertains to the solidarity that the old countries of the EU would have towards new member states seeking to achieve higher EU standards. Further discussions on how to use Community funds does not, unfortunately, accompany the battle for the amount of expenditure.
Funds remain predominantly used for road infrastructure and few funds are directed towards innovation, research and development, while the Polish economy remains competitive due to its cheap labour force. From the experience of the previous seven years it is worth learning that, regardless of the amount, projects funded by the EU should lead to the sustainable, equitable and fair development of Poland and a lot still needs to change in this respect.
The article was written by Małgorzata Kopka, Program Coordinator “Dialogue Forum Europe” at the Heinrich Boell Stiftung, Warsaw Office. © Green European Foundation The views expressed in this article are those of the authors’ alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the Green European Foundation. With support of the European Parliament. Green European Foundation asbl 1, rue du Fort Elisabeth 1463 Luxembourg Brussels Office: 15 rue d’Arlon, 1050 Brussels, Belgium Phone: +32 2 234 65 70 - Fax: +32 2 234 65 79 E - mail: info@gef.eu - Web: www.gef.eu
4