Urban stories reader komprimiert by Haris Piplas

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

URBAN DESIGN I/II

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LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014 COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

Micro / Temporary Programs

Ecology / Landscape

Informal / Hybrid City

Housing

Community Projects

Destruction / Reconstruction

Public Infrastructure / Mobility

Governance / Policy

Suburbia

City Extension

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

THE MAKING OF THE GLOBAL CITY Main stakeholders: City government, Real estate investors

(TOP) Superblocks of Jakarta

(BOTTOM) The globalized face of Jakarta – or any given city in the world.

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

TRANSFORMING THE VERNACULAR URBANISM Main stakeholders: local inhabitants

(TOP) Urban atmosphere in the Kampongs.

Santoso, J., (2007). Rethinking the Concept of Sustainable Urban Development: The Case of Greater Jakarta, In: Rosemann, J., (2007) Perma City, Delft, pp.301 -305. Bunnell, T., Drummond, L.B.W., Ho, K.C., (2007). Critical Reflections on Cities in Southeast Asia, Singapore. Friedmann, J., (2007) The Wealth Of Cities – Toward An Asset-Based Development Of Newly Urbanizing Regions, UN-HABITAT Nairobi.

(BOTTOM) Micro economies in a pedestrian-oriented neighbourhood.

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

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ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

MICRO ECONOMIES Main stakeholders: local and migrant communities

(TOP) Impression form an urban market in Jakarta

Simone, A.M. (2012), . Introduction: Enacting Modernity, in: Crysler, C.G., Cairns, S., Heynen, H., SAGE Publication. Santoso, J., . . The Present Of Local Specific Culture In The Future-Globalized Cities –

(BOTTOM) Active micro economies in Jakarta.

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PRODUCING KNOWLEDGE BY READING THE CONTEMPORARY CITY

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ETH ZĂ&#x153;RICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

Land Use Policy 17 (2000) 29}37

Growth, crisis and spatial change: a study of haphazard urbanisation in Jakarta, Indonesia Charles Goldblum!, Tai-Chee Wong"!* !Institut Francais d'Urbanisme, University of Paris VIII, 4 rue Nobel, Cite Descartes, 77420 Champs Sur Marne, France "Division of Geography, Nanyang Technological University, 469 Bukit Timah Road, Singapore 259756, Singapore

Abstract The 1997 economic crisis in Indonesia has a close relationship with the e!ects of globalisation as characterised by in#ows of industrial and "nancial capital, originating from the global shift since the 1980s. In Jakarta especially, metropolitan expansion has witnessed substantial in#ow of international capital into property-development activities. The crisis in Jakarta is characterised by a typical suburbanisation sprawl along development corridors extending beyond the scope of its Master Plan. Both the public and private sectors have been associated in the development programmes whereby a large number of new towns and industrial estates have been constructed. Adverse e!ects are obvious as a result of ine!ective urban management and a lack in infrastructure and commitment to the planning principles. Jakarta's CBD expansion has also initiated the move of industries and low-income groups towards the peripheral zones. Consequently, the traditional urban villages face demolition, replaced by more lucrative and intensive land use. The kampung restructuring policy, once a symbol of social welfare, has virtually stopped to function under the impact of the globalisation and international capital. The high vulnerability of the speculative property market and its inherent urban problems question the sustainability of the Indonesian economic growth model. Educational upgrading, however, is seen as one of the fundamentals for supporting this model. ! 2000 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Globalisation; Centre-periphery; Urbanisation; Crisis; Land-use; Speculation; Spatial e!ects

Introduction Before the outbreak of the Southeast Asian crisis in July 1997, the economic prospect of Indonesia appeared to many to be quite promising despite the well-acknowledged ine$ciency of its public services and widespread urban poverty. Optimistic views that Indonesia was about to join the newly industrialising nations were not rare (for example, see Yeung and Lo, 1996). The 1997 crisis hit Indonesia really hard and for more than two years from the downfall of Suharto to the election of a new president Abdurrahman Wahid in November 1999, there have been persistent riots, ethnic and religious violence, and the re-emergence of regional claims of greater autonomy or even independence. Economic recovery is far from being obvious. Almost all these disturbances have an urban origin.

* Corresponding author. Tel.: #65-460-5168; fax: #65-469-2427. E-mail address: tcwong@nie.edu.sg (T.-C. Wong)

This paper examines a speci"c issue of haphazard urbanisation and spatial change in Jakarta and its adjoining districts where the impact of the crisis is most signi"cant. In the analysis, the hypothesis whether peripheralisation or marginalisation of the globalisation process is directly associated with Jakarta's urban development is used as the theoretical framework. The framework assumes that with a dominating economic and "nancial status and a population of 10 million, Jakarta's metropolising sphere is responsible for a great scope of in#uence nation-wide, but the capital city itself is in#uenced by its integration in a supra-national urban network of East Asia (Goldblum, 1996a). Jakarta and its network extension have required us to consider the emergence of a new centre-periphery system, as well as con#icts arising between this system, which imposes stringent demands, and those in charge of Indonesia's politics and administration in Jakarta. This two-dimensional problem is centred around the urban &territoriality' issue characterised by economic #ows, and a property investment process which seemingly ignores the limitations of politics over territorial development.

C. Goldblum, T.-C. Wong / Land Use Policy 17 (2000) 29}37

For understanding this issue, the globalisation impact which has led to a dynamic physical land-use change including a rapid residential and industrial suburbanisation is "rst investigated. Marginalised urbanisation and urban dynamics in the globalisation process Since globalisation began to accelerate in the 1980s, its e!ects have been widely analysed (see Henderson, 1989). Hessler (1993) has demonstrated that going global has advantages, given that a world-wide strategy is conducive to working out an organised plan for products, marketing, logistics and research and development, selection of strategic alliances, reducing the negative e!ects of time and distance, enjoying the sensitivity of the local customer needs and greater opportunities for new applications and services. Dramatic restructuring has taken place by multinational corporations (MNCs) in accommodating new requirements in the production systems which are persistently changing nature (Thrift, 1996; Coffey, 1996; Daniels, 1996; Sassen, 1995). In competitive globalised markets, many MNCs from developed countries have to rely increasingly on international customers to derive the bulk of their revenues. Daniels (1996) asserts that there are four driving forces in the globalisation of production, namely the search for market, cost reduction, competition enhancement through sub-contracting in overseas locations specialising in producing components of quality, and "nally favourable government policies to foreign direct investments (FDI). Obviously globalisation requires MNCs to establish strategic alliances in which co-operation from business partners is a crucial factor of success or failure. Nonetheless, strategic alliances in peripheral countries may merely involve sales and management partners, whose local investment interests may still be focused on the lucrative property development with fast returns. Here, there is conversion process in turning revenues acquired from business links with MNCs to property development where market is predominantly local. Global links and their ewects on peripheral metropolitan centres As mentioned above, economic globalisation is an extended stage of world capitalism. Its processes which in#uence changes in FDI recipient territories have originated in developed countries. Global links o!er growth opportunities but could create setbacks. A good example is demonstrated by the burst of the economic bubble in Thailand in July 1997 as a result of excessive capital surplus and low interest rates, ignited by collapse of the housing market due to falling demand mainly in Bangkok and its surrounding provinces (Goldblum, 1998).

In retrospect, economic globalisation accelerated in the aftermath of the 1974 oil crisis, leading to widespread recession in developed countries, which saw internationalisation of "rms as an outlet from domestic impasse (Drakakis-Smith, 1996). What followed were rising international "nancial #ows from the developed core to selected peripheral countries as overseas ventures expanded. Bene"ting from the crisis as a key regional oil producer, Indonesia became more exposed to external capital penetration and manufacturing investments. Huge oil gains accumulated throughout the 1970s and 1980s also encouraged Indonesia to import greater volumes of capital goods and allocate more resources for infrastructure and support agricultural activities. More signi"cantly, there was a resultant expansion of stateowned and private "nancial institutions which were later found to be heavily involved in the rampant government}private land speculative activities until the outbreak of the crisis in 1997. In assessing the impact of economic globalisation, Sassen (1995, pp. 38}56) observes that the "nancial sector which can generate more pro"t than manufacturing as a whole has the potential to impose through international transactions `a new valorisation dynamic, often with devastating e!ects on large sectors of the urban economya. Two spatial e!ects that may arise are those of centrality and marginality in the international shift of manufacturing and "nancial transactions. In the developed core, on one hand, it could result in a rising concentration of economic power in global cities against a decline of its old manufacturing centres being marginalised. On the other hand, major urban centres in selected developing or peripheral zones receiving manufacturing investment from the deindustrialising core would witness the transfer of this marginality from core to periphery. In Southeast Asia, foreign manufacturing capital has been most concentrated in capital cities with high indexes of primacy which have seen a rapid rise in their position in the national economic power (Wong, 1999). Nonetheless, in the recipient peripheral countries such as Indonesia, the generally low-skilled and labour-intensive manufacturing plants generate relatively low levels of pro"t. This is also true of the limited scope of producer services (legal, "nancial, consulting, advertising, marketing, production technology, design etc) which fail to operate e!ectively due to the lack of strong middle classes and domestic industrial entrepreneurs. Consequently, major cities such as Jakarta which have deregulated their "nancial system for international transactions have inevitably seen a considerable level of real-estate speculation facilitated by easy access to bank loans. Financial capital from East Asia to Indonesia From the 1980s, the property market mechanism in Jakarta has been considerably a!ected by in#ow of

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capital from Japan and the four &newly industrialising economies' (South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore). By Wallerstein's classi"cation, these are semi-peripheral economies lying between the core and periphery and they have an expansive nature of capital accumulation like the core (Hout, 1993, pp. 113}114). This nature is characteristically re#ected by their property "rms' activities whose &insecure position' as late comers encourages them to compete to survive in a coredominating global market. Speculative activities in the property market are part and parcel of their production processes. The spatial dynamics as a result of global "nancial movements are therefore dictated by outcome of investment evaluation, land availability in selected urban sites and the assessed gain in the land and property market. It is a complex mechanism involving, for instance, physical planning decision-making processes * urban dispersal or decentralisation, ease of tra$c #ows along potentially congested growth corridors, need for residential zones to accommodate workers in the formal and informal sectors who will participate actively in the economic diversi"cation strategy in favour of industrialisation as a response to manufacturing shift of the multinational corporations from core to periphery. Within Jakarta and its adjoining rapidly urbanising and industrialising districts, a new core-periphery relationship has similarly appeared, marked by di!erent social forces including the urban poor, government authority and the private developers. This global/local dialectic relationship (Dear and Flusty, 1998) is now discussed in the context of Jakarta.

in national unity. Incorporation of the national ideology, placed under &unity in diversity', as a place "lled with symbols of sovereignty and prestige, Jakarta is distinct from the other large Indonesian cities in this aspect. It also enjoys an administrative status accorded by a 1974 decree, as a special territory covering "ve municipalities in an &autonomous' region of 650 square kilometres managed by a governor. As the capital city, Jakarta bene"ts from its special position and is earmarked as a special city region deserving protection and safeguarding from outside intrusion, similar to any national territory. This feature corresponds with the &closed city' concept which Jakarta's governor, Ali Sadikin, tried to put into practice in 1970 within the &new order' (Orde baru) framework whilst undertaking an open and economically liberal policy. Indeed, the kampung restructuring policy, a symbol of social welfare, represents supposedly a pribumi image of the city administration and "gures as a counterpart to social control. Nevertheless, the policy currently falls within the &regional' #ows and international investments including those in the internationalised and sensitive property market, a strong indication of the capital city's extensive spatial development distinct from other parts of the country. It appears like a re-emergence of pre-colonial port cities in the archipelago, where local people and foreign traders were ruled by a distinct power system. Under present circumstances marked by a heavy multinational in#uence upon local centralised politics, how would this trend a!ect the function of the capital city as a symbol of national unity?

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subdivided land parcels have given way to large development companies strongly linked to "nancial conglomerates which are a business circle of the Chinese diaspora in favour of an open policy and economic deregulation (Bouteiller, 1997; Trolliet, 1994). Their scope of development varies, ranging from sale of hundreds of hectares of residential plots to thousand-hectare new town developments. Development has extended beyond the administrative boundary of the Jakarta Special Region, transforming the adjoining districts (Botabek: Bogor, Tangerang and Bekasi) into its privileged development area. Hence, between 1991 and mid-1992, Bekasi District alone recorded 235 private housing development projects * a total of 500,000 housing units were constructed in an area of over 8000 ha. The development trend becomes clear when the land area used for some 30 new town projects is considered. For instance, to the west of Jakarta in the Tangerang District, Serpong has taken up 6000 ha, and Tigaraksa 3100 ha. To the east of Jakarta in the Bekasi District, Cikarang Baru adjoining Cikarang stretches over 5400 ha, and Bekasi 2000 an area of 2000 ha (see Fig. 1). The middle and higher-income groups are key targets of these housing projects. New towns are often built adjacent to industrial estates. Service-oriented facilities such as hotels and o$ces in Lippo Cikarang are welcomed in new towns, and even exclusive leisure facilities like the golf course in Cikarang Baru are no exception (Djoko, 1996).

An urban development between regulation and deregulation This economic and spatial dynamic is not just a consequence of private property developments. The dynamic is fundamentally facilitated by government policies involving the public sector to provide large infrastructure projects. Such large projects are the follow-up actions of the urban development programme adopted by the Fourth National Development Plan (Repelita IV, 1984}1989). To an extent, their development falls within the jurisdiction of the Jabotabek Metropolitan Development Plan of 1981, from which the Master Plan of Jakarta DKI 1985}2005 is derived. Fig. 1 shows the hierarchical growth centres proposed by this Master Plan for the Jabotabek Metropolitan Region which comprises the Jakarta Special Region and the three adjoining districts. One of the major tasks as de"ned by this planning document aims to release load along the Jakarta}Bogor north-south axis, Jakarta's growth corridor, a projected heavily used route leading towards the capital and contributing to environmental degradation (water pollution, erosion, subsidence). To this end, the planning intention is to impose a balance on the east}west axis by strengthening its focus on the Bekasi District to the east, and on the Tangerang District in the west of the capital city. This strategic action involves the government authorities directly in road infrastructure provision, notably toll highways linking key axes of development, as well as to an

Jakarta and its three adjoining districts Jakarta: a high-risk property development centre Being the capital of a vast insular and multicultural state, Jakarta has been known for a long time for its particularity among the Southeast Asian capital cities, which links its large population size with its particular feature earning it a name as a `conglomerate of villagesa. This has been so in terms of economic #ows and in its relation to the territory under its sphere of in#uence. With a long tradition as a Javanese centre of trade, Jakarta became a major seaport during the Batavia times and also a strategic place in the expansion of the Dutch colonial rule. Located in the middle of a large group of islands which were to form the world's largest archipelago-state (Charras, 1995), the future capital city of Indonesia was then exposed to the speci"c di$culties encountered in unifying lands dispersed and culturally diverse, as well as in organising their economic space in accordance with the Dutch protectionism. After Indonesia's independence, the country's con#icts with its neighbours (notably during the &confrontation' against the formation of Malaysia in 1963), and domestic political tensions have reinforced Jakarta's representative role

The present Jakarta and its extended surrounding zone (known as Jabotabek comprising Jakarta, Bogor, Tangerang and Bekasi) cover a total of 7500 km!. This extended metropolitan area is exposed to both economic and urban crises as a result of the accelerated sprawl and suburbanisation, the great magnitude of construction activities and a discontinuity between physical development and social conditions. Hardly 20 years ago, private housing development in Indonesian cities was still weak, characterised by insu$cient support in the sector such as limited capability of developers, lack in demand and a complex land market system. The oil sector, which was then dominating the national economy but was poorly redistributive, made local capitalists hesitant to move into the property market (Goldblum, 1987). Up to the present, supported by economic growth in the last 20 years, a diversi"ed economy adopted as an &anti-oil shock' measure in 1982 as well as an expansion of middle-income groups, property development takes a dominating role, ignoring all risks of oversupply (Bouteiller and Fouquier, 1995). From then on, pioneer players active in sales of

Fig. 1. Jakarta Special Region (DKI) and the Three Adjoining Districts.

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integrated new town to be built in an area of 1300 ha in Bekasi. Apparently this form of suburban development is a typical feature in the Southeast Asian countries on their way in joining the newly industrialising nations &club'. It is also the symbol in integrating urban development with the diversi"cation strategy of the big conglomerates (e.g. Salim Group, Lippo Group), indeed a diversi"cation whereby new towns and industrial zones are physically integrated at a high level. The basic feature, however, is that in this economic diversi"cation process, all initiatives come from the government authorities. Since the 1980s, policy has aimed to free Indonesia from its overwhelming dependence on oil revenues by promoting manufactured exports such as textiles, electric and electronic goods, metal and chemical products. As a result of the policy, the State welcomes industrial investments in the fringe of Jakarta along Botabek and beyond for manufacturing activities previously concentrated in the capital or for selected new ones. In three years following the adoption of the Presidential Decree of 1989 (Keppres 53/1989), 119 foreign "rms were set up, among them 76 in West Java Province in an area of some 20,000 hectares. They all were given proprietary rights to industrial land, and the management authority to run them. Later, under pressure for more industrial land, the West Java provincial government released an additional 18,000 ha of land, concentrated in the key sites of Botabek and Bandung. Industrial concentration in the West Java Province, albeit serving in part to decentralise the capital city, tends to put additional load to its development. Between 1967 and 1991, West Java received two-thirds of the approved foreign invested projects. Since the early 1990s, it has won 45% of the approved projects, and nearly half of the private investments from both foreign and national sources. However, industrial expansion has now entered into a phase in need of the support of large infrastructure works and newtown programmes to meet the pressing demand for workforce growth and the incessant in#ux of migrants to the extended metropolitan region of Jabotabek. Urban sprawl and the core issues The development dynamism discussed above and initiated by the government authorities has involved complex forces at stake. As far as planning is concerned, a large number of private projects fall within the jurisdiction of the Bogor District (e.g. Bogor Lakeside, Sentul, Rancamaya) where the local governments are hardly equipped to handle any adverse e!ects of urban development. Without proper administrative institutions, the areas sandwiched between development zones are exposed to negative impacts of industrial developments.

Though the Jabotabek Master Plan was meant for less intensive land use, the peopling of the new urban areas outside Jakarta has grown swiftly. Consequently, the annual growth rate of the Jakarta population has dramatically dropped in the last two decades, falling from an annual average of 4.1% in 1971}1980 to 2.4% in 1981}1990. Conversely, in the last 10 years, the Districts of Bekasi and Tangerang have seen an annual growth of 6.3% and 6.1% respectively. As to Bogor, despite an in-principle safeguarded development plan, it recorded an annual average growth rate of 4.1% during the same period. This migratory movement is a combination of population out#ow from the capital city * higher income groups in search of better living quality and those evicted from &urban villages' (kampung) and exodus of migrants from Java itself. The latter groups have been attracted by the improved infrastructure and facilities in Jakarta's peripheral areas in the development process. The migratory #ows have largely #ooded the adjacent districts around Jakarta. In Tangerang and Bekasi, it has again become possible to restart or simply create labour-intensive industries as well as earn a living in the informal sector in situ (e.g. trishaw). Only 10% of the Botabek population is estimated to work in Jakarta. Rapid growth along the Jakarta-Bogor-Bandung axis which stretches over 200 kilometres in an unprecedented rhythm gives rise to a metropolitan region characterised by uncertainty and heterogeneity; with an enormous suburb where urban functions reinforce each other. The metropolitan region is indeed becoming a major pole in the urbanisation process of Java. Origins of the urban expansion If metropolitan urbanisation is propagating in an ever-growing expanse, where the residential development mentioned above might appear as an arti"cial but increasingly visible and exclusive facet (Labrousse, 1988), its real matrix is still the capital city. More importantly, the capital's downtown core, focal point of high-level services and image of a Central Business District, shares common features and trends with other great Southeast Asian capital cities which enjoy the bene"ts of a central place and a centre of political and economic power. In fact, it is above all in the perspective of specialisation and internationalisation of key functions that the Jakarta Special Region has set out for a planned urban expansion. It is out of the concern to protect itself against an in#ux of migrants, tra$c congestion, and to expand the city core area that eviction procedures to clear densely populated zones have been introduced. It is a result of rising land values in the city core in the context of global tertiarisation marked by in#ow of large volumes of global funds that industries and people move towards the peripheral zones. Yet, little analysis has been done

C. Goldblum, T.-C. Wong / Land Use Policy 17 (2000) 29}37

regarding these key determinants associated with Jakarta's suburbanisation process. It is estimated that in the mid-1980s, three-quarters of the jobs in Jakarta came from the service sector. From then on, the &formalisation' and internationalisation of the service jobs have developed in parallel and have begun to be incorporated in the typical high-level service sector as adopted in Singapore since the 1970s * o$ce blocks, shopping complexes and international hotels and condominium blocks. Physical transformation of Jakarta's central area, like other Southeast Asian metropolises, is both an expression and a factor of this pattern of spatial change. The transformation has also provided opportunities for intensive speculative activities: in the early 1990s, it was admitted that about 40% of the lands in the central area were controlled by speculators who jacked up land prices and constructed large numbers of high-rise o$ce buildings. Since then, however, property prices in the central area have been largely "xed by international capital. The withdrawal of the &most favoured nation' status granted to the four dragons (South Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan) by the United States of America has induced industrial investments to relocate to Indonesia (in a broader sense an &Asian refocus' by moving towards Southeast Asia and China), as well as urban-based investments including those related residential and services developments. The new &golden triangle' Situated close to prime business lands around the Jalan Thamrin corridor, Jakarta's new core which has spread to Kuningan where substantial land use change has taken place, symbolises in particular certain mechanisms * special functions which emerge as a result of this long-standing change, a gradual shift of the core towards the south of the capital, and the game of speculation (Mohammad Saefudin, 1992). In fact, as a result of the advantages granted to property investments there, land prices have surged considerably, reaching in early 1990s US$3,000/m!. Thus, land use in this area has shifted rapidly to accommodate internationally invested highrise mega-blocks, such as Indonesia Plaza, The Paci"c, Chase, BCA or Darmala Group Buildings (banks and o$ces). This selected transformation has targeted particularly the &urban villages' which cover almost 50% of the total Kuningan area, and part of which had bene"ted from the start of the restructuring program in 1969 known as Kampung Improvement Program (KIP). Even though the KIP is seen as a model of restructuring in situ and the upgrading of living quarters has been integrated in the new urban planning principles in the early 1990s, most of the kampung parcels situated along the expansion path of this centre of commerce and international busi-

ness have been submerged and disappeared in the large scale redevelopment process. Residential development, mainly in the form of luxurious apartments, takes up over 400 ha of land in accordance with the plan brought forward by the regional planning o$ce (Bappeda). All land in the central area has yet to face a rising demand for o$ce, shopping, hotels in the capital city, totaling hundreds of thousands of square metres in #oor area. The demand for higher-level services is obviously met at the expense of its inhabitants, and it re#ects a great city's way of land reconversion as a result of competition in the regional network of capital cities. A test of selection: end of kampung in the central area? The fate of the Kebun Kacang &urban village', being exposed to Jakarta central area's new development axis has openly experienced this change of development on a large scale, as Jellinek (1991) wrote about its fortunes and misfortunes in the 1980s. Located at the extreme south of Jalan Thamrin, Kebun Kacang, apart from the pressure it faced in the past, has bene"ted from development of this large avenue since the 1960s at least in terms of informal activities, rental collection and job opportunities in construction works. Nonetheless, the urban village has at the same time disquali"ed its own existence, though involuntarily. Having participated in the Kampung Improvement Program, and having an increased population due to its locational advantages, Kebun Kacang "nally had to face demolition, despite some protest. Only one-"fth or 160 households accepted the relocation o!er. The great majority left for the peripheral zones. Hence, the transformation of the central area is no longer for improving the low-income residential form in conformity with the new image of Jakarta's new centre under construction. It is rather the need to accommodate the international service sector expansion towards the south, and where the area in question happens to be located at the heart of the new CBD's extension. Under these circumstances, it is understandable why the National Housing Bank (BTN) is hardly concerned with promoting home ownership by providing mortgage loans to low-income groups in this new prime location. This does not mean, however, that the residential function in the central area is removed, as almost 50,000 housing units were planned in the early 1990s for the Kuningan &golden triangle'. But the target groups of this housing programme, of which three-quarters were designated for condominiums, are those associated with the high-level service sector and the internationalisation of the economy: land appreciation results from high-rise construction and price or rental levels also conform with the service development standards. In the peripheral areas, where population relocation has occurred, land

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prices have also surged following the development of infrastructure and facilities there.

The question of extra-territoriality: Jakarta's challenges

The globalisation headway

One of the primary issues might be called the question of extra-territoriality; a question stemming from the &Growth Triangle-SIJORI' involving Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia in Riau-Batam (Lee, 1991; Nur, 1997) which brings the trade network to a political front. In fact, who would have imagined 30 years ago at the climax of the confrontation that Singapore would extend its industrial growth on Indonesian soil in the form of transborder regions (Goldblum, 1996b)? Certainly, Indonesia is far from being the only case in East Asia to "nd itself in such a situation. The rise of Taiwanese investments in Shanghai, in particular in developing the Pudong business centre in competition with Hong Kong, raises even more inquiry. It is clear that Batam makes up an important proportion of the industrial and tourism investments outside Jakarta. Nonetheless, the functional links established in the &growth polygons' o!ering free trade and export-processing zones, and &golden triangles' in the heartland of the large metropolis have called for a reconsideration as to how the urban space of these metropolises has developed, and has led us to think about the extension of Jakarta. Indeed, Jakarta has grown rapidly in the context of an extended metropolitan region (McGee, 1995; Yeung and Lo, 1996; Budhy Soegijoko, 1996). In the heart and the peripheral zones of this growing metropolis, old foothold spots have ensured if not a simple symbiosis, at least some form of solidarity between the capital city and its peripheral zones. They used to be represented respectively by kampungs in the central area and rice-growing villages: both are now exposed to a process of exclusion in favour of a new core-periphery relationship, as a result of an unequal confrontation between a village-based system and the dispersal forces originating in the core of Jakarta. It matters little if these forces arise from a planning strategy or that of a speculative land market. They have lost their role as an economic and independent landholder. Kampung eradication from the central zones to provide room for international investments, like the well-justi"ed provision of large-scale infrastructure, does not settle the problem by a simple transfer of population and activity to the periphery. Indeed, in the periphery, large industrial and housing projects are being developed by converting rapidly agricultural lands there (Nas, 1996). To the east of Jakarta, the development of the Bekasi integrated new town and an industrial estate adjacent to it has led to the removal of 16,500 inhabitants and 12,000 farmers, respectively. Construction of large branches of shopping complexes close to new residential centres such as Hero Supermarket at Ciledung, Tangerang and Bekasi has required land conversion of this nature. The threat imposed on small retail business and its often closely

Population relocation arising from great projects in Jakarta is certainly nothing new * the development of the Senayan Sports Complex in 1962 for the Asian Games had forced some 47,000 people to evacuate. In situ resettlement schemes have been common when lowcost #ats are proposed; a typical example is the Kemayoran scheme, located at the north-east of the capital city on the old airport site, which has been used to house 5,200 households to be relocated from an adjacent kampung. During the 1960s and 1970s, when kampung inhabitants were forced to leave, it was then relatively easy to "nd a replacement site nearby, thus avoiding major dislocations in their social network and daily activities. Furthermore, the government authorities were able to take advantage with their actions to beautify and broaden arterial roads in the capital as a source of legitimacy; they even took interest in improving the living standards of the &indigenous' population under Mohammad Husni Thamrin's (MHT) kampung restructuring programme. However, since the 1980s, the Jakarta Administration has opted for globalisation, especially under the mandate of Governor Wiyogo (1987}1992). Consequently, urban redevelopment is no longer determined by local factors, but above all by the regional dynamics of metropolitan development. Placing itself in parallel with Kuala Lumpur, Bangkok or Singapore within the &golden triangle', Jakarta "nds itself interwoven in a market mechanism set for quick investment returns, extending beyond the basis of the Master Plan, more signi"cantly when Jakarta's physical planning and land systems o!er little resistance to such massive development activities. As to the government's interventions, they are hindered by ine!ective land-management administration, shortage of infrastructure and facilities, and land and "nancial fuzziness whereby land transactions take place as well as by alliances between business and politicians (or even some military interest groups). Therefore, it is little surprising that The Jakarta Plan of 2005 links international capital (believed to have "nanced more than one-third of the investments in Jakarta), as well as transfer of construction and urban-based technology within the central area development in accordance with new metropolitan functions, and with Jakarta's integration in the great regional metropolitan network. In this connection, the Jakarta city government, on the basis of the Decree 540 of 1990, has legally adopted procedures allowing release of land for development of the central area and sanctioned co-operation between the public and private sectors, notably those from the real-estate Indonesia (REI).

C. Goldblum, T.-C. Wong / Land Use Policy 17 (2000) 29}37

associated informal sector is something additional to examine. So new urban settlements have been formed and planned to accommodate some hundreds of thousands of dwellers linked to the capital city by large tollways but isolated from their immediate surrounding environment like satellites. They have emerged as a result of mainly private property developments but are deprived of any institutional right to have their population locally represented as such. Policy implications and re6ections Based on the above analysis with regards to the haphazard growth of the Jabotabek region, some policy implications are portrayed as follows: (a) Economic globalisation originating from the developed core is a double-edged sword. It may bring higher growth to peripheral countries but may also stir up turmoil if the entrepreneurs in recipient societies plunge themselves into short-term speculative pursuits by creating 'arti"cial' demand in the property market. The role of the private sector should be directed towards more productive areas of urban development. (b) Rapid urban development in the Jabotabek region has revealed the lack of competent planning and management sta! to ensure smooth implementation of Master Plans. Stepping up of personnel training and retraining has become a priority task for more e$cient future implementation of plans and infrastructure development. Moreover, power devolution from Jakarta to the three adjoining districts of Bogor, Tangerang and Bekasi is conducive to planning and implementation co-ordination. This will act as an incentive and a means to remove the current bureaucratic barriers. (c) Until educational budget, school facilities, teacher quality and living standards of the poor households are substantially improved, it is unlikely that Jabotabek will be ready to attract high-technology and knowledge-intensive foreign direct investments. Educational upgrading is hence fundamental for general socio-economic improvement in Indonesia. (d) With a potentially high population density and an expanding metropolitan region, the Jabotabek region will have to resort to higher density residential housing for the urban poor, who now mostly live in single-storey kampung houses. A higher density has the advantage of freeing more land for infrastructure development and provision for greenery in an increasingly polluted urban environment. (e) Given current trends, further expansion of the extended metropolitan region of Jabotabek is inevitable. The region is a catalytic zone for economic growth, and with agglomeration economies gener-

ated, its further expansion should not be discouraged (McGee, 1995). Concluding remarks Economic globalisation since the 1980s has had tremendous impacts on urban space in the Third World, including Indonesia. Typically, the two most signi"cant consequences are spatial and "nancial. In the "rst aspect, urban development in the extended metropolitan region of Jabotabek has followed largely an identical pattern in the West. Industrial dispersal has induced a shift from the city core to the new towns in the suburban districts. In Jakarta itself, prime lands with high business potential have been transformed into o$ce blocks, retail and shopping complexes. The characteristic single-storey &urban village houses' (kampungs) housing the lowly educated urban poor relying predominantly on informal sector have become &formalised' as many now serve suburban industries as low and semi-skilled workers. With poor management co-ordination and ine!ective implementation of plans, the quality of physical planning is far from being satisfactory. The "nancial impact is characterised by large in#ows of FDI in industries in general and in property market in particular. The latter, being more lucrative than the former at times of high growth and accessible domestic and international loans, has turned itself into a speculative playing "eld, ignoring the e!ective demand. Besides these "nancial weaknesses, the high vulnerability to economic #uctuations inherent in this kind of property development system (risk of overproduction exacerbated by the economic crisis or relocation of property investments in favour of other urban markets), raises the question of the stability of the implicit alliance between the Indonesian oligarchy and the business circle, a powerful network and motor behind the urbanisation process. The stability is doubted especially at a time where disturbances may lead to a political shift (Far Eastern Economic Review, 10 July 1997, 28 August 1997). It is still questionable whether the fall of Suharto in May 1998 would lead to a quicker economic recovery and the elimination of the collusion between business and politics. The present unstable political situation has yet to provide clear signals of democratic and economic reforms, and non-interference from the powerful military in the newly elected civilian government. Indeed, a warning has been issued by the Defence Minister Juwono Sudarsono that a military takeover from the civilian coalition government led by Wahid is possible if he proves incapable of maintaining order and keeping separatist movements under control (Straits Times, 24 November 1999). In other words, if the on-going "nancial crisis is a conjunctural event, it questions the sustainability of the economic growth model, hitherto a successful one based

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

C. Goldblum, T.-C. Wong / Land Use Policy 17 (2000) 29}37

on an export-led mechanism and foreign investments, which has contributed to property-market turmoil. This growth model is further threatened by the generally low educational level of the Jabotabek population, the majority of whom have only a primary education (Bambang and Imron, 1996, p. 332). There is little opportunity in the near future to upgrade the present labour-intensive and low-skilled workforce to attract high-value added and knowledge-intensive international investments. This means local entrepreneurs are still inclined to resort to the more lucrative but speculative property market. Thus, the origins of such turmoil are more complex than the e!ects of globalisation, which act merely as exogenous factors. Note This paper is partly based on Goldblum (1998).

References Bambang, B.S., Imron, B., 1996. Country study of the national urban development policy framework in Indonesia. In: Stubbs, J., Clarke, G. (Eds.), Megacity Management in the Asian and Paci"c Region, Vol. 2. Asian Development Bank, Manila, pp. 319}338. Bouteiller, E., 1997. Les Nouveaux Empereurs: L'Epopee de Capitalisme Chinois. Calmann-Levy, Paris. Bouteiller, E., Fouquier, M., 1995. Le Developpement Economique de l'Asie Orientale. La Decouverte, Paris. Budhy, T.S., Soegijoko, 1996. Jabotabek and globalization. In: Fu-chen, Lo, Yue-man Yeung, (Eds.), Emerging World Cities in Paci"c Asia. United Nation, University Press, Tokyo, pp. 377}414. Charras, M., 1995. Indonesie: le premier archipel du monde. In: Bruneau, M., Taillard, C. (Eds.), Geographie Universelle. Volume Asie du Sud-Est. Belin-Reclus, Paris, pp. 42}76. Co!ey, W.J., 1996. The &newer' international division of labour. In: Daniels, P.W., Lever, W.F. (Eds.), The Global Economy in Transition, Longman, Harlow (UK), pp. 40}61. Daniels, P.W., 1996. The lead role of developed economies. In: Daniels, P.W., Lever, W.F. (Eds.), The Global Economy in Transition, Longman, Harlow (UK), pp. 193}214. Dear, M., Flusty, S., 1998. Postmodern urbanism. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 88, 50}72. Djoko, S., 1996. Problems and prospects of Indonesian new towns development. Paper presented at the International Seminar Planning and Development of Satellite Towns in Southeast Asia. Organised by LIPI-The Japan Foundation, Jakarta, 25}27 June, 1996. Drakakis-Smith, D., 1996. Less developed economies and dependence. In: Daniels, P.W., Lever, W.F. (Eds.), The Global Economy in Transition. Longman, Harlow (UK), pp. 215}238. Far Eastern Economic Review. 10 Jul 1997, 28 Aug 1997. Goldblum, C., 1987. Metropoles de l'Asie du Sud-Est: Strategies Urbaines et Politiques du Logement. L'Harmattan, Paris. Goldblum, C., 1996a. L'Asie du Sud-Est. In: Paquot, T. (Ed.), Le Monde des Villes: Panorama Urbain de la Planete, Editions Complexe, Brussels, pp. 169}185.

Goldblum, C., 1996b. Singapour: ville d'exception ou modele d'urbanisation plani"ee? Historiens et Geographes. No. 355. Dossier `Les Quatre Dragons d'Asiea, pp. 263}277. Goldblum, C., 1998. Enjeux critiques des capitales de l'Asie du Sud-Est: Jakarta face aux aleas de la metropolisation, Revue Herodote, No. 88 (Indonesie), 1er trimestre 1998, pp. 76}90. Henderson, J., 1989. The Globalisation of High Technology Production. Routledge, London. Hessler, P., 1993. Being global and the global opportunity. In: Bradley, S.P., Hausman, J.A., Nolan, R.L. (Eds.), Globalization, Technology and Competition: The Fusion of Computers and Tele-Communications in the 1990s. Harvard Business School Press, Boston, pp. 243}255. Hout, W., 1993. Capitalism and the Third World: Development, Dependence and the World System. Edward Elgar, Brook"eld, Vermont. Jellinek, L., 1991. The Wheel of Fortune: The History of a Poor Community in Jakarta. Allen and Unwin, Sydney. Labrousse, P., 1988. La ville introuvable, ou les mysteres de Jakarta. In: Centre National de la Recherche Scienti"que and Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales (Eds.), Association Archipel, Archipel 36: Villes d'Insulinde (I). Paris, pp. 27}42. Lee, Tsao Yuan (Ed.), 1991. Growth Triangle * The Johor-SingaporeRiau Experience. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies and Institute of Policy Studies, Singapore. McGee, T.G., 1991. The emergence of desakota regions in Asia: expanding a hypothesis. In: Ginsburg, N., Koppel, B., McGee, T.G., (Eds.), The Extended Metropolis: Settlement Transition in Asia. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, pp. 3}25. McGee, T.G., 1995. Metro"tting the emerging mega-urban regions of ASEAN: an overview. In: McGee, T.G., Robinson, I.M. (Eds.), The Mega-Urban Regions of Southeast Asia. University of British Columbia Press, Vancouver, pp. 3}26. Mohammad Saefudin, 1992. Problemes d'integration des kampung centraux dans la dynamique urbaine de Jakarta. Unpublished DEA Mini-thesis. Institut Francais d'Urbanisme, University of Paris VIII. Nas, P.J.M., 1996. Queen city of the east and symbol of the nation: the administration and management of Jakarta. In: Jurgen, R. (Ed.), The Dynamics of Metropolitan Management in Southeast Asia. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, pp. 99}132. Nur, Yoslan, 1997. L'ile de Batam dans le triangle de croissance de Singapour, Johor et Riau: developpement economique et amenagement de l'espace. Unpublished doctorate thesis submitted to the Institut Francais d'Urbanisme, University of Paris VIII. Sassen, S., 1995. Urban impacts of economic globalisation. In: Brotchie, J., Batty, M., Blake, E., Hall, P., Newton, P. (Eds.), Cities in Competition: Productive and Sustainable Cities for the 21st Century. Longman Australia, Melbourne, pp. 36}57. Straits Times (The). Singapore local English newspaper, 24 Nov 1999. Thrift, N., 1996. Shut up and dance, or, is the world economy knowable? In: Daniels, P.W., Lever, W.F. (Eds.), The Global Economy in Transition, Longman, Harlow (UK), pp. 11}23. Trolliet, P., 1994. La Diaspora Chinoise. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris. Wong, Tai-chee, 1999. Urbanisation and sustainability of Southeast Asian cities. In: Wong, Tai-chee, Singh, M. (Eds.), Development and Challenge: Southeast Asia in the New Millennium. Times Academic Press, Singapore, pp. 143}170. Yeung, Yue-man, Lo, Fu-chen, 1996. Global restructuring and emerging urban corridors in Paci"c Asia. In: Fu-chen, Lo, Yue-man, Yeung (Eds.), Emerging World Cities in Paci"c Asia. United Nations University Press, Tokyo, pp. 17}47.

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

DESIGNING NEW REALITIES Main stakeholders: New economies, new political structures

(TOP ) New religious identities result in new construction-New mosque inside 1980s Olympic village, Photo: www.funkhauseuropa.de

(1) Srdjan Jovanovic Weiss: Almost Architecture. Akademie Solitude + kuda NAO. 2007

BOTTOM) New glass commercial buildings occypying the grey residential blocks from socialist times. Photo: Haris Piplas

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

RECOVERING THE CITY Main stakeholders: Community

(TOP) Self-organisation in the landscape-Destruction of the own city as survival strategy, Photo: Richard Richards

Philipp Oswalt, Tim Rieniets (Eds.): Atlas of Shrinking Cities. Hatje Cantz Verlag. 2006.

(BOTTOM) Ruralisation of socialist city residential blocks, Photo: Marcu Livic

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

URBAN INFORMALITIES IN POST-WAR ANARCHY Main Stakeholders: Self-built initiatives

(TOP) Map of illegal housing in Sajevo: Vesna Hercegovac-Pasic: Sarajevo Urban Structure and Urban Tendencies. 2010.

Kai Voeckler: Prishtina is everywhere: Turbo-Urbanismus als Resultat einer Krise. Parthas Verlag GmbH. 2008. S. Jovanovic Weiss: Balkanisierung ist Architektur in Talking Cities: The Micropolitics of Urban Space, Birkhäuser, Berlin 2006. p.124-128.

(BOTTOM) Diverse architectural informalities: Vesna Hercegovac-Pasic: Transformability of urban space. University of Sarajevo. 2009.

NAME, FIRSTNAME ___________________________________________________________________

2014

DEADLINE:

10. OKTOBER 2013, 8.00, ONA FOCUSHALLE

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

URBAN PARANGOLÉ Main stakeholders: Urban Think Thank proposal for Audi Future Award 2012

(TOP) Average traffic jams in Sao Paulo: 118km/day, average speed by car in Sao Paulo: 19.3km/h.

(BOTTOM) Image of Urban Think Thanks Urban Parangole Proposal for Audi Urban Future Award 2012.

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

CEU 2000-2004 CENTROS EDUCACIONAIS UNIFICADOS Main stakeholders: Alexandre Delijaicov, André Takiya and Wanderley

(TOP) CEU network / google base overlayered with Sao Paulo district division from EMPLASA, LUME’s urban evolution map and CEU location. (Marcos L. Rosa,version in: Archplus magazine 190, p. 71)

(1) Franco, Fernando de Mello; et. al. São Paulo. Redes e lugares. Arquitextos, São Paulo, 07.077, Vitruvius, oct 2006 Online: http://www.vitruvius.com.br/revistas/read/arquitextos/07.077/307/ en_US (2) Formally, CEU stands for “Centros Educacionais Unificados” as presented from the Municipal Administration of Sao Paulo (3) Delijaicov, in: Mascare. 2004, p. 10.

(BOTTOM) CEU. (Photo: David Rego Jr. from EDIF Municipality of São Paulo archive, 2006)

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

URBAN CREATIVE PRACTICES Main stakeholders: Urban creatives, local inhabitants

(TOP) Tools (Leite Rosa, Marcos. Micro Planning. Urban Creative Practices. 2010. P 110 - 111)

(1) Bourriaud, Nicolas. Postproduction. 2002, P 80. (2) Rosa, Marcos Leite. Microplanning. Urban Creative Practices. São Paulo. 2011

(BOTTOM) Garrido Boxing (Leite Rosa, Marcos. Micro Planning. Urban Creative Practices. 2010. P 92)

ETH ZÜRICH

D-ARCH

NSL

CHAIR FOR ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN

PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG & PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

“URBAN DESIGN I / II - URBAN STORIES”

EXERCISES

FALL 2013 / SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS & DANNY WILLS

NAME, FIRSTNAME ___________________________________________________________________

2014

DEADLINE:

17. OCTOBER 2013, 8.00, ONA FOCUSHALLE

PRODUCING KNOWLEDGE BY READING THE CONTEMPORARY CITY

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

CREATING NEW MORTGAGE MARKETS WITH OWNERSHIP MODELS Main stakeholders: GTZ and national governments

Google maps, 2012

(TOP) Urban morphology of new social housing projects.

(1) German Technical Cooperation (GTZ) et al., Integrated Housing Development Program Volume I - Management Manual: How to Plan and Implement Integrated Housing Development Programs. (Addis Ababa: GTZ, 2006). (2) United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat), Condominium Housing in Ethiopia - The Integrated Housing Development Programme. (Nairobi: United Nations Human Settlements Programme, 2010).

(BOTTOM) Inside a standardized social housing block. New building typologies floating in non-designed open space.

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

NEW DEALS WITH NEW ECONOMIC COOPERATION PARTNERS Main stakeholders: CRBC and others

Google maps, 2012

(TOP) Several infrastructure morphologies.

(1) Peng Mo et al., “Addis Ababa Ring Road Project - A Case Study of a Chinese Construction Project in Ethiopia,” in International Conference on multi-national construction projects: Securing high performance through cultural awareness and dispute avoidance (Shanghai: 2008). (2) Jörg Himmelreich, “Suburbing Addis - Marketing and African Suburbia,” in Cities of Change: Addis Ababa - Transformation Strategies for Urban Territories in the 21st Century, ed. Marc Angélil and Dirk Hebel (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2010). (3) Tedla Yeneakal, “No more ‘Confusion Square’,” Ethiopia Insight (2006). http://www.ethiopiainsight.com/confusion_square.htm (accessed September 26, 2011).

(BOTTOM) New road that divides the urban fabric.

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION CONTROL WITH FREE MARKET POLICIES Main stakeholders:

Google maps, 2012

(TOP) Satellite images of different greenhouse developments.

(1) Recent Exports - Live Trees, Plants, Bulbs, Roots, Cut Flowers - Ethiopia, UN Comtrade, United Nations, http://comtrade.un.org/db/ce/ceSnapshotd.aspx?gt=ss&cc=06&px=H1&r=231&p= (accessed September 26, 2011). (2) Raphael Grojnowski, “Ethiopia - Land Grabbing and the Emergence of ‘Cereal Republics’,” Food First - Institute for Food & Development Policy (2009). http://www.foodfirst.org/en/node/2657 (accessed September 26, 2011).

(BOTTOM) The grenhouse complexes.

2014

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

IDPR, 30 (2) 2008

Alan Gilbert

Viewpoint

Slums, tenants and home-ownership: on blindness to the obvious

the Republic of Korea has really committed itself to building public rental housing. In 2001, it announced plans to construct one million public rental dwellings in the next decade (Groves et al., 2007; Park, 2007). Most housing programmes in the global South ignore rental housing. Admittedly, a few have attempted to remove or modify rent controls in an effort to increase private investment, but, generally, most government housing programmes omit any mention of renting. The multilateral development banks and UN agencies are little better. A few World Bank officials occasionally mention rental housing in their reports (Buckley and Kalarickal, 2006; Dubel et al., 2006; Fay, 2005) but nothing in the way of policy seems to have emerged beyond continuing to denounce rent control (World Bank, 1993). Even the UNDP fails to recognise any role for rental housing in achieving Target 11 of Goal 7 of the Millennium Development Goals (Garau et al., 2005). Only UN-Habitat, in commissioning a series of reports, has thought about the issue, but even that agency often omits rental housing in its flagship publications (UNCHS, 1989; 1990; 1993; UN-Habitat, 2003). The neglect is palpable when matched against the attention that is given to promoting home-ownership. For at least two decades, most governments have made mortgage finance more accessible, given tax relief to both owners and builders, supplied infrastructure to dispersed suburban development, and helped to construct an ideology favourable to home-ownership. In the USA and the UK, governments have more or less bribed people to become home-owners, and in China, Zhang (2000, 200) points to ‘the over-promotion of home-ownership at large discounts’. Some governments in developing countries have supplemented these measures by offering subsidies for those too poor to buy without help; Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador and South Africa have all embraced some kind of demand-side capital subsidy programme (Gilbert, 2004; 2007b; Held, 2000; Huchzermeyer, 2003; PérezIñigo González, 1999). In other poor countries, a more covert method has been used; the authorities have turned a blind eye to the irregular occupation of land and many developers’ disregard for planning and building regulations. Sometimes, as in Peru or Venezuela, governments have even encouraged the invasion of land (Collier, 1976; Gilbert, 1981). All these incentives have led to a significant increase in home-ownership across the globe, reaching impressive levels in countries like Singapore (92 per cent), Thailand (87 per cent) and Spain (85 per cent). The question is: how far can this process continue? Recent trends in the USA and UK suggest there are real limits. In the former, the incidence of home-ownership seems to have stalled around 70 per cent, and rates of ownership among the poor, and particularly those belonging to ethnic minorities, have remained at a much lower level (Baker, 2008). In the UK, although ownership has continued to climb, buying a house had become unaffordable for many young and lower paid households even before the current mortgage crisis (Williams, 2007,

Up to one billion tenants may be living in cities across the globe, but most governments continue to ignore them. Insofar as they recognise that tenants exist, the policy is to turn them into home-owners. Even in the UK and US, where this strategy has been underway for some years, it has not managed to reduce the numbers of tenants during the last decade. With the sub-prime crisis, the proportion of tenants is likely to rise. In the rest of the world, few governments recognise that renting is an essential shelter option. This viewpoint demonstrates why tenants and landlords are not likely to disappear, and explains why, for many, renting is a vital housing option. Fundamentally, it is a plea for a tenure-neutral shelter policy.

The headlines have recently been announcing that one billion people will be living in ‘slums’1 by 2030. The UN, the multilateral development banks and several national development agencies have responded by launching a series of initiatives intended to limit the ‘slum’ problem (for example, UN-Habitat, 2003; 2005; UNFPA, 2007; Garau et al., 2005; ADB, 2004; Buckley and Kalarickal, 2006). A combination of settlement upgrading, titling, service provision, micro-credit and improved urban governance is the recommended course of action. And, while much of that agenda is thoroughly commendable, current approaches also make one particularly questionable assumption; that home-ownership represents the ‘natural’ tenure. Certainly it is the normal tenure in the countryside, although large numbers of rural people live in a range of alternative forms. In the urban areas, however, renting is very common and in major cities it often accommodates a majority of all households. Few probably realise that most inhabitants of New York, Los Angeles, Zurich, Berlin, Lagos, Moscow, Accra, Nairobi, Mumbai and Shanghai are tenants. Indeed, it is possible that one in three urban dwellers across the globe (around one billion people) are tenants. Faced by such numbers, surely every government should have some kind of rental housing policy? In practice, they don’t (Hulchanski and Shapcott, 2004; Krueckeberg, 1999; UNCHS, 2003). Few governments are building public housing for rent, and most state housing is being sold off. In most former Communist countries, the new regimes have been disposing of the public housing stock as fast as possible. Across the globe, only Alan Gilbert is Professor of Geography at University College London, Pearson Building, Gower Street, London, WC1E 6BT; email: agilbert@geog.ucl.ac.uk 1

A very misleading and dangerous term, but one that is used to draw attention to a significant problem (Gilbert, 2007a).

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(Krueckeberg, 1999, 10). As President-elect Bush put it in December 2000: ‘there’s no greater American value than owning something, owning your own home and having the opportunity to do so.’2 The virtues of ownership have also been peddled by commerce, advertising and the building industry. It is part of the consumer society that promises everyone a home, a car and a television, and one that in an environment of rising house prices offers generous economic rewards. Home-ownership is also good for economic growth. The construction industry creates jobs, and large profits are made by developers (from building the new suburbs) and by banks (by financing the transactions). Buying and selling houses is big business, and sales of furniture and decorating materials rise when home sales are healthy. Home-ownership also ties people more firmly into the private enterprise economy, and this is one reason why the international development lobby wishes to extend the full benefits of ownership to more people in poorer societies. De Soto (2000, 50), for example, argues that: ‘Formal property forces you … to go beyond viewing the house as mere shelter – and thus a dead asset – and to see it as live capital.’ Finally, home-ownership increasingly forms an integral part of the welfare state. In Europe and East Asia, Groves et al. (2007, 210) point out that: ‘Governments increasingly encourage individual investment and asset accumulation … because homeownership also gives individuals and families a store of wealth that can be drawn upon to meet future needs as they arise – rather than relying on state provision”. In seeking to encourage ownership, most governments have neglected and even sought to disparage renting. Conventional wisdom has it that most landlords exploit poor and vulnerable tenants and are only too happy to charge high rents for shabby, crowded and sub-standard housing.3 Eviction is commonplace, and renting offers little security to tenants. Rental housing, particularly at the lower end of the market, is shrouded in illegality and is a symbol of inner-city decay. The only sensible conclusion that can possibly be drawn is that everyone should buy their own home! Is it any wonder therefore that surveys across the globe testify to the fact that ordinary people say that they want to be home-owners? Munro (2007, 247) points out that ‘nearly three-quarters of social rented tenants would ideally like to buy, as would over 80 percent of private tenants.’ Surveys in Colombia, Mexico and Venezuela have shown the same thing (Gilbert and Varley, 1991; Gilbert, 1993).

7). Even if home-ownership rates continue to rise elsewhere, the problem of affordability is beginning to slow the process, particularly in the largest cities (Grant, 2007, 79; Sisulu, 2007; Wang and Murie, 2000, 406). Of course, rates of home-ownership can be boosted in poorer cities through informal housing processes. However, in many places even the expansion of selfhelp housing has reached its limit. First, some of the world’s more authoritarian and insensitive governments continue to demolish self-help settlements. Second, many cities are running out of land, at least in places that are both serviceable and within a reasonable commuting distance. As a result, in Bogotá, Kingston, Metro Manila, Port of Spain and Quito, the proportion of renters and non-owners is already increasing (UNCHS, 2003; Ballesteros, 2004; Clarke, 2006).

Why the neglect? If so many people across the world are tenants and a significant number of others are landlords, why has rental housing not occupied a more prominent place in policy making? One explanation is that landlords and tenants are no longer major political actors (Kumar, 1996; Krueckeberg, 1999). By turning tenants into owners, governments have greatly reduced their numbers; and because the more affluent and powerful have grasped their opportunity with both hands, they no longer lobby on behalf of rental housing. In Tanzania, ‘the absence of collective action among the tenants contributes to keeping renting a matter within the private sphere rather than the public’ (Cadstedt, 2006, 182). Landlords are also much less influential than they once were. The rich and powerful are now more likely to invest in shares, land or commercial property, and the ownership of rental housing has been left mainly to a myriad of small landlords. These people rarely join landlord associations because most are operating on too small a scale to bother with politics (Precht, 2005; UNCHS, 2003). Some are also anxious to disguise the fact that they have tenants; few landlords in poorer cities follow the exact letter of the law, and their property is unlikely to comply with building or safety codes. Freed from political pressure, most governments seem to have decided to leave renting alone. Why mend something if it isn’t broken? Why reform the rent control legislation if that will upset tenants and there is so little protest from the small landlord lobby? A much better political option is to ignore rental housing and create opportunities for tenants to become home-owners. This is what most tenants say they want, and, as they are converted into home-owners, the rental housing ‘problem’ begins to disappear. In any case, most governments have been encouraging homeownership, believing that is the way to create a more stable and conservative society. Most perpetuate the myth that ownership is a central feature of national culture. In the USA, ownership is now the ‘natural’ tenure, a key ingredient of US culture

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The advantages offered by renting A healthy housing system offers a wider range of decent shelter options at affordable prices than a sick one. But across the globe it seems that few systems are entirely healthy and many offer very little in the way of decent shelter to the poor. Even in the UK, many 2 3

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New York Times; accessed on 21 December 2000. Many of the myths about rental housing have been exposed in UNCHS, 1989; 2003.

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Viewpoint

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

households live in poor quality accommodation and even those with higher incomes are sometimes pushed into shelter options that are less than ideal. For example, young people who manage to get onto the housing ladder are often forced out of central rental accommodation into the suburbs; most owners move ever outwards in search of more space for their families, committing themselves to long commutes. Ideally, housing markets should offer both property ownership and rental accommodation in a range of locations throughout the city. Few currently do.

live in the family home. But in many societies, most young adults prefer to move out of the family home as soon as they can, usually into rental housing. The gender dimension More women than men are reliant on rental housing. Since female-headed households tend to have lower incomes, they are usually over-represented among the tenant population (UNCHS, 2003; Arifin and Dale, 2005; Bank, 2007). In some places, rules on inheritance exacerbate this tendency by excluding them from formal ownership. Access to a self-help home is also more difficult because women are less likely to have acquired the skills needed to engage in self-help construction (Muzvidziwa, 2003). And, because female migrants outnumber males in many cities in Latin America, the Philippines and parts of Southern Africa, a substantial proportion of tenant households are headed by women (Chant, 2007). Women also act as landlords, and letting property is often a critical source of income for widows and female-headed households generally. In South African cities, women dominate the letting of accommodation in the backyards of council houses, often because the men have died or forsaken their families (Emdon, 1993; Crankshaw et al., 2000). In many Latin American cities, women frequently become landlords once their partner dies, and since women generally live longer than men, widows greatly outnumber bereaved men (Paquette-Vassalli, 1998, 135). Even where property rights strongly favour men, women often deal with the tenants and collect the rent (Ogu, 1999; Cadstedt, 2006; Datta, 1995; Amis and Lloyd, 1990; Yahya, 2002).

Flexibility Oswald (1999, 1) argues that ‘the housing market lies at the heart of the European unemployment problem … By making it expensive to change location, high levels of home-ownership foster a spatial mis-match between workers’ skills and the available jobs.’ In the very different context of India, Kumar (2003, 91) argues that rental housing provides ‘the much-needed room for manoeuvre to balance multiple economic and social responsibilities’. Rental and shared housing is often a feature of the earlier stages of people’s lives. Tenants tend to be younger than owners and are often single. Couples who rent normally have fewer children than owners. The birth of children sometimes triggers the move from renting to ownership, although in some African cities there seems to be no such tendency; virtually everyone rents or shares (Amole et al., 1993; Tipple et al., 1999). Moving house is never easy, but buying and selling a house is usually more complicated than moving from one rented home to another. In Belgium, very high transaction costs limit residential movement (de Decker, 2001), and in Chinese cities the lack of a fully-fledged secondary housing market has the same effect (Yu, 2006, 299). Even in cheap, informal-sector neighbourhoods, the lack of housing credit makes it extremely difficult to sell better quality homes (Gilbert, 1999). The availability of rental accommodation is vital for recent migrants who have yet to acquire work or a real knowledge of where they wish to live. Students, longer-term visitors and temporary workers also need rental accommodation. In a globalising world, recent foreign arrivals usually rent, sending money to their distant family and sometimes buying a property for when they return home. Those setting up businesses may also choose to rent, wishing to use their capital to establish the enterprise rather than having it tied up in a home. Some older people are now cashing in on the high value of their property, using the income to live out their years in rental accommodation. Furthermore, family relationships in most countries are less stable than they once were. Marriages and other relationships seem to break down more often and separating partners typically move into rental accommodation. Where extended families remain strong and most members live and work locally, adult children tend to

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Urban form Low-density cities like Houston or Miami depend almost wholly on the private car, and rapidly expanding suburbs are very expensive to service. Unfortunately, as homeand car-ownership rates increase across the globe, population densities are falling in many poorer cities (Angel et al., 2005; Wang and Li, 2006, 324). While it is clearly possible to combine home-ownership with a more sustainable process of urban development, current tastes in housing design and urban style make urban sprawl inevitable as incomes rise. City after city is experiencing the outward spread of higher income suburbs and the growth of that bête noire of most planners, the gated community. Without for one moment suggesting that raising urban densities is always desirable (clearly population densities in the rental ‘slums’ of Nairobi or many Indian cities are too high), rising rates of home-ownership do have serious implications for urban design. Since tenants generally occupy less space than owners, so cities with lower

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rates of home-ownership tend to have higher population densities.4 Higher densities favour the use of public transport and reduce the distances over which infrastructure has to be built. As such, renting could assist in encouraging more compact forms of urban design, a return in some respects to the pattern of urbanisation in Europe before 1950.

amis, p. and lloyd, p. (eds) (1990), Housing Africa’s Urban Poor, Manchester, Manchester University Press. amole, b., korboe, d. and tipple, g. (1993), ‘The family house in West Africa’, Third World Planning Review, 15, 355–72. angel, s., sheppard, s. c. and civco, d. l. (2005), The Dynamics of Global Urban Expansion, Washington, DC, Transport and Urban Development Department, World Bank. arifin, l. s. and dale, r. (2005), ‘Housing needs of migrant women: industrial workers in Surabaya – insight from a life story approach’, Habitat International, 29, 215–26. baker, d. (2008), ‘Subprime borrowers deserve an own to rent transition’, Economists’ Voice, February. ballesteros, m. m. (2004), ‘Rental housing for urban low-income households in the Philippines’, Discussion Paper 2004-47, Manila, Philippine Institute for Development Studies. bank, l. (2007), ‘The rhythms of the yards: urbanism, backyards and housing policy in South Africa’, Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 25, 205–28. bbc (2003), ‘Zurich: world’s best city’, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/2815625.stm, accessed 3 March. buckley, r. m. and kalarickal, j. (eds) (2006), Thirty Years of World Bank Shelter Lending, Washington, DC, World Bank. cadstedt, j. (2006), Influence and Invisibility: Tenants in Housing Provision in Mwanza City, Tanzania, Stockholm, Department of Human Geography, Stockholm University. chant, s. (2007), Gender, Generation and Poverty, Exploring the ‘Feminization of Poverty’ in Africa, Asia and Latin America, Cheltenham, Edward Elgar. city mayors (2007), ‘The world’s best cities are still in Switzerland’, http://www.citymayors. com/features/quality_survey.html clarke, c. (2006), ‘From slum to ghetto: social deprivation in Kingston, Jamaica’, International Development Planning Review, 28, 1–34. collier, d. (1976), Squatters and Oligarchs, Baltimore, MD, Johns Hopkins University Press. crankshaw, o., gilbert, a. g. and morris, a. (2000), ‘Backyard Soweto’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 24, 841–57. datta, k. (1995), ‘Strategies for urban survival? Women landlords in Gaborone, Botswana’, Habitat International, 19, 1–12. de decker, p. (2001), ‘Jammed between housing and property rights: Belgian private renting in perspective’, European Journal of Housing Policy, 1, 17–39. de soto, h. (2000), The Mystery of Capital, New York, Basic Books. dubel, h. j., brzeski, w. j. and hamilton, e. (2006), Rental Choice and Housing Policy Realignment in Transition: Post-privatization Challenges in Europe and Central Asia Region, Policy Research Working Paper No. 3884, Washington, DC, World Bank. emdon, e. (1993), ‘Privatisation of state housing: with special focus on the greater Soweto area’, Urban Forum, 4, 1–13. fay, m. (ed.) (2005), The Urban Poor in Latin America, Washington, DC, World Bank. garau, p., sclar, e. d. and carolini, g. y. (2005), A Home in the City: UN Millennium Project – Task Force on Improving the Lives of Slum Dwellers, London, Earthscan. gilbert, a. g. (1981), ‘Pirates and invaders: land acquisition in urban Colombia and Venezuela’,

Conclusion The debate between rental housing and home-ownership for lower-income households … should not be posed as one form of tenure in opposition to another. The optimal objective is to provide people with an effective choice of tenure that is affordable and appropriate to their needs. (Martinez, 2000, 479–80, emphasis in original).

The inherent sense of the above statement seems to have escaped most politicians and government officials. Over the last twenty years or so, almost every government in the world has adopted housing policies that have privileged home-ownership. This bias has distorted the shape of our cities, our vision of how we should live and arguably even social harmony. Encouraging home-ownership is perfectly reasonable, providing that it does not harm those who do not wish to or who cannot own. But all too often it does precisely that. This Viewpoint constitutes an appeal to governments in poorer countries to offer ‘a wider range of housing options with different modalities, prices, qualities and locations’ (Morais and Cruz, 2007, 42). They should consider whether the policies practised in the USA and the UK are appropriate to their own countries’ needs, and perhaps learn from the sub-prime crisis. For despite all the propaganda that consistently tells us that home-ownership makes us into better and more contented people, there is surely something positive to be said for renting. And, in this regard, does Switzerland not offer us a salutary lesson? After all, Zurich and Geneva, two cities regularly garlanded as the world’s most liveable urban areas (City Mayors, 2007; BBC, 2003), have achieved this lofty status with very low levels of home-ownership. If Zurich and Geneva, with more than three-quarters of their inhabitants renting accommodation, can offer such an excellent quality of life and in the process avoid a sub-prime crisis, surely that experience suggests that rental tenure offers just a few advantages?5

References adb (asian development bank) (2004), City Development Projects to Reduce Poverty, Manila, Asian Development Bank. 4 5

Although Los Angeles is a clear exception. Only 7.1 per cent own in Zurich, with a further 17.6 per cent occupying cooperative housing. In Geneva, the pattern is even more marked, with 87 per cent renting and only 6 per cent owning.

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ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

World Development, 9, 657–78. gilbert, a. g. (1993), In Search of a Home, London, UCL Press. gilbert, a. g. (1999), ‘A home is for ever? Residential mobility and home-ownership in self-help settlements’, Environment and Planning A, 31, 1073–91. gilbert, a. g. (2004), ‘Helping the poor through housing subsidies: lessons from Chile, Colombia and South Africa’, Habitat International, 28, 13–40. gilbert, a. g. (2007a), ‘The return of the slum: does language matter?’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 31, 697–713. gilbert, a. g. (2007b), ‘Shelter and the development agencies: changing policies for changing times or a case of papering over the cracks?’, Trialog, 4, 4–11. gilbert, a. g. and varley, a. (1991), Landlord and Tenant: Housing the Poor in Urban Mexico, London, Routledge. grant, m. (2007), ‘Lodging as a migrant economic strategy in urban Zimbabwe’, Development Southern Africa, 24, 77–90. groves, r., murie, a. and watson, c. (eds) (2007), Housing and the New Welfare State: Perspectives from East Asia and Europe, Aldershot, Ashgate. held (2000), Políticas de viviendas de interés social orientadas al mercado: experiencias recientes con subsidios a la demanda en Chile, Costa Rica y Colombia, CEPAL Serie Financiamiento del Desarrollo 96, Santiago, CEPAL. huchzermeyer, m. (2003), ‘A legacy of control? The capital subsidy and informal settlement intervention in South Africa’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 27, 591–612. hulchanski, j. d. and shapcott, m. (eds) (2004), Finding Room: Policy Options for a Canadian Rental Housing Strategy, Toronto, ON, Centre for Urban and Commuity Studies Press, University of Toronto. krueckeberg, d. a. (1999), ‘The grapes of rent: a history of renting in a country of owners’, Housing Policy Debate, 10, 9–30. kumar, s. (1996), ‘Landlordism in Third World urban low-income settlements: a case for further research’, Urban Studies, 33, 753–82. kumar, s. (2003), ‘Room for manoeuvre: tenure and the urban poor in India’ (paper presented at the Second Urban Research Symposium, Washington, DC, World Bank, 15–17 December). martinez, s. c. (2000), ‘The housing act of 1949: its place in the realization of the American dream of homeownership’, Housing Policy Debate, 11, 467–88. morais, m. and cruz, b. (2007), ‘Housing demand, tenure choice and housing policy in Brazil’ (paper presented at the Fourth World Bank Urban Research Symposium on Urban Land Use and Land Markets, Washington, DC, May). munro, m. (2007), ‘Evaluating policy towards increasing owner occupation’, Housing Studies, 22, 243–60. muzvidziwa, v. n. (2003), ‘Housing and survival strategies of Basotho urban women tenants’ in A. Larson, M. Mapetla and A. Schytler (eds), Gender and Urban Housing in Southern Africa: Emerging Issues, Rome, Institute of Southern African Studies, 149–68. ogu, v. i. (1999), ‘Housing as graveyard: a tale of housing culture in Nigeria’, Third World Planning Review, 21, 317–30.

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oswald, a. (1999), ‘The housing market and Europe’s unemployment: a non-technical paper’ (mimeo), Warwick, University of Warwick. paquette-vassalli, c. (1998), ‘Le logement locatif dans les quartiers populaires de Santiago du Chili: les raisons d’un essor limite’ (unpublished thesis), Marne-la-Vallée, Ecole Nationale des Ponts et Chausées. park, s.-y. (2007), ‘The state and housing policy in Korea’ in Groves et al. (eds), 75–100. pérez-iñigo gonzález, a. (1999), El factor institucional en los resultados y desafíos de la política de vivienda de interés social en Chile, CEPAL Serie Financiamiento del Desarrollo 78, Santiago, CEPAL. precht, r. (2005), ‘Informal settlement upgrading and low-income rental housing. Impact and untapped potentials of a community-based upgrading project in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’, paper presented at the third World Bank Urban Research Symposium on ‘Land development, urban policy and poverty alleviation’, Brasilia, April. sisulu, l. n. (2007) ‘We are making headway’ (statement issued by Minister of Housing Lindiwe Sisulu, 25 October, available at http://www.housing.gov.za/Content/Media%20Desk/ Press%20Releases/2007/25%20October%202007.htm). tipple, g., korboe, d., garrod, g. and willis, k. (1999), ‘Housing supply in Ghana: a study of Accra, Kumasi and Berekum’, Progress in Planning, 51, 255–324. unchs (united nations centre for human settlements) (1989), Strategies for Low-income Shelter and Services Development: the Rental Housing Option, Nairobi, UNCHS. unchs (united nations centre for human settlements) (1990), Rental Housing: Proceedings of an Experts Group Meeting, Nairobi, UNCHS. unchs (united nations centre for human settlements) (1993), Support Measures to Promote Low-income Rental Housing, Nairobi, UNCHS. unchs (united nations centre for human settlements) (2003), Rental Housing: an Essential Option for the Urban Poor in Developing Countries, Nairobi, UNCHS. unfpa (united nations population fund) (2007), Growing Up Urban, New York, UNFPA. un-habitat (2003), The Challenge of Slums: Global Report on Human Settlements 2003, London, Earthscan. un-habitat (2005), Financing Urban Shelter: Global Report on Human Settlements 2005, Nairobi, UN-Habitat. wang, d. and li, s.-m. (2006), ‘Socio-economic differentials and stated housing preferences in Guangzhou, China’, Habitat International, 30, 305–26. wang, y. p. and murie, a. (2000), ‘Social and spatial implications of housing reform in China’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 24, 397–417. williams, a. (2007), ‘Housing tenure choices among the young’, CML Housing Finance 06. world bank (1993), Housing: Enabling Markets to Work (World Bank Policy Paper), Washington, DC, World Bank. yahya, s. s. (2002), ‘Community land trusts and other tenure innovations in Kenya’ in G. Payne (ed.), Land, Rights and Innovation – Improving Tenure Security for the Urban Poor, London, ITDG, 233–63. yu, z. (2006), ‘Heterogeneity and dynamics in China’s emerging urban housing market: two sides of a success story from the late 1990s’, Habitat International, 30, 277–304. zhang, x. q. (2000), ‘Privatization and the Chinese housing model’, International Planning Studies, 5, 191–204.

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COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

A SUPERIMPOSED GRID FOR MANHATTAN Main stakeholders: City of New York / Mies van der Rohe

(TOP) Commissioners Plan, 1811.

(1) The Council of Hygiene and Public Health of the Citizen’s Association of New York. 1865. (2) www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/html/subcats/zoning.shtml

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(BOTTOM) Central Park

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POST-INDUSTRIAL TRANSFORMATIONS AS ACTIVATORS Main stakeholders: Urban creative industries

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NEW IDEAS FOR ABANDONED INFRASTRUCTURES Main stakeholders: Local communities, Landscape Architects

(TOP) Reclaiing the Highline in 2006

(1) Jacobs, Jane. The death and life of great american cities. New York. 1961. (2) PPS: Projects for public spaces. In: www. pps.org/new-york-city-streets-renaissance (3) DOT Streets Manual. In: www.nyc.gov (4) Gehl Architects. In: www.gehlarchitects.com

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(BOTTOM) The highline park has become a tourist magnet (2009)

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D-ARCH

NSL

CHAIR FOR ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN

PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG & PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

2014

“URBAN DESIGN I / II - URBAN STORIES”

EXERCISES

FALL 2013 / SPRING 2014

NAME, FIRSTNAME ___________________________________________________________________ DEADLINE:

PRODUCING KNOWLEDGE BY READING THE CONTEMPORARY CITY

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS & DANNY WILLS

7. NOVEMBER 2013, 8.00, ONA FOCUSHALLE

3. 1.

3. 107

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ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

112

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

113

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

114

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

115

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

116

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

117

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

118

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

119

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

120

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

121

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

122

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

EXPANSION PLANS Main stakeholders: Robert Moses, City Government

(1) Santiago de Leon de Caracas 1967-2030. Exxon Mobil, Caracas 2004 (2) Colloqui - Cornell Journal of Planning and Urban Issues. 11th Edition, Spring 1996.

125

126

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

BARRIOS Main stakeholders: Self-built initiatives

127

128

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

METRO CABLE FOR A BARRIO Main stakeholders: Urban-Think Tank

(TOP) U-TT Cable Car Caracas

(BOTTOM) U-TT Cable Car Caracas

129

130

2014

131

132

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

133

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COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

134

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

135

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

136

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

137

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

138

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

139

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

140

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

141

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

142

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

143

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COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

144

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LOS ANGELES RIVER Main stakehodlers: Innovative green infrastructure planners

(TOP) The City Project, Aerial image Los Angeles State

(1) Varnelis, Kazys. The Infrastructural City: Networked Ecologies in Los Angeles. Edited by Kazys Varnelis. Actar, 2008. (2) ibid.

147

(BOTTOM) http://www.arastiralim.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/Los-Angales-River.jpg

148

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

THE URBANIZATION OF SUBURBIA Main stakeholders: Developers

(TOP) Suburbia. Iwan Baan, 2011, No More Play

(1) Fulton, William. The Reluctant Metropolis: The Politics of Urban Growth in Los Angeles. The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001.

149

(BOTTOM) ibid.

150

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER Metro Local & Limited Line

Bus and Rail System

HILL ST

81 442 450 460

OC50

81 442 460

to Orange

SOUTH PARK

OC60

405

NAPLES

LBA

Alamitos Bay Landing Seal Beach Pier

LB131 LB171 OC1

OC701

to Huntington Beach

33 733 CE431

439 30 730 81 442 450 460 LDF CE438 CE448

450 OC701 OC721 CE438 CE448

LDD 37 70 71 76 78 79 96 378 439 770 BBB10

2 4 83 90 91 94 302 794 M50 T1 T2

14 70 71 76 78 79 96 378 439 770 BBB10

439 CE437 BBB10 10

OC60

to Tustin

35 PUEP

WASHINGTON BL

18 53 55 62 355 720

WALL ST

18 53 55 62 355 720

MAPLE AV

7TH ST LA

51 52 60 352 760

Flower Market

60 760 51 52 352

8TH ST 51 52 66 352 66

SAN PEDRO ST

20 28

MAIN ST

SPRING ST

FASHION DISTRICT

16 33 316

6TH ST

LOS ANGELES

MAIN ST

SPRING ST

5TH ST

9TH ST

LDE

Bus Service to Downtown Subway Stations 40, 42, 68, 70,92 71, 76, 78, 79, 378, 439, 442, 485, 487, 489, 704, 728, 733, 740, 745, 770, AV785, BBB10, Bunker Hill, CE431, CE534, DASH B, D, Lincoln Heights/Chinatown, FT481, 493, 497, 498, 499, 699, Silver Streak, LAX FlyAway , OC701, SC794, 799, T1, 2, USC Shuttle LDE

51 52 352

2, 4, 10, 14, 30, 37, 40, 42, 45, 48, 68, 70, 71, 76, 78, 79, 81, 83, 84, 90, 91, 92, 94, 96, 302, 378, 439, 442, 487, 489, 728, 730, 733, 740, 745, 770, 794, AV785, BBB 10, CE409, 419, 422, 423, 431, 437, 438, 448, 534, DASH A, B, D, FT 493, 497, 498, 499, 699, Silver Streak, OC701, LDE SC799, T1, 2

81 442 450 460 LDF

10 33 48 55 83 355 733 GA1X

33 355

17TH ST 18TH ST 35

55 733 55 355

35 38 PUEP 450 OC701 OC721

37 38 55 355 603

M50 T1 T2

40 42 45 740 745

14, 16, 18, 20, 37, 51, 52, 53, 55, 60, 62, 66, 70, 71, 76, 78, 79, 81, 96, 316, 352, 355, 378, 439, 442, 450, 487, 489, 720, 760, 770, AV785, BBB 10, CE409, 422, 423, 431, 437, 438, 448, 534, DASH A, B, E, F, (E, F Wknds), FT493, 497, 498, 499, 699, Silver Streak, M40, 50, 341, 342, OC701, 721, SC799

51 52 352 LDE 10

SAN PEDRO M50

Traffic Court

LA Trade Tech

2, 4, 10, 14, 16, 18, 28, 30, 33, 37, 40, 42, 45, 48, 53, 55, 62, 70, 71, 76, 78, 79, 81, 83, 90, 91, 92, 94, 96, 302, 316, 355, 378, 442, 460, 487, 489, 720, 728, 730, 733, 740, 745, 770, 794, CE419, DASH B, D, FT Silver Streak, M40, 50, M341, 342, OCTA 701, 721, T1, 2

7th St/Metro Center

VENICE BL

GRAND

PICO BL

Pershing Square 2 4 35 38 40 45 302 745

2 4 33 302 733 770

733 770 770

OC1

PICO BL

OC60

TOY DISTRICT

Union Station

439

VENICE BL

SEAL BEACH

to San Clemente

2 4 30 35 38 40 45 302 730 740 745

12TH ST

30 730 LA Convention Center

OC60

N MAIN ST

FT 49 FT 3 FT 49 49 9 7 FT FT 69 49 9 8

11TH ST

2 4 90 91 94 302 794 M50 T1 T2

M40 M341 M342

4TH ST

GA1X

LOS ANGELES

10 28 33 48 55 83 92 355 728 733 GA1X

OLYMPIC

PICO

PICO BL

LITTLE TOKYO

LDA M341 M40 M342

Civic Center

STAPLES Center

110

OC1

10 38 66

9TH ST

BBB10 FT SS

14 70 71 76 78 79 96 378 770

3RD ST

48 GA1X

SAN PEDRO ST

KATELLA

405

HOPE ST

577X

10 38 66 OC721

28 BBB10 FT SS

37 70 71 76 78 79 96 378 770

L.A. LIVE

Nokia Theatre

460

GA1X

33 55 92 28 33 55 83 355 355 733 GA1X 728 733 GA1X GA1X 10 38 OC721 66 OC721 10 33 55 92 355 733 LDE GA1X

FIDM

28 728

OLYMPIC BL

OC50 LB81

2 4 28 81 83 90 91 94 302 728 794 M50 T1 T2

66 81 81 442 450 460

JAMES M WOOD BL Loyola Law School 28 728 CE534

20 51 52 60 352 760 LDE

MAIN ST

LOS ALAMITOS

OC50

OC701

LB81

LBD LB171

LBD LB171 OC1

LBA LBD LB131

38 66 81 OC721

HOPE ST

8TH ST

16 18 28 53 62 316 720

2 4 30 40 42 45 84 302 730 740 745

14 70 71 76 78 79 96 378 770 BBB10 FT SS

OLIVE ST

110 66

37 70 71 76 78 79 96 378 770 BBB10 FT SS

FT493 FT497 FT498 FT499 FT699

Long Beach

Medical Center

GRAND AV

7TH ST

18 53 55 62 355 720 460 33 83 92 33 92 728 733 GA1X 733 GA1X

16 18 53 55 62 316 355 720

2 4 10 28 81 83 JEWELRY 84 90 DISTRICT 91302 94 728 794 M50 T1 T2

7TH ST/METRO CENTER 20

51 52 352 LDA LDE

M40 M341 M342

PERSHING SQUARE

6TH ST

HILL ST

WILSHIRE BL

M40 M341 M342

BROADWAY

2ND

HOPE ST

16 18 53 55 62 316 355 442 460 720 M40 M50

HILL ST

LB131

BELMONT Belmont Pier SHORE

NORWALK

KATELLA

577X

405

BBB10 LDMSB

BUNKER HILL

16 18 53 55 62 316 355 442 460 720 M40 M50 53 55 60 Riordan 62 355 720 Central BBB10 M40 Library

FLOWER ST

LBA LBD

LBB

ATHERTON

LBD LB171 Long Beach VA

STUDEBAKER

4TH

XIMENO

LB111 LB112

LB172 STEARNS

LB173 96 ZAP Cal State LBD University

GRAND AV

5TH ST

PIONEER

STUDEBAKER

PALO VERDE

CLARK

WOODRUFF

BELLFLOWER

LAKEWOOD

LB91 LB92 LB93 LB94 LB96

REDONDO

OCEAN

LB171

LB81

7TH

LBB

LBA LBD

CO ON YO AL TE S LBD

10TH

4TH ST

60 760 BBB10

Market

3RD ST

BROADWAY

53 62 760 M40 M50 OC721

M341 M342 OC721

20 487 489 LDA LDE FT481

LB104

OC701

605

LO DI S AG

REDONDO

CHERRY

ORANGE

ATLANTIC Shoreline Village

LONG BEACH

LB102

577X

SPRING

NORTH BROADWAY

FIGUEROA ST

CITY WEST

6TH ST

VALLEY VIEW

CARMENITA

18 720

CARMENITA

BLOOMFIELD

MARQUARDT

NORWALK

PIONEER

Center Sunday service316 operates LA on the following holidays: 760 Studios New Year’s Day, Memorial Day, Independence Labor Day, Thanksgiving Day, Christmas Day M40 Day, M50

GRAND AV

CARMENITA

BLOOMFIELD

CARMENITA

MCNAB

WOODRUFF

GRIDLEY

PALO VERDE

WOODRUFF

BELLFLOWER

PARAMOUNT

CHERRY

STUDEBAKER

BELLFLOWER

CLARK

LAKEWOOD

DOWNEY RD

CLARK

DOWNEY RD

GARFIELD

Queen Mary

PAINTER

PIONEER

NORWALK

ST UD EB AK ER

SANTA ANA FWY

PIONEER

GARFIELD

VERMONT

GARFIELD

PARAMOUNT

ORANGE

HU N SA KE R

ATLANTIC

LBC

PINE

MAIN

ORANGE

ATLANTIC

LONG BEACH

PACIFIC

EASY

SANTA FE

ALAMEDA

AVALON

MAIN

Cabrillo Beach Pier

LA HARBOR

MAGNOLIA

BONITA

ALAMEDA

VERA

DOLORES

BANNING

MONETA

FIGUEROA

OC EA N

HARBOR

SAN PEDRO

1ST ST

SHORELINE

LBA LBD

LB111 LB112

LB131

LB171 LB172 LB173 LB174 ANAHEIM ST

LB45 LB46 LB81

LB71 LB72

CIVIC CENTER 226TH

WARDLOW

OC50

SIGNAL HILL

LB81 LB45

LB173

LB92 LB172

LB102 LB104

GARDENS

CARSON ST

LB101

LB91 LB93

SPRING LB112

Y HW

O SE PA

Korean Bell

TERMINAL ISLAND

5TH ST

4TH

BROADWAY 1ST

TRANSIT MALL

Sunday Service

FIGUEROA ST

22ND

SHEPARD

SANFORD

FIGUEROA

JOHN GIBSON

WESTERN

SA N TA

SANP

Park 246

DEL MAR

232

OCEAN

Catalina Landing

LB71 LB72

LB112

LONG BEACH AIRPORT (LGB) LB131

T AS CO

25TH

MX3X Angel’s Gate

CE142

Long Beach City College

LB61 LB63

7TH

PACIFIC

LONG BEACH HARBOR

LB21 LB22 LB23

LB61 LB63 LB101 LB103

PACIFIC COAST HIGHWAY ANAHEIM

SPRING

LB102 LB104

LB104

WILLOW

60 LB51 LB192

ANAHEIM

710

OCEAN

WATERFRONT RED CAR 205 Ports SANP O’Call Village CE142 246 450

PACIFIC

19TH

MX3

CE142

LB182

10TH

HARRY BRIDGES

CE142

LB182

LB181

405

WILLOW LB102

LB102 LB104

LB181

LB111

LB21 LB22 LB131 LB71 LB72

C FI CI PA

WESTERN

13TH

GAFFEY

9TH

550

1ST

710

LB1

ANAHEIM ST

WILMINGTON

450

AT LA N TI C

BU LL IS

WILMINGTON WILLOWBROOK

SANTA FE

MONA

LONG BEACH

ACACIA

SANTA FE

WILMINGTON

WILLOWBROOK

SANTA FE

LONG BEACH

MAIN

BROADWAY

SAN PEDRO

AVALON

WILMINGTON

CENTRAL

AVALON

HARBOR FWY

S MAIN

AVALON

CENTRAL

FIGUEROA FIGUEROA

VERMONT GAFFEY

205 San Pedro Peninsula Hosp 7TH 205 550

246

WOODRUFF

BR OO LA KS KE HI W RE OO

RI PA VE RA S M LA OU RE NT IN

DO W N EY

GA RF IE LD

OL D SC RI HO VE OL R

EASTERN

OTIS

ATLANTIC

COMPTON

CENTRAL

FIGUEROA

HOBART

WESTERN

NORMANDIE

VERMONT

AC H

NORMANDIE

WESTERN

NORMANDIE

HARBOR FWY

ARLINGTON

PALOS VERDES DR E

CR EN SH AW

VERMONT

VAN NESS

PRAIRIE BE

CRENSHAW

VAN NESS

MADRONA

CRENSHAW

MADISON

HAWTHORNE

ARLINGTON

RE DO N DO

HAWTHORNE

ANZA

M AY OR CA LL E

SP UR SI LV ER

HA W TH OR N E

PE AK

IN DI AN

HIGH RIDGE

VAN NESS

CRENSHAW

YUKON

OSAGE

FIRMONA HAWTHORNE

INGLEWOOD INGLEWOOD

DI PACIFIC COAST HWY AM ON D

AVIATION

SEPULVEDA

RINDGE REDONDO BEACH AV

HIGHLAND HERMOSA

HARBOR CATALINA

CATALINA

ESPLANADE

W DR VE RD ES

CALIFORNIA

ALAMEDA

MAIN

AVALON

MCKINLEY

BROADWAY

SAN PEDRO

VERMONT

WESTERN

NORMANDIE

VAN NESS

CRENSHAW

PRAIRIE

HAWTHORNE

AVIATION

LA CIENEGA

SEPULVEDA

INGLEWOOD

NASH

MAIN

VISTA

PA LO S

HAWTHORNE

SANP

232

See upper right of page

Good Samaritan Hospital

37 70 71 76 78 79 96 378 442 487 489 770 FT SS

MIRALESTE

Marymount College PVGL

110

LB191 LB192 LB193

LB93

LB101 LB103

WARDLOW

Long Beach Memorial Hospital

A IN AR M

SANP

1ST

LB182

WILLOW

202

3RD ST

O DR PE

MX3X

SUMMERLAND

225

202 202 232

Notes

439 BBB10 CE534 FT493 FT497 FT498 FT499 FT699 LDA OC701

N SA

450

246

ANAHEIM ST 202 C ST

LB181

ES YN LO

PALOS VERDES DR S

246

550

213

225 PVGR

LDWLM T3

LDWLM

232

CARSON ST

WARDLOW

LB1

202

CNS

LOMITA

PACIFIC COAST HWY

60 LB51 LB192

LB192 LB191 405 LB193

CAF

CAC 233RD

SEPULVEDA

CNS T7

T7 110

205 LA Harbor College

CAD CAG

CAF

246

H AP GR LE TE

PVGR 205 MX3 PVGR

223RD

CAC

CIVIC CENTER

355

LAUSD HQ

FLOWER ST

M IL L

W OR KM AN

PAINTER to

FIGUEROA ST

PECK PECK COGSWELL

PECK

TYLER

PA RK W AY

GREENLEAF

SA SP N RI TA N FE GS RD

M10

METRO SILVER LINE

MERCED

SANTA ANITA PE CK

M10 M50

NORWALK

ORANGE

FULTON

WALNUT GROVE ROSEMEAD

TY LE R

PECK

M IL L

DURFEE

W OR KM AN

270 N3

METRO SILVER LINE

BALDWIN

SANTA ANITA

HASTINGS RANCH DR

MICHILLINDA

BALDWIN

MICHILLINDA

HU N TI N GT ON

ARDEN

ROSEMEAD

TEMPLE CITY

RAMONA

SANTA ANITA

TEMPLE CITY

BALDWIN

ROSEMEAD

SAN GABRIEL

S MISSION

M AI N

SAN GABRIEL

ALMANSOR NEW

DEL MAR

GARFIELD

SANTA ANITA

ROSEMEAD

ALLEN

HILL

SMV AV

HILL WILSON

HU N TI N GT ON

GARFIELD

DEL MAR SAN GABRIEL

PA RA M OU RO N SE T M EA PA D SS ON S

N BR OR OA WAL DW K AY

PICKERING

M50

BIXEL ST

ALLEN

SAN GABRIEL

HU N TI N GT ON

RO SA

LAKE LAKE

GARFIELD

GREENWOOD MAPLE MONTEBELLO

PA RA M OU N T

ROSEMEAD

SLAUSON

SANTA FE SPRINGS

PASSONS

M50

WASHINGTON

CHINATOWN

DO W PARAMOUNT N EY RD

Whittier College

PHILADELPHIA

M10

605

M60

M50

577X

DOWNEY

W BU IL EY RK E

JABONERIA

M50

WHITTIER 270

577X

M60 19

EE N PA LE IN AF TE R

FAIR OAKS

CREST VISTA ATLANTIC

AV 51

LAKE OAK KNOLL

ATLANTIC

SC OU T

WILCOX

265

266

270

FT274 N1

DOWNTOWN LOS ANGELES

BEAUDRY AV

OA KS FA IR

MARENGO LOS ROBLES

FAIR OAKS

AV 64

FREMONT

M ON PA TE SS RE RD Y

FORD

ARIZONA

GAGE

OTIS

CALIFORNIA

EASTERN

ROWAN

INDIANA

EASTERN

EV ER GR EE N

SA N TA

LINCOLN

FAIR OAKS

OAK GROVE

LINDA VISTA

SE CO

LINCOLN

TOWNSEND

FIGUEROA

AV 64 SAN PASCUAL

VI ST A

M ON TE

AV57

GR IF BR FI OA N DW AY

DALY

M IS SI ON

EASTERN MARIANA

ST AT E SO TO

FO RE ST

EASTERN

STATE

SEVILLE

SA N TA

M50

PICO RIVERA

FT493 FT497

T IT EW H

GA RF IE LD

VERDUGO

CANADA

CH AS E

HARVEY

CH EV Y

AI N

91 AV 45 78 CE 794 5 41 HI SC CE40 83 9 LL 79 9 84 4 LB SC D BR 79 OA DL 9 DW HC M 76

M IS SI ON

ST AT E

BO YL E

AL AM ED A

SANTA FE

LO RE N A

STATE

COMPTON

SOTO

CE N TR AL

SO TO

0 42 74 5 45

GA 1X

VI LL A RO CK EA GL E AV

EC HO

PA RK

CENTRAL

VERDUGO VERDUGO

BRAND

GLENDALE AV

SI ER RA

BRAND

CENTRAL

GLENDALE AV

PACIFIC

FE LI Z S

GLENDALE BL

FLETCHER

TALMADGE

HYPERION

SILVER LAKE

CO RO N AD O

RE N O RA M PA RT

AL VA RA DO

72 1

FL OW 81 GR ER SI AN 44 LV OL D 45 2 46ER BR IV 37 0 CE 0 OA HI E 55 38 438/ DW LL 44 37 35 AY 8 OC 5 M T1 60 AI 70 3 40 T2 N 1/

PE DR O SA N

AVALON

BROADWAY

MAIN

NORMANDIE

GLENDALE BL

HILLHURST LO

HOOVER

FI GU ER OA

FIGUEROA

WESTERN

NORMANDIE

VERMONT

WILTON

VERMONT

WESTERN

CENTRAL

BA RH AM

WEST

CRENSHAW

GLENDALE FWY

PR OV ID EN CI A

OL IV E

AL AM ED A SO N OR A

BU RB M AN AG N K OL IA

OL IV E

AL AM ED A

BEACHWOOD

VINE

GOWER

WESTERN

HIGHLAND RIMPAU

CR EN SH AW

WESTERN

ROSSMORE

LA BREA

GR AN DV IE W

LINCOLN

CY PR ES S

SUNLAND

LA BREA

BUCKINGHAM

ARLINGTON ARLINGTON

LE DEGNAN IM ER T

WEST

M10

108 265 358

M60

FT282

OLIVE ST

TUJUNGA CANYON

SU N LA N D

LA BREA

HY PA DE RK

VAN NESS

LAUREL CYN

VINELAND

TUJUNGA

WHITSETT

SU N SE T M ON IC A

SA N TA

FAIRFAX

ROBERTSON

LA CIENEGA

JE FF ER SO N

HI LL CR ES T

ST OC KE R

OVERHILL LA BREA LA BREA

AT LA N TI C

BE LL A TE RR A

OS BO RN E

SH EL DO N

LANKERSHIM

TU XF OR D

VINELAND

OS BO RN E

BR AN FO RD

FULTON

WOODMAN

COLDWATER CYN

ROBERTSON

VE N IC E

LA CIENEGA LA CIENEGA

BEACH

SEPULVEDA

TI JE RA LA

OL YM PI C PI CO

BEVERLY DR

VE N IC E

CULVER

BRADDOCK

HOOPER

SA YR E

RO XF OR D

SU N SE T M ON IC A

SA N TA

CH PA AR LM N S OC K

N AT IO N AL

VE N IC E

W AS HI N GT ON M IN DA N AO

CU LV ER

M20 M70 M343

605

FT274 N1

E ON ST RE FI

PASEO DEL MAR

M40 M342

M70

M20 SLAUSON 5

FT493 FT497

270 577X

Whittier Narrows Recreation Area FT269 DURFEE

FT269

EMORA EMYEL

FT269

W AS M HI AX N GT EL ON LA

FWY

190

FT488 to Cal Poly Pomona

194

ELLIOTT

Alhambra Community Transit ALB Antelope Valley Transit Authority AV Beach Cities Transit BCT Bell Gardens Transit BG Bellfl ower Bus BF Burbank Bus BB Carson Circuit CA Cerritos on Wheels (COW) CR Children’s Court Shuttle CCS Commerce Municipal Bus Lines CO Compton Renaissance Transit System COM Cudahy Area Rapid Transit (CART) CU Culver CityBus C DowneyLink DL East Los Angeles Shuttle (El Sol) EL El Monte Transit EM Foothill Transit FT Gardena Municipal Bus Lines GA Glendale Beeline GB Huntington Park Combi HP La Canada Flintridge Shuttle (operated by Glendale Beeline) LC Lawndale Beat LW Long Beach Transit LB LA DOT Commuter Express CE LA DOT DASH LD Lynwood Breeze LY Montebello Bus Lines M Monterey Park Spirit Bus MP Municipal Area Express (MAX) MX Norwalk Transit N Orange County Transportation Authority (OCTA) OC Palos Verdes Penninsula Transit Authority PV Paramount Easy Rider PA Pasadena Area Rapid Transit System (ARTS) ARTS Port of Los Angeles - Waterfront RAIL WRC Rosemead Explorer ROSE City of Santa Clarita Transit SC Santa Monica’s Big Blue Bus BBB Santa Monica’s Rapid, Culver CityBus Rapid R Simi Valley Transit SV Sunshine Shuttle SW Torrance Transit T Willowbrook Shuttle WB West Hollywood CityLine WH For complete information, consult the Other Carriers link on metro.net or the service provider.

Metro Shuttles & Circulators

111 311

BG1 M30

266

The Shops BEVERLY at Montebello 72

287

SOUTH EL MONTE

ROSE

EMBLU FT178

EL MONTE

Municipal Bus Operators

M30 M70

BG1 DLNW DLNW

M30

RUSH

EE OK ER CH H 7T

ES RD VE

344 PVGL

SEACOVE

ROLLING HILLS

CNS

HARBOR CITY

MX3

PVGL

RANCHO PALOS VERDES

15-20 30 30-60d -

13-15 15-20 18-60b 20-60b 25-60b 12-15 15-20 15-30f 15-30f 15-30f 30-60 18-20 30-60 20 30-60 30-60 16-30 30-60 18-25 30-60 30 6-10 30 8-15 30 30-60 10-12 15-60 10-15 15-60 15-20 20 30f 30f 30f 30 9-10 20-30 14-15 30 20-60 10-13 30-60 10 30-60 15-20 20-25 30-60f 30-60f 30-60f 30-60 15 15-60 20 30-60 30-60 16-30 30-60 18-25 30-60 25-60 30 30-60 40 30-60 18-60 10-22 20-60 12-24 28-60 Frequencies shown reflect the main segment of each Metro line. Service may 60 22-65 60 60-85 60 operate less frequently on certain parts of the line. Please see individual line 25-60 9-15 20-60 12-15 30-60 schedules for details. 30-60 18-20 30-60 40 30-60 36-65 7-30 40-60 10-30 40-60 60 22-32 43-50 20-30 60 30-60 12-15 30-60 17-19 34-60 Notes 60 15-20 60 20-30 60 a No late-evening service 10-15 10-12 20-60g 30-60g 30-60g b Night and Owl service operates via Hollywood Bl between Vermont & Fairfax 40-60 40-60 60 60 60 c Owl service only 21-60 5-15 20-60 15 35-60 d Night service operates as Line 233 30-60 20 40-60 15-20 40-60 e Owl service provided by FT Silver Streak 25-60 16 25-60 12-13 20-60 f Serves Santa Monica during late night and Owl periods 60 60 g Serves Long Beach during late night and Owl periods 21-60 15-20 35-60 15-20 30-60 h Travels south of Washington/Fairfax during Weekday Peak periods only 20-60 15-30 50-60 15-40 60 60 40-45 60 34-45 60 24-hour Owl service 22-60 15 30-60 20 20-60 30-60 25 30-60 30 60 Sunday Service 30-60 20 40-60 15-20 40-60 Sunday service operates on the following holidays: 120 60 120 60 120 New Year’s Day, Memorial Day, Independence Day, Labor Day, Thanksgiving Day, Christmas Day 120 60 120 60 120 60 21-30 60 40 60 60 20 30-70 20 50-70 Metro Local or Limited Line Metro Express Line 81 460 50-55 60 Metro Late-Night or 50 50 50a 50a 50a Metro Rapid Line & Stop 20 740 Owl Service 40-60 12-15 45-60 16-20 40-60 Metro Shuttle Line Municipal Bus Line 30-60 14-20 40-60 20 40-60 603 M10 40-65 20-25 40-60 22-30 36-60 Metro Rail Line & Station Metro Rail Station & 30-60 12 20-60 12 30-60 Entrance (Downtown LA) 23-60 14-20 27-60 20 45-60 Transfers 50-60 20-25 40-60 25-30 60 60 60 60 60 60 50 23-50 30 60a Metro Liner & Station Metro Silver Line Street Stop Transitway & Station I-110 Metro Station 60 60 40-50a 60a 60a Metro Customer Center Metrolink Station 40-60 30 40-60 30-35 40-60 Tourist Attraction/ Amtrak Station 35-60 22-27 45-60 30 35-60 Sports Venue Shopping Area Greyhound 55-60 60 60 50 60 50 60 School/College/University FlyAway 60 52 50-60 60 210 Interstate Freeway Point of Interest 40-60 25 60 30 60 60 30 60 35 60 US Freeway Airport/Civic/Government 101 30-45 32-45 State Highway or Freeway Park 134 50-60 30 30 40a 60a 60 50 60 50 60 12-0491 ©2012 LACMTA JAN 2012 Subject to Change 60 40-60 40-60 10-20 30-60 10-20 40-60 40-60 30-40 40-60 30-40 60 60 60 60 60 24-60 60 40-60 60 60 15-30 60 20-40 60 16-40 10-12 20-40 10-15 25-40 60 60 60c 60c 60c 20-30 13-20 20-30 15-20 30 60 60 56a 55a 55a 30-60 20-22 50-60 20-25 50-60 20-60 10-13 20-60 12-15 20-60 30-60 15-18 30-60 16-18 30-60 60 16-20 30-60 25 40-60 20-60h 9-15h 20-60h 15-20h 25-60h 76 Dodger CHINATOWN DLHC 35-50 40 Stadium 60 60 60 40 60 30-60 15-25 40-60 30 40-60 60 35 60 35 60 DLHC 60 30-33 60 30-35 60 76 76 20-60 15-20 20-60 20 30-60 30-65 35 30-65 30 50-65 VIGNES ST 60 60 DLHC 110LDB 96 ORD ST 40-42 15-20 40 30-32 40 60 68 70 81 90 45 60 DLHC 71 78 76 76 DLHC LDB 91 94 83 96 50 79 378 SC794 SC799 794 84 50 60 770 60 30-40 60 60 60 76 704 Notes 83 704 2 302 704 30-60 12 30-60 15 30-60 2 728 733 SC794 4 55 728 745 See upper right of page DLHC LDMSB 40 50 40 50 60 302 355 745 770 PATSAOURAS 68 70 71 60 LDMSB TRANSIT Sunday ServiceCESAR CHAVEZ AV 704 DLHC UNION STATION 40 76 78 79 45 60 60 PLAZA Sunday 4service operates on the following holidays: 2 42 83 96 378 - 55 New Year’s 55 60 Day, Memorial Day, Independence Day, Labor Day, Thanksgiving Day, Christmas Day 60 LDD LDB 728 733 770 45-60 16 30-60 15-20 30-60 33 92 733 302 355 BBB10 33 60 -355 60 LDMSB 740 740 55 55 CE422 487 487 60 40 60 35-40 60 METRO SILVER LINE CE423 FT481 489 489 60 60 FT481 740 LA Cathedral 50 50 60a FT481 Federal Building BBB10 BBB10 2 4 10 60 FT SILVER STREAK CE534 10 48 -92 4 48 92 302 730 730 TEMPLE ST Music TEMPLE BBB10 CE409 OC701 60 - ST DWP 2 4 45 84 92 439 Center JANM City LITTLE TOKYO/ 30-55 33-40 40-50 33-46 83 84 302 487 489 68 442 30 55 60 ARTS DISTRICT Hall 730 740 745 FT SS SC799 T1 40 MOCA 355 60-65 60 60 60a 60a CIVIC 70 71 30 40 T2 42 BBB10 CENTER 76 78 42 68 96 30 14 3730 79 96 378 84 330 FT SS 439 1ST ST- BBB10 CE409 Walt 1ST ST LDA 442 770 FT SS T1 T2 CE423 CE431 GA1X Japanese 32-40 60 2 4 2 4 CE437 CE438 Disney LDA Village 10 28 30 40 CE448 OC701 Concert Plaza Hall 81 83 42 45 FT481 84 90 84 302 2ND ST 730 740 91 94 33 83 92 33 92 733 Pacific 745 302 - 55 LDA AV785 GA1X 728 733 Stock Grand 728 794 BBB10 - 60 Exchange Central T1 T2 LDA

FI JI

PA RK

287

MONTEBELLO/COMMERCE 18 66 M20

A LI CI CE D 3R

CREST

20-22 9-15 10-20 20-30 15-20 30 -

OC EA N

287

IN AT LL GA

PVB

225

CE448 225

GA2

PACIFIC COAST HWY

205

225 PVGR

450

CE448

205 550 LOMITA

CARSON ST

T3 CAB CAB CNS 234TH

AY N DW TO OA GS BR N VI LI

S LO PA

344

225 PVB PVGR PVS 225

RN TE ES W

226 PVB

344

CARSON Harbor/UCLA Medical Center 205 550

GA2

T9 MX3 T5

LOMITA

232 MX3 T5

PALOS VERDES DR N

226

CE448 PVB

TORRANCE MUNICIPAL AIRPORT

GA2

ROLLING HILLS ESTATES

PVGR

CE448 PVB

PVB

PASEO LUNADO

GA2 T5

CE448

344

PVS

15-20 30 30-60d -

Approximate frequency in minutes Weekdays Saturdays Sundays Day Eve Day Eve Day Eve

6-10 10-12 9-12 15 5-10 20 4-8 15 3-8 8-10 3-10 10 6-10 10-12 6-12 20 7-10 12-15 7-15 15-20 12 12 4-8 15 12-24 24 5-10 15-16 20-25 30-32 5-8 10-12 5-10 20 4-15 20-24 17-20 20-24 6-10 12-15 4-15 20 5-10 15-20 15-27 30-32 2-8 12 13-17 20 10-12 15 15-35 35 12-15 16 10-20 16-40 20-30 40-45 6-10 15 18-25 25 13-17 20 23-30 60 28-40 60 14-24 22-26 15-20 30 24-30 28 42-50 50 10-16 17-20 8-20 15-17 10-25 20-30 11-20 12 3-10 15-20 16-22 22-25 30-40 60 15-24 30-32 60 60 60 30-50 47-50 25-35 50 23-30 38-42 8-18 23-24 60 60 30-60 30-60 23-41 50 30-35 60-67 15-60 60 12-20 22-27 10-22 30 10-18 30 12-20 23-24 40-50 50 60 60 8-60 45 45 30-35 30 30-32 30 30-32 26-60 60 12-30 30 10-20 30 5-8 11 50 50 55 7-10 12-13 21-43 30-40 7-10 20-24 7-12 15 36-55 60 10-16 16-20 30-42 11-14 15 30-48 12-15h 16-18h 30-35 35 60 60 25-40 50-60 10-12 15-30 20-30 30-35 10-20 30 12-14 15 15-23 30 30-60 60 60 60 60 60 2 4 20 302 704 15-24 25-60 60 25-60 60 18-40 60 18-40 60 30 60 15-20 20 22-30 40 30-60 60 45 45 35-50 50 11-18 15-20 60 60 37-55 55 30-35 40-45 30 30 30-36 60 60 10 92 40-60 45 45 TEMPLE ST 45 22-40 16-40 28 7-20 21-60 40-55 15-20 14 12-16 1ST ST 6-20 15-50 60 10-16 11-50 11-15 8-21 18-30 14-30 18-23 -

JE FF ER SO N

BELLAGIO SEPULVEDA

HILGARD

W IL SH IR E

SEPULVEDA

HOLLYWOOD

N UY S VA N N UY S

VA N

HAZELTINE

VAN NUYS

KESTER

FW Y

DI EG O

CO SA LO N TA RA M DO ON M IC ON A IC A FW Y

PI CO

RUSH

M20 ROSE

WHITTIER

CE EN OR FL

Y HW

232

MX2

344

CLOYDEN

PVW

MX2

107

232

225

225 PVW

MX3 T5

SEPULVEDA

T8 T9 LOMITA

A ED LV PU SE

T AS CO BCT104

CALLE DE ARBOLES

PALOS VERDES DR N PVW

226 CE438 PVW

PALOS VERDES ESTATES MONTE MALAGA

T7 BCT104

344

IN RL CA

AL RE

C FI CI PA

225 226 BCT104

PVS PVW

CARSON ST

Center

344

BCT104

BCT104 MX2

MX2

20 30 6-15 10-20 25-30 10-16 11-15 20 30 20 -

VIG

SA N TA

CH AS E

SEPULVEDA

VAN NUYS

KESTER WOODCLIFF

SE PU LV ED A SA N

SU N SE T W IL SH IR E

HU BB AR D

M AC LA Y

BALBOA BALBOA

HASKELL

WOODLEY

RESEDA

LOUISE

WHITE OAK

BALBOA

DE SOTO

MASON

SA N VI CA CE RL N YL TE M E ON TA N A

268 487 EL MONTE FT492 AIRPORT EMRED

EL MONTE 176

Peaks

M30 BG1

111 311

BG1

EMRED

76 267

ROSE

176 EMRED EMGRE 70 770

GARVEY

R IE TT HI W

611

70 770

POMONA

M10

COMMERCE M30

GAGE

FT494

AZUSA

2 4 10 14 16 18 20 28 30 33 35 37 38 40 42 45 48 51 52 53 55 60 62 66 68 70 71 76 78 79 81 83 84 90 91 92 94 96 102 105 108 110 111 115 117 120 125 126 127 128 130 150 152 154 155 156 158 161 163 164 165 166 167 169 175 176 177 180 181 183 190 194 200 201 202 204 205 206 207 209 210 211 212 215 217 218 220 222 224 230 232 233 234 236 237 239 240 242 243 244 245 246 251 252 254 256 258 260 264 265 266 267 268 270 287 290 292 302 305 311 312 316 344 352 353 355 358 363 364 378

N SU

BANDINI SLAUSON

110

LK M

O IN M CA

12-20 30 30-60d -

OLYMPIC

E ON ST RE FI

G N HI RS PE

232

AVE I

20 25-30 30 6-8 30 20 20 38 30-32 25 20 30 20 15 15 20 20 25-30 15 22-25 30

A ED AM

COBLU COGRN COORG M30 CORED COYLW M50 COORG

COBLU CORED M50

258

710

CLARA

MP3

MONTEBELLO

ELWB

COGRN

BELL GARDENS

270

FT492 LOWER

R IE TT HI W

HP SANTA ANA

108 358 611

to Montclair

487

268

ROSEMEAD

EL MONTE

VA SU

102

260 762

BELL

110

111 311

176 VALLEY

FT497,498,499,699 FT Silver Streak

M70 60 M70 BEVERLY M20 M70 M341

M30

EAST COYLW Citadel LOS Outlets ANGELES

COMMERCE

108 358 HP

FLORENCE

111 311 612

68 MP1 MP2 M30

ELWB

78 378

FT494

TEMPLE CITY 267

266 489

76 489 SILVER FT481,493

487 489

RIGGIN

MP1

WHITTIER

COBLU CORED

M50

LEONIS

RANDOLPH

GAGE

HUNTINGTON PARK

MP1 MP2

6TH

to Duarte

270

487

268

Y RL VE BE

258

LAS TUNAS

MP3 MP1 MP2 M30

MONTEREY PARK

260 762 770

ATLANTIC

EAST LA CIVIC CENTER

ELUP

MAYWOOD 108 358 HP

254 110 254

68 68 260 762

270

FT494

264

611 MANCHESTER 115 115 MANCHESTER MANCHESTER 265 611 611 HP Whittwood Center BBB3 CU 442 442 115 CUDAHY 115 FIRESTONE MANCHESTER Great MULBERRY 115 115 N3 Univ of West LA M50 204 N3 FIRESTONE Western DLNW 111 ARBOR SILVER 53 SW 92ND 754 Forum SOUTH GATE N3 270 DLNW 40 LAX CITY BUS CENTER 612 710 311 VITAE LDVM 62 265 450 460 60 260 305 92ND LDVM 442 R6 LDWTS SW 612 LYC 251 Hollywood Park 96TH 550 CE438 760 111 254 TWEEDY 762 740 LDWTS SW Racetrack 117 115 C 40 CENTURY CE448 GA1X CENTURY 209 258 117 311 117 612 117 C 120 117 117 117 TWEEDY OC701 117 117 103RD CENTURY LDUM 211 212 G 232 N3 DLNE 117 OC721 DLNW R3 WATTS 312 207 204 206 45 48 103RD ST 612 251 DLNE 260 CE574 T1 T2 R6 215 62 DLSW 577X N1 LENNOX 108TH 210 757 754 745 405 MARTIN 55 265 762 T8 254 305 LDWTS Rancho BBB3 N3 120 710 ABBOTT 81 51 52 266 HAWTHORNE 612 Los Amigos 117 C6 LYC DLNE 120 IMPERIAL HWY 105 352 IMPERIAL 40 IMPERIAL HWY 127 120 206 211 19 Medical Center DLNE IMPERIAL HWY IMPERIAL 120 117 120 612 CE438 120 120 207 120 209 GA2 120 120 120 IMPERIAL G SW N8 Downey 270 232 CE438 105 111 120 CRENSHAW 105 460 LYNWOOD Depot LAKELAND AVALON OC701 LONG BEACH 460 VERMONT 204 HARBOR FWY 105 LA SW AVIATION/LAX 311 115 126 IMPERIAL/WILMINGTON 258 N2 N3 DLSE BCT109 CE574 OC701 625 CE438 T8 127 College 209 209 120TH DLSE GA2 120TH LYA LYA LYC DLSW 119TH 232 266 MX2 MX3 45 MARIPOSA NORWALK HAWTHORNE N2 62 LYB ATHENS GA2 GA5 LYC T2 117 LEFFINGWELL GA5 COM1 60 WB2 GA5 127 MUNICIPAL AIRPORT GA5 EL SEGUNDO GA5 EL SEGUNDO GRAND N1 N3 EL SEGUNDO to GA5 DLSW 605 N8 COM5 WB2 GA5 LYC 266 270 DLSE La Habra WB2 IMPERIAL T2 T2 Plaza EL SEGUNDO LYC N4 N4 COM3 460 WILLOWBROOK DLSW 120 HAWTHORNE 210 265 El Segundo 135TH 45 209 T8 CE574 N4 COM3 270 215 NORWALK/ 205 202 53 COM1 40 T1 211 710 460 105 GA4 EL SEGUNDO 45 460 OC701 DOUGLAS MX3X COM1 COM5 SANTA FE SPRINGS COM5 125 740 GA2 NORWALK LAKEWOOD T2 OC701 LYC 125 125 5 LB71 LB72 N3 ROSECRANS ROSECRANS ROSECRANS 125 232 125 N8 LB172 125 ROSECRANS GA1X CE438 to LWRES 125 125 125 125 LWEX BFN COM1 125 125 125 125 LB173 ROSECRANS 126 460 BCT109 ROSECRANS La Mirada ROSECRANS COM3 125 COM1,2,3 ROSECRANS 125 215 GA1 LB71 PARAMOUNT GARDENA GA4 260 266 N5 COMPTON N5 N1 GA1 COM4,5 60 MANHATTAN LWEX LWRES 710 GA1X N3 265 LB72 258 GA1 BFN 762 LB172 62 GA3 MARINE 125 60 211 GA1X PAER BEACH 232 REDONDO BEACH LWRES COMPTON SOMERSET BFN LB173 T1 GA4 51 COM1 127 COMPTON 127 GA1X N1 460 N8 110 127 LWRES LAWNDALE MX3 126 BCT109 N1 127 N2 COMPTON COM4 COM4 COMPTON GA2 N2 GA4 T5 BFN 126 MX3 GA1 266 126 127 126 MX3 to 265 258 GA3 GA1 MANHATTAN BEACH El Camino GA3 COMPTON AIRPORT COM4 Disneyland BELLFLOWER ALONDRA ALONDRA REDONDO BEACH ALONDRA 128 GA4 128 COM4 College GA3 CAH 460 1 SILVER 128 128 Manhattan 128 LWRES ALONDRA GA3 128 COM4 N3 LB72 211 710 450 Beach Pier GARDENA COM2 GA1X Cerritos College 53 52 202 N8 60 T5 GA3 5 40 T1 GA3 550 GA1X T8 BCT102 MIDWAY GA2 232 COM5 LB22 258 352 COM4 740 LWRES CE448 260 CALDWELL CERRITOS 128 45 GA1X LB91 266 BFN 210 LWEX OC721 762 BCT109 COM2 CR1 166TH LB92 BFS 202 LB21 LB71 T2 CAH El Camino College LB72 CR1 CR2 WALNUT CE438 CR2 LB72 GREENLEAF 405 BFS FLORAVISTA N3 265 T5 Compton Center MX2 GA1 130 COM5 T6 OC721 91 OC721 OC721 OC721 62 91 ARTESIA GA2 ARTESIA ARTESIA ARTESIA LB92 ARTESIA LB173 OC721 N1 130 260 762 577X 130 210 130 OC721 130 130 130 91 GA4 91 OC721 130 LB61 LB63 ARTESIA ARTESIA 344 T2 344 GARDENA FWY LB72 GA1 N8 130 T1 BFS CR1 CR2 MX3 182ND ALBERTONI T6 OC721 LB22 GA2 GA4 N2 HERMOSA T6 MX3X T5 LB61 LB71 246 62 BITTERLAKE LB93 CR1 183RD 205 GA2 Hermosa LB63 LB72 LB21 265 266 LB101 BEACH N2 190TH VICTORIA ARTESIA TRANSIT CENTER SOUTH BAY CR2 VICTORIA LB91 577X Beach Pier to LB92 CR1 N8 52 130 GA1 LB103 128 ARTESIA N3 LB111 130 GALLERIA LB93 Anaheim SOUTH CR2 Home Depot Center Soccer Stadium SAN DIEGO FWY LB112 OC30 LB192 450 205 352 CAE 710 CR1 CR2 TORRANCE Cal State University SOUTH SOUTH T6 405 202 MX3X LB111 LB22 577X Los Cerritos CAN BCT102 Dominguez Hills CAE LB92 T6 LB21 19 LB192 T6 CR1 CR1 OC701 Center LB112 OC721 190TH 91 190TH MARKET CR1 LB91 BRENNER UNIVERSITY 344 CR2 CR2 130 110 to Fullerton CNS 192ND T5 T6 MX3 HARBOR 195TH CR2 T8 CAA CANDLEWOOD LB173 LB191 BCT109 LB172 265 Lakewood 605 GA2 T5 TURMONT GATEWAY LB22 CE438 450 266 Center Mall DEL AMO DEL AMO CR1 LB191 MX2 205 LB101 205 LB191 LB191 GA2 LB191 CR2 LB192 T2 DEL AMO DEL AMO REDONDO 550 45 CAE 405 LAKEWOOD T1 232 CARSON 202 LB173 LB191 577X 62 T1 246 LB91 LB92 LB172 BEACH LB191 OC701 KING HARBOR T2 CENTRALIA TORRANCE TORRANCE CAF CNS South Bay 450 LB61 LB71 T3 T3 T2 LB21 LB22 LB111 T1 GA2 Pavilion CNS CE448 LB63 LB72 213TH CAD T1 BCT104 CAF T7 HAWAIIAN CAF 213TH Redondo Beach Pier LB93 LB103 CAG T5 Del Amo LB112 Fashion R3

LAX

Approximate frequency in minutes Weekdays Saturdays Sundays Day Eve Day Eve Day Eve

8-15 8-12 12-15 3-10 12 10-15 8-15 15-20 10-18 16-18 3-10 6-15 12-15 5-8 10-12 10-15 10-18 20-25 10-13 10-15 16-20

62 66

ELCT MP1 ELUP

256 ELWB

EMERSON GARVEY

East LA College 68 770 258

1ST

MARAVILLA

267

78 378

FLORAL

256

266 489

LL HI

ELUP

18 720

M30

to Montclair

DUARTE

264

210

FT187

260 762 70 MP4

MP2

M30

76 ALG

VALLEY

MONROVIA 270

487

ARCADIA

ON SI IS M

ALHAMBRA

266 267

Santa Anita Park Santa Anita Fashion 79 Park

M20

ALG ALB

COMMONWEALTH

FT481,493,497 FT498,499,699 FT Silver Streak

264

M20

176

487

H AP GR LE TE

254

ELA

256

611

LEONIS

60 251 FRUITLAND 254 760 751

254

710

M40 M341 3RD M342 WHITTIER

254

LDSE

SLAUSON

FLORENCE 55 355 115 FIRESTONE 55 254

665 ELUP

ELA

WASHINGTON

M50

111 311

51 52 352

256

ELCT

VERNON

611 705 VERNON

VERNON 55TH SLAUSON

110

254 1ST

254 62 66 665 OLYMPIC

ON RN VE

251 751

POMEROY

78 258 378 ALG

258

SILVER 487 489

258

MP4 258 MP4

CESAR CHAVEZ

620 INDIANA

LD IE RF GA

R IE TT HI W

S AM AD

25TH

LD IE RF GA

H 6T

C PI YM OL

70 CSULA

665 ELCT

620

485

76 485 ALB 10

78 176 378

176

ESCT

485

CAL STATE LA

H AS AB W

H 7T

LDSE 105

55 102 355 611

GAGE

FLORENCE

IS LL CO

70 78 8 71 37 7 79 5 48 0 1ST 48 9 77 30 48

28 62 0 53 72 0 76 60

H 4T

60 760 WASHINGTON

H 41 M3 42 5T M3

620 605

EL SERENO

256

FT187

267

487

SAN GABRIEL

487

268

FT187

266

487

M30

260 762

MAIN

268

264 266 268

SIERRA MADRE VILLA LA County FT690 Arboretum

DEL MAR

SAN MARINO

79 485

HUNTINGTON

79 78 378

605 68 SOTO 770 620

BOYLE HEIGHTS

252

ESCT

LAC+USC MED CTR

251 620 751

VALLEY

LA Co+USC 252 Medical Ctr 605 620

PICO/ALISO MARIACHI PLAZA

176

ESCT

MERCURY

252 45 78 79 378

DLHC

76 751

California Institute of Technology

ARTS60

ARTS40

ARTS60

Huntington Library & Botantical Gardens

485

MISSION 176

MONTEREY

0 M4

102

108 358 110

55 355

VERNON

45 305 LDVM 745

110

41ST

51ST

51 52 352

204 754

LDVM

102

LDVM 48

LDCS

S ES RD PR DO CY AN RN FE

N SA

LDSE

45 745

LDVM

4 4 2 2 70 30 EP 92 PU

105 705

LDSE

T SE N SU

N SO ER FF JE

LDSE

SLAUSON

SILVER 442 450 460 550

53 M50

LSKE

LDCS LDVM

CE438 CE448 GA1X OC701 OC721 T1 T2

E ID RS VE RI

105 705

204 754

LDSE

108 358

AY W

AR IZ ON A

RK YO

M IU AD ST

GA1X

251

70 71

620

SOUTH PASADENA

HIGHLAND PARK

Debs

177 487

SIERRA MADRE

487

268

COLORADO

487

ARTS60

177

ARTS20

487

264

181

FT187

Pasadena City College 267

MISSION

176

PASADENA

256 HILLS HERITAGE SQUARE

ARTS60

SIERRA MADRE

ARTS32

ARTS40

ALLEN

FOOTHILL

ARTS10

GLENARM

260 762

83 252 Regional Park LINCOLN/CYPRESS

110

PASADENA

ARTS20/51/52

268

ARTS31 ARTS32

ORANGE GROVE

LAKE

ARTS10

267 DEL MAR DEL MAR

256 176

256

177

GREEN

FILLMORE 260 686 687 762

264

256

180 485

ARTS20

ARTS40 FT690

MEMORIAL PARK 177 256

81 SOUTHWEST MUSEUM

268

ARTS31/32 VILLA

210

ARTS51/52

DHPER

751

180 William Carey 256 International 485 University 686 ARTS20

WASHINGTON

687

210

180 485

ARTS20

WOODBURY

177 260 ARTS20 762

Huntington Memorial Hospital

HIGHLAND PARK YORK

CYPRESS PARK

WORLD WAY WEST

625

Peaks

704 705 710 720 728 730 733 734 740 741 745 750 751 754 757 760 761 762 770 780 794

264

687

CALIFORNIA

Dodger Stadium

ARTS20

DHPER

90 91 94 794

264 267 256

687

D EA M SE RO

SEPULVEDA

ZELZAH

BALBOA

TAMPA

WOODLEY WOODLEY

BALBOA

LINDLEY

RESEDA RESEDA

TOPANGA CYN

DE SOTO

CORBIN

TAMPA

WINNETKA

Line

40-55 60 60 -

RK YO

DE SOTO

60 30 60 30-60 60 -

EW N

CANOGA

40-45 60 60 -

260

WOODBURY

267

181

MOUNT WASHINGTON

PUEP

E OV GR

FALLBROOK

K OA

TOPANGA CYN

40 24-30 60 20-30 60 -

15-60e 30-60

MARIPOSA

260

180 181 256 780

DHPER

Elysian Park

CHAUTAUQUA

LL HI OT FO

VALLEY CIRCLE

E OS TR ON M

TO PA CY N N GA

40-55 60 50 60 60

LL HI OT FO

RD 23

40 42 740

204 754

110

206

LN CO N LI

207 757

209

37TH ST/ USC

Exposition Park Coliseum KING JR

206

111 305 311

see inset

110

LDCS

SLAUSON

207 305 GAGE 757 FLORENCE

210 710

111 311

40 111 311 740

212 607 312

VERNON

54TH

LDLS

108

SOUTHWEST

LDLS FLORENCE

LDLS

206

LDLS

209

54TH

HYDE 358 PARK 110

110

305

40 210 710 740

54TH

ECHO PARK

DOWNTOWN LOS ANGELES

607 FAIRVIEW

607

LDLS 206

LDF

USC 102 550 LDSE

181

Occidental College

E 10 PL M Y TE RL VE

TEMESCAL

60 30 60 45 30 50 45

Line

256

EXPOSITION

206

207 757

E IC N VE

204 754

206

YOSEMITE

37 Mount St Mary’s College 38

MARTIN LUTHER

WESTCHESTER

College 115 ofOtis Art Design

PLAYA DEL REY

Main stakekeholders: MTA, BRU, NGOs

30-60 30-35 14-16 23-36 40 18-30 18-20 11-20 30-40 40

metro.net

Metro Local & Limited

Metro Rapid

Approximate frequency in minutes Weekdays Saturdays Sundays Day Eve Day Eve Day Eve

Peaks

439 442 450 460 485 487 489 534 550 577

ALTADENA

Rose Bowl

COLORADO

GLASSELL PARK

92 603

LIDA

Art Center College of Design (Hillside Campus)

81 180 83 780 DHPER

685

603

200

CE431 CE437

ADAMS

JEFFERSON

102 550

209

CRENSHAW

SLAUSON

607

Line

15-20 60e

15-30 30-60

12-60e 30-60

260

268

CE549

AV785 CE419 SC794 SC799

COLISEUM

33 733 439 BBB10

603

WESTLAKE/ MACARTHUR PARK

C 28 PI YM CO OL PI

INGLEWOOD

VENICE

38 207 550 757

30 730

201

H 7T H 8T

CENTINELA

6-9 30-40

COLORADO

48 20 0 72

439

108 358 CULVER CITY 42 TRANSIT 42A 607 CENTER 439 110 439 CE574

115 CE574 MANCHESTER

WILSHIRE/ VERMONT 66 28 728

204 754

WASHINGTON

206

WEST ADAMS

LDLS

FT481

8TH OLYMPIC

D 3R H 18 6T E IR SH IL W

LADERA HEIGHTS

Loyola Marymount University

Kenneth Hahn State Rec Area

209

102

20 720

WILSHIRE/ NORMANDIE

KOREATOWN

33 733 35

16 316 18

6TH WILSHIRE

FT481

PICO

210 305 710

3RD

16 316 18 20 720

LDMID

105 705

LDCRN

212 West LA College 312

12 30-60

ARTS20 ARTS31/32

EAGLE ROCK

CE409

685

603

201

101

134

Eagle Rock Plaza

ACACIA

92 96

VERMONT/ BEVERLY

BEVERLY

WILSHIRE/ WESTERN 66 28 728 207 757

LDMID

JEFFERSON

102

MELROSE

206

SILVER LAKE

ARTS51/52

201

GLENOAKS

183 685

90 91

175

T SE N SU

MARINA DEL REY

SAWTELLE

C3 C4 C6

405

720 710 R7 209

30 730 33 550 733

35 439 BBB10

RODEO

CE574

PLAYA VISTA

16 316 210

210 710 R7 28 728

LDOS

794

E ID RS VE RI

110

WASHINGTON

439

C3 C4

C7 CE437

3RD

HANCOCK PARK

180 181 780 LDLF

GB4

90 91 GB4

ER AT W AT

CULVER CITY

10 14

TA A N LI SA SA RO

C5 C7

BALDWIN HILLS

D N LA ER OV

A IN AR M C FI CI PA CE437

BBB14

108 358

E N ES QU DU

C1 C2

207 757

183

201

VERMONT/ 206 FOUNTAIN SUNSET LDHW 204 754 2 302 4 SANTA MONICA 4 704 704 VERMONT/ LA City College SANTA MONICA

210

20 720

C4 C5

220 187

CE437

33 733

15-20 60e

267

177

ARTS52

CE549

81 84

CHEVY CHASE

GLENDALE

LOS FELIZ

175

OLYMPIC

33 733

12 20-40

15-60e 30-60

Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL) 177 268 Oak

LA CAÑADA FLINTRIDGE

Glendale Adventist Med Ctr

180 181

180 181 183 780

201

685

201

183

COLORADO

201 603

HOLLYWOOD SUNSET

2 302

212 PICO/RIMPAU 312 TRANSIT CTR 30 305 R7

PICO

LDOS

Observatory

ROMAINE

CE431 CE437 WASHINGTON/ FAIRFAX TRANSIT HUB 38 105 37 ADAMS 439 705

33 534 733

C6 CE574 R6

LA AL

A VI

108 358

D OO A EW EL GL N IN TI N CE

BBB3

220

BBB12

A ED LV PU SE

BUS RIDERS UNION

Venice Pier

C2 C5

187

ADMIRALTY

BBB6 BBB12

OR OT M

33 733

BBB14

E CO EN GL

VENICE

G IN N AN M

N AI M

CALIFORNIA

BBB1

OR OT M

OCEAN PARK LN CO N LI

BBB3

VENICE

A ED LV Y PU FW SE O EG DI

BBB2

BBB6 BBB12

534

PALMS

105 705

CADILLAC

210

4 704

212 312

28 728

BBB7 BBB13

PICO

AIRDROME

CHEVIOT HILLS

RANCHO PARK BBB13

N SA

BBB3

BBB1

SANTA MONICA AIRPORT

BBB13

MAR VISTA BBB6

N VE E HO OV ET BE ALGR W

BBB6 BBB8

LDFX 6TH

PARK LA BREA

217 780 R7 BBB5

12-20 30-60e

5-7 15

ARTS52 Grove Park GB3

Verdugo Hills Hospital

Glendale College

GB3 GB7

BROADWAY

201 The Americana at Brand

GB6

ATWATER VILLAGE

HOLLYWOOD LDHW

212 312

WILSHIRE

30 305 550

BBB12

222

WEST HOLLYWOOD

OLYMPIC

D N D LA OO ER TW OV ES W

BBB7

A EL N TI N CE

733 R7

R3 R7

Santa Monica College

534

BBB8

220

BBB5

BBB7

BBB8 BBB12

534

BBB10

AV786

28 728

S AR OF ST AV E TURY TH N CE W PK

704

BBB1 BBB10

H 4T

Santa Monica Pier

BBB5

TH 18 TH 17

Third St Promenade

WEST BBB5 LOS ANGELES

STEWART

DY N BU

N EA OC

SANTA MONICA

St John’s Medical Center

BEVERLY HILLS

BBB5

BBB5 C6

405

BBB4

CENTURY CITY

CE431

E LL TE W SA

H 4T 20 534 720 733

20 720 BBB2

TH 14

LN CO H N LI 6T

TH 20

Y HW BBB4

4 704

BBB8

VA Medical Center

TH 26

T AS CO

BBBMC

BBB9

534

ON GT IN RR BA DY N

C FI CI PA

BBBMC

EN GL

BBB14

BBB3

BBB4 BBB9

A ED LV PU SE

4 16 316 704

WILSHIRE

20 720

CE534 CE573 SC792 SC797

Griffith Park

LDBC

FOUNTAIN

Farmers Market & The Grove

Beverly 3RD Center 16 16 Cedars-Sinai 218 316 Med Ctr 105 316 220 705 20 720

SUNSET

BBB1 BBB2 BBB3 BBB8 BBB12

BBB1 BBB8 BBB12

D OO TW ES W

BBB9

534

761

134

183

Glendale Galleria

761

UCLA

BBB3

CE549 DORAN

90 91

GB1 GB2

GB7

GLENOAKS

GLENDALE

94 794

GB12

156 656 FRANKLIN HOLLYWOOD/ HOLLYWOOD/ HOLLYWOOD/ LDHW HIGHLAND VINE WESTERN 180 181 206 780 217 LDHW

GLENWOOD

GB7

94 183 794

134

CITY

101

156 656

SANTA MONICA

MELROSE

GB12

LA Zoo Autry Museum of Western Heritage

T ON RM VE

405

BBB4

WHA

BEVERLY

TE N CE VI

BBB14

BBB4

WHB

217 218 780

LDFX

N SA

WESTWOOD SUNSET

Y RL VE BE

2 302

4 105 704 705

RY TU N CE E PK

BRENTWOOD SUNSET

4 704

105 105 305

2 302 305

218

FOUNTAIN

105

GB7

CE549

233

CE573

A N TA ON M

PACIFIC PALISADES

BBB9

BEL AIR

212 312

2 302

1-4 5-10

CE409

DO AN RN FE

The Getty Center

LDHW

12 15

Approximate frequency in minutes Weekdays Saturdays Sundays Day Eve Day Eve Day Eve

Metro Local & Limited

CE409

90 GB3 91

183

Disney Studios

CE422 CE423

HOLLYWOOD

SUNSET

2 302

HOLLYWOOD HILLS

405

2 302

156 656 Hollywood Bowl

217 780

233

AV786 CE573 CE574

SUNSET

218

761

to Trancas Canyon

150 240 750

155

GB12

BBNH BBMD

CE549

Warner Brothers UNIVERSAL CITY 222 Studios Universal Studios Universal CityWalk/ Gibson Amphitheater UNIVERSAL

156 656

N CY

SKIRBALL

The Getty Villa

STUDIO CITY

SHERMAN OAKS

CE549

155

RIVERSIDE

155

EL UR LA

Skirball Cultural Center

Santa Monica Mountains

Mount St Mary’s College

VENTURA

230

LDVAN

SC792 SC797

University of Judaism

MULHOLLAND

167

GA EN HU CA

405

CE422 CE423

167

GA EN HU CA

233

U UL OL N HO

150 158 240 750

761

LDVAN

TOLUCA LAKE

155

101

MOORPARK

158

LL HI OT FO

233 237 761

4-5 5-10

210

GB3 LCFS

GB3

N SA

233

EMPIRE

M HI RS KE N LA

RA TU N VE

CE549

183 234

CE549

164

VALLEY VILLAGE

Sherman Oaks RIVERSIDE 155 Fashion Square 183 234 734

Approximate frequency in minutes Weekdays Saturdays Sundays Day Eve Day Eve Day Eve

Peaks

Orange Silver

Transitways

MONTROSE

405

Sherman Oaks Galleria

164

OXNARD

BBAD

165 BBAD BURBANK-BOB HOPE AIRPORT BBAD 164 VICTORY 154 222 BBEM DOWNTOWN BURBANK

154 154 154 LA Valley 230 224 BBEM 154 353 NORTH WOODMAN College BURBANK BBEM 363 HOLLYWOOD 156 LAUREL SC757 VALLEY COLLEGE CANYON NORTH HOLLYWOOD 222 156 LDVAN 158 183 152 656 MAGNOLIA 167 MAGNOLIA 183 183 183 BBNH

154 156

BURBANK

CE422 CE423 CE573 CE574

AV786 CE573 CE574 SC792 SC797

Line

10 20 20 20 20 20

GB3

Verdugo Mountains BURBANK

T ER 1S OW FL

154

CE549

150 240 750

6-8 12-15 12-15 12-15 15 12-15

Woodbury University

DO AN RN FE

CE573 CE574

239

ENCINO

10 20 20 20 20 20

LA CRESCENTA

BBAD

94 794

N SA

154

150 240 750

TARZANA

165

152

VICTORY

90 91

CE409

292

BBAD

94 222 794

KS OA EN GL

RESEDA

240 741

AV787

150 242 750

AV787

163

230

TUJUNGA

SUN VALLEY

BOB HOPE AIRPORT (BUR)

VANOWEN

164

90 91 169 290 FOOTHILL CE409

H ET N N KE

TAMPA

242 101

CE422 CE423

VENTURA

WOODLAND HILLS

164 VAN NUYS

164 237 SEPULVEDA

SUNLAND

R AI

243

164 237

BALBOA WOODLEY 236 Sepulveda Dam VAN 237 Recreation Area NUYS

167

152

152 163 169

169

SHERMAN

VALLEY GLEN

90 91

SUNLAND

L BE

164

165

169

94 794

94 224

SATICOY

169 163 363

656 761 165

230

ROSCOE

152 167 353

VAN NUYS

234 734

165

AV786 CE419 SC757 SC794 SC799

158

ARLETA

167 169

163 363

LL HI OT FO

164

OXNARD

152 353 169 233 169

163 363 237

167

166 364

PANORAMA CITY

210

292

A ST VI A EN D BU OO YW LL HO

Warner Center

165

PLUMMER

AV786 SC792 SC797

6-8 12-15 12-15 12-15 15 12-15

290 CE409

292 364

ON IS ED

161

165

405

166 364

FlyAway Terminal 169

169

10 20 20 20 20 20

El Monte Harbor FOOTHILL

LAKE VIEW Recreation Area TERRACE SHADOW HILLS 166

KS OA EN GL

WARNER CENTER

VAN NUYS AIRPORT

166 364

5-7 12 12 12 15 12

233

Hansen Dam

292

94 224 794

230

5 10 10 6-12 7-8 6

Peaks

N TO N FE

AV787 CE422

166 364

NORTH HILLS

237

152 353

163 363

VICTORY

158

KS OA EN GL

SC796

150 245 645 750

645

161

CE422 CE423

to Thousand Oaks Transit Center

164 CANOGA 244 LA Pierce AV787 College

150

Westfield Promenade 152 353

VA Care Ctr 167

CE573 CE574

239

PACOIMA

233 761

AN DM OO W

164

PIERCE COLLEGE

236 237

NORDHOFF

236 237

169

233 761 230

CE419

MISSION

234 HILLS 734 DEVONSHIRE

CE419

158

RESEDA

VANOWEN

165 DE SOTO

Westfield Topanga

239

ROSCOE

SHERMAN

761

RINALDI

239 AV787 SC791 SC796

CHATSWORTH

237

NORTHRIDGE

LDNOR

242 SATICOY

163 363 VANOWEN

165

VANOWEN VICTORY

Cal State University Northridge

NORTHRIDGE

243

237 CE573 CE574

TA LE AR

PLUMMER

Northridge Fashion Center

243 PARTHENIA

169

CANOGA PARK

SAN FERNANDO

230 239

118

236 237

158

CE419

RD N DO YO N AN CA RN EL FE UR LA

166 364

LDNOR

152 353

SATICOY

WEST HILLS

239

240 741

Approximate frequency in minutes Weekdays Saturdays Sundays Day Eve Day Eve Day Eve

Peaks

Red/Purple Red Purple Blue Green Gold

San Gabriel Mountains

N SA

PRAIRIE

244

AV787 SC796

ROSCOE

GRANADA HILLS AV787

CE419

167

LDNOR 243

LDNOR NORDHOFF

SC791

645

158

RINALDI

SC791 AV787 SC791 SC796

118

242 158

243

166 364 27

245

152 353

West Hills Medical Center 163 169 363 645

SC791 SC796

RONALD REAGAN FWY

158

Line

LL HI OT FO

DEVONSHIRE

H 7T

DO AN RN FE

CHATSWORTH CHATSWORTH

El Cariso Regional County Park

LA Mission College

290

CE409

292

Metro Express

Metro Liner

Metro Rail

230 234

EN RD KS BO OA EN GL

N SA

237 239

243

118

94 734 794

230

234

230

SYLMAR-SAN FERNANDO

SC791

PORTER RANCH

RINALDI

SVC to Simi Valley

234

236

224

SYLMAR

236

Santa Susana Mountains

AW SH M SI

224 290

CE409

236

AV786 SC757 SC794 SC799

BL ED SO E

210

GRAND

LA County Olive View-UCLA Medical Center

to Santa Clarita and Antelope Valley

Approximate frequency in minutes Weekdays Saturdays Sundays Day Eve Day Eve Day Eve

Peaks

6-10 10-12 13-15 15-20 2 18-60b 20-60b 25-60b 9-12 15 12-15 15-20 15-30f 15-30f 15-30f 4 5-10 20 30-60 18-20 30-60 20 30-60 10 4-8 15 30-60 16-30 30-60 18-25 30-60 14 3-8 8-10 30 6-10 30 8-15 30 16 3-10 10 30-60 10-12 15-60 10-15 15-60 18 6-10 10-12 15-20 20 20 30f 30f 30f 6-12 20 30 9-10 20-30 14-15 30 28 7-10 12-15 20-60 10-13 30-60 10 30-60 30 7-15 15-20 15-20 20-25 33 30-60f 30-60f 30-60f 12 12 30-60 15 15-60 20 30-60 35 4-8 15 30-60 16-30 30-60 18-25 30-60 37 12-24 24 25-60 30 30-60 40 30-60 38 5-10 15-16 18-60 10-22 20-60 12-24 28-60 40 20-25 30-32 60 22-65 60 60-85 60 42 5-8 10-12 25-60 9-15 20-60 12-15 30-60 45 5-10 20 30-60 18-20 30-60 40 30-60 48 4-15 20-24 36-65 7-30 40-60 10-30 40-60 51 17-20 20-24 60 22-32 43-50 20-30 60 52 6-10 12-15 30-60 12-15 30-60 17-19 34-60 53 4-15 20 60 15-20 60 20-30 60 55 5-10 15-20 10-15 10-12 60 20-60g 30-60g 30-60g 15-27 30-32 40-60 40-60 60 60 60 62 2-8 12 21-60 5-15 20-60 15 35-60 66 13-17 20 30-60 20 40-60 15-20 40-60 68 10-12 15 25-60 16 25-60 12-13 20-60 70 15-35 35 60 60 71 12-15 16 21-60 15-20 35-60 15-20 30-60 76 10-20 16-40 20-60 15-30 50-60 15-40 60 78 20-30 40-45 60 40-45 60 34-45 60 79 6-10 15 22-60 15 30-60 20 20-60 81 18-25 25 30-60 25 30-60 30 60 83 13-17 20 30-60 20 40-60 15-20 40-60 84 23-30 60 120 60 120 60 120 90 28-40 60 120 60 120 60 120 91 14-24 22-26 60 21-30 60 40 60 92 15-20 30 60 20 30-70 20 50-70 94 24-30 28 50-55 60 96 42-50 50 50 50 102 50a 50a 50a 10-16 17-20 40-60 12-15 45-60 16-20 40-60 105 8-20 15-17 30-60 14-20 40-60 20 40-60 108 10-25 20-30 40-65 20-25 40-60 22-30 36-60 110 11-20 12 30-60 12 20-60 12 30-60 111 3-10 15-20 23-60 14-20 27-60 20 45-60 115 16-22 22-25 50-60 20-25 40-60 25-30 60 117 30-40 60 60 60 60 60 60 120 15-24 30-32 50 23-50 30 125 60a 60 126 60 60 127 30-50 47-50 128 25-35 50 60 60 130 40-50a 60a 60a 23-30 38-42 40-60 30 40-60 30-35 40-60 150 8-18 23-24 35-60 22-27 45-60 30 35-60 152 60 60 154 30-60 30-60 55-60 60 155 23-41 50 60 50 60 50 60 156 30-35 60-67 60 52 158 15-60 60 50-60 60 161 12-20 22-27 40-60 25 60 30 60 163 10-22 30 60 30 60 35 60 164 10-18 30 30-45 165 Approximate frequency in -minutes32-45 12-20 23-24 50-60 30 30 166 40a 60a Saturdays 40-50 Weekdays 50 60 50 60 50Sundays60 167 Line Peaks Day Eve Day Eve Day Eve 60 60 60 40-60 169 8-60 175 6-10 10-12 13-15 15-20 2 18-60b 20-60b 25-60b 45 45 176 9-12 15 12-15 15-20 15-30f 15-30f 15-30f 4 30-35 177 5-10 20 30-60 18-20 30-60 20 30-60 10 30 30-32 40-60 10-20 10-20 40-60 180 4-8 15 30-60 16-30 30-60 18-25 30-60 14 30 30-32 40-60 30-40 40-60 30-40 60 181 3-8 8-10 30 6-10 30 8-15 30 16 26-60 60 60 60 60 183 3-10 10 30-60 10-12 15-60 10-15 15-60 18 12-30 30 60 24-60 60 40-60 60 190 6-10 10-12 15-20 20 20 30f 30f 30f 10-20 30 60 15-30 60 20-40 60 194 6-12 20 30 9-10 20-30 14-15 30 28 5-8 11 16-40 10-12 20-40 10-15 25-40 200 7-10 12-15 20-60 10-13 30-60 10 30-60 30 50 50 60 60 201 7-15 15-20 15-20 20-25 33 30-60f 30-60f 30-60f 55 202 60c 60c 60c 12 12 30-60 15 15-60 20 30-60 35 7-10 12-13 20-30 13-20 20-30 15-20 30 204 4-8 15 30-60 16-30 30-60 18-25 30-60 37 21-43 30-40 60 60 205 56a 55a 55a 12-24 24 25-60 30 30-60 40 30-60 38 7-10 20-24 30-60 20-22 50-60 20-25 50-60 206 5-10 15-16 18-60 10-22 20-60 12-24 28-60 40 7-12 15 20-60 10-13 20-60 12-15 20-60 207 20-25 30-32 60 22-65 60 60-85 60 42 36-55 60 209 5-8 10-12 25-60 9-15 20-60 12-15 30-60 45 10-16 16-20 30-60 15-18 30-60 16-18 30-60 210 5-10 20 18-20 40 48 30-42 211 4-15 20-24 36-65 7-30 40-60 10-30 40-60 51 11-14 15 60 16-20 30-60 25 40-60 212 17-20 20-24 22-32 43-50 20-30 60 52 30-48 215 6-10 12-15 30-60 12-15 30-60 17-19 34-60 53 217 12-15h 16-18h 20-60h 9-15h 20-60h 15-20h 25-60h 4-15 20 60 15-20 60 20-30 60 55 30-35 35 35-50 40 218 5-10 15-20 10-15 10-12 60 20-60g 30-60g 30-60g 60 60 220 15-27 30-32 40-60 40-60 60 60 60 62 25-40 50-60 60 60 60 40 60 222 2-8 12 21-60 5-15 20-60 15 35-60 66 10-12 15-30 30-60 15-25 40-60 30 40-60 224 13-17 20 20 15-20 68 20-30 30-35 60 35 60 35 60 230 10-12 15 25-60 16 25-60 12-13 20-60 70 10-20 30 60 30-33 60 30-35 60 232 15-35 35 60 60 71 12-14 15 20-60 15-20 20-60 20 30-60 233 12-15 16 21-60 35-60 15-20 76 15-23 30 30-65 35 30-65 30 50-65 234 10-20 16-40 20-60 15-30 50-60 15-40 60 78 30-60 60 60 60 236 20-30 40-45 60 40-45 60 34-45 60 79 60 60 237 6-10 15 22-60 15 30-60 20 20-60 81 60 60 239 18-25 25 30-60 25 30-60 30 60 83 15-24 40-42 15-20 40 30-32 40 240 13-17 20 30-60 20 40-60 15-20 40-60 84 25-60 60 60 242 23-30 120 120 60 120 90 25-60 60 60 243 28-40 120 120 60 120 91 18-40 60 50 244 14-24 22-26 60 21-30 60 40 60 92 18-40 60 50 60 245 15-20 30 60 20 30-70 20 50-70 94 30 60 60 30-40 60 60 246 24-30 28 50-55 60 96 15-20 20 30-60 12 30-60 15 30-60 251 42-50 50 50 50 102 50a 50a 50a 22-30 40 40 50 40 50 252 10-16 17-20 40-60 12-15 45-60 16-20 40-60 105 30-60 60 60 254 8-20 15-17 30-60 14-20 40-60 20 40-60 108 45 45 45 60 60 256 10-25 20-30 40-65 20-25 40-60 22-30 36-60 110 35-50 50 258 11-20 12 30-60 12 20-60 12 30-60 111 11-18 45-60 16 30-60 15-20 30-60 260 3-10 15-20 23-60 14-20 27-60 20 45-60 115 60 60 60 60 264 16-22 22-25 50-60 20-25 40-60 25-30 60 117 37-55 55 55 55 265 30-40 60 60 60 60 60 60 120 30-35 40-45 60 40 60 35-40 60 266 15-24 30-32 50 23-50 30 125 60a 30 30 60 60 267 60 126 30-36 50 50 268 60a 60 60 127 40-60 60 60 270 30-50 47-50 128 45 45 287 25-35 50 60 60 130 40-50a 60a 60a 22-40 45 60 290 23-30 38-42 40-60 30 40-60 30-35 40-60 150 16-40 28 30-55 33-40 40-50 33-46 292 8-18 23-24 35-60 22-27 45-60 30 35-60 152 7-20 302 60 60 154 21-60 40-55 60-65 60 305 60a 60a 30-60 30-60 55-60 60 155 15-20 311 23-41 50 60 50 60 50 60 156 12-16 312 30-35 60-67 60 52 158 6-20 316 15-60 60 50-60 60 161 15-50 60 32-40 60 344 12-20 22-27 40-60 25 60 30 60 163 10-16 352 10-22 30 60 30 60 35 60 164 11-50 353 10-18 30 30-45 32-45 165 11-15 355 12-20 23-24 50-60 30 30 166 40a 60a 8-21 358 40-50 50 60 50 60 50 60 167 18-30 363 60 60 60 40-60 169 14-30 364 8-60 175 18-23 378 45 45 176 30-35 177 30 30-32 40-60 10-20 30-60 10-20 40-60 180 30 30-32 40-60 30-40 40-60 30-40 60 181 26-60 60 60 60 60 183 12-30 30 60 24-60 60 40-60 60 190 10-20 30 60 15-30 60 20-40 60 194 Notes 5-8 11 16-40 10-12 20-40 10-15 25-40 200 50 60 60 201 See upper right of page50 55 202 60c 60c 60c Sunday 7-10 12-13 20-30 13-20 20-30 15-20 30 204 Service 21-43 30-40 holidays: 60 60 205 service operates 56a 55a 55a Sunday on the following 7-10Day, Independence 20-24 30-60 50-60 Day, 20-25 50-60 206Year’s Day, Memorial New Day, Labor 20-22 Day, Thanksgiving Christmas Day 7-12 15 20-60 10-13 20-60 12-15 20-60 207 36-55 60 209 10-16 16-20 30-60 15-18 30-60 16-18 30-60 210 30-42 211 11-14 15 Approximate 60 16-20 30-60 40-60 212 frequency in minutes 25 30-48 215 Weekdays Saturdays Sundays 217 12-15h 16-18h 20-60h 9-15h 20-60h 15-20h 25-60h Line Peaks Day Eve Day Eve Day Eve 30-35 35 35-50 40 218 603 10-12 20 25-40 15-20 40 16-24 40 60 60 220 605 10 21-22 30 30 25-40 50-60 60 60 60 40 60 222 607 55 10-12 15-30 30-60 15-25 40-60 30 40-60 224 611 40-50 40-50 45-50 50 50 50a 50a 20-30 30-35 60 35 60 35 60 230 612 60 60 60 60 60 60 60 10-20 30 60 30-33 60 30-35 60 232 620 20-30 12-14 15 20-60 15-20 20-60 20 30-60 233 625 21 15-23 30 30-65 35 30-65 30 50-65 234 645 60 60 ---30-60 60 60 60 236 656 60 -60 -60 60 60 237 665 32-40 60 -60 -60 -60 60 239 685 30 30 15-24 20 40-42 15-20 40 30-32 40 240 686 40 40 40 40 40a 40-50a 40-50a 25-60 60 60 242 687 40 40 40 40 40a 40-50a 40-50a 25-60 60 60 243 18-40 60 50 244 18-40 60 50 60 245 30 60 60 30-40 60 60 60 246 15-20 20 30-60 12 30-60 15 30-60 251 22-30 40 40 50 40 50 252 30-60 60 60 254 45 45 45 60 60 256 35-50 50 258 11-18 15-20 45-60 16 30-60 15-20 30-60 260 60 60 60 60 264 37-55 55 55 55 265 30-35 40-45 60 40 60 35-40 60 266 30 30 60 60 267 30-36 60 50 50 268 60a 40-60 60 60 270 45 45 287 22-40 45 60 290 16-40 28 30-55 33-40 40-50 33-46 292 7-20 302 81 90 60 21-60 40-55 60-65 60 305 60a 60a 45 - LDB 15-20 - 91 94 311 83 - SC799 12-16 - 96 794 312 84 6-20 316 15-50 60 32-40 60 344 10-16 352 DLHC DLHC11-50 353 COLLEGE ST 11-15 355 8-21 - CE419 358 18-30 - LDB 363 14-30 364 LDB 18-23 378

WASHINGTON BL

LDE

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(TOP) The bus and rail system

(1) Soja, Edward W. Seeking Spatial Justice. Univ Of Minnesota Press, 2010. (2) ibid.

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(BOTTOM) The protesters

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BUILDING REGULATION Main stakeholders: Planning and construction regulators

(TOP ) Volume shape after the building law Athens General Regulations: 1919 - 1929 (left), 1985 - 2000 (right), Anastasia Paschou

BOTTOM) View of a polykatoikia under construction. Photo: Manolis Baboussis

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MEGA-EVENT AS GENERATOR Main stakeholders: Developers, Intenrational Olympic Committee, different governmental levels

(TOP) Aerial view of the Athens Olympic Village, the largest housing development ever constructed in Greece. Photo: LEEAD Consulting

(BOTTOM) Olympic infrastructure and new transportation networks (left), Athens Olympic sites (right)

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SMALL SCALE CHANGE Main stakeholders: Artists, activists

(TOP) “Self-Managed Park” in Exarcheia - a transformation of a former parking lot to a green space. Credit: Open Assembly

(BOTTOM) The street reimagined space for social potential and public utility. Credit: AREA Architecture Research Athens

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Volume shape before New York Cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s 1961 Zoning Resolution Plan review

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The International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 23, No. 7, November 2006, 1232 – 1252

The International Journal of the History of Sport

A Brief Historical Review of Olympic Urbanization

Recent decades have seen an increased interest from the world’s major cities to bid for international sporting events and to use them as agents for urban transformation. In this paper the particular focus is that of urban development driven by the preparation for the Olympic Summer Games. Starting with Coubertin’s utopian concept for the creation of a ‘modern Olympia’, Olympic urbanization has been developing for over a century. The result is that in various cities with often diverse urban patterns and cultures, the Games have left very different impacts on the local environment. This paper outlines the history and changes in urbanization within those cities that have acted as hosts during the modern Olympic period (1896–2012). It also discusses key factors in connection with the creation of a successful Olympic urban scheme. The evaluations of success are based on empirical investigations and analysis.

Introduction For many people, the modern Olympics Games are seen as a great contest of sportsmanship and chauvinism; for others, they are a media extravaganza. It should also be stressed, however, that the Olympics are also about venues and cities. Cities themselves provide the platforms and backdrops for the Games, characterize each event with a specific identity and context and, at the same time, are affected in a direct and dramatic fashion by the Games. There are two major impacts: firstly the Olympics have sufficient momentum to intervene in the host city’s short- and longterm development activities, placing unparalleled challenges and opportunities in the sphere of urbanization during the process of preparation; secondly the modern Games imply a certain standard of hosting milieu, such that cities need to rearrange their urban fabric and built environment to win the bid as well as to safeguard the success of Olympic events. According to one Olympic bidding manual, in hosting

Hanwen Liao, University of Greenwich, UK; Adrian Pitts, University of Sheffield, UK. Correspondence to: h.liao@gre.ac.uk; a.c.pitts@sheffield.ac.uk ISSN 0952-3367 (print)/ISSN 1743-9035 (online) ! 2006 International Olympic Committee DOI: 10.1080/09523360600832502

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a summer Games a city needs to prepare 31 to 38 competition venues and up to 90 training sites for the 28 summer Olympic sports; one or more Olympic Village(s) for housing approximate 15,000 athletes and National Olympic committee (NOC) officials; broadcasting facilities and accommodation for more than 15,000 journalists; at least 40,000 hotel rooms and all kinds of other infrastructure – transport, logistics, telecommunications and entertainment facilities – to support the event. As Hiller points out, the Olympics represent both urban opportunities and urban liabilities: [1] an example might be the satisfaction of Olympic requirements in a way that is to the long-term detriment of local development and local need. Over the last century, urban development in connection with the Olympic Summer Games has passed through a tortuous evolutionary course, from the monostadium model in the early years to an Olympic quarter model; from planning concentrated on competition facilities to a very broad scope of supportive construction. Olympic urbanization has clearly grown in terms of content, scale, form and complexity. The beginning of Olympic urban initiatives dates back to the fourth Games in London in 1908, with the construction of the White City Olympic Stadium. Yet even up to the post-Second World War period, the provision of sports venues and athlete Villages dominated Olympic preparation and the impact on the wider urban infrastructure was limited. It was not until 1960 that the dormant forces for large-scale development began to reveal themselves. From the Rome Olympics onwards, the Games began to have many far-reaching consequences on the local built environment – particularly in line with the needs of urban expansion in the 1960s and 1970s, of inner-city regeneration in the 1980s and 1990s and of sustainable urban form in the current decade. There is a constant intimacy between Olympic development and the evolution of host cities. Recently, with sustainability issues having gained world attention, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) signalled the desire to promote the global campaign of building a positive environmental legacy for future generations by applying sustainable development concepts in the Olympic Movement. One of the challenges facing decision-making will therefore be to find ways of using Olympic planning as a vehicle for host cities to achieve more lasting and sustainable benefits. Although the Official Report of each Games is couched almost exclusively in the rhetoric of economic growth, social renaissance and environmental enhancement, its real effects can only be examined in a historical manner and the study of Olympic urbanization history can provide a useful starting point. It is important in this context to provide the historical timing of the introduction of the environmental element. This is because researchers often make the mistake of looking for environmental treatments in such Games as Atlanta and then produce a critique concerning the lack of initiative. This is a false critique, as ‘environment’ was not introduced as an element to be considered by the bid groups until the bid process related to the 2000 Games of the Olympiad. This paper examines the different ways that Olympic facilities have been integrated into the host city’s urban fabric. The main focus is on the post-war period when

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The International Journal of the History of Sport

Olympic planning to stimulate and justify large-scale urban improvements became commonplace. In reviewing the history of Olympic urbanization, there are several aims:

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to provide a panoramic view of Olympic urban practices and changes over time; to identify the influential factors which determined the ever-changing course of Olympic urban planning, and also their significance as an aid in contemporary decision-making; to examine various Olympic urban policies which reference twentieth-century town planning concepts; to evaluate, with the benefit of hindsight, Olympic urban legacies against their stated original intentions, and then to posit lessons for the planning and design practice for future Olympic preparation.

A substantial part of the paper is presented in chronological order so that the reader may easily follow the sequence of the changing patterns in Olympic urban development. Olympic Games and Cities The interdependency of the Olympic Games and the host city is reflected in the Olympic Charter, according to which the Games can only be awarded to a host city rather than a country. This is particularly central with regard to the Summer Games. Although the Olympic Winter Games are also awarded to a host city and not a country, the IOC introduced an additional winter-specific stipulation into the Olympic Charter in 1991. Since that time, the stipulation has opened the door to the possibility that certain events could be held in a bordering country when, due to geographic or topographic limitations, it was not possible for these events to be organized within the country of the host city. [2] Although the IOC never sets rigid physical, economic or social criteria in selecting host cities, convention indicates that the Summer Games are accommodated by large cities with more than three million inhabitants. [3] The modern Olympics have grown to the point that their size suggests that they are on a different scale from any other major sporting event; the only sports extravaganza that might possibly challenge the Olympics influence is soccer’s World Cup, even though statistical evidence indicates that its scale is substantially less. Nowadays, each Olympic Summer Games might involve more than 15,000 athletes and officials, at least the same number of media representatives, and from 400,000 to a million out-ofcity visitors. This means the host city has a huge increase in temporary population, which places great demands on civic infrastructure and accommodation. Only the world’s largest cities have the required resources to cope with such challenges and sufficient population thresholds to sustain the viability of the facilities in the long term after the Games are over. Further, the increasing pre-investment costs for the bidding stage and overall cost of the Games mean that only the key cities of concentrated regional economic power can afford the financial commitment. Most Olympic hosts have come from among the most influential mega-cities in the world. [4]

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These factors have created geographic inequalities by leaving out potential smaller city hosts (such as Lausanne’s candidature in 1948 and 1960; Baltimore’s in 1948; and Minneapolis’s in 1952 and 1956) and cities in the developing world. The increasing gigantism and polarization of the modern Olympics have raised concerns within the IOC; in 2002 the Olympic Games Study Commission was appointed to evaluate possible reduction in the number of events, participants, procedures and costs for future Games. It seems, however, that no matter the extent to which the Olympics may be moderated in the future, the Games will remain a high-profile event in promoting host cities on the world stage and attracting inward investment to these cities. As such, the Games will continue to be a focal point of competition among the world’s major cities, as witnessed by the numerous cities bidding for the 2012 event. That Olympic host cities are some of the world’s largest and most cosmopolitan is an interesting point, because the evolution of these cities reflects the mainstream of urbanization processes in a modern, democratic and industrialized society. And this urbanization process, as will be mentioned later, can be used as an important reference to understand the ways that Olympic facilities are integrated into different urban contexts. Olympic Urbanization History Since 1896, 25 out of 28 planned Summer Games have actually been staged in 21 different cities spread over 17 countries. In order to review more clearly the evolution of Olympic urbanization, it is useful to identify four historical phases within which host cities carried out relatively homogeneous urban approaches to prepare for the Games. The first phase includes the first decade of Olympic revival, which corresponds to the three earliest, modestly prepared, low-key events, with minimal urban intervention. The second phase covers the period from 1908 to 1928 when the event began to attract more world attention, to be prepared in a planned manner and to involve sport-specific venues. The Olympic Games entered its third phase in 1932, which spanned to 1956. This period witnessed substantial development of Olympic-related urban elements with some, perhaps, modest, renovation activities. In the fourth phase, since 1960, Olympic urbanization has extended far beyond the boundary of sports and associated facilities, to a more comprehensive urban scheme with many projects perhaps not having visible connections with the Games’ organization. In this phase, cities are no longer passive containers to serve the Olympic performances; rather, the Olympics become a pretext to trigger largescale urban improvement and shape planning policy. The Origins of Olympic Urbanism (1896–1904) The origin of Olympic urbanism can be traced back to Pierre de Coubertin’s concept of creating a ‘modern Olympia’, which has set the tone of the modern Olympic built environment, and still nourishes today’s venue planning and design. Coubertin had

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H. Liao and A. Pitts The International Journal of the History of Sport

First the Olympic city must be visible to the visitor if not in its entirety, then at least as a grandiose and dignified ensemble. Second, it is desirable for this first view of the city to be related to its role. . . . Third, the shape of the city must clearly attempt to fit into the surrounding countryside, and to take advantage of it. Fourth, it would be a mistake to imitate the crowding of the ancient site. It would also be a mistake to take the opposite approach, spreading the site out too much. It seems to us that these are general principles regarding the setting of the city. [6]

Coubertin’s idea was to some extent a parallel development with other contemporary urban utopianism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, such as the phalanste`re of Charles Fourier (in the 1840s) and the international city of Ernest Hebrand (in the 1910s), and inspired by various avant-garde design practices for urban spectacles such as world expositions at the time. [7] Many of the above principles are still meaningful in guiding today’s Olympic urban decision-making. The ‘Modern Olympia’ self-implies a site concentration approach, which has been favoured by the IOC for many decades. Pierre de Coubertin’s preference for a more pastoral setting inspires the creation of numerous scenic Olympic parks in crowded urban contexts. Additionally, his insistence on the ‘Modern Olympia’ moving from one city to another instead of a permanent resort to spread the Olympic spirit makes it possible to capitalize Olympic preparation for various urban transformations. However, during the first decade of Olympic revival, there were many more urgent tasks to be accomplished for the incipient movement; Coubertin’s plea could only remain as utopian. Furthermore, the Games did not attract the general public’s attention and were extremely financially constrained. Although Athens in 1896 did involve a limited provision of new facilities, including the restoration of the 2,000year-old Panathenaic Stadium and the refurbishment of the Zappeion building in its downtown area, the following two Games, at Paris and St Louis, had few meaningful settings and left few urban legacies. In Paris (1900) the Games were exclusively held in natural settings, where swimmers had to negotiate the muddied Seine and hammer-throwers were impeded by trees. [8] The Dominance of the Olympic Stadium (1908–28) Although tethered to the Franco-British Exhibition of the same year, the London Games of 1908 were a milestone in the Olympic urbanization journey, where the first

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perceived the long-term appeal of the ancient Olympic Games in the ancient Hellenic world as being deeply rooted in its unique festival form, a ‘cult of human essence’, as well as being located in a solid, physical setting, the holy city of Olympia. [5] He believed that if the modern Games were to extend beyond being a pure sports event and to be felt as a sense of culture and belief, then the definition of a unique urban context was paramount. In this pamphlet, which was published in 1906, Coubertin revealed his vision of future Olympic settings. He wanted it to be a ‘city’ that ‘harmoniously linked with athletics, literature and art’ and ‘closely collaborated of man and nature’. He also gave details of his concept:

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piece of Olympic architecture, the White City Stadium, was introduced. Aiming to showcase the technical achievements of the new century, the stadium was gigantic in size and was characterized by avant-garde industrial aesthetics, yet in function, it was found to be less than ideal due to the design attempting to reconcile too many – and often conflicting – functions for different sports through one architectural solution. Nonetheless, it placed Olympic urbanization on a more secure footing. In a rethinking of London’s approach, Stockholm 1912 developed a range of venues for separate sports at Djungarden in the northern suburb of the city. The centrepiece was the neo-classical athletic stadium, meticulously built in reddish stone to be in harmony with the context of Scandinavian cities. Stockholm’s approach can still be considered a mono-stadium model because the Olympic Stadium remained the backbone of the Games where most contests and ceremonies were concentrated, and it used most (87 per cent) of the budget. [9] Commended by Coubertin himself, Stockholm’s practice soon became a prototype for later cities to follow. Until the late 1920s, the pattern of Olympic urbanization can be summarized as: purpose built Olympic stadium (covering most of the competitions) þ small rented halls (for a few essential indoor events) þ improvised adapted water course (for aquatic sports). From a town-planning perspective, Olympic urbanization in the 1910s to 1920s did not impinge greatly on host cities; yet purposefully created athletic stadiums effectively defined an Olympic node (if not a quarter) in urban fabric terms, stamping the location with new landmarks and identities. Further, there was in evidence a cultural diversity of the host society or the era through different architectural dialects, for instance, the industrial craftsmanship in London (1908) and Paris (1924), the gothic revival in Stockholm (1912), the beaux arts in Antwerp (1920) and the modernism of Amsterdam (1928). Aesthetic and symbolic expression subsequently became an important theme of later Olympic urban development. The Rise of the Olympic Quarter (1932–56) The Los Angeles Games of 1932 turned out to be another breakthrough for Olympic urbanization, where the first genuine Olympic Village, comprising 550 prefabricated wooden cottages, was set up in a 101-hectare compound on Baldwin Hill at the edge of the city. This allowed the last indispensable component of Coubertin’s ‘Modern Olympia’ to come to life and extended the content of Olympic urbanization from sports premises to urban housing. William Garland, Los Angeles civic leader and the Games’ chief organizer, was perhaps the first to perceive the potential benefits that could be brought to host cities by Olympic intervention. [10] Under his leadership, Los Angeles prepared an inventory of new facilities, including the epic 105,000spectator-capacity Memorial Coliseum, a swimming arena and a fencing pavilion. These were located in a 160-acre site that had once been Exposition Park, and which would later become the city’s after-hours amusement district. The Coliseum remained the largest Olympic arena built until the Sydney Games of 2000.

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The Berlin Games of 1936 consolidated the trend for the development of substantial facilities in forming an Olympic quarter, and resulted in a 130-hectare site at Grunewald in western Berlin (later named as Reich’s Sport Field) being developed as a sporting and cultural quarter. A further purpose of this effort was to showcase Hitler’s propaganda for National Socialism. The site included a new stadium with 100,000 seats, a swimming centre, an open-air amphitheatre, a sports forum and large assembly fields and service buildings, all built in rigid neo-classic forms and linked by monumental axes. A 16-kilometre ceremonial boulevard, the ‘Via Triumphalis’, was specially routed to articulate the Olympic site and the city centre through the Brandenburg Gate. A self-contained Village encompassing 194 bungalows was created in a verdant 55-hectare site 14.5 kilometres west of the Olympic complex, with full training and leisure facilities. The Berlin Games have been seen as a turning point for the Olympics, moving from modest sports celebrations to sumptuous, multidimensional spectacles. Although controversially coloured by the Nazi regime, the urban settings of these Games were superb and were not surpassed for many years to come. Due to post-war economic austerity, the London Games of 1948 had to rely on existing facilities and left little impact on the city’s built environment. The following two Games in Helsinki (1952) and Melbourne (1956), however, continued the tendency to produce more facilities for the expanding Games and to integrate the planning procedure into the local urban agenda. Helsinki made two significant contributions: the creation of the first pastoral Olympic park in which ‘buildings and landscape were perfectly harmonized in an expression of dignify and loftiness’; [11] and the combination of the Olympic Village development with the municipal housing scheme, which has become commonplace in later Games. Similarly, Melbourne concentrated most of its venues in a 20-hectare Olympic Park on the Yarra River two kilometres from the city centre and established a social-housingoriented Village in the northern suburb of Heidelberg. There was some criticism of Melbourne’s Olympic urbanization when several key venues were demolished or restructured after the Games, yet the Olympic Park remained the city’s main sports resort and memorable legacy. Up to the 1950s, the breadth and depth of Olympic urbanization remained moderate by modern standards. This was partly due to the limits of transport (with typically low private vehicle usage), stable urban population growth and the amateurism promoted by the Olympic Movement which limited over-commercialism and political interference. Since 1960, however, Olympic urban planning has become more ambitious with wider impacts. The Age of Urban Transformation (1960–2012) Due to rapid progress in the world economy, social mobility and communication techniques, the 1960s witnessed a wave of radical urban growth across all major world cities, creating great pressures on housing and civic infrastructures. Meanwhile,

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Western planning ideas were heavily influenced by architectural modernism, leading to calls for urban transformation towards more rational and functional settlements. Inevitably, 1960s and 1970s Olympic urbanization was impacted upon by these zeitgeists. The Rome Games of 1960 provided the first paradigm of the Olympics as a catalyst for major urban change, where the delivery of Olympic venues as key elements in urbanistic intervention gave way to a wider urbanistic programme. The main sporting facilities for the Rome Games were clustered in three separate sites, two in the northern and one in the southern outskirts of the city, stretching the built area in two directions. The main sites were connected by a new thoroughfare called the Olympic Way. Besides Games-related facilities, the city also developed a new water supply system, new hotels, a new jetport and improved public transport, street lighting and urban landscaping. The largest project involved the road network connecting Olympic venues to the rest of the city, occupying 75 per cent of the land used for the event. [12] The lavish developments even led to calls for the cancellation of the next Games because of the increasing scale and complexity of Olympic urban commitment. [13] The role of the Olympics in triggering urban transformation was taken further in Tokyo for the 1964 Games. The Games provided a timely opportunity to remedy the city’s poor civic infrastructure and to fast-track the already proposed ten-year development plan. Tokyo spent nearly US$2.7 billion in 1964, or 3.2 per cent of GNP in 1965, on an ambitious urban renovation plan, which included extensive road improvements, harbour expansion and developments of urban amenities, housing, tourist accommodation and waste and sewage disposal systems. [14] But at the plan’s core was a carefully contrived, multi-hierarchy transport network that crisscrossed the whole city, embracing eight new expressways, 22 motor links of various kinds, 73 kilometres of subway, 13.2 kilometres of monorail and a 500-kilometre Shinkansen (‘Bullet train’) connecting Tokyo, Kyoto and Osaka. [15] Interestingly, among Tokyo’s vast Olympic expenditure only a tiny portion (less than three per cent) went to the construction of purely competition-related facilities; the majority was invested to meet the city’s short-term and long-term development needs. This sparked the IOC’s view that the cost was ‘the result of local interests, not Olympic interests at all’; [16] nevertheless, what had been planned and achieved in Tokyo did transform the city from congested, war-damaged chaos to a modern, prosperous metropolis. Due to financial strictures and civic opposition, the Mexico City Games of 1968 could not afford developments on the scale of Tokyo; rather existing facilities were largely refurbished for Olympic use. The main investment included the giant Sports Palace, a swimming/gymnastics compound, some open-air stadiums and two self-sufficient Olympic Villages with combined capacity of 8,500 flat units. Described as a ‘Games of long walks’, Mexico City extended the decentralized approach to its limit and placed new urban developments strategically in areas where growth was expected. With new and refurbished venues heavily scattered

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over its sprawling urbanscape, the city’s public transport was under great stress. The Olympics stimulated the construction of the city’s metro but did not benefit from it – the first 12-kilometre line was inaugurated in 1969, one year after the Games. The most successful urban work that distinguished Mexico City from previous hosts was its ‘Olympic Identity Programme’, which introduced strong decorative elements and signposts to the whole city, particularly the Olympic routes, to create a carnival atmosphere. This strategy has been widely adopted by later Games organizers. By comparison with the over-discrete Mexican scheme, the Munich Games of 1972 adopted a very centralized approach and located most Olympic venues and the Athletes’ Village on one concentrated 280-hectare site of derelict land at Oberwiesenfeld only four kilometres north of the city centre. Munich’s Olympic plan was characterized by land-use modification and urban renewal. Oberwiesenfeld had once been a pre-war airstrip and then a dumping ground for building debris. The 1963 city development plan had earmarked the site for the development of a sports and entertainment centre over a 15- to 20-year period yet, under the Olympic banner, the development speed increased. [17] In order to efface the arrogant impression of the Berlin 1936 Games, Munich Olympic Park was designed to embrace an enchanting style and humanistic taste and to avoid any metaphor of monumentality. The site was enriched by a green landscape of hills, hollows, waters and woods, in the midst of which lay a set of venues unified by a wave-form, net-structured roof, giving a sense of freedom and flux. The Olympic Village was constructed in the immediate vicinity of the site with diverse building types and vivid spatial layers to echo the theme. Yet the hostage taking of Israeli athletes by terrorists in the Olympic Village placed its open character and tortuous layout under criticism and highlighted security as a crucial point in Olympic urban design. At Munich, other improvements also took place, from new shopping complexes to renewed public transport infrastructures. Studies of the price index for cost of living in recent host cities during and after the Games suggest that Munich is one of those (along with Barcelona) that have successfully converted to service-based economy associated with high consumption/high income during the Olympic cycle. While this conversion might be caused by various factors, nonetheless Olympic urbanization certainly contributed a significant part. [18] The pattern of centralized Olympic urban development continued with Montreal for the 1976 Games, where the local authority was keen to use grand projects to reshape the city, as had been the case with the 1967 Exposition. Yet due to the lack of federal financial support, the initial idea was to promote a ‘modest, self-financing’ Games. Existing facilities were widely used and Olympic construction was focused on the Olympic Stadium, the swimming arena, velodrome and the Athletes’ Village, forming Maisonneuve Olympic Park in the proximity of Montreal downtown. Similar to Munich, the site had been earmarked for sports and recreational use by early urban plans and already contained some athletic facilities. The Olympic

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development package also included a 20-kilometre extension of the metro lines, a new air terminal as well as some improvements of urban roads. Although Montreal’s planning was as meaningful as previous cases, the implementation was, however, plagued with problems. Designed by Robert Tailibert, Montreal’s Olympic facilities have been noted as ‘among the most complex concrete structures ever attempted’ [19] – the most striking features of which were colossal self-stabilizing roof shells and an 18-floor leaning tower designed to house a retractable fabric canopy overhanging the main stadium. The ambitious structure, new techniques and materials, interwoven with perhaps lax project management, global inflation and local labour relations disputes, resulted in a debt of C$ 1.5 billion. [20] The Games were nearly cancelled before the Opening Ceremony. The development of the Olympic Village was also problematic. The original proposal was to build five different residential compounds spreading over a radius of several kilometres from the Olympic park to be in line with the city’s housing scheme. It was, however, rejected by the IOC, who by then preferred a concentrated approach in the wake of the Munich tragedy. The result was to locate the Village in the vicinity of the sports facilities and compress 980 suites into two giant pyramidal towers; the consequent use of 34 hectares of urban green reservation caused a wave of local protests. Ironically, despite all the efforts made, the Games seem to have had little benefit for local communities. Now 30 years after the Montreal Games, the sports complex is having difficulty in being sustained for its original functions and the stadium has been suggested for demolition. [21] Montreal’s Olympic urbanization shows the risk of creating ‘white elephant’ legacies and resulting in long-term debts. The lessons from Montreal inevitably affected the planning of subsequent Games. Both Moscow (1980) and Los Angeles (1984) attempted to avoid the construction of over-extravagant projects. Nonetheless, Moscow’s Olympic inventory still embraced more than 90 construction sites across the conurbation. [22] The Soviet planning philosophy had long been influenced by rationalism and the satellite-city theory stemming from the early modern movement. Moscow’s master plan 1971–90 zoned the city into eight planning agglomerations with each centred on an economic, recreational and social-cultural core. Moscow’s Olympic scheme was largely devised in line with this vision. Olympic venues were established in six different zones as part of the city’s sub-centres identified in its tenth five-year development plan. The 107hectare Olympic Village, now the home of 15,000 Muscovites, was built in an urban extension south-west of the city that had been earmarked as a residential quarter much earlier. The Olympics also boosted the city’s underdeveloped hotel market and broadcasting and communication infrastructures. The Los Angeles Games of 1984 represented a heterogeneous approach deviating from the mainstream of Olympic urban practice since the 1960s (where the whole concept was to create an ‘ephemeral Olympic scene’ rather than to bolster any substantial urban change). Due to local taxpayers’ opposition, the 1984 Games became an entirely privately sponsored event. In order to minimize expenditure on

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the 1992 Games and a symbol of local sporting heritage. Poblenou was an area consisting of derelict warehouses and railway facilities, cutting off the beach from the city and fragmenting the neighbourhood. Olympic development rehabilitated this area with stylish apartments, a new sewage system, a new costal ring road, a new marina (Olympic Harbour) and other amenities along the 5.2-kilometre barrier-free costal strip. Improvements in other supportive infrastructures, particularly the cultural aspects and telecommunications, were also carried out. The regeneration of Barcelona has been cited as one of the most successful Olympic urban initiatives, transforming the city from a decaying industrial port to a popular tourist terminal, and putting the city on the world urban map. The Centennial Games of Atlanta in 1996, by contrast, represent a pause in Olympic urban transformation as it concentrated on the development of essential sporting facilities. Most venues were located within a three-kilometre circle of the Olympic Ring in the heart of the city; many others were constructed on a temporary basis at Stone Mountain Park site, 25 kilometres east of downtown Atlanta. The Olympic Stadium was designed as a combination of athletic ground and baseball diamond so that it could be converted into a ballpark after the Games. Many new and reused facilities were developed in cooperation with local colleges, including the Olympic Village that used the 130-hectare campus of Georgia Institute of Technology. To provide the Olympic concourse a commemorative legacy, the organizers set up an 8.5-hectare Centennial Olympic Park in the city centre with a rich collection of horticultural works. Atlanta’s general urban infrastructure, however, was less touched by the Olympics. The organizers self-consciously followed the Los Angeles model but did not appear to understand that the city lacked sufficient supportive facilities compared with those of Los Angeles, and neither was the Olympic Movement in the same situation as the late 1970s. The lack of substantial investment in the city’s infrastructure resulted in wide criticism of transportation, logistics and security matters. Also, the intention to revive Atlanta’s downtown through the development of centrally located venues does not appear to have been successful; recent studies suggest that the decline of many of the poorest communities in central Atlanta continues. [23] The Sydney Games of 2000 was widely labelled as a ‘green’ event. Inspired by the IOC’s new environmental policy, Sydney established a detailed set of sustainable development guidelines to govern the design, construction and maintenance of Olympic facilities. The main site for the Games at Homebush Bay, some 15 kilometres west of Sydney Harbour, was a neglected urban wasteland comprising unusable swamp, outdated industrial premises and noxious landfill sites, and had been earmarked for environmental rehabilitation. Homebush was also the demographic centre of the greater Sydney region, strategically linking two major central business districts (CBDs): Darwin Harbour in the east and Parramatta in the west. The Olympic development thus attempted to agglomerate Sydney’s amorphous tissue and consolidate the connections between regional centres. Consisting of 14 grand venues, the Homebush bay site formed the largest venue cluster in Olympic history. This included the 115,000-seat Stadium Australia, the

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largest Olympic stadium ever created. It featured retractable stands to support versatility and demountable stands to enable the venue to resize after the Games. Temporary overlays were widely used in Olympic facilities. Renewable energy sources, particularly solar panels, were demonstrated throughout the Olympic site and the Athletes’ Village. In order to restore the ecosystem of the region, a 420hectare site surrounding the Olympic venues was converted into Millennium Parklands with diverse landscaped topography. As with other host cities, the Olympics also brought forward improvements to Sydney’s general built environment, particularly in the area of hotel stock, motorways, rail links and public domain in the central city. Sydney’s tourism and convention sector were also boosted. There were problems as well. Although Sydney was cited as a benchmark of ecosensitive design for future Games, its green credentials in decontamination and various sustainability goals have been questioned in view of such a hasty Olympic timetable. In addition, many venues at Homebush Bay have experienced low usage in recent years, suggesting the after-use issue is still a pressing subject to be explored. The Games returned to their birthplace Athens in 2004. Given the special meaning of the Olympics to Greece, local communities held high aspirations to showcase successful organization and to reinvent Athens as a thriving postmodern city embracing the new century. Olympic projects were carried out in almost every part of the city, but principally accumulated in four precincts. The main site was Athens Olympic Sports Complex, located in the city’s north-eastern suburb nine kilometres from the Acropolis. The site already contained some quality venues and in preparing for the 2004 Games it was reshaped by the designer Santiago Calatrava incorporating his stunning – but also expensive – futuristic steel-trussed roofs. Other major developments took place at the Faliro coastal zone, Hellinikon, Goudi and Marathonas. The 530-hectare brownfield site at the obsolete Hellinikon airport was converted into Europe’s largest park for sports and recreational use. [24] The 2,300-unit Olympic Village was built on a 124-hectare site at the foot of Mountain Parnitha, 25 kilometres north-west of the city centre, aiming to attract more migrants to this under-populated area in the longer term. Likewise, Athens built new metro and tram lines to link main Olympic sites with other urban territories, strengthening the city’s articulation along its north-east/ south-west axis perpendicular to the sea. There were also new air terminals, new plazas and new hotels. Many archaeological remains were restored and supported with museum facilities. Athens’s Olympic urbanization, however, was also overshadowed by worrisome delays in construction and cost overruns. The expenditure for Olympic installation nearly quintupled from the original budget. The environmentally-sensitive design concept, such a promising focus in Sydney, was less meaningfully incorporated in Athens; and the problem of post-Olympic use of venues has already been raised as an issue. Olympic urbanization continues with the Beijing Games to be held in 2008, which is in hectic preparation, and the development plan for the London Games of 2012 is close to completion. Beijing aims to use the Olympics to raise its international profile

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and remedy some severe environmental problems. Most venues are being constructed in a 405-hectare Olympic Park on the northern edge of the city’s central mass and adjacent to the old Asian Games Park. The idea is to make full use of the existing sports premises left from the 1990 Asian Games and to reinforce, in a symbolic sense, the city’s north-south axis, as a series of key Olympic buildings sit right on the northern end of this ritualistic axis lining up with the Tiananmen Gate at the city’s geographic centre. For the benefit of the Games bid, Beijing’s Olympic urbanization does not follow the south-eastward strategy identified in the city’s earlier master-plan. [25] Criticisms therefore emerged that this would further aggravate the current development imbalance and social inequity. Nevertheless, this deficiency may be made up to some extent by Beijing’s ambitious ongoing initiative in expanding its metro and light rail network to the whole urban fabric, particularly the southern territory, over a 15-year period. Also, extensive infrastructural improvements and beautification endeavours are being made in the whole city beyond the Olympic precincts. Comparatively, London’s Olympic plan for 2012 is more consistent with the city’s long-term efforts to regenerate its degraded eastern boroughs, which started with the redevelopment of Docklands in the 1980s and continues in the Mayor of London’s 2004 plan. [26] Most of the new venues and the Olympic Village will be constructed in a 200-hectare site in the Lower Lea valley, 13 kilometres east of the city centre. New transport facilities are being conceived to serve this area including a high-speed ‘Olympic Javelin’ shuttle train. At present, London’s Olympic preparation is still under detailed planning, but it can be foreseen that the impact will cover the entire ‘Thames Gateway’ area. Planning in Olympic Host Cities: Successful Olympic Urbanization In order to aid understanding, Figure 1 shows schematic drawing of the Olympic site planning in some host cities. Looking at Olympic history, urbanization has taken place with diverse breadths and depths at different times in various places, and consequently has left very different and distinct footprints in host cities’ urban fabric. On the other hand, it is also consistent, being carried out for the same objective, on an equal timescale, and endowed with the common Olympic identity. To judge the success or otherwise of an Olympic urban approach is difficult, because the comparisons need to face a great diversity of urban contexts, social evolutionary stages, resource availability and built environment deficiencies. All these would naturally lead to heterogeneous decision-making. Nevertheless, consensus exists in evaluating the changes in host cities after respective Games based on the first-hand experiences of local communities. It is true to say that in cities such as Tokyo and Barcelona, the Olympics have triggered profound urban revival while in some others, such as Los Angeles and Atlanta, the Games were only a passing phase. In Munich and Sydney, Olympic parks have been preserved as urban landmarks but in Melbourne and Montreal some well-conceived

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Figure 1 Schematic drawing of the Olympic site planning in some host cities.

venues have failed to stand the test of time. Given such different outcomes, the question arises as to what makes a successful Olympic scheme in terms of urbanization. Several key aspects stand out as reference points for this investigation: the content and scale of Olympic intervention, the urban entity they define and the vision of urban integration they represent. To some extent, the content and scale of Olympic urbanization can be examined by looking at the capital investment in Olympic construction at each Games. The variations are shown in Figure 2 where all values have been converted into US

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Figure 2 Investment in Olympic construction, Tokyo 1964 to Beijing 2008.

dollars for comparison. It shows that the highest investment, which was made by Tokyo in 1964, is approximately 24 times higher than that of Los Angeles in 1984. There are also striking differences in the development of supportive infrastructures: in Seoul (1988) and Barcelona (1992), about two-thirds of the total expenditure was spent on this component, and in the case of Tokyo, the ratio is as high as 97 per cent. By contrast, in Montreal (1976) only 13 per cent of the investment was made for indirect Olympic projects. In general, those Games with modest infrastructural investment or those over-concentrated on the development of competition-related facilities are unlikely to involve mass urban transformation and subsequent longerlasting benefits. Of course, this is not a simple story of ‘spend more, get more’. As shown by the case of Helsinki and Munich, limited resources can still be well leveraged to improve urban amenities and create stylish spaces; or as shown by the case of Montreal, lavish investment does not guarantee wider urban improvement and sustainable legacies. What should be included and excluded from the Olympic development package requires wisdom in decision-making, and comes from a thorough understanding of the city’s tradition, actuality, problems and needs; a sharp insight in predicting the local development trend; a holistic planning strategy with scientific analysis of pros and cons; a democratic consultation process to ensure the public interest; and sufficient economic capacity to enable the development to take place. A successful Olympic urban scheme seems always to be associated with a suitable and linked long-term master-plan for the host city in terms of project determination, land usage, resource mobilization and development orientation. Emphasis on such may help to avoid over-ambitious initiatives triggered by infatuated enthusiasm, or any hasty decision-making because of the tight Olympic deadline. It also helps to

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rationalize the budgetary deployment so that Olympic projects do not overshadow the development of other essential facilities in the city. A successful Olympic scheme also derives from a holistic planning concept that respects the distinct character of host cities in urbanization conditions, demographic change, socio-economic reality and environmental deficiencies. This is particularly reflected by the integration of major Olympic facilities into host cities’ urban fabric as fundamental to the overall planning intervention. Historically Olympic sites have been integrated with cities in six models, with each having different advantages and limitations, and should be used or adapted based on local externalities (see Figure 3). In general, the decentralized model is suitable for a city having good civic infrastructures, with no obvious environmental deficiencies to be redressed in a planning manner, yet needing a partial adjustment of its urban fabric to balance the holistic development. Inner-city clustering models are suitable for a city suffering from inner city decline, suburbanization and hence sprawl. They can help to re-nucleate an evenly dispersed urban form and introduced large green and public spaces to the city’s central mass. The periphery clustering model is suitable for cities experiencing a considerable population growth, with outward development pressure and expansion needs. It can help to define the development orientation and convert an outspread urban form into a linear-shaped transit-oriented form. The satellite clustering model is suitable for large conurbations where internal development pressures need to be organically dispersed and multi-hierarchy settlements need to be reinforced in the whole region. The joint clustering model is suitable for the coordination of two closely located developing urban areas for a strategic development. Conclusion The Olympic Games have now travelled around the world and left a rich spectrum of urban heritages which, taken together, are a unique and indispensable contribution to the success of the modern Olympic Movement. The ‘Modern Olympia’ is not a truly geographic concept and the ‘Olympic city’ is not a distinct urban genre; rather, they are open-ended phenomena constantly enriched by the practice of host cities and reinterpreted through the preparation for every new Olympics. Mass Olympic urban development has always been a double-edged sword for both the Games and local communities. On the one hand it may bring desirable social changes and a global reputation; on the other financial disaster and a tempest of criticism. Each Olympic urban scheme therefore has to balance between sports, ritual, social, economic, environmental and symbolic considerations, and appreciate the long-term realities. Nevertheless, Olympic urbanization has emerged as an essential part of the modern Olympic Movement, which bridges the worlds of sport and urban environment where daily life takes place and different cultures meet each other, and extends the Olympic

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Figure 3 The six theoretical models of Olympic site integration to the host city (Cf. Fig. 1).

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footprint well beyond the simple ‘16 days of glory’ over which the summer Games take place. The Olympic Games can be seen as one extreme of a wide range of hallmark sports events. The implications of the Olympic Games for major world cities are amplified examples for other smaller cities with scaled-down sports spectacles, such as world championships and inter-continental Games. Parallel studies need to be introduced to non-Olympic contexts; such research would add to the understanding of sport-event-orientated urban development and enrich the findings of this study. The review of modern Olympic urbanization history, however, can provide a valuable starting point.

[17] [18] [19] [20] [21] [22] [23] [24] [25] [26]

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[1] Hiller, ‘Towards a Science of Olympic Outcomes’, 102. It is necessary, however, to assert that requirements for bid cities are not always uniform, nor do Olympic bid manuals remain the same across time. For example, in the 2008 version of the bid document the IOC provides estimates of required accomodation numbers. For the 2012 Games, by contrast, no numbers are specified. [2] See International Olympic Committee, Olympic Charter 1991. [3] Essex and Chalkey, ‘The Infrastructural Legacy’, 94. [4] The Globalization and World Cities (GaWc) research group centred at Loughborough University produced a preliminary ranking of world mega-cities based on their size, population, scientific and cultural impacts, economic capacity and roles in the global service network. Most cities that have acted as the Olympic hosts are among those designated as ‘world class nexus’. Cf. Sassen, Global Networks, Linked Cities, 68. [5] Coubertin, ‘Le Cadre, Une Olympie Moderne’, 153–6. [6] Ibid., 155. [7] A phalanste`re was a type of building cluster designed for a utopian community where people are working together for mutual benefits, which was conceived in the mid-1800s by French socialist Charles Fourier. The international city was proposed by French architect Ernest Hebrard after the Hague Peace Conference (1899) for creating a permanent Village where intellectuals could gather to solve ‘the world’s conflicts’. Cf. Greslery, La Ciutat Mundial, 164. [8] Lucas, The Olympic Games, 1904, 19. [9] Swedish Olympic Committee, Official Report, 46. [10] International Olympic Committee, ‘William May Garland’, 12. It should be asserted here that an Olympic Village had been created for the 1924 Games in Paris and that the 1932 Olympic Village was only temporary, was only for the male competitors, and that the women were housed in hotel accommodation. [11] Gordon, Olympic Architecture, Building for the Summer Olympic Games, 3. [12] Munoz, ‘Historic Evolution and Urban Planning Typology’, 14. [13] Chalkley and Essex, ‘Urban Development Through Hosting International Events’, 379. [14] Tokyo Organizing Committee for the Olympic Games 1964, Official Report, vol. 1, 46. [15] Gordon, Olympic Architecture, Building for the Summer Olympic Games, 94. [16] In a speech at the University of Lausanne in 1928, Coubertin criticized many Olympic arenas that were ‘the result of local, and too often, commercial interests, not Olympic interests at all’ (Cf. Muller, Pierre de Coubertin: Olympism – Selected Writings, 184). And Lord Killanin (IOC president, 1972–80) commented on the Montreal Games: ‘Who force the cities to take on excessive cost? They use the Olympic Games to develop their city and to create new sports

facilities . . . Mexico City, Tokyo, Munich and also Montreal used the Games as an occasion to develop their cities. Sport is not guilty for this’. Cf. Newfield, Montreal–Innsbruck ’76, 11. Chalkley and Essex, ‘Urban Development Through Hosting International Events’, 381. Preuss, Economics of the Olympic Games, 66–8. Malouf, Report of the Commission of Inquiry, vol. 2, 58. Kidd, ‘The Culture Wars of the Montreal Olympics’, 156. Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, The Big Woe (video archive). Gordon, Olympic architecture, building for the Summer Olympic Games, 156. Stone, ‘The Atlanta Experience Re-examined’, 20. Plumb and McKay, Reaching Beyond the Gold, 9. Beijing Municipality, General Plan of Beijing, 1991–2010. Greater London Authority, Mayor of London, the London Plan, 39.

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Beijing Municipality. General Plan of Beijing, 19912010 (in Chinese). Beijing: Beijing Development and Reform Committee, 1991. Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. The Big Woe. CBC News Archives, 22 Jan. 1999. Toronto. Available online at http://archives.cbc.ca, accessed 24 July 2006. Chalkley, B. and S. Essex. ‘Urban Development Through Hosting International Events: A History of the Olympic Games’. Planning Perspectives 14 (1999): 369–94. Coubertin, P. ‘Le Cadre, Une Olympie Moderne’ [‘The Setting, a Modern Olympia’]. Revue Olympique, October 1909: 153–6. Essex, S. and B. Chalkey, B. ‘The Infrastructural Legacy of the Summer and Winter Olympic Games, a Comparative Analysis’. Proceedings of the International Symposium on the Legacy of the Olympic Games, 1984–2000. Lausanne: International Olympic Committee, 2003. Gordon, B. Olympic Architecture, Building for the Summer Olympic Games. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1983. Greater London Authority. Mayor of London, the London Plan: Spatial Development Strategy for Great London. London: Greater London Authority, 2004. Greslery, G. ‘La Ciutat Mundial’. In Visions Urbanes, Europa 1870–1993. Barcelona: Centre de Cultura Comtemporania de Barcelona, 1994. Hiller, H. ‘Towards a Science of Olympic Outcomes: The Urban Legacy’. Proceedings of the International Symposium on the Legacy of the Olympic Games, 1984–2000. Lausanne: International Olympic Committee, 2003. International Olympic Committee. Olympic Charter 1991. Lausanne: IOC, 1991. ———. ‘William May Garland’. Bulletin of the International Olympic Committee, November 1948. Kidd, J. ‘The Culture Wars of the Montreal Olympics’. International Review for the Sociology of Sports 27 (1992): 156. Lucas, C. The Olympic Games, 1904. St Louis, MO: Woodard & Tiernan, 1904. Malouf, A. Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Cost of the 21st Olympiad. 4 vols. Montreal: Canadian Commission of Inquiry into the Cost of the 21st Olympiad, 1980. Muller, N., ed. Pierre de Coubertin: Olympism – Selected writings. Lausanne: International Olympic Committee, 2000. Munoz, F. ‘Historic Evolution and Urban Planning Typology of Olympic Village’. Proceedings of the International Symposium on Olympic Villages. Lausanne: International Olympic Committee, 1997. Newfield, F., ed. Montreal–Innsbruck ’76: The Olympic Games. Montreal: ProSport Canada, 1976. Plumb, C. and M. McKay. Reaching Beyond the Gold, the Impact of the Olympic Games on Real Estate Markets. Chicago: Jones Lang LaSalle, 2001.

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Preuss, H. Economics of the Olympic Games, Hosting the Games 1972–2000. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2000. Sassen, S., ed. Global Networks, Linked Cities. London: Routledge, 2002. Stone, C. ‘The Atlanta Experience Re-Examined: The Link Between Agenda and Regime Change’. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 25 (2001): 20–4. Swedish Olympic Committee. Official Report of the Games of the V Olympiad. Stockholm: Wahlstrom and Widstrand, 1912. Tokyo Organizing Committee for the Olympic Games 1964. Official Report of the Games of the XVIII Olympiad, 2 vols. Tokyo: Tokyo Organizing Committee for the Olympic Games, 1964.

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THE LEGACY OF A DELAYED METROPOLIS Main stakeholders: Hermann Jansen, Albert Speer, Hans Scharoun and others

(TOP) FIrst vision of Great Berlin by Jansen: http://www.bundesstiftung-baukultur.de/uploads/tx_cal/pics/StadtvisionenWeb.jpg

Harald Bodenschatz (Ed.): Berlin und seine Bauten-Teil 1, Staedtebau, Berlin. DOM publishers 2009. ARCH+ Magazine, Numbers 201/202, Arch+ Verlag, March 2011

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(BOTTOM) Germania-The World Capital planned by the Nazi regime, Photo: Berliner Unterwelten e.V.

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URBAN IDEOLOGIES OF POST-WALL BERLIN Main stakeholders: Josef Paul Kleihues, Hans Stimmann and others

TOP) Post-wall construction on the wall’s ex-death-stripe at Leipziger Platz (yellow)-Alex Klausmeister (Ed.): Denkmalpflege für die Berliner Mauer-Die Konservierung eines unbequemen Bauwerks, p.45

Phillip Oswalt,Rudolf Stegers: Berlin, Stadt ohne Form-Strategien einer anderen Stadt. Prestel. 2000. Internationale Bauausstellung Berlin 1987, Projektübersicht. Offizieller Katalog. Bauausstellung Berlin GmbH. 1987.

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(BOTTOM) Kollhoff’s winning entry for Alexanderplatz in 1995-DOMUS Dossier Rivista Annuale Numero 3 - anno III 1995 Berlino, p.101

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URBAN PIONEERS Mai nstakeholders: Raumlabor and other small-scale offices, Berlin city government

(TOP) The Kitchen monument. Raumlabor Berlin.

(1) Senatsverwaltung für Stadtentwicklung Berlin (Ed.).Urban Pioneers. Berlin. Jovis Verlag 2007. (2) Maier, Julia/ Rick, Matthias. Acting in public. Raumlaborberlin. Berlin. Jovis Verlag 2008.

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(BOTTOM) Badeschiff. Photo: Marcos L. Rosa

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Philipp Oswalt | 1998 Close Window

Berlin, City of the 20th Century More than any other city, Berlin has made its mark on the history of the 20th century: The city was the scene of major events and trends in this century - the Modernist movement of the twenties, the First and Second World Wars, National Socialism and the Holocaust, the Cold War and the collapse of socialism, capitalism and revolt - and, at the same time, these events have shaped the city. Berlin, which in the 19th century had been a boomtown without any tradition of its own, absorbed these influences and gave them an expression. In a process of 'automatic urbanism' recurring destruction, planning and reconstruction -, the city developed into a montage of contradictory ideological fragments. The city has become a text which tells its story and, in doing so, reflects the history of the 20th century. Unlike other cities, Berlin does not stand out on account of its classical beauty, it is neither a composition which is the result of an ideal plan nor is it the product of organic growth; discontinuities and contradictions, diversity and emptiness characterise the city. Berlin is ugly and, at the same time, its intensity and its individual character are a source of fascination. Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, a trend in architecture has gained the upper hand which is fundamentally opposed to this and aims to turn the fiction of an unbroken history of Prussia and Berlin into a model for architecture and urban design. In the name of 'history', it denies this history and removes its traces. The International Building Exhibition (IBA), under the direction of Josef Paul Kleihues, was already pursuing the idea of reconstruction of the city layout of the 19th century in the Berlin of the nineteen-eighties. Perimeter block development and corridor streets formed the central idea and their implementation led to a removal of the evidence of destruction by war, the Cold War and the car-orientated town planning of the fifties - a development which architects such as Rem Koolhaas and Hans Kollhoff criticised at the time as nostalgic. Whereas the IBA provided a forum for a liberal conception of architecture as part of the concept of the so-called 'critical reconstruction' and involved a large number of very different kinds of architects to achieve this, the debate on Berlin architecture became far more radical after the Berlin Wall fell in November 1989. SIMULATING HISTORY From then on, the protagonists - apart from Josef Paul Kleihues particularly Hans Stimmann, who was the Senate building director and is now an under-secretary -, called for homogeneity of architecture and accomplishment of a socalled Berlin-Prussian style. They used the following criteria to define this so-called 'Berlin style of architecture': - homogenous perimeter block development with eaves 22 metres high; - division of the block - at least optically - into small individual house units; - facades of stone with a tectonic structuring of facades, upright window and the use of natural stone for facings. Buildings are intended to be monolithic and embody solidity. These rules were elevated to become a universal principle and used in every conceivable situation, whether in the historical district of Mitte, at Potsdamer Platz or - in a slightly modified version - in the new housing estates on the outskirts of the city. Their premises did not only apply to new buildings. The same recipe was also to be used to transform existing districts of the city and adapt them to fit into a homogenous urban landscape as part of the 'Planwerk Innenstadt' (master plan). Stimmann said quite openly: 'The cities which I like are the ones which are homogenous.' For him, architecture in Berlin was to be 'disciplined, Prussian, subdued in its colour schemes, of stone, in straight lines rather than curved'. For example, Stimmann praised the 'Hofgarten' project conceived by Kleihues because here the 'architects do what once happened automatically, [architects] who feel they are part of Berlin and are not interested in recreating America in Berlin ... It is disciplined architecture.' The architecture critic Martin Kieren even goes so far as to speak of the 'uniform as a model' to characterise the Berlin style of architecture. Stimmann was able to implement his ideas for a Berlin style of architecture owing to the dominant role he played in numerous competition juries, the influence he was able to exert on what building permits were issued and by intensive public relations. The architecture theoreticians Dieter Hoffmann-Axthelm and Fritz Neumeyer developed the ideological foundations, and Hans Kollhoff, who prior to 1990 had still advocated modern and experimental architecture, became the most determined champion of The call for 'Berlin architecture' and a 'Prussian style' was justified by a line of the 'new style of Berlin architecture'. argument which was a classic example of the cultural pessimism described by the historian Fritz Stern in his book entitled The Politics of Cultural Despair (1961). Wholesale simplifications are used to generalise problems of Western civilisation and an idealised past is evoked which - according to the architecture theoretician Fritz Neumeyer -is to be demythologised and remythologised. Modernity and liberalism are actively opposed and a community is longed for. The sentiment is anti-American and opposes everything which is 'alien to Berlin'. Hence, it is hardly surprising that the concept of 'Prussian style' is borrowed from the right-wing thinker and nationalist Moeller van den Bruck, who published a book with the same title in 1916, in which he used concepts such as tectonics, monumentality, uniformity, massiveness and discipline to describe the Prussian style - the same concepts which form the basis of the present debate. What today finds expression in the debate on architecture in Berlin is a feeling that it is time for a resurgence of European nationalism following the end of the Cold War and the desire for a 'normalisation' of German history. Berlin is to become a normal European city, Germany a normal country and, following the end of the post-war era, its unfortunate history is, if possible, to be erased from the collective memory of the city and society. And at the same time, the 'Berlin style of architecture' is the post-modern concept of a decorated shed for a globalised real estate market which reduces architecture to the role of styling the consumer article building with the help of stereotyped images. GLOBALISATION Typical of the Berlin debate of the nineties was that the main emphasis lay on achieving a conservative cityscape and that questions relating to infrastructure, use or ownership issues playing no role. While, for example, most of the Potsdamer Platz site was sold to the global players Daimler Benz and Sony for a fraction of its market value, a condition of sale was that they were to create the image of a 'European City' in formal terms. Stimmann said quite openly: 'I'm for the investors. I try to keep them in check with aesthetic categories.' And so, although Berlin had the historic opportunity of shaping the structure of the city, all decisive urban design questions were left up to the real estate market or bureaucrats. A large proportion of the vacant areas in central locations which were to be developed belonged to the state, essential infrastructure such as the main railway station, an airport and a number of principal roads had to be built from scratch. The city had an enormous additional building requirement (per capita it only had one quarter of the office http://www.oswalt.de/en/text/txt/berlin_p.html

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space of Frankfurt, only one third of that of Munich), and the relationship with the area surrounding it, which was still virtually unsettled as a result of the division of the city and the planned economy of the former German Democratic Republic, needed to be redefined. The building boom in Berlin coincided with a restructuring of the real estate market, which became dominated by completely different kinds of investors in the wake of the globalisation of markets. Investors who built to meet their own needs - characteristic of the post-war economy in Germany and still typical when the centre of Frankfurt was developed in the eighties- were replaced by international investors in the form of real estate funds, life insurance companies and developers who invested in the real estate market for speculative reasons and had property to be let or sold built entirely on the basis of financial considerations. In such a constellation, architects are degraded to the role of service providers, expected to develop readily marketable property on a tight budget and time schedule, and have to relinquish most of their former powers to project managers, developers and quantitiy surveyors. The combination of aesthetic conventions with economic and town planning laissez-faire has led to the emergence of a homogenous services centre and government district in the area between Spreebogen, Potsdamer Platz and Friedrichstraße. According to Rem Koolhaas, this new business district constitutes an extreme degree of Americanisation with all the disadvantages of America and none of its advantages. The remark made by Kurt Tucholsky in 1919 has come true again. 'Berlin combines the disadvantages of a major American city with those of a provincial German town.' DUMMIES In terms of architecture this means packaging the contemporary speculative office building in historicising facades, which also simulate the small-scale. As no legal limitations had been placed on the degree of use and only the permitted maximum height had been prescribed, buildings were extended downwards: the Friedrichstadtpassagen have It could be said up to five underground stories, some buildings on Pariser Platz achieve a depth of 100 metres. sarcastically that the Berlin conventions have in fact proved to be innovative as they have produced a new kind of building. A typical example is the Kontorhaus Mitte in Friedrichstraße: the block is owned by a group of investors; Kleihues designed the entire block, the ground-plans of the buildings, the stairwells, the courtyard, the courtyard facades etc. He invited three further architects to design the street facades, whereby stone was the prescribed material. In other words, their contribution was confined to selecting the natural stone to be used, deciding the proportions of the windows and designing the details of the facades. The building which is homogenous on the inside presents itself on the outside as six houses with six different facades. The Italian architect Aldo Rossi collaborated with the architects Bellmann + Böhm to achieve the same result without outside help for the Quartier Schützenstraße. On a property owned by a single investor, the team of architects developed a building complex which is continuous on the inside and externally simulates the historical parcelling of the property by presenting approximately twenty different facades. The Neue Hackesche Höfe (1 investor, 1 building, 12 facades) and debis at Potsdamer Platz (1 investor, 1 property, 6 architects, 12 'buildings') are further examples of this approach. In the case of the shopping mall of debis at Potsdamer Platz, simulating history has meant that some buildings were designed by three architects as is the case in a Surrealistic cadavre exquis. While the architects office of Christoph Kohlbecker was responsible for the underground stories of the entire complex, the office of Renzo Piano was commissioned to design the shopping mall, which also includes the covered gallery and the first two above-ground stories of the adjacent buildings, and the Richard Roger Partnership was responsible for designing the upper half (second to eighth stories) of the building. The project was not only shared horizontally but also vertically: The Roger's office designed the park facade, Piano's office the facade facing the shopping gallery. The contradictory desires for homogeneity and small-scale produced finished buildings with 'stuck-on' facades which seemed like oversized exhibits of manufacturers of facades at a trade fair of the building industry. The impression is one of a confusing diversity of yellowish, reddish, greyish and greenish facade facings made of granite, sandstone, travertine, brickwork etc. New dormitory suburbs, located on the periphery of the city, came into being at the same time as the developments taking place in the city centre. The estate of Karow-Nord, the model project of the former Senate building director, is a typical example. The point of departure for planning this residential project, which is located in former East Berlin and provides 5,100 dwellings for 15,000 residents, was an 'imposing image for a new suburb' (Stimmann); this was defined with the help of design statutes comprising several hundred pages. In particular, the form of the boundaries, the shape of roofs, redbrick bases, upright window formats and a maximum window area of 50 per cent were intended to create the picture of a traditional suburb. In contrast, the questions of access to public transport services, the progammatic mix and reduction of costs were more or less ignored. It is significant that the office of Moore, Ruble, Yudell, which developed the master plan for Karow-Nord, was also involved in the planning for Celebration. Celebration is a settlement which the Walt Disney Company created in Florida in the nineties using the Hollywood notions of a fictitious 'traditional' American town. A DIFFERENT APPROACH TO HISTORY Whereas building policies in Berlin in the nineties have used theme park methods to simulate a continuous tradition, there are a number of architects who have involved themselves with the complex history of the city since the seventies. In addition to a number of young Berlin architects, these include Rem Koolhaas, who began his career as an architect with a study on 'The Berlin Wall as Architecture', 1972, and Daniel Libeskind, whose focus on Berlin began in the late eighties. In their dialogue with Berlin, both architects developed a number of themes which are not only central to their own work but have also had an impact on the international debate on architecture in the eighties and nineties. Nevertheless, Rem Koolhaas has been a persona non grata since his public criticism in 1991 of official development policy in Berlin; Libeskind was tolerated as an oddity and allowed to build the Jewish Museum. The particular character of Berlin in terms of architecture and urban design was first described in 1977 in a study entitled 'Stadt in der Stadt' (City in The City) by Oswald Matthias Ungers, Rem Koolhaas, Hans Kollhoff et al.: 'The diversity and variety which are manifest in the historical quarters of the city are what give Berlin its individual character and reflect the quality of its urban design. It is a city in which opposing elements have always articulated themselves and which has never been successful in its attempts to achieve a single standardising principle.' A few years later, the designs by Rem Koolhaas and his Office for Metropolitan Architecture for the IBA showed how this special quality of Berlin can be translated into a new kind of urban design. For example, the design for the southern part of Friedrichstadt develops the heterogeneity and openness of the location and, at the same time, incorporates it into a coherent spatial structure. Baroque urban fragments, tenement buildings from the 19th century, elements of classical Modernism and post-war urban development are supplemented by two further typologies - houses with courtyards and slabs - to achieve an urban fabric. Rem Koolhaas was of the opinion that a 'conceptual framework is necessary that relates buildings in conflicting forms of architecture and creates anchors for new insertions. A retroactive manifesto which makes sense of http://www.oswalt.de/en/text/txt/berlin_p.html

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the existing randomness.' A number of works by different architects used the dialogue with the Berlin that existed to develop a number of themes which provide a conceptual framework for the identity of the city and, at the same time, transform these into contemporary architecture. I would like to use a few of these works as examples to describe this other conception of Berlin. VOID The Berlin of the post-war era was characterised by large empty lots in the centre of the city. The NS regime, the destruction wrought by war and post-war planning as well as the building of the Berlin Wall had created huge empty areas which constituted a new kind of urban space and made possible a wide variety of temporary and spontaneous uses. Rem Koolhaas discovered the theme of emptiness, which was later to occupy such a central position for him, in his study 'The Berlin Wall as Architecture' He saw these empty areas as having a liberating potential: 'Where nothing exists, everything is possible.' In contrast to the definitions of uses by architecture, empty spaces have the quality of programmatic uncertainty. By the end of the eighties, he had developed this theme further in projects such as the urban design for Melun-Sénart or the Très Grande Bibliothèque for Paris to create a new concept of architecture and urban Less well-known outside Berlin are the works of Andreas Reidemeister, who as long ago as 1982 argued design. against the urban wasteland in the southern part of Friedrichstadt - the result of the planned motorway route - being redeveloped with new buildings - something which the IBA did a short time later. Instead, he proposed that the empty space, which had been created by war and demolition and now permitted spontaneous forms of use and possessed unique spatial qualities, should be preserved and given architectural articulation. He proposed breaking up the block structure by a public green area and providing rhythm in the form of accompanying residential buildings. Reidemeister took this idea a stage further in 1992 and proposed preservation of the large empty areas in the centre of the city, which were so typical of Berlin - the former railway installations, the course once followed by the Wall and the banks of the River Spree - and placing these in the context of urban design by building offices and residential towers along their As similar approach was adopted by the Dutch office MVRDV for its design for Bornholmer Straße, which was edge. awarded 1st prize in a European competition in 1991, but was not realised. The building is conceived as a vertical block marking the empty space formed by the void in the urban space left by the Wall and the course of the S-Bahn. The east-west alignment of the building volume in the former border area draws attention to the different halves of the once divided city and makes them tangible. Empty spaces have been cut out of the slab, these spaces accommodate the community and public programmes and, at the same time, formulate the emptiness as an architectural topic. The mass of the building consists of a three-dimensional puzzle of apartments of varying cubatures, thereby creating great spatial In contrast with the projects already mentioned, the theme which and programmatic diversity within the building. Daniel Libeskind developed in his work was that of emptiness. To him, emptiness did not only characterise Berlin physically but also psychologically. The numerous empty spaces which war had left in the centre of the city, such as those at Potsdamer Platz, in the diplomatic quarter and the Spreebogen, are, in his eyes, visible symbols of loss, destruction and discontinuity. Whereas Rem Koolhaas was fascinated and inspired by the spatial and programmatic qualities of this particular urban landscape, to Libeskind it represented the loss of the rich Jewish heritage in Berlin, the break in the history of Jews in Germany, in the history of German Jews and Germans. 'An absence which cannot be filled, a break which cannot be healed.' His design for the Jewish Museum transforms the existing urban voids into the structural centre of the building. A fragmented emptiness, interrupted at several points, forms the central element of the Museum. The building is built around a centre which is absent, a void which cannot be entered and cannot be filled. The second central theme of the Jewish Museum is the fragmentation and heterogeneity of the city. The complex form of the building reflects the heterogeneous elements of its surroundings - a Baroque city palace, high-rise apartment blocks put up in the sixties, urban villas of the eighties - and integrates these into a spatial structure. It is only its complex geometry which makes it possible to relate the urban fragments to one another and integrate the new building into a context which is heterogeneous. FRAGMENTATION AND HETEROGENEITY O.M.A. designs for the IBA and the design of Daniel Libeskind for the Jewish Museum give expression to a programme of modern contextualism which does not idealise a certain phase of the city's history, but accepts structures and elements from different epochs, transforms the fragments into an overall idea, uses spatial and programmatic extensions to remove their deficits and reinforces existing qualities. Neither is the status quo preserved nor is a past epoch reconstructed; instead what exists is developed further using contemporary means and enriched by the addition Libeskind developed this idea further on an urban scale in his competition entries for of new elements. Alexanderplatz (1993, 2nd prize). In contrast to the design by Hans Kollhoff, which was awarded 1st prize, he proposed retaining the huge residential blocks built during GDR times and supplementing these with commercial and cultural functions. The new buildings make reference to the different urban structures in their surroundings. A multiple order The approach of the office of Léon + Wohlhage to serves to transform, develop and densify what is already there. the fragmented urban space of Berlin takes up the idea of ambivalent buildings which can be interpreted both as a soltaire and an integrated part of an urban texture, thereby giving expression to an ambivalence of autonomy and subordination. An example of this is, in addition to its designs for the World Trade Center Berlin (1991-93) and the Bürohaus am Halensee (Halensee Office Building) (1990-96), the Wohnhaus in der Schlesischen Straße 1992-94) (Residential Building Schlesische Straße). The building not only defines the corner of the block, it is also a free-standing element which permits a view of the surrounding fire protection walls and integrates the post-war development, which The design for the GSW-Hauptverwaltung in negated the historical ground-plan of the city, into a free order. Kochstraße by Sauerbruch/Hutton (1991-99) is based on a analogous idea: The new building incorporates the existing high-rise of the GSW, which dates from the fifties, into the urban context of the baroque urban plan and, at the same time, creates references to the other high-rise buildings in the vicinity. The existing heterogeneity is accepted, integrated into a multiple order by means of interventions and structured spatially.

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rhythm and densified by means of a sequence of free-standing buildings which are aligned to the street, giving it a spatial definition. Another starting point which could be adopted was used by the Amsterdam landscape architects B+B in its winning entry in the competition for the Hellersdorfer Graben (1994). The existing artificial topography was used to make possible the co-existence between a park which is used intensively and untouched natural space. The former drainage ditch, which today is used as an above-ground underground railway route, is to be deepened and allowed to develop into a self-regulating woodland biotope by means of initial plantings; this is to transverse the entire district like a green river and provide the link with the surrounding area. A number of topographical islands on the same level as the surrounding districts constitutes a park which allows many different forms of use and is linked with the urban districts by bridges. MULTIPLICITY On the scale of the town as a whole the Berlin architect Christoph Langhof developed a concept in his project entitled 'Delta Stadt' (Delta City)( 1991) which makes use of the specific 'duplicity' of Berlin to develop a new quality: Instead of merging the east and west halves of Berlin in a process of 'reunification', he proposes establishing a third city to the south of Berlin, which makes use of the infrastructure already in place there (airport, ICE route, highway) and, at the same time, serves as a link between east and west. The parallelism of the three cities enhances the competition inside the metropolitan area, strengthens polycentrality and permits experimental and open urban development, which is to be helped by tax concessions and more efficient administrative processes. TEMPORARINESS A further central Berlin theme is the temporary, spontaneous, often illegal use of waste urban land or empty buildings. Berlin has experienced the fall of four German states in this century. The times of radical change, the destruction of war, the weak economy and unresolved ownership questions often led to spontaneous appropriations and activities, which stood out on account of their lack of financial resources and high degree of creativity. Such activities are unstable and transitory, and have an extremely flexible reaction to any change in the general conditions. They have helped to shape the specific urbanity of the city. Typical of this are the squatting scene, the Polish markets and the club A legendary example of this is the and bar scene which has developed in Berlin-Mitte since the fall of the Wall. WMF -Club, whose eventful history has been shaped by the temporary use of a number of places which are central to and, at the same time, very typical of Berlin's history. The club was founded in 1990/1991 when the premises of the former headquarters of the Württembergische Metallwarenfabrik in Leipziger Straße was occupied. After they were expelled by the owner, the initiators drained the flooded urinal of the former Wertheim department store at Potsdamer Platz without permission and ran the club there for nine months. This was followed by a legalised interim use in Burgstraße, the premises there were designed by Fred Rubin. The bowling bar which he had removed from the Palast der Republik and transformed was installed there in a new context. When the WMF recently moved into what had once been the guest house of the Council of Ministers of the German Democratic Republic in Johannisstraße the idea was developed further and the interior designed using objects from the former Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the former A further current example of the Central Committee of the SED such as the office of Erich Honecker in white leather. temporary use of a characteristic place is the Kunsthalle (art gallery) in Chausseestraße; here a former GDR As the examples described show, a number of projects supermarket has been turned into a place for exhibitions. have come about during the last few years outside the official discourse on architecture; these projects concern themselves with the authentic history of Berlin which is very particular to the city and seek to develop a contemporary form of architecture from this. The central themes of the city: emptiness, fragmentation, heterogeneity, multiplicity, temporariness, formlessness and subversion reveal a high degree of innovative potential. It remains to be hoped that, despite all trends toward restoration and economic exploitation, the city does not fully return to normal, but retains its particular identity and uses this to develop potential which points the way for the future. Close Window Philipp Oswalt I would like to thank Stefan Rethfeld for his assistance in researching this article. published in : Berlin / Berlin, Katalog zur Berlin Biennale | Ed. Miriam Wiesel | Berlin | 1998 Location: http://www.oswalt.de/en/text/txt/berlin_p.html

MASS HOUSING ESTATES Unlike in the older parts of Berlin, the mass housing estates in the eastern part of the city are fundamentally characterised by functional monotony and spatiality which is poorly articulated. However, here, too, the sheer quantity of the pre-fabricated apartment blocks rules out the possibility of restructuring on the basis of supplementary buildings. Hence, the study for Falkenberger Chaussee in Hohenschönhausen by Irene Keil and Jörg Pampe is based on the idea of modern contextualism, which accepts what is already there, while, at the same time, providing it with new qualities by means of transformation. The typical spatiality of urban design in the former GDR is überhöht compositionally, given http://www.oswalt.de/en/text/txt/berlin_p.html

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COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

GLOBAL CITY MAKING, CONSTRUCTING A NEW CITY IMAGE Main stakeholders: Developers, Local governments, International Olympic Committee

(TOP) Security forces posing in front of the new symbol, http://www.boston.com/bigpicture/2008/07/beijing_2008_preparations_thre.html

(1) Lawrence Liauw. „Urbanization of Post-Olympic Beijing“, in: Sustain and Develop, 306090 13, Ed. J. Bolchover, Jonathan D. Solomon. (2) Hyun Ban Shin, 2009, “Life in the shadow of mega-events: Beijing Summer Olympiad and its importance on housing”, Journal of Asian Public Policy, Vol. 2, No. 2, 2009, 122-141.

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(BOTTOM) The immense development in a short period due to the Mega-event planning, Photo: Google Earth

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THE FORBIDDEN CITY, THE COURTYARD HOUSE, DANWEI, BEIJING CBD Main stakeholders: Developers, local communities

(TOP) Cluster of new and old, http://swchuarchitect.blogspot.com/2008/01/strange-things-seen-from-above.html

Monson, K. (2008), String Block Vs Superblock Patterns of Dispersal in China. Archit Design, 78:46–53.

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(BOTTOM) Different cells in new real estate development on Beijing’s edges, Photo: Google Earth

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MOBILITY AND SCARCITY, BICYCLE BOOM AND BUST Main stakeholders: Smarter than car (STC)

(TOP) Bicycles use in Beijingin the 1990s, http://www.beijingshots.com/2011/12/who-moved-chinas-bicycle

Victor FS Sit. Beijing: urban transport issues in a socialist Third World setting (1949-1992). Journal of Transport Geography. Volume 4, Issue 4, December 1996, p. 253-273. Norcliffe G., 2011, “Neoliberal mobility and its discontents: Working tricycles in Chinese cities”, City, Culture and Society, Volume 2, Issue 4, p. 235–242.

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(BOTTOM) Clustering of pop-up food vendors-mobile informal economies. Photo: Shannon Bufton/STC

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String Block Vs Superblock Patterns of Dispersal in China

The superblock in China has become the dominant unit of urban planning, allowing for rapid urban growth while also meeting the needs of state and property developer alike. Kjersti Monson explains the conditions that have given rise to the superblock, while challenging it by proposing an alternative ‘stringblock’ approach, rooted more in collective culture and addressing the demands of the market-driven economy.

At the high end, superblocks function as the ultimate in gated communities – truly wonderful tower-in-the-park environments. Alternatively, they can be relentless in their standardisation and repetitiveness. Whether a project becomes one or the other is often entirely up to the developer.

The superblock represents the DNA of urban expansion in China. As the basic unit of urban planning and real-estate transactions it defines the new Chinese city in a way that the grid and parcel defined New York. The grid and parcel laid the foundation for real-estate transactions in the American city that were in keeping with US values related to the individual’s right to land and property. So does the superblock lay the foundation for transactions that are in keeping with Chinese values related to the state and collective culture. Basic cultural institutions and assumptions underlie the superblock form, which was not born in China but has perhaps reached its zenith as a megatypology within that context. Because the superblock type is so dominant as the vehicle for Chinese urbanisation, it is here that any discussion should start by considering improving the qualitative outcomes of new development as it pertains to the public interest, public space and sustainability. A superblock can vary in size from 8 hectares (20 acres) in an existing urban area to 40 hectares (100 acres) or more in newly urbanising rural peripheries. As a type, it is efficient for implementing rapid expansion since it allows the government to limit its hard investment to the planning and construction of a widely spaced pattern of major infrastructure only, shedding enormous chunks of developable land with approved use rights in single transactions, wherein the private owner will plan and build interior roads. The sheer scale of a typical superblock requires that the developer has large capital reserves and high political standing, and must also possess the operational and financial capacity to produce a megaproject. Standard superblocks create an urban fabric characterised by discrete, large and homogenous cells – a ‘candybox urbanism’. This phenomenon is underscored by the requirement in newly planned expansion areas (Pudong is such an area, being built from the ground up on previous agricultural lands) for 15-metre (50-foot) or greater ‘green buffer’ zones between the kerb and the proposed buildings. This precludes multiple blocks from relating to one another with a cohesive streetscape, and furthermore necessitates frontage roads to be built within the green buffer, often duplicating the existing road and encircling the inner block. Because the typical superblock morphology is cellular, it is not a type that blends well with its environment and it inherently tends to diminish the possibility of cohesive public space or the stewardship of natural systems. However, its spatial logic is practical from a planning, construction and leasing point of view. Discrete circulation (in the spirit of the cul-de-sac) for each building phase is considered preferable so that leasing can begin on one area while another is still under construction. The land is parcelled and planned by the government at a scale that requires large financial transactions, both in the sale of rights as well as in the ensuing land improvements and construction. Each superblock project can rapidly deliver large numbers of housing units to market while offering a financially attractive prospect to the global-standard

developer and financier. Buildings within a superblock project tend to be standardised, streamlining the design process and reducing costs. The process capitalises on the strength of the Chinese systems of Local Design Institutes (LDIs) – a system of state-owned architecture and engineering institutes that provide standardised construction documentation at a very low cost. The LDI system is designed for maximum efficiency through an institutionalised preference for using templates and standards instead of pushing design innovation. LDIs are typically a required partner for projects of any scale on the Chinese mainland. In the end, although the result of this process sometimes leaves a lot to be desired with regard to public space, sustainable city-making and social justice, the will to change it is hard to find since it has thus far functioned adequately from both a state and private development perspective. As cities expand ever further into the hinterland, performance is harder to gauge. Collective Culture and the Built Environment The creation of collectivized dining halls, nurseries, kindergartens, dormitories, laundries, and repair shops will really break radically with the existing family attitude toward property, and this will provide the economic premises for the extinction of the family as an economic unit. NA Miliutin in Sotsgorod: The Problem of Building Socialist Cities, 19741 The Communist Revolution is the most radical rupture with existing property relations; no wonder that its development is the most radical rupture with traditional ideas. K Marx and F Engels, Communist Manifesto2 A history steeped in collective culture, along with the cultural assumptions that grew from the system of institutionalised architecture created to realise the communal built environments in the style of Soviet communism, informed how China ultimately structured its land lease and development regulations, which allowed for a real-estate market to emerge in the late 1980s. In addition to defining a legal and political process for bringing land to market, the government defined a planning process for urban land with the superblock as its basic unit. The lack of a finer grain of parcellisation ensured that development would continue at the scale of the collective rather than of the individual. Given the allowable densities, single developers could house entire small cities in one project. The dominant typology for land transactions, and therefore for urban expansion under the current system, is the superblock. In order to understand why transactions are occurring only at this scale, and why the individual remains peripheral to land development in China, it is useful to explore the country’s history as a collective culture. Collective culture, long an underlying component of Chinese civilisation, became a tangible characteristic of each

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The enormous model of downtown Shanghai at the Shanghai Urban Planning Museum reveals a large-grained cellular pattern of development typical of superblock fabric. Each block is distinct with regard to massing, circulation and open space, and is typically disconnected from other blocks by large and fast-moving roads, resulting in a sort of insular ‘candybox urbanism’.

Chinese citizen’s daily life in the 1950s through the bricksand-mortar restructuring of both city and countryside into working communal environments and political structures under Mao. When the People’s Republic was formed, the Chinese population was collectivised, with the basic and most important unit of socialisation being the ‘work unit’. The work unit was at the core of everyday life, and was the building block of Chinese socialism. In the city, this building block was called the ‘danwei’. In the countryside, it was the ‘production team’. The work unit was the nucleus of the political and social life of a village, and had spatial implications depending on the means of production employed. An agricultural village was cell-like; an industrial village was linear, and most likely sited along a canal. An urban danwei provided the worker members with everything they needed within a defined and controlled area, including the workplace or factory, residential dormitories, cafeteria and school. As large-scale, closed-loop and collectivised walled compounds, danweis constituted the basic social and built structure of the Chinese city. They were defined first and foremost as centres of production. Throughout most of the pre-marketisation communist era or, more specifically, from 1953 to 1984, land was nationalised. Under the law, two kinds of land were recognised: state-owned land, which was either urban land or a nationally significant natural resource, and collectively owned land, which was rural or suburban. The system of local administration was split into three levels: the people’s commune (administrator of the town and liaison to higher

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

officials), the production brigade (administrator of the ‘natural village’ – often a group with familial ties – and coordinator of production teams), and the production team (a designated group of peasant labourers working together towards production goals). Land and resources were not held individually, but by the state or commune. Nevertheless, under the law, land rights were necessarily represented by designated parties – those with standing to negotiate in the event of a dispute or landuse change. The state was the legal representative of urban land rights and natural resources. The production team was the legal representative of collectively owned land rights. Therefore the legal framework governing land rights reflected the ideological values of Chinese socialism by privileging two parties with legal standing under the law: the state and the work unit (production team). Collectivisation meant more than the pooling of labour and the communal allocation of resources. It also meant common eating and living spaces – a standard feature of the dormitory living units built at this time. Standardising communal living arrangements underscored the national dedication to instilling socialist values at every level. The work unit, or danwei, was not only the building block of the socialist city, it was the core of communist identity. It represented social identity through work, familial ties and national ideology.

Marketisation Land parcels are the most important State-owned assets valued at 25 trillion yuan (US$3.019 trillion), more than triple the total value of other State-owned properties. People’s Daily Online, 25 June 20023 Instead of moving toward a completely capitalist socio-economic system, China is in transition to a market socialism. … a natural resource (land), whose monetary value had been neglected since 1949, suddenly assumes a very important role in the overall Chinese economy … How then does this ‘from nothing to everything’ situation come about? Li Ling Hin, Privatization of Urban Land in Shanghai, 19964

As the basic unit of urban planning and real-estate transactions in China, the superblock defines the new Chinese city in the same way that the grid defines New York. As a type, it has difficulty coping with context, environment and existing conditions. Nevertheless, due to its high efficiency for rapid expansion, clear terms of transaction and strong formal likeness to the collective compounds of China’s recent history, it is likely to remain dominant and should be considered as a formal and functional type ready for urban design innovation.

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As China turns its attention to the ever expanding periphery and the countryside, the broad-axe development framework represented by the superblock will necessarily have to adapt. The superblock is highly efficient for planning and land transactions, but its form creates enormous disruption to existing natural and cultural systems.

Marketisation is a legal and political process by which stateowned land in China becomes developable, and through which real property is brought to market. The marketisation process in China has heralded a period of unprecedented urban expansion. It has also resulted in the resettlement of large numbers of people and the loss of agricultural land as cities and infrastructure rapidly expand. The first hint that there is something fundamentally unique about the new mode of land distribution and development in China is the political incorrectness of using the term ‘privatisation’ to describe it. Indeed, among Chinese planners and officials, ‘marketisation’ is the correct term. Because the state has not in fact turned over ownership of land, but rather has established a system of long-term leases and rights of use, it is considered incorrect to refer to developable land as ‘privatised’. China still perceives itself very much as a socialist state, albeit one that has floated a market of tradable land rights.

When marketisation began as a result of new legislation in the early 1980s, the communes of the People’s Republic were decollectivised and political structures and organisations were renamed. ‘People’s commune’, ‘production bridgade’ and ‘production team’ became ‘township’, ‘administrative village’ and ‘natural village’. The two forms of property remained: state owned (urban land) and collectively owned (rural and suburban land). A key difference under the new system, however, was that no legal representative of collective ownership rights was identified under the law. The laws and processes of development for state-owned urban land have been quickly and precisely mapped out over the past 20 years. State-owned urban land has a clear delineation of use rights and specific quantitative planning and entitlement regulations, giving it the stability and predictability that is a prerequisite of any serious investor or developer. Part of this predictability comes from the fact that the process of bringing developable urban land to market is a highly controlled process in China. As new expansion areas are identified and approved by Beijing, they enter into state- or municipal-level design institutes where land uses and infrastructure are planned and approved. Masterplans are produced according to top-down planning agendas, whether the creation of new government centres for peripheral new towns, expanded industry and logistics around a new deep-water port, key financial districts or new residential units to meet projected demand. These plans typically – and sometimes rightfully – have no relationship to the fabric that existed before them, necessitating substantial relocation and compensation to be undertaken by the developer. Plans focus on major infrastructure and land uses, using the superblock as the basic structural and transactional unit. An auction occurs in which land-use rights are sold to developers who proceed through the site planning, entitlements, construction and lease-up that bring new real estate to market. At the time of the initial land transaction between public and private, government planners have already defined the scale, general land use and scope of what will be built. The government rarely imposes additional conditions that could forward the public interest, such as easements facilitating public space or environmental goals, exactions or performance-based rules. This should be an important subject for advocates of the ‘good city’ in China, as it is in defining these nuances of the regulatory relationship between public and private that one truly begins to affect change on a massive scale with regard to quality-of-life outcomes. In the current regulatory climate in China, the outcome of a ‘by-thebook’ development is typically a fabric of disconnected dense megablocks that may pose challenges to both social and ecological systems. At the high end, these blocks function as the ultimate in gated communities – truly wonderful towerin-the-park environments. At the low end, they are relentless rows of standardised housing. Whether a project becomes one or the other is entirely up to the developer.

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The basic unit of collectivisation in China was the production team, or work unit, which was granted communal land rights under the law. The revolution sought to shift definition of the basic economic building block and property rights from being family-based to being commune-based.

In both city and countryside, settlements in the latter half of 20th-century China were defined first and foremost by the means of production employed in them. Residents would work in the factory or farm that defined their commune, or danwei, live in the commune, and obtain services in the commune as a collective. Here, a suburban industrial commune has a linear form, taking advantage of a large canal. A farming commune takes on a cellular form, with a dense residential centre and surrounding farmlands.

The fate of collectively owned land has been different from that of state-owned urban land. Rural and suburban villages are still largely functioning as collectives, although individual farmers have been granted leases. With no recognised legal owner-representative, the land has by default been subject to land grabs and wasteful development practices by local officials throughout China. One area under the collective land law that has developed quickly is the land impressment process, or how land can be reclaimed by the state, converted to urban land and its residents resettled. Meanwhile, the simple questions of who owns the land, what villagers can do to improve their own situation or benefit from growth, and the problem of how potential investors might engage this territory remain vague. From the perspective of an entrepreneur, this hinterland represents too many legal grey areas, with indistinct rights

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

and limitations. As it currently stands, the countryside is frozen from a land rights point of view, awaiting state intervention. The refined process of land development via the superblock does not fit rural or suburban land. The scale of development and market absorption that a superblock development must inherently assume in order to justify such a large land acquisition at the start may not be realistic in peripheral areas, where the population may be sparse, migration minimal and buyers hard to come by. There are differences in both the social frameworks and legal frameworks governing urban land as compared to rural or suburban land. Market reform in China has led to a specific form of collectively owned enterprise in rural areas (Town and Village Enterprise),5 but has yet to clarify collective property ownership rights, resulting in major hurdles for sustained economic growth and investment. These differences are about to become significant barriers as China turns its face to the countryside, or more precisely the New Socialist Countryside as outlined in its ‘11th Five Year Plan’ in 2006.6 Evolution Creation of a centralised system of planning, a top-down hierarchy of architectural institutes linked to the state, and the construction of communal living and working environments all underwrote socialist tenets in tangible ways in each Chinese citizen’s life and community from the 1950s onwards. The social and political system made communal decision-making a way of life, and the basic unit of social organisation was not the individual but the collective. When China implemented the land-use regulations (LURs) of the 1980s, it created a revised system of land rights, moving towards a system of market socialism. The process of creating land supply and parcelling newly developable land

Former collective types such as lilong (lane) housing or hutong (courtyard) housing are now being replaced as marketisation brings new superblocks online throughout city centres and peripheries. The superblock may differ in the way it engages the private sector in order to be produced, but it maintains the socialist lineage of planning and city building in units of large-scale insular compounds rather than city-building at a parcel scale.

for transaction took the form of superblocks and maintained the fundamental powers of the state to implement top-down control. It also preserved the basic principle of planning at the scale of the collective rather than the individual. Despite the problems inherent in superblock planning – especially environmental degradation and the polarisation of city and countryside – the principles of collective culture that underlie the rise of the superblock as the definitive contemporary Chinese urban form are not likely to change quickly, if at all. This is not because officials deny or do not care about the apparent problems inherent in the type. Indeed, for a system only around 20 years old, one might be surprised that there are not more severe conflicts arising. A lot of trouble has been avoided through the government’s focus on urban land, not suburban and rural land, in this first surge of growth. As China turns its attention to the ever expanding periphery and the countryside, the broad-axe development framework represented by the superblock will necessarily have to adapt. The superblock is highly efficient for planning and land transactions, but its form creates enormous disruption to existing natural and cultural systems. When applied in rural settings, it is a destructive force that can be considered speculative at best with regard to real-estate markets, since no one can predict the kind of density a superblock will assume on a site that is entirely peripheral to the city. As the superblock is not designed to coexist but to replace, it requires a tabula rasa attitude towards context that makes any notion of organic or phased growth that engages local populations nearly impossible to imagine. I propose exploring the superblock as a malleable type that may adopt alternative, less inherently damaging forms. Given the right regulatory framework, superblock-style land transactions and financing could be adapted for redeployment in suburban or rural areas seeking development – keeping the basic DNA of the superblock method intact while adopting a more integrated attitude towards context and form. A Masterplan for the Fengxian District Suburb of Shanghai In 2005, while living in Shanghai, I created a Hong Kong company with two partners – Aaron Loke, a business leader and McKinsey consultant, and entrepreneur Francis Yum. The company, Design Community China, Ltd (DCC), signed a memorandum of understanding with Fengxian District, suburban Shanghai, to undertake an experimental planning process and possible development for Fengcheng town that culminated in an 80-page planning document. Fengcheng is one of the nine towns in Shanghai’s ‘One City Nine Towns’ 2020 Plan.7 DCC sought to establish a formal framework for organic growth in the district that would benefit the matrix of farming villages that surround the town, as well as attract development interests who prefer the predictability of the superblock planning model. We evaluated the existing landscape structure north of the town, noting that where

Top of City in downtown Shanghai is a good example of relative success in superblock planning. The small scale of the block (around 7 hectares/18 acres) makes for an intimate and gardenesque centre. A man-made lake is maintained as a living habitat where turtles, fish and toads reside. The community maintains a newsletter and encourages residents to get to know one another through planned events. However, the project turns its back on the public, with sentries posted at each entrance, and although it engages the natural it does so at a superficial level – creating a sort of pond aquarium that sits on top of underground parking without engaging any larger functioning ecologies.

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The Fengxian plan maintains the basic DNA of the superblock but presents as more of a string. The circulation hierarchy, phasing and leasing are the same, but the simple choice of where to draw a property line during the land impressment process – which is entirely at the discretion of the government planner – has enormous potential impact on surrounding communes.

Design Community China (DCC), Masterplan for Fengcheng town, Fengxian District, Shanghai, China, 2005 In a planning study for an area of 150 hectares (371 acres) in conjunction with the town of Fengcheng in Fengxian District, a suburb of Shanghai, DCC mapped the pattern of existing agricultural and industrial communes on the site and determined where village mortality would occur as a result of the existing superblock masterplan.

The DCC masterplan for peripheral Fengcheng proposed a pattern of development that would allow new fabric to coexist with the communes and farmland already on the site. ‘Developable land’ consisted of out-of-date industrial uses, villages that were already facing demise due to existing superblock development, and low-grade commercial edges. Functioning farmland and small villages were largely preserved.

superblocks are already planned and infrastructure under construction, there would already be some village mortality. Using this matrix as an organising structure, we endeavoured to create a plan that could be built, phased and financed like a superblock but that would interact more positively with its context. The plan was composed of focused development areas, allowing existing farmlands to continue functioning, leaving hydrology intact and respecting the boundaries of communal lands. It does not assume or even advocate that these lands remain active farmland in perpetuity – indeed this seems unlikely. The principle at stake is that a new development should not necessitate the demise of functioning webs of activity at its edges. The simple choice of where to draw a property line – which is entirely at the discretion of the government planner – has enormous potential impact on surrounding communes. Our proposal reflects the basic DNA of the superblock in terms of density, circulation, use, public planning role and financing. Formally, it differs from the traditional superblock. It presents as more of a string than a cell, in order to allow adjacent uses to coexist with the intervention. The string block maintains the fundamental components of standard development, but with different structuring rules. Ultimately, the breadth and limitations of suburban and rural residents’ rights will have to be clarified under the law. Once this happens, it is highly unlikely that the superblock will persist in its current ‘candybox’ form as a development type in peripheral areas. As land rights and regulations are fleshed out and become more complex under the law, so will urban form. This project is a tentative first step, but in the future it is hoped that urban designers and planners will further push the boundaries of what is possible within China’s superblock megatypology. Ultimately, our plan was supported by officials in the district (including the offices of the planning bureau, agricultural bureau and party secretary) but has as yet failed to be approved by Shanghai Municipality. Insufficient land quotas, the relative insignificance of the project from a municipal point of view, defiance of typical planning processes and political barriers have all played a role in the delay, and we continue to await a final outcome on the venture. 4

The Fengxian masterplan sought to create a positive interface between agricultural lands and new development. Fields would provide vista opportunities for key public spaces, and views to them were designed into the plan. A farmers’ market acted as the heart of the development and the most direct interaction between new residents and farmers. Where village mortality was occurring, the team envisioned existing structures as reuse opportunities with a unique scale and fabric.

Notes 1. NA Miliutin, Sotsgorod: The Problem of Building Socialist Cities, MIT Press (Cambridge, MA), 1974, p 81. 2. As quoted in NA Miliutin, op cit, p 81. 3. ‘Land Market Reform Advances, But Calls for Fair Play’, People’s Daily Online, 25 June 2002. (http://english.people.com.cn/200206/25/eng20020625_98507.shtml) 4. Li Ling Hin, Privatization of Urban Land in Shanghai, Hong Kong University Press (Hong Kong), 1996, p 2. 5. Enrico Perotti et al, ‘Working Paper Number 150: State-Owned versus Township and Village Enterprises in China’, The United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research, 1998, pp 24–5. 6. The 11th Five Year Plan of the Chinese Communist Party was adopted in the fourth session of the 10th National People’s Congress in October 2006. Highlights of the rural development policy and particularly the New Socialist

Countryside concept can be found on China’s official government website at http://english.gov.cn/special/rd_index.htm. 7. Shanghai’s ‘One City, Nine Towns’ 2020 Plan has been discussed and its components published and interpreted widely in various media since the plan was adopted by the State Council in May 2001. Maps and documents are not publicly available in print form, but can be viewed on display at the Shanghai Urban Planning Exhibition Center in downtown Shanghai. The author documented key elements of the plan through photographs of this exhibition, policy research, and interviews with Chinese planners and academics over nearly three years spent living and working in China. The author also visited, studied and in two cases worked in focus areas of the 2020 plan, including Anting Newtown, Qingpu District, Chongming Island and Fengcheng, Fengxian District. Text © 2008 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Images © Kjersti Monson

As development pushes further into the Chinese countryside, and as the New Socialist Countryside concept of China’s 11th Five Year Plan takes shape in the coming years, the superblock type will have to evolve and adapt to a new set of regulatory issues, increasing pressure to ensure social justice and address the very real concerns about environmental degradation in China.

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STRATEGIES FOR THE ABORTED CONSTRUCTIONS OF MADRID’S PERIPHERY Main stakeholders: real estate developers, large architecture companies

(TOP ) Unconcluded urban processes.

SITE: ENSANCHE DE VALLECAS

(BOTTOM) Mapping of the emptiness.

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GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE STRATEGIES Main stakeholders: Various architecture offices

(TOP) The Master plan of the proposal

(BOTTOM) A view on the green infrastructure.

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ACTIVATING URBAN SPACE Main stakeholders: ZuloArk collective, local residents

(TOP) The location with its diversities.

(BOTTOM) The community and the creatives in action.

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PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG & PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

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EXERCISES

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NAME, FIRSTNAME ___________________________________________________________________

2014

DEADLINE:

27. MÄRZ 2014, 8.00, ONA FOCUSHALLE

PRODUCING KNOWLEDGE BY READING THE CONTEMPORARY CITY

City: Madrid |

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TRAIN CENTRIC URBAN DEVELOPMENT Main stakeholders: JR, Japan Railways

(TOP) Tokyo, Greater Tokyo Railway Network.

(1) Cisar Sasha, Lecture at Urban Stories, October 2010.

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(BOTTOM) Land Readjustment Stages and Method. In: Land Re-adjustment Stages and Methods. Chiba Prefecture.

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DESTRUCTION OF THE CITY Main stakeholders: Metabolists movement

(TOP) Arata Isozaki, Destruction of the Modern CIty, 1968.

(1) Cisar Sasha, Lecture at Urban Stories, October 2010.

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(BOTTOM) Kenzo Tange, Interchange Highway, Tokyo Plan, 1960.

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MADE IN TOKYO / PET ARCHITECTURE Main stakeholders: Atelier Bow Wow and others

(TOP) Public and Private Overlap on the Street

(1) Atelier Bow-wow. Pet Architecture. Tokyo: 2002.

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(BOTTOM) Pet Architecture. Atelier Bow-Wow. Tokyo. 2002.

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BACHELOR

EXERCISES / TESTAT

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NAME, FIRSTNAME ___________________________________________________________________ DEADLINE:

HARIS PIPLAS & DANNY WILLS

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PRODUCING KNOWLEDGE BY READING THE CONTEMPORARY CITY

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CAÇAMBA COM PLANTAS verdejar DUMPSTER WITH PLANTS to green p 90

MICHAELA BUSENKELL

O FLUXO DE TÓQUIO

TOKYO FLUXUS

“The sheer size of Tokyo and the fact that it does not maintain a historical city centre preclude the possibility of an urban discourse along European lines of public versus private and political versus personal spaces”, the architects Momoyo Kaijima and Yoshiharu Tsukamoto (Atelier Bow-Wow) state about the Japanese capital.1 They regard Tokyo as something fluid, a combination of various flows. They call this state “flux”: “Beneath Tokyo’s chaotic appearance lies a complex yet consistent assemblage of urban systems whose interactions cannot be fully regulated.”2 The metropolis Tokyo has approximately 8.5 million inhabitants within 23 districts. With its almost 37 million inhabitants in the Tokyo region, it is the largest metropolitan region in the world. Each district is administratively independent, equal to other cities. This results in a large number of different centres with diverse characters, so that for this reason alone it seems impossible to make any generalisations about Tokyo. The only constant that characterises the city as a whole seems to be continuous change and transformation. This can be read through a historical lens. Repeatedly subject to earthquakes and large fires, Tokyo, in 1657 and 1872, lost entire sections of the city to fire. In the context of the reconstruction and parallel modernisation of the city, the government decided in 1872 to also westernize Japanese society. Subsequently, new public buildings, and the design of the the cityscape as well, were built according to European models, using a wide range of European styles of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The greatest natural disaster in Tokyo’s recent history was the heavy earthquake and fire of 1923, which destroyed a large part of the city. The reconstruction was finished in 1930, when over 200,000 new buildings were constructed. During the bombings of the Second World War, entire neighbourhoods, made up of the traditional wooden constructions, went up in flames. Given this context, it is hardly surprising that in Japan, social and cultural identity are not understood as immanent to society, but as something rather exchangeable and alterable at any time. The architect and curator Moriko Kira sees the danger in styles and values being expressed in this way, trivialised into mere signs within an eclectic freedom.3 The idea that products, identities, and ways of thinking can be purchased, acquired, and exchanged is dominant in all countries of a post-industrial culture. The phenomenon of Japanese subcultures represents for Moriko Kira an extreme of this kind of culture. “If enough people express interest in manga (comics), karaoke, or computer games, a market emerges to serve their needs. The flatness of values is the basic characteristic of this state [...]“.4 Thus terms like ‘novelty’, ‘transformation’, or ‘change’ are highly valued in Japanese society, which is naturally also reflected in architecture, public space, and consumer habits. The neighborhoods, the appearance of the streets, and also the interiors are undergoing permanent change. Microcosms of this lived change are the popular convenience stores that are both meeting points as well as nearby suppliers for everyday needs. Even though they are usually tiny, these stores offer all sorts of consumer goods that are constantly replaced by new, better, or just different items. A particular and essential component of the Tokyo flux is contemporary communication and entertainment electronics. Often there are large groups of people in front of convenience stores, wildly communicating with their mobile telephones. In his book Do Android Crows Fly Over the Skies of an Electronic Tokyo, Akira Suzuki describes how the mobile telephone has become the most important tool in Japanese life, but without any business connotation. The mobile telephone is rather used as a game-like interface of urban life. Suzuki describes groups of schoolgirls like ‘android hordes’, who communicate incessantly through mobile telephones; a few years ago, for example, in order to talk about the maintenance of their Tamagochis. Later the businessmen followed their example. Catalogue, 2006, p. 238. Ibid. Kira, 2000, p. 13. 4 Ibid. 1 2 3

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ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

What replaces things that sem are lost withficaríamos the disappearance of the de traditional seu ninho emthe Tóquio, então, dúvida, impressionados ver quãofambem esse ily, asks Akira Suzuki. it be that que whatdestreza we havee gained to communicate pássaro conhece”Could a cidade e com astúcia is elethe fazability disso uma vantagem”, escrefreely ve with others […]?Corvos The horizons of communication beyond thegeral family, Akira Suzuki. têm a perspectiva de cima,have o queextended permite uma visão do todo, 13 escaped confines of the city, and begun do to render boundaries meaningless.” e aothe mesmo tempo uma visão ‘próxima asfalto’.national 5 The communication networks formobservação an infrastructure “intimately integrateddos into‘observadores our living da Um presente diário para é também a preocupação roomsrua’ and bedrooms, yet surpassing in their scope the visible urban and transportation , a quem o historiador de arquitetura e arquiteto Terunobu Fujimori pertence; ele funlandscape is invisible, hee writes, butObserinfrastructures of of expressways and skyscrapers. ”6 This dou o Club the Detective-Architects (Clube dos Detetives-Arquitetos) a Railway that doesn’t make it virtual. In his opinion, the cities of today and tomorrow exist only in puvation Society (Sociedade de Observação da Estrada de Ferro); o crítico Kyoichi Tsuzuki a relation of dois physical its network should think of it [the que blicou livroscommunity com fotos and do cotidiano no counterpart. contexto dos“We estilos de vida subculturais city] assão a soft landscape that is being updated by its fotos users.de ”7 apartamentos japoneses comuns no Japão. Noconstantly primeiro volume, Tokyo Style,

a view ‘close to the asphalt’.13 An everyday gift for observation is also the concern of the ‘observers of the street’, to whom the architecture historian and architect Terunobu Fujimori belongs. Fujimori founded The Club of the Detective-Architects and the Railway Observation Society. The critic Kyoichi Tsuzuki published two books with photographs of everyday life in the context of the subcultural lifestyles that are common in Japan. In the first volume Tokyo Style, pictures of regular Japanese apartments are shown filled with mangas or manga products. In the second volume, Roadside Japan, shopping streets full of manga items in Japanese cities are shown. What many projects have in common is that they accept the urban context “as found” – a term coined in the 1960s by the Smithsons – they examine small and seemingly insignificant details in the surroundings in order to design spaces that are oriented as closely as possible to the needs of the inhabitants. Thus Yasutaka Yoshimura presented the effects of the Japanese building codes on the planning and design of buildings in an urban context in his publication Super Legal Buildings.14 The example number 15 from this ‘encyclopaedia’, for example, refers to the Japanese rules on escape routes in shops and shows a façade made out of an escape flight of stairs. The narrow building of the number 74 is typical for Tokyo and conforms to the rule that each building must maintain a setback of at least two metres from the street. Building number 47 has a façade made of oriels – a result of the rule that oriels jutting out up to 50 cm need not be added as part of the living space. Atelier Bow-Wow began in the 1990s to examine hybrid constructions in Tokyo that seem to be built completely at whim and without a plan, but which use their plot effectively and functionally. The results of this research were published in the two books Made in Tokyo and Pet Architecture; the first is an inventory of ‘buildings without quality’ that partially eat their way into the infrastructure of the city; the second shows very small buildings – “pet architecture” that sprout in the tiny gaps of Tokyo’s urban fabric. In terms of scale, they are somewhere between a piece of furniture and a building. Further, Atelier Bow-Wow researches how urban space is domesticated with vending machines, by introducing a human scale into the street. This research makes clear the interactivity between urban space and construction, and it led to new design approaches and the incorporation of the human scale in residential buildings. This inventory of anonymous Tokyo buildings, especially Made in Tokyo, has occasionally been called the Japanese variant of ‘dirty realism’, or compared with Learning from Las Vegas. However, Atelier Bow-Wow refers back to the research of the Situationists in the 1960s. They, too, viewed the city from an everyday perspective and also switched between various levels of scale. But the younger architects are not interested in repeating forms or in developing an emblematic architecture – as is the case with Venturi – but to understand the behaviour and the needs of urban dwellers from the impressions of everyday life, and to keep those in mind while programming new spaces.

comuns são fotografados cheios de mangá ou produtos mangá. No segundo volume, RoaCONTINUITY AND TRANSFORMATION dside Japan, são mostradas ruas de compras cheias de itens mangá em cidades japonesas . Western travellers often projetos experience Tokyo as a confusing labyrinth. Three reasons urbano are giv-‘como O que muitos têm em comum é que eles aceitam o contexto en by encontrado’ the architect(as Hidetoshi for thecunhado chaos ofnathe urbande landscape in Japan: firstly–, eles found) –Ohno um termo década 1960 pelos Smithsons the speed in which old buildings are torn down and new ones are constructed. Wooden examinam detalhes pequenos e aparentemente insignificantes no entorno próximo a fim buildings in Japanespaços last around 25 years, other buildings tennecessidades years longer.dos Thushabitantes. the de projetar orientados o máximo possívelabout para as 8 The second reason given by Ohno are no average lifespan of a building is about 30 years. Assim, Yasutaka Yoshimura apresentou os efeitos dos códigos de construção japoneses the high inheritance etaxes which result in plots divided urbano again and becoming Super planejamento design de edificações embeing um contexto emagain, sua publicação 9 smaller and Buildings. smaller, in14order to sell parts raise‘enciclopédia’ money for the inheritance O exemplo nº 15todessa , por exemplo,tax. refere-se às normas Legal The third reason the spatial – fachada which from Western japonesas para for rotas deurban fuga em lojasorganisation e mostra uma feitaacom uma perspecescada de rota tive seems chaotic – is the lack ofdea nº relation to thepara westernized when for cada de fuga. O edifício estreito 74 é típico Tóquio e surroundings: atende à norma de que a whole century buildings constructed to which average person edifício deve ter umaare fachada com pelo menosthe 2 metros deJapanese largura até a rua.cannot O edifício nº relate,47 it istem hardly thatde they developed a completely different– relationship the que umasurprising fachada feita janelas em projeção envidraçadas resultado dato norma spatialnão organisation which based. Ohno “culture is about as inclui naonconta dathese área buildings útil, desdeare que tenham atéargues 50 cm that de altura. continuity.OWhen thirty years anda you forgetconstruções where it all híbridas came em Ateliereverything Bow-Wowchanges começouevery na década de 1990 examinar 10 In this context, he explains, it is difficult to imagine from, Tóquio continuity is hard to manage. ” que pareciam ser construídas de forma aleatória e sem um plano, mas que usavam the built environment as something should be preserved and continued. as aforam o terreno para uma edificaçåothat efetiva e funcional. Os resultados dessa Tokyo pesquisa patchwork of historical moments is the perfect example for this, he maintains. “Somehow publicados em dois livros: Made in Tokyo e Pet Architecture; o primeiro é um inventário de we have to learn to sem accept that complexity as it is parcialmente and develop itointo something. ”11 ‘construções qualidade’ que ocupam caminho da infra-estrutura da

cidade; o segundo mostra edifícios muito pequenos – ‘arquitetura pet’ – que brotam em OBSERVERS OF THE STREET: CITYurbano “AS FOUND” vãos minúsculos no tecido de Tóquio; em termos de escala, algo entre um móvel e This isuma howedificação. the title ofAlém the 2006 exhibitionpesquisa Faire soncomo Nid dans la Ville – Nesting disso,ArchiLab o Atelier Bow-Wow o espaço urbano é domestiin the cado City –com should be understood. curators Suzuki and Mariko Terada as máquinas de serviçoThe como as deAkira refrigerante, introduzindo uma used escalait humana The metaphor nest a motto generation of Japanese around 40.o12 espaço na for rua.the Essa pesquisa deixa clara a architects interatividade entre urbano of e athe construção e is intended standabordagens not just forde architecture’s adaptation to its urban surroundings, but levou atonovas design e a uma escala humana em construções residenciais. rather for Esse the attitude of the Japanese architects to the principalmente contemporary city. “If you inventário de younger construções anônimas de Tóquio, Made in Tokyo, could tem put the lens of a camera into the eye of a raven nesting in Tokyo, then you would com sido chamado por vezes de variante japonesa do ‘realismo sujo’, ou comparado undoubtedly befrom amazed to see how well thisobird knows the cityrefere-se and withàhow much dos cleverLearning Las Vegas. Entretanto, Atelier Bow-Wow pesquisa situacioness and shrewdness it can turn that to its advantage”, writes Akira Suzuki. Ravens have the nistas na década de 1960; eles também viam a cidade de uma perspectiva do cotidiano e perspective from above which overview of the great whole, andmais simultaneously também oscilavam entre allows vários an níveis de escala. Mas os arquitetos jovens não estão interessados em repetir formas ou em desenvolver uma arquitetura emblemática – como é

casop.de Suzuki,o2001, 26.Venturi –, e sim em entender o comportamento e as necessidades de moradores 6 Ibid., p.urbanos 6. a partir de impressões da vida diária, e de lembrar-se delas enquanto planejam 7 Ibid., p.novos 9. espaços. 8 “If you rebuild everything at thirty-year intervals, you get the very latest in architectural trends”, explains Hidetoshi Ohno. But, he continues, it is actually “quite an unusual situation to have residential architecture O ESTILO TÓQUIO – TERCEIRIZAÇÃO USOS NA CIDADE circulating like consumer goods”. Kira, / Terada, 2000, DE p. 33. 9 Na archplus 151 de julho de 2000, Minihäuser der Mega-City ainda podemos ler The inclination to think of architecture in intervals of at most oneingeneration in lengthTokyo, is certainly fuelling this mechanism. The resultespacial is that thede plots become increasingly smaller andamore difficult. such a context, que a abertura um edifício residencial para cidade é ‘aInexceção’ no Japão. “O expensive architecture built last would because could not adapt flexibly to the tipo tradicional detouma casabe dedisadvantageous, Samurais é o ideal daitpropriedade residencial privada, uma changing ownership of space. 10 Ibid., p. 33. 11 Ibid., 13 p. Idem, 36. p. 14. 12 Suzuki, 14 2006, p. 14. Yoshimura, 2006, p. 168. 5

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MATERIAIS RESIDUAIS reutilizar materiais RESIDUAL MATERIALS to overlay materials p 98

TOKYO STYLE – OUTSOURCING OF USES INTO THE CITY In Archplus 151 of July 2000, Minihäuser in der Mega-City Tokyo, we can still read that the spatial opening of a residential building towards the city is ‘rather the exception’ in Japan. “The traditional type of a Samurai house is the ideal of private residential property, a house with a walled garden – however small it may be. […] In reality, they are introverted houses – usually without a garden and without a relationship to the exterior space.”15 In the 1970s and 1980s, architects tried to realise this ideal by sealing off the house from the urban surroundings – a well-known model was Tadao Ando’s Azuma House in Osaka (1976). Ando saw the living space as somewhere where the individual could develop in spite of the isolation 13 14 15

Ibid., p. 14. Yoshimura, 2006, p. 168. Knebel/Hoffmann, 2000, pp. 20-21. 131

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ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

HORTA cultivar ervas HERB GARDEN to cultivate herbs p 86

VARANDAS observar, assistir BALCONIES to observe, to watch p 106

banheiro público. Os habitantes da BookHouse, projetada por Oki Sato/Nendo, uma ilha urban environfrom the exterior world. Ando emphasized that because ofem the repellent cerca de 60 quilômetros distância Tóquio, uma biblioteca que disponibilizaram ment, de there was node choice buttêm to create an individual interior space with thick walls that às crianças na ilha, would que não temtonada mais a oferecer em satisfying. termos de infraestrutura cultural. have be particularly rich and Pelas janelas da casa térrea, pode-se ver, de fora, apenas a parte de trás dos Há the umascene in the 1990s, The successors of Ando and his contemporaries, wholivros. entered parede translúcidaare queusually separafaced o espaço da biblioteca das most janelas externas. withinterno urban plots that for the part are extremely small and have the “Sem dúvida, omost Japãounfavourable é o único paísconditions onde casasasdafar classe médiaventilation, podem serand construídas as light, view. Often these bizarre em um verdadeiroconfigurations diálogo com oofarquiteto”, diz known Marie-Ange Brayer, diretora do– are the result of plots – also as ‘flagpole plots’ or artística ‘eel beds’ ArchiLab e do FRACrepeated Centre. Aqueles que moram cidade procuram da Mikan ou plot-division due tonathe extremely higharquitetos inheritance tax described above. Those do Atelier Bow-Wow quando querem construir uma casa. Nesse contexto, as padronizações who are able to have an individual house built are usually single or working couples without e a sistematização,children, com as quais os modernistas haviam sonhado, perderam of seuurban papel.life O who don’t want a thus are from “this small group of connoisseurs mais importante é prefabricated o espaço individualizado que em sua dinâmica house and em whosi,don’t fit into the usualparece profilecomparável of a standard family to which a uma performancethe singular e efêmera. Japanese building industry and real estate business cater.”16 This group of urban dwellers is concerned neither with the cultivation of dwellings Excerto, original: Archplus Situativer Urbanismus, maio 2007, pp.their 130-5.environment. For Tokyo’s young inhabitants, it nor183 with isolating themselves from is above all important to be in the city. Apparently there is no longer any great desire to think about designing and furnishing the interior. “Like many others, I’m hardly interested Bibliografia in houses anymore. […] Thus, elaborations on tasteful interiors seem to me the height of 17 Catalogue, 10th International Architecture Exhibition – Cities, architecture, and society; Marsilio,thing Venezais2006 The most important to at least live close to bad taste”, writes Kyoichi Tsuzuki. Kira, Moriko / Terada, Mariko (ed.), ideally Japan: Towards Roterdã 2000, NAi Publishers. the city, in thetotalscape, inner city. Younger people rent a room where they live, or rather, Knebel, Nikolaus/ Hoffmann, Minihäuser in dercan Megacity in: archplus 151, Julho 2000, p. 20-21. sleep.Mahoku, Everything else they do inTokio, the urban environment. To meet a friend, the brasserie Suzuki, Akira, La Génération Bow-Wow: Constructions partir des années 1990, Exhibition catalogue, around the corner is madeurbaines into theà dining room; spaces where people meet to drink, dance, Archilab, Japão 2006, Faire don Nid la Ville, Editions (Exhibition Akiraserves Suzuki and or listen to dans music become theHYX. living room, curated and thebygym as aMariko bathroom. Terada; artistic director: Marie-Ange Brayer, 21 de outubro a 13 de dezembro 2006, Site de Subsistances MilitaiAll these functions can be placed outside, because they already exist in the city. Not res, Orléans, França. www.archilab.org.) even the computer is still in the room; by now it is possible to go online with the moSuzuki, Akira, Do android fly over the skies where of an electronic Tokyo? The Interactive Urban Landscape bilecrows phone, regardless one might be. Only sleeping remains tiedofto one’s own living Japan. Translated by J. Keith Vincent, Londres Publications. space, to which the2001, cityArchitectural is a kind ofAssociation appendix. “Our clients use Tokyo as a living space”, say Yoshimura, Yasutaka, Super legal buildings, in:Momoyo Toquio from Vancouver, 2006, University of British Columbia Atelier Bow-Wow’s Kaijima and Yoshiharu Tsukamoto. Social life takes place outSchool of Architecture.side, in the city, and the exterior shell is supposed to open up towards the city, the borders between house and city become permeable. The issue is changed relationships in every Michaela Busenkell estudou arquitetura Técnicamore de Munique. Ganhou aspect: today, na theUniversidade house is often of a tent thano Döllgastpreis a closed-off(prêmio space. The terms ‘mateDöllgast). Foi redatora voluntária da ‘sociability’ revista AIT – arquitetura, técnico, de Stuttgart. riality’ and could be interiores, used to desenvolvimento explain the contemporary Japanese house, which Cofundadora e, até 2005, da publicação on-line‚ sobre arquitetura e is a editora-chefe house for living and notinterdisciplinar a vehicle for sociala-matter, representation. The young generation of temas relacionados. Desde 2005, autora e crítica; desde 2007, pesquisadora associada e curadora no Museu de constructions into architects participate in this transformation by trying to inscribe their Arquitetura Alemã de Frankfurt Main. anual de arquitetura alemã 2009/10fabric (com Peter Cachola the cityam and do Coeditora justice todothe heterogeneous, changing of the urban space. Schmal). This approach leads to a spiral of extensions: making the city which one loves an extension of one’s apartment. Neither the exorbitant prices in Tokyo nor the limitation of the space available for shelter cause young people to go back to the city’s periphery. They prefer simple places without comfortable technical fixtures; on the contrary, a sophisticated or luxurious room could rather be thought of as ballast, explains Kyoichi Tsuzuki. Living in the city means above all taking advantage of the possibilities offered by a place so that one stays active, ‘lives without ties’. A provisional architecture is sufficient. This way of living affects the architecture. For example, the Aura-House by F.O.B.A. of 1996 has only a toilet, but no full bathroom. That is what the sento is for, the public bathhouse. In other residential houses, a public or semi-public use is integrated into the private space. The inhabitants of the Book House, designed by Oki Sato/ Nendo, on an island about 60 kilometres from Tokyo, have a library that they make available to the children on the island, which does not have more to offer in terms of cultural infrastructure. In the windows of the single-story house, one can see from the outside just the backs of books. There is a translucent wall separating the interior living space from the library. 16 17

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“Without a doubt, Japan is the only country where middle-class houses can be built in a real dialogue with the architect”, says Marie-Ange Brayer, the artistic director of ArchiLab and director of the FRAC Centre. Those ‘who live in the city’ turn to architects like Mikan or Bow-Wow when they want to build a house. In this context, standardisations and systematisation, of which the modernists had dreamed, play no role anymore. The most important thing is the individualised space itself, which in its dynamics seems comparable to a unique and ephemeral performance. Excerpt, originally published in: Archplus 183 Situativer Urbanismus, may 2007, pp. 130-5.

Literature Catalogue, 10th International Architecture Exhibition – Cities, architecture, and society; Marsilio, Venice 2006 Kira, Moriko / Terada, Mariko (Ed.), Japan: Towards totalscape, Rotterdam 2000, NAi Publishers Knebel, Nikolaus/ Hoffmann, Mahoku, Minihäuser in der Megacity Tokio, in: archplus 151, July 2000, pp. 20-21. Suzuki, Akira, La Génération Bow-Wow: Constructions urbaines à partir des années 1990, Exhibition catalogue, Archilab, Japon 2006, Faire don Nid dans la Ville, Editions HYX. (Exhibition curated by Akira Suzuki and Mariko Terada; artistic director: Marie-Ange Brayer, 21 October to 13 December 2006, Site de Subsistances Militaires, Orléans, France. www.archilab.org.) Suzuki, Akira, Do android crows fly over the skies of an electronic Tokyo? The Interactive Urban Landscape of Japan. Translated by J. Keith Vincent, London 2001, Architectural Association Publications. Yoshimura, Yasutaka, Super legal buildings, in: Tokyo from Vancouver, 2006, University of British Columbia School of Architecture. Michaela Busenkell studied architecture in the TU München. Döllgastpreis. From 1996 to 1999 she was a volunteer and editor at the journal AIT – architecture, interior design, technical development, in Stuttgart. She is co-founder and was chief editor of the interdisciplinary online publication A-matter until 2005. Since 2005 she has worked as an author and critic, and since 2007, as a research associate and curator at the German Architecture Museum, in Frankfurt am Main. Together with Peter Cachola Schmal, she was co-editor of the German Architecture Yearbook 2009/10.

Suzuki, Akira, in: Knebel/Hoffmann, 2000. Knebel/Hoffmann, 2000, pp. 32. 133

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ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

THE CITY BUILT BY THE PEOPLE-BARRIADA Main stakeholders: Local communities

(TOP)

(BOTTOM)

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NEIGHBOURHOOD UNITS - PREVI Main stakeholders: Peruvian national nntional government

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(1) Equipo Arquitectura, PREVI Lima: 35 años después. http://www.scielo.cl/

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ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

PLANNED SLUM Main stakeholders: Self-managed urban community

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(1) Van der Linden, The Sites and Services approach

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D-ARCH

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NSL

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

CHAIR FOR ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG & PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

“URBAN DESIGN I / II - URBAN STORIES”

EXERCISES

FALL 2013 / SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS & DANNY WILLS

NAME, FIRSTNAME ___________________________________________________________________

2014

DEADLINE:

10. APRIL 2014, 8.00, ONA FOCUSHALLE

PRODUCING KNOWLEDGE BY READING THE CONTEMPORARY CITY

City: Lima | Tool: NGO City

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Fernando García-Huidobro Diego Torres Torriti Nicolás Tugas

THE EXPERIMENTAL HOUSING PROJECT (PREVI), LIMA THE MAKING OF A NEIGHBOURHOOD

The original vision at PREVI-Lima was only ever partially realised: less than a third of the 1,500 planned housing units were built and the governmental crisis of the late 1960s meant that the occupants were left to their own devices. Fernando GarcíaHuidobro, Diego Torres Torriti and Nicolás Tugas look at how, abandoned by the authorities, the families at PREVI turned into incidental architects, completing the project and rendering the neighbourhood an integrated part of the city.

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

opposite: On-site survey sketch.

below: Isometric schemes of the original project and the current state of the neighbourhood, highlighting selected case studies.

PREVI-Lima, carried out between 1968 and 1975 through an international1 and a national2 competition, was an opportunity for an internationally diverse group of renowned architects of the time, such as James Stirling from the UK, Atelier 5 from Switzerland, Charles Correa from India and Christopher Alexander from the US, to test the concept of low-rise high-density housing. The concept was a statement against the Modernist model of urban design that was heir to the time of the first CIAM,3 the negative effects of which were already being experienced in certain European and Latin American cities. Its primary goals were flexibility of the housing element combined with different land-use strategies. The commitment of the PREVI initiative to this low-rise high-density housing concept thus produced a proposal for a neighbourhood of different housing typologies to suit diverse family sizes and with various expansion possibilities. Although the original aim of the competition was to build 1,500 units of the winning project in different phases,4 in the end the jury5 instead proposed building a small piece of each of the 26 project entries as a ‘collage’ neighbourhood of 467 units in the first and, as it was to turn out, only phase of the initiative. The Development Group,6 an interdisciplinary team led by the British architect Peter Land, was in charge of the design of the masterplan and construction of the neighbourhood that would stitch all the different bits together. However, the governmental crisis of the late 1960s delayed the schedule; it became impossible to provide technical assistance and advice to the end users and, after delivering the houses, the project was discontinued and the experience forgotten. In 2003, the current state of PREVI was researched as part of our architectural degree thesis at the Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile.7 This focused on verifying how the families, turned into incidental architects, had completed the project and transformed it into a consolidated and integrated piece of the city. The houses have been transformed, dozens of small businesses flourish and special rental systems for subdivisions of the original units make up a dense, active neighbourhood.

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ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

opposite and below left, from left to right: Main pedestrian and amenities axis; pedestrian structure of community plazas and walkways; traffic structure, vehicle penetration and parking areas.

Despite the lack of technical advice, PREVI has become a highquality urban neighbourhood. So what were the strategies of the original plan? What was the logic behind this transformation, and what are the lessons to be learned from the project? Dynamic Habitat The lack of resources typical of social housing projects has several consequences in the overall quality of the houses: for example, their inability to adapt to changing family needs, and their tendency to decrease in value over time. Taking into account the efforts families make to transform their properties is necessary in order to design projects that can accommodate change while preserving the quality of the built environment. But even more important is recognising housing as a dynamic process that has consequences on the efficiency of public spending: increases in property values have a direct impact on the quality of life of their inhabitants, whether in terms of the improved standard of the dwelling itself, or the increase in capital which allows the family to move on to a better house or wealthier neighbourhood. The PREVI neighbourhood was planned for expansion; its urban layout allows for the interventions of each family yet resists a higher density, increasing the value of both the properties and the neighbourhood. It is an example of how such increases in value have encouraged subsequent generations to remain in the same neighbourhood, preventing the cycle of deterioration that results when family incomes increase and their houses are unable to respond to their new aspirations, forcing them to move away and ultimately limiting the neighbourhood to low-income families. Open Urban Design: Support for Development The PREVI project succeeded in delivering what would otherwise have been very difficult to achieve in a low-income neighbourhood: metropolitan-scale infrastructure and services, and a sophisticated network of public spaces offering access to each plot that also articulates the different modes 28

Understanding the location patterns of new uses … makes it possible to design a neighbourhood well prepared for change, without generic or overdetermined zoning, that promotes entrepreneurship (in the form of new family businesses) to strengthen the local economy.

of transportation. It was the foundations of an unfinished city, planned to be self-completed, which in the end was transformed by the community beyond what had been planned into a functional neighbourhood and thriving economy – evidence of the delicate balance between economic planning and free market design. The urban approach included three main strategies: 1

A pedestrian axis that connects educational and sports facilities and the main park. Running through the centre of the neighbourhood, the pedestrian street activates and defines its core, allowing any public transport to stop to make the whole system more efficient.

A network of small plazas and pedestrian passages based on the relationship between the urban unit (the plaza) and the social unit (the self-organising community). This urban/social connection promotes the collective care and maintenance of public space, allowing the plazas to serve as an extension of the domestic space. This plazaand-passage scheme also articulates the different clusters formed by the original projects.

Traffic separation, with perimeter roads, cul-de-sacs and parking areas – a layout that does not interrupt the pedestrian network of public spaces. Avoiding the fragmentation of traditional street layouts in this way means significantly reduced air and noise pollution, and increased safety, improving quality of life.

Multi-Scale Thinking The PREVI experience demonstrates the importance of having a planning team with a comprehensive urban approach; since only with a complex and collective understanding of the urban phenomenon beyond the residential is it possible to create optimal strategies that enable its eventual users to continue the project’s development. PREVI’s approach

below right: New uses at PREVI. Commercial uses tend to be located towards the perimeter streets and the main pedestrian street. Educational uses surround the main park.

incorporated the metropolitan scale (connectivity), the neighbourhood scale (service provision), the vicinity scale (the network of plazas and pedestrian corridors), and the housing scale (expansion strategies). Change of Use The transformation of a house depends to a great extent on the family’s needs. However, the location of a house within a diverse urban fabric is also a determining factor for its potential development. The emergence of new uses beyond the residential is directly related to the various aspects of the neighbourhood design. In PREVI, the properties facing the perimeter roads connecting the neighbourhood with the city have been transformed into convenience stores. The main pedestrian street also has a large number of shops, but these are more of the local corner-shop kind. Around the central park, the houses have been transformed into a couple of nurseries and a school that use the park for various activities, intensifying the use of public space. Understanding the location patterns of new uses such as these makes it possible to design a neighbourhood well prepared for change, without generic or overdetermined zoning, that promotes entrepreneurship (in the form of new family businesses) to strengthen the local economy. Self-Managed Transformation: A Family Pattern The ‘family evolution pattern’ is the sequence in which a family satisfies its changing needs, and is key in the design of neighbourhood projects planned to be self-managed or self-completed. The pattern follows the following stages: 1) installation – the family makes minor modifications to secure the property and to establish its own identity; 2) densification – the family grows and incorporates new family nuclei, the stage that demands the greatest building effort; and 3) consolidation and diversification – once completed, the house is divided into different units, in many cases incorporating new uses. 29

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opposite top: Fernandez family house in a Kikutake, Maki, Kurokawa design. The installation of a shop and rental apartment consolidates the house, thanks to the potential of the original project: the double frontage that allows for separate access for the family and the shop, the patio which separates both uses and provides environmental quality, and the stairs that enable the division of the house and provide versatility. The lack of definition of the frontyard space means the houses can expand up to the boundary of the sidewalk.

opposite centre: Zamora family house in a James Stirling design. A rigid perimeter, not easily modified and which delineates the property; the pillars that mark out the corners of the yard and allow a permeable, fluent connection between the living quarters and the yard; and the top slabs for the subsequent extensions, all make this type one of PREVI’s successes. The family has taken advantage of the strategic position of this corner house, in front of a community plaza and the main park, to build a shop and a couple of offices.

Added Value The virtue of such projects is in the added value created by such extensions and changes. To achieve this, the initial stage of the project must include guidelines that are flexible enough to allow for future customisation, but also impose certain safety and environmental conditions. This is facilitated by the provision of the correct structural elements and vacant spaces for inhabitants to carry out extensions to their houses later on. The permanent fixtures, such as the central yard or base of the house, a sidewalk or a plaza, must also be clearly identified. The first stage must also begin a process that promotes the domestic economy, the formation of social networks and the incorporation of ‘income units’; that is, independent houses or facilities which families can use to increase their income. Examples of this include the multifamily house and, to a greater extent, the ‘hyperhouse’.8 In the latter case, the value of the house lies not only in its capacity as a home, but also in its potential for generating income and strengthening the family’s economy. It thus represents an optimal approach to social investment in housing issues.

A Turning Point Half a century after the regional urban crisis, the built environment in Latin America shows that its governments were, to a large extent, convinced that the social crisis was a housing crisis. The housing deficit somehow resulted in the mass-production of the isolated housing block, the building of low-density projects on the outskirts of the cities, and the implementation of projects to provide services and facilities such as water, sewerage and electricity only when demand far exceeded supply – all of which have had the negative effect of planning for marginalisation. PREVI-Lima is a repository for the concepts of the functional city and low-rise high-density housing, and a counterpoint in its approach to cooperative urban strategies and in its close relationship with the social unit. The now almost four decades of constant consolidation, increase in families’ capital and the transformation of public spending into social investment confirm the PREVI experience as a valid approach to achieving a successful development. 1

opposite bottom: Castro family house in a Charles Correa design. This house was designed to accommodate a 12-children family by expanding the original unit by 3.5. After 11 of the children moved abroad, leaving just one daughter in charge, the house was transformed into a boarding house with 10 rooms, communal spaces and an independent apartment for the owner. The double frontage allows for independent access. On a larger scale, all the houses of this type were expanded up to the outermost lines of their facades, transforming the original irregular clusters into regular blocks.

Notes 1. The following 13 international teams were invited: James Stirling (UK); Esquerra, Samper, Sáenz, Urdaneta (Colombia); Knud Svensson (Denmark); Atelier 5 (Switzerland); Toivo Korhonen (Finland); Charles Correa (India); Herbert Ohl (Germany); Kikutake, Maki, Kurokawa (Japan); Iñiguez de Onzoño, Vásquez de Castro (Spain); Hansen, Hatloy (Poland); Aldo van Eyck (the Netherlands); Candilis, Josic, Woods (France); Christopher Alexander (US). 2. The Peruvian teams selected in an open competition were: Miguel Alvariño; Ernesto Paredes; Miró-Quesada, Williams, Núñez; Gunter, Seminario; Morales, Montagne; Juan Reiser; Eduardo Orrego; Vier, Zanelli; Vella, Bentín, Quiñones, Takahashi; Mazzarri, Llanos; Cooper, García-Bryce, Graña, Nicolini; Chaparro, Ramírez, Smirnoff, Wiskowsky; Crousse, Páez, Pérez-León 3. The first five versions of the Congrés International d’Architecture Moderne (CIAM), introduced between 1928 and 1937, had housing as the main issue. Gathered around the figure of Le Corbusier, CIAM developed the concept of high-rise housing blocks and strict urban zoning to tackle the urban problems and future challenges at the time. 4. The jury, made up of national and foreign members, defined three prizes at the same level for the teams in each category. The international teams were: Atelier 5; Herbert Ohl; and Kikutake, Maki, Kurokawa. The Peruvian teams were: Mazzarri, Llanos; Chaparro, Ramírez, Smirnoff, Wiskowsky; and Crousse, Páez, Pérez León. 5. The jury members were Peter Land (UN), José Antonio Coderch (Spain), Halldor Gunnlogsson (Denmark), Ernest Weissmann (UN), Carl Koch (USA, UIA), Manuel Valega (Peru), Ricardo Malachowski (Peru), Eduardo Barclay (Peru) and assistants Darío González (Peru) and Álvaro Ortega (UN). 6. The Development Group consisted of international and national specialists during the different stages of the project. In the initial stages, the project was carried out by Peter Land (architect, creator of the PREVI initiative and head consultant) and Álvaro Ortega (architect, interregional consultant for the UN) as supervisor. The national managers included Fernando Correa Miller (architect), Carlos Morales Macchiavello (architect) and Oscar Pacheco (architect) as three of the 10 co-managers of PREVI. Raquel Barrionuevo de Machicao (civil engineer and drains engineer) and Javier Santolalla Silva (civil engineer) were involved in all the phases of the project, including the comprehensive assessment of PREVI. 7. The research has now been published as: Fernando GarcíaHuidobro, Diego Torres Torriti and Nicolás Tugas, Time Builds!: The Experimental Housing Project (PREVI), Lima. Genesis and Outcome, Gustavo Gili (Barcelona), 2008. 8. The term refers to the capacity of such houses to have a multidimensional programme or complementary uses that can generate an income through the inclusion of small businesses or rooms for rent. Text © 2011 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Images © Fernando García-Huidobro, Diego Torres Torriti and Nicolás Tugas

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BAZAAR, OLD INNER-CITY SLUMS (BUSTIS) Main stakeholders: local inhabitants, small developers

(TOP) North Kolkata

(BOTTOM) Bazaar (Inner City)

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MEGA URBANISM, RAJARHAT/NEW TOWN, CONDO, TOWER URBANISM Main stakeholders: Developers

(TOP) Rajarhat - New Town

(BOTTOM) Bata Site

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POPULAR URBANISM, POST-BUSTI Main stakeholders: Kolkata government, local communities

(TOP) Pilkana

(BOTTOM) Pilkana

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COMMENTARY

Basti Redevelopment in Kolkata V Ramaswamy

The proposal by the West Bengal government to permit multi-storeyed buildings on ‘thika’ tenancy land in Kolkata raises a lot of questions about the terms on which the land would be given to private builders and the fate of the present dwellers. Nearly three lakh people are directly and indirectly employed in basti-based manufacture of basic items in the city’s economy.

V Ramaswamy (hpp@vsnl.com) is with the Howrah Pilot Project and is based in Kolkata. Economic & Political Weekly

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large, old bastis are concentrated are Metiabruz, Rajabazar, Narkeldanga, Sealdah, Beckbagan and Tiljala-Topsia-Tangra. The overwhelming majority of the Muslim population of Kolkata and Howrah lives in bastis, and these are among the oldest, largest and most degraded and poorly serviced slums of the city.

Slum Improvement

Background

Bastis had suffered long neglect, and by the early 1960s, were in a state of near collapse. Following the planning intervention of the Ford Foundation, through the 1970s and 1980s, the basti improvement programme financed by the World Bank was taken up in the slum localities. This involved conversion of service latrines, connection of water taps, surface drainage facilities, construction and widening of roads and pathways, and provision of street lighting and waste disposal facilities within the bastis. While living conditions in the bastis improved as a result, this also opened the way for new construction in bastis, principally of illegal buildings. Bastis improved under the programme are once again facing acute deficiencies in services.

n February 21, 2008 The Statesman reported that the West Bengal land and land reforms minister had agreed to a proposal from the urban development department permitting multi-storeyed buildings on ‘thika’ (contract for temporary possession) tenancy land. The minister reportedly gave his approval provided the tenants agree to it. Most of the slums or ‘bastis’ (low-income settlements) in Kolkata and Howrah are on land under thika tenancy. They occupy huge tracts of land spread all over the city. The 2001 Census estimated that about 1.5 million people in Kolkata lived in slums. There would be over half a million in Howrah. Thus, as a result of the new proposed policy, the habitation of about two million people of the conurbation spread across the two banks of the Hooghly is now threatened.

Basti land, formerly owned by landlords, is now largely owned by the state. On this land stand structures, typically tileroofed, owned by the thika tenants. And in each such building live many tenant (or bharatiya or raiyat) households, each one typically occupying a small room. Following a high court order, the thika tenants cannot be ousted by the state. The tenant dwellers are protected too, by the tenancy laws and the slum act. The thika tenants also have limited development rights on their property. Bastis are spread throughout the city. The city’s labouring population, and the bulk of the urban poor reside here. But bastis are also the site of a lot of economic activities. Workplace and residence are inter-woven. A good part of the production of basic items in the city economy, like garments, footwear and paper products takes place in the bastis. Various trades are concentrated in specific areas, making location a crucial factor. As many as three lakh people may be directly and indirectly employed in basti-based manufacturing activity. Among the area where

september 20, 2008

Illegal Construction With terrible overcrowding in the bastis, and given the thika tenants’ inability to extend their structures, over the last 15 years or so, illegal construction has been taking place on a large-scale in basti neighbourhoods. This happens through a nexus of builder-hoodlum-party cadrespolice. The builder acts in the name of the thika tenant. He pockets the ‘salami’ (deposit) amount paid by the occupants of the new apartments, and receives the rent from the new occupants for some years. The buildings thus constructed are generally of a poor quality. They discharge toilet waste into the open drains. Population pressure also thus increases on the already overstretched basti services. Little wonder then that the combination of highly insufficient supply of drinking water and inadequate and poor sanitation emerges as the principal environmental health problem in Kolkata, resulting in gastro-intestinal and waterborne diseases, and afflicting principally the city’s poor and low-income.

COMMENTARY

For several years now, private builders and their consortiums have been eyeing basti land, because their location makes them prime real estate. The key question is: What happens to the dwellers? Would they get alternative shelter? Where? What kind of shelter? And under what terms? Would they, for instance, get title to the shelter units, like the refugee colony dwellers were granted title to land they had occupied? How exactly would the rights and interests of the dwellers be ensured? Can this be assumed to happen on its own? What would be the arrangement for temporary accommodation of the dwellers while construction takes place? There is also the larger question of transparency in urban governance. What happens to the land? Under what terms would the land be handed over to the large private builders? What happens to the thousands of illegal buildings that have already come up in bastis? Would the appropriate resettlement of the erstwhile dwellers be part of the builders’ project? Or would that be handled by the state, utilising subsidies from the centre, so that a promoter-friendly government and ruling party gifts the builders the opportunity to make lucrative profits?

Dweller Security Given the very attractive commercial potential from multi-storeyed constructions in the bastis, these areas would only become centres of frenzied activity by a range of vested interests, each seeking to grab a chunk of the golden pie. Hundreds of thousands of basti dwellers in Kolkata and Howrah eke out a marginal existence through manual labour. Their daily life circumstances mean that they are least empowered to stand up, be organised and secure their rights. On the face of it, it does appear that they will simply be swept away by the tidal wave of greed and deceit. In the late 1990s, a proposal was prepared by Unnayan and Asian Coalition for Housing Rights for comprehensive renewal of the blighted canal-side area in Beliaghata-Manicktala. The late M S Moitra, a former chief engineer of the state public works department who retired as director general of the Kolkata Metropolitan

Development Authority, was one of the authors of the proposal. This too was about basti redevelopment, but here it was visualised as being done for the good of the city at large and of the basti dwellers in particular. Squatters earlier living along the canal were also to be rehabilitated within the proposed development. The indicative estimates made in the plan suggested that notwithstanding the social and public goals, the project could still yield attractive returns to builders. But such a project calls for a new generation of agencies and organisations, within state and local government, and at the grassroots level. These are all presently lacking.

City Renewal Since the basti is a unit in itself, both in legal terms and in regard to civic services infrastructure, it is pertinent to ask whether individual basti plots would be available for redevelopment or the basti as a whole. Redevelopment is not just a matter of construction on land. The requisite infrastructure for water, sewerage and drainage have all to be put in place. How far would the private developers’ responsibility go? And what would the municipal corporation do? Would not basti redevelopment across the city require major city-wide infrastructure upgrading? A blighted basti is typically at the core of a decaying locality. Upgrading the infrastructure of civic services in the basti site has to be part of a larger programme of upgrading the infrastructure of the whole locality. Thus, with blighted bastis spread all over the city, one has nodes of renewal across the city. Integrating all these nodes within a single, long-term, city renewal blueprint would effectively mean a vision for transforming the physical landscape of the city.

There is a huge human development gap between basti dwellers and the city’s middle and affluent classes. The value of the land on which basti dwellers live is the only means of bridging that gap. Hence basti land should be auctioned by the state to the private developers and the money raised should be used to construct good quality apartment blocks for the dwellers on part of the land, with adequate open and community spaces. Alternatively, the construction for the basti dwellers could be part of the private developer’s project. Squatter resettlement should also be undertaken in the redeveloped sites. Given the huge volume of economic activity in bastis, spaces for production and marketing also need to be created. This would give a much-needed fillip to these trades, whose future is otherwise quite bleak. A concerted effort needs to be made to ensure basti households are aware and fully informed of all matters, and participate in planning and design of the new housing. After having lived and worked for many decades in the basti – and in some places for over a century – and having suffered harsh living conditions, the households have a natural right to get title to their new apartments. A corpus should also be created for maintenance purposes and a management mechanism has to be set up, with the participation of the resident households. This would ensure that the transformation of the physical landscape of the city is also accompanied by a transformation of its social landscape. Such a measure would significantly democratise property ownership in the city, while also strengthening the municipal corporation by enhancing its revenue base. This is the challenge that the government should strive to realise.

Unbound Back Volumes of Economic and Political Weekly from 1976 to 2007 are available. Write to: Circulation Department, Economic and Political Weekly 320, 321, A to Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel, Mumbai 400 013. Circulation@epw.in september 20, 2008

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PROJECT CIUDAD FUTURA Main stakeholders: Innovative green infrastructure offices

(TOP) Basin Today - Future. Gonzalez de Leon, Teodoro; et. al. Mexico Ciudad Futura. Editorial RM. 2010.

(1) Gomez, Margarita. Lecture at ETH Zurich (12.05.2011) (2) DAZ. Citámbulos Mexico City: Journey to the Mexican Megalopolis. Jovis Verlag. 2008. P 242. Online in: http://www.citambulos.net/publicaciones.html (5.5.2011) (3) Gonzalez de Leon, Teodoro; et. al. Mexico Ciudad Futura. Editorial RM. 2010. Online in: http://www.mexicociudadfutura.com/proyectos/ciudad-futura/ciudadfutura.html (5.5.2011)

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(BOTTOM) Future City Project. Gonzalez de Leon, Teodoro; et. al. Mexico Ciudad Futura. Editorial RM. 2010..

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METROBUS - REORGANIZING PUBLIC TRANSPORT Main stakeholders: Traffic planning department of the city government

(TOP) Traffic. Online in: http://www.urban-age.net/03_conferences/conf_mexicoCity.html (5.3.2011)

(1) Gomez, Margarita. Lecture at ETH Zurich (12.05.2011) (2) DAZ. Citámbulos Mexico City: Journey to the Mexican Megalopolis. Jovis Verlag. 2008. P 244-254. (3) Urban Age. “Mexico City: Mobility and Transport”. Online in: http://www.urban-age.net/10_cities/05_mexicoCity/mexicoCity_M+T.html (5.5.2011)

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(BOTTOM) Metrobus. Online in: http://www.hewlett.org/newsroom/a-breath-of-fresh-air-for-mexico-city (10.05.2011)

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SOCIAL HOUSING BLOCKS, FAMILY HOUSING DEVELOPMENT Main stakeholders: Mexican national government

UNIDAD MULTIFAMILIAR MIGUEL ALEMAN (1947 - 1949) (TOP) Unidad Multifamiliar Miguel Aleman. online in: (1.05.2011)

(1) Urban Age. “Mexico City: Growth at the Limit?”. Online in: http://www.urban-age.net/03_conferences/conf_mexicoCity.html (5.3.2011) (2) Garcia Peralta, Beatriz. “Vivienda social en Mexico (1940 – 1999): actors publicos, economicos y sociales”. Online in: http://www.javeriana.edu.co/viviendayurbanismo/pdfs/2-CVU-5.pdf (15.4.2011) (3) Juarez Neri, Victor Manuel. “Condiciones de la Vivienda en la Zona Metropolitana del Valle de Mexico en el ano 2000”. Online in: http://www.ub.edu/geocrit/sn/sn-146(040).htm (15.4.2011) (4) Villavicencio Blanco, Judith; Duran Contreras, Ana Maria. “Treinta Anos de Vivienda Social en la Ciudad de Mexico: Nuevas Necesidades y Demandas”. Online in: http://www.ub.edu/geocrit/ sn/sn-146(028).htm (15.4.2011) (5) Corona, Livia. “Two Million Homes for Mexico”. Online in: http://www.liviacorona.com/#S7,,Two_Million_Homes_for_Mexico (7.5.2011) (6) Urban Age. “Transport and Housing: Policy in Practice”. In: The Endless City. Phaidon Press. 2007. Page 182 – 185.

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HOUSING DEVELOPMENT IN IXTAPALUCA (BOTTOM) Casas Geo in Ixtapaluca. by Livia Corona. online in: http://www.liviacorona.com/#S7,,Two_Million_Homes_for_Mexico (01.05.2011)

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COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

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310

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

)

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

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311

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

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ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

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312

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

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313

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

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ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

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314

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

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315

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

27 . ; 6 8/ 9. ; , 2 2. . 7 ; 5 . 0287 8/ . A2, 8 8; , 2; , 5. 8/ , 2 2. ; ; 8 71. . ; 89852 7 ) 87. 8/ 1. 55. B8/ . A2, 8 ) 1. . , 2 2. ; . 0; 8 270 ; . 8/ ; 8 79. ; B. ; 7- 1. , 86 9; 2 . 6 , ; 8 ; . 0287 5 9 , . 12, 1 1 6 255287 ; . 2- . 7 6 . ; 89852 7 C87. . - . ; 5. 7 2 2. 7- 2 ; 2, ?. 7 27 1. 6 8 . 7, 58 . - ; . 8/ 1. ) 778 2 1 7- 270 1. 1 0. 7 6 . ; 8/ , 2? 2 2. 1 ; . - B 1. 8 6 27 3 ; 2 - 2, 287 1 08?. ; 7 2 71. ; . 2 5 , 4 8/ . //. , 2?. , 8 8; - 27 287 - . 5270 2 1 1. 7. . - 8/ 1. 6 . ; 89852 . 7, . 5. 02 5 287 95 77270 7- ; 7 A 287 A87 9; 89. ; B ; . 5B 1 ?. 7B, 86 6 87 0; 8 7- 27, . 7. 2 1. ; 8- B , 87 2- . ; 1. 8 1. ; 27 2 8 7 27 2 287 5 08?. ; 7270 7- 9 52, 9852, B- . , 2 287 12 6 . ; 89852 5 8 9; . . 7 . ; 28 . 7? 2; 876 . 7 59; 8 5. 6 7 2 4. . 9 , 87 6 270 6 8/ . ; 9. ; . , 87- - ; B270 8 1. 55. B8/ . A2, 8 7- 1. ; 2?. ; 27 1 . A98; . ; 8 1. , 2 B 2 18 95 7 /8; , 855. , 270 . ; 7- /8; . ; 9; 8, . 270 7;. . 7 2 4. . 9 - - 270 8 1. 7 6 . ; 8/ , ; 1. ; . 8/ 9. ; B. ; 7 25; 1 18 ; 5 /2?. 8; . 7 18 ; 2 18 6 . ;8 9852 7 9 52, ; 7 98; 9; 83. , 1 - . 5 2 1 1. 6 255287 95 , ; 5; . - B87 1. ;8 2 98 2 5. 8 , 87 27 . 9; 8- , 270 7. ; 5B 87 8/ . 9. ; - B 1. 7 1. 2 . 1. ; . 2 2 - 6 9. - ; . 56 8 1. . 7-

8/ 1. 2; . / 552/. 8 1. , 9 , 2 2. 8/ . A2 270 08?. ; 76 . 7 , 87 27 1. 98 . ; 8 ; . 85?. 1. . 6 . 0 9; 8 5. 6 1. B1 ?. 5; . - B ; . - 1. , 2 2C. 7 1. B, 7 7, . 0 27 1. 7 . ; 2 78 7B9; 8 5. 6 ; . 2; ; . ?. ; 2 5. 1. 526 2 1 ?. . . 7 ; . , 1. - 2 , 5. ; 1 7. 9 ; - 206 2 ; . : 2; . - /8; ; 2 270 : . 287 78 ; 2 . - 9 7 2578 , 8 ; . 8/ , 287 78 . 6 9 . - 27 1. 9 1. , 2 2C. 7 86 . 27 2 2?. 5B 8 1. ; 27 6 8; . ; , ; . - / 1 287 ; . 87- . ; 270 1 18 5- . 9; 898 . 27 8; - . ; 8 08?. ; 7 7- ; 7 12 6 . ; 89852 8 5- . . 6 , 5. ; 1 2 2 875B98 2 5. 8 4. 98 2 2?. . 9 2 127 3827 5B; . 987 2 5. , 287 B 1. 08?. ; 76 . 7 7- - . 6 8, ; 2, 4. 185- . ; ( 12, 1 ; 270 8 08?. ; 7 7, . 12 6 . 7 /2; 5B- . /27270 1 6 . ; 8 9852 7H2 7- 1 2 2 78 27 . ; 6 8/ 1. . A2 270 9852, 2. 7- . ; ? 2, . ; . : 2; . - /8; 1. / 7, 287270 8/ 1. 6 . ; 89852 2 5 8 8 ? 2 8 1 27 . ; 08?. ; 76 . 7 56 . ; 89852 7 , 8 8; - 27 287 7. . - 8 . 6 - . , 86 9 5 8; B 8 1 . ..7 18; 2 2. . 55 . . . 7 . , 8; 8/ 08?. ; 76 . 7 8 12 . 7- 2 2 , 5. ; 1 . 7. . - 0; . . ; 9852 2, 5 255 1 7 . A2 78 1. ; . ; . 1; . . 5 . ; 7 2?. 8 08? . ; 7 7- ; 7 1. 6 . ; 89852 1 . . 7 - 87. 7 2578 2 1 26 9; 8?. 6 . 7 F 12 27 ; . 52 B2 1 99. 7270 8 . A958; . 7. /8; 6 8/ , 8 89. ; 287 7- , 86 6 72 B27?85?. 6 . 7 1; 8 01 787 9; 8/2 8; 0 72 287 9 ; 2, 5 ; 5B6 72, 29 5 27, . 12 9. , 8/ 08?. ; 76 . 7 1 . . 7 5 , 4270 27 6 . ; 89852 7 , 8 8; - 27 287 - . , 2 287 1. . 89 287 87. 1 27?85?. . A, 1 70. 8/ / 7- 2 8 ; 7 8 ; - 6 . ; 89852 7 08?. ; 76 . 7 ? 2 .6 52. 8; 9 ; 52 6 . 7 1 5. 02 5 . ; 2, 5B87 6 . ; 89852 7 6 . ; 7- ? 2 . A. , 2?. 7, 2 2C. 7 . ; 89852 7 8 7, 25 1 4. - . , 2 287 , 87, . ; 7270 9 52, 9852, 2. 8/ 6 . ; 8

9852 7 27 . ; . 5870 2 1 1. 18; 2 2. 8 5- . . 6 1 1. , ; ; . 7 6 5 2 - . 8/ 9 52, 27 2 287 7- 1. 2; ; . - , . , 9 , 2 B 8 - . 5 2 1 1. ; . : 2; . 6 . 7 8/ 1. 6 . ; 89852 1 ?. ; . , 1. - 12 8; 2, 526 2 71 . 7. . - 8 1274 8 7. ; , ;. 8 1 1. 4. 185- . ; . , 86 . 3827 5B; . 987 2 5. 2 1 1. . 1. 7 2 , 86 . 8 - . , 2 287 , 87, . ; 7270 1. - . ?. 5896 . 7 8/ 1. 6 . ; 898 52 7 8; - . ; 8 - 8 1270 - 2//. ; . 7 5B 7- 2 1 . . ; 9; 8 9. , 8/ , , . 2 2 7. , . ; B 8 95 7 1. 6 . ; 89852 /; 86 5870 . ; 6 27 . 0; . - 9827 8/ ? 2. 9. ; 1 9 2 1 . ; 89852 7 5 77270 7 2 . 8 5- 5 8 . ? 2 5 8 8 . ; ?. H 1. . ?85 287 8/ 1. 91. 786 . 7 ? 2 /8; . A 6 95. . ; 89852 7 % 9. ; ? 2 8; B 8- B 7 8; - . ; 8 . A9 7- 1. 8?. ; 55. , 8786 2, 9 , . 8/ 1. ) 2 8 5- . 7. , . ; B 8 /8, 27?. 6 . 7 9852, 2. 7- 9; 86 8 . . , 8 786 2, - . ?. 5896 . 7 270 6 8- . 5 , 1 . , 8786 2, - . ?. 5896 . 7 , 8; 98; 287 2 , 5. ; 1 2 2 5 8 7. , . ; B 8 1 ?. 99; 89; 2 . ; . 8 ; , . /8; 6 . ; 89852 7 9; 83. , 7- 8 27 2 287 52 . 1. . A2 270 . ; 89852 7 7- . A2, 8 2 B 8 5- . 7. /2 /; 86 1. , ; . 287 8/ 9 52, 6 2A. - , 86 9 72. 1 0 ; 7 . . 1. 9 52, 27 . ; . 7- 27?85?. 9; 2 ? . , 8; 1. . ; , ; . 8 5- ; 2 . 27?. 6 . 7 27 . ; ? 2, . 8/ 6 . ; 89852 7 27 . ; . 27 8; - . ; 8 6 . . 87 7 27 . 0; . 2 ; . : 2; . 6 . 7 27 . ; 6 8/ . ; ; 7 98; 852. . , 12 2 ; . 8 527. 8/ 1. 6 27 1. 6 . 1 7. . - 8 . , 45. - 55 1. . 9; 8 5. 6 1 ?. 78 087. . B87- 9 52, , 287 7; . : 2; . 7. ? 2 287 ; , ; . - 2 127 ; . 0B8/ ; 7 ; . /8; 6 /8; . A2, 8

, 87 2- . ; . - 6 ; 027 5 1 7 87 ; . 9. 270 1 . /8; . 78; 6 2?. H 8- B 1. 3 - 2, 28 7- 7. 0 2?. 206 8/ 1. 27/8; 6 5. , 8786 B 1 - 26 272 1. - 7- 2 1 . . 7 4. 7 87 6 8; . 9; 8 5. 6 / , 1. 27/8; 6 5. , 8786 B, 8?. ; 1. 185. 9. , ; 6 8/ 1. ; 7 . , 8786 2, , B, 5. /; 86 . 5. 6 . 7 5/8; 6 8/ 9; 8- , 287 8 ; . , B, 5270 27, 5 - . 088- 7- . ; ? 2, . , 1 18 270 ; 7 98; 1. 27/; ; , ; . , ; . - 2 78, , 9 287 8/ 9 , . . A . 7- 270 / ; 9852 2 , 57. 08 2 287 1. 185. 27/8; 6 5 , 2? 2 B /. ; . . , 172: . - . , 2 287 7- ; . 02. 1 5 18 01 78 ?. ; B8; 18- 8A . 7 25 /8; 6 8/ 95 77270 7- 8; 0 72 287 1. B6 B . 8912 2, . - 7- . //. , 2?. 27 1. B27 12, 1 1. B 558, . ; . 8 ; , . 8; 0 72 . 9 , . 7- - . 5 2 1 8 1 8, 2 5 7- . , 8786 2, ; . : 2; . 6 . 7 1. 27/8; 6 5. , 8786 B 99. ; 8 . 5274. - 2 1 8//2, 2 5 7- ; . 0 5 . - 9; 8, . . . ?. 7 6 8; . ; 9; 2 2705B 27 86 . , . 6 8- 2/2. 1. . 8//2, 2 59; 8, . . 7- 9852, 2. 1. 5. - 270 6 8 25. . 5. 9187. , 86 9 7B 18 . 8 7. ; 2 1. ; 2, 1. 6 7 27 %8 1 6 . ; 2, . 6 958B 5. 7- - 2 ; 2 287 . , 1 72: . 9. , 2/2, 8 1. 27/8; 6 5. , 8786 B , 1 ; . . . 55270 87 , 8; 7. ; %26 25 ; 5B 1. 6 . , 1 72 6 /8; /27 7, 270 27 1. , . 8/ 6 2, ; 8 , ; . - 2 ; . 952, . 1. 6 55B 27- 270 7- 0 ; 7 . . 7. 8; 4 1 1 ?. . A2 . - /8; B. ; 27 1. 8; 5- 8/ 27/8; 6 5, ; . - 2 5 18 01 86 . ; . ; 2, 1 7- 8 1. ; 988;

86 . 9 B A. 7- 8 1. ; - 8 78 1. ; . 52 B2 1 27 . A2, 8 2 B . ; . 5527/8; 6 527 1 . . 7. /2 /; 86 2 6 , 1 . //. ; 1. 0. 80; 91B8/ 1. 27/8; 6 5. , 8786 B 27 . A2, 8 2 B2 8 1 1. 12 8; 2, , . 7 ; . 71. 8 5B270 - 2 ; 2, 8 1 ; - 2 287 59 52, 9 ,. F ,1 : ; . 7- 9 ; 4 F 7; 7 98; 27 . ; , 1 70. 8, , 92. 988; ; . ,1 C 9 5 9 8; 126 51 , D7 7- 9; 2? 25. 0. - ; . 524. % 7 E 1. , 8; 7. ; 8/ . A2, 8 2 B1 ?. . . 7 ; 7. - 27 8 1. 9; . /. ; ; . - 9 , . /8; 1. 27/8; 6 5. , 8786 B 1. ; . 9; 8- , ; . 85- /; 86 . 5. 9187. , ; . . /88- 8 9. . 7 . ; 276 . 7 6 26 . , 58 7 , ; 8 . A, 1 70. 8/ 27/8; 6 287 ; ?. B - 2 ; 2 287 8/ 9852 2, 59; 89 0 77- . ; ? 2, . , 5. 7270 27- , ; . . 7 8; 185. , ; 1 . . 7 //2; 6 . - 1 1. 27/8; 6 5 . , 8786 B1 2 8; 2027 27 1. 27 252 B8/ 1. % . 7- 8/ 1. 6 ; 4. 8 995B088- . ; ? 2, . 7- . 6 958B6 . 7 8 2 , 2 2C. 7 , 270 7 . , 9. ? 5?. 5 8 6 . 7 287. - 2 85. ; 7, . 8/ - 2 8; - . ; 7- , ; 26 . 1. 5 , 4 8/ 7B 26 95. ; . 0 5 287 7- 1. 5 , 4 8/ . , 8786 2, 9852, B ; . /8; 6 6 870 2 . //. , 9. 895. 6 . 7 287 . A9582 287 7- 5 8 ; . 9; 2? 2 287 8/ 9 52, 9 , . . ; 8 287 8/ 7- ; - 8/ , 8. A 2 . 7, . 7- , 2? 252 B 7- 1. 58 8/ . , 8786 2, , 86 9. 2 287 1. : . 287 1 18 5- . 4. - 2 1. 1. ; 1. 27/8; 6 5. , 8786 B 72 . //. , ; . 127- . ; 270 8; . 7. /2 270 1. ; 7 . , 8786 B 185. 1. /20 ; . 87 1. 27/8; 6 5. , 8786 B27 . A2, 8 2 B ; . . 5 2?. 72 2, 55B 7 9. , 2/2. 8 02?. 7 2- . 8/ 1. 6 072 - . 8/ 1. 91. 786 . 787 1. ; . ; . /. / , F, 8/ 18 270 , 87 ; , 287 8, , ; 27/8; 6 55B F 8?. ; 8/ 38 ; . 27 1. 27/8; 6 5 . , 8786 B F, 8/ 1. A2 ; . 78//2, 2 5

F, ; . . ?. 7- 8; 89. ; . 27 1. 2 8; 2, . 7 ; . 587. 12 7 6 . ; 1 27, ; . . - B 27 1. 5 B. ; 7- - 8 5. . , 1 . , . 6 . ; F 2 2 . 26 . - 1 8/ 6 2, 85- 27 . A2, 8 2 92; . 6 2, 1. 6 7 ; 8/ - . 6 8, ; , B 7- 52 . ; 52 6 9; . ; . : 2 2 . 8/ - . ?. 5896 . 7 1 ..7 . ; 8- . - B 1. 27/8; 6 5. , 8786 B ; . 95 , 270 12 2 1 1. 9; 27, 295. 8/ 7. 08 2 287 7 . A2, 8 2 B 8 1 1. 5 7- 91B 2, 5 9 , . ; . 7. 08 2 . - 2 78 7 5 8 .. 1 27/8; 6 55. - . ; 1. 1. ; ; . . . 55270 8; 27? - 270 5 7- 6 8?. 87 8 9 ; B ; , ; . 7- . 5. , . - 98 2 287 %8, 2 57. 08 2 287 7. 8; 4 1 ; . . 270 8?. 7 27 1. 27/8; 6 5 . , 8786 B ; . . 270 ; 7 /8; 6 . - 27 8 , 52. 7 . 5. 7. 8; 4 . / 527 9852 2, 1 . . 7 ; 0 . - 1 1. 27/8; 6 5 . , 8786 B2 7. 2 1. ; 088- 78; - 2 2 26 95B / , %86 . . . 2 9; 8 5. 6 8 1. ; 7 8998; 72 B 8 . ?. ; 2 2 1 ; - 8 ?82- 9; . , 87, . 9 287 7- 0. 7. ; . 7. 9. ; , . 9 287 8/ 12 ; 7 91. 786 . 787 ; . . , 87- . 6 7. 8 875B6 4270 6 8; . 8; 5. 27 . 5520. 7 6 8; . 8; 5. 6 ; 027 5, 86 6 . 7 87 1. 91. 786 . 787 2 98 2 5. 875B 8 8; 4 2 1 1. . //. , 8/ 1. 91. 786 . 787 ; . - , 270 2 7. 0 2?. 26 9 , 7- , 92 52 270 87 2 98 . 7 2 5 2 98 2 5. 8 , 86 . 9 2 1 7. A8786 B 8/ 1. 27/8; 6 5. , 8786 B 1 . . ; - 2 0 78 . 1. 8; 2027 8/ ; 7 9852, 2. 7- 6 8; . . //. , 2?. ; . 987 . . ; 1 9 2 2 98 2 5. 8 26 027. 1 7. 478 5. - 0. 8/ 1. , 2 B 6 201 . 6 . ; 0. /; 86 . . ; 7- . ; 7- 270 8/ 1. 27/8; 6 5. , 8786 B - ; 2? 270 7- - . . ; 6 27270 /8; , . 27 6 38; , 2 2.

%1. H, 8; 98; . , . 7 ; . I 8 8 -. 7 . 58, 5 478 1. ; . 2 58, . - 27 1255B . , 287 8 1. 72, 29 5- 2 ; 2, 8 5? ; 8 ; . 0F7 27 1. . - . ; 5 2 ; 2, . . ; 7 . - 0. 7. . ; 89852 7 , . 7 ; 52 B58, . - 4 ; 8 1. . 72 8 D; . C27 . ; 7 287 5 2; 98; 7- 4 ; 8 %85 , 2; 98; 27 1. . 8 . A2, 8 1. ; . - . ?. 589. - 7 . 78 1 , 8 95. . 5B- 2 . ; . 7 1 9. ; 8 1 2 - 2- 8 - . , - . 08 1. ; . 1 - 2; , 87 27. - ? ; 28 7- 27. 7- 2 . : . 7 5B . , . 18 . 8 1 0. , 2 B9 %1. . . 9 1255 . 58 1. - . ?. 589 . 7 18 . ?. ; ; . 255 5 ; 0. 5B8, , 92. - B9; . , ; 28 989 5 ; . 5. . 7 7- 58 27, 8 . 7. 201 8 ; 1889 ; 8 1. 9852, 2. 8; 1. ; . 1 252 287 8 . A2, 8 2 B 7 . ; . , 87 20 ;. - ;8 87 ; - ' 2 1. ; 7 . ?. 589 . 7 .; 57 ) 7 . ; 7 8; . - 27 8 7 ; 7 . 0 9; 83. , 12, 1 5 2 7, 287 527 7 ; . 27, 5 - . ? ; 28 , 8; 98; . 8 . ; 1. ; . 5 27 287 5 , 8; 98; 287 1 ?. . 9 1. 2; 8 2, . 27 . A2, 8 2 B 5 ; 0. , 5. , 8 . ; , 2 5 , 252 2. 1. , 9 8 87. 8 . A2, 8J 8 9; . 2 028 9; 2? . 72?. ; 2 2. 7- 7 9 ; 4. 18 270 8, 4 8 - 27 ; ; , ; . 1 ..7 9; 8? 2- . - 7- 7 . 1 088- , 877. , 2? 2 B 2 1 8 1. ; . ; 89852 7 , . 7 ; 52 2. 27 ,

8 . . . 1. 78- . 7 . A . 7 287 8 1. , 8; 98; . , 8; ; 2- 8; 5870 1. . 8; 8 5. ? ; 7- 1 9 5 . 9. , 7 . B . ..7 B 858 8- . ; 72 270 . A2, 8 2 B 7- 8 1. , 2 BJ ; 2 270 27 1. 058 5. , 878 B 7 1. 8 1. ; 1 7- - . ; , 8; B9827 8 1. 12015B. A, 5 287 ; B, 1 ; , . ; 8 1. ; . 1 2 ; . 5. , . - 27 2 27 ; 8?. ; . - ; 7 ; 2, 8 2705. 9827 58, 4 20 8A 55 B9858 02. 7- 0 . - ; . 2- . 7 2 5, 8 95. A. %1. ; . 52 B2 1 7 . 2 2550; 8 270 72 B 255 . 27 8; - . ; 8 : . 287 8 1 1. 1 9. 1. ; . 2 4270 7- 18 12 78- 52 B 27 . ; , 2 1 1. ; . 8 1. , 2 B

7 1. 5 B. ; 1. 12 8; 2, , . 7 ; . 8 . A2, 8 2 B1 . ; . - . ; 28 . , 878 2, 8, 2 5 7- ; 7 - . , B , 12. 5B . ; 1. . ; 1 : 4. 27 . ..7 71. , . 7 ; 5, 2 BC87. 58 99; 8A2 . 5B 8 2 989 5 287 7 1. 2 8; 2, . 7 ; . %; . 9 2 1 1. 2 287 8 ; . ? 2 52 270 12 , . 7 ; 5 ; 7 : ; . ; 7- ; . 8; 270 2 ? 5 5. B. ; 92- 5B- . , B270 ; , 12 . , ; 51. ; 2 0. %1. %; J 8 ; - 2 - . 9 8 ; . 9; . . 7 2?. 8 . - . ; 5 7- , 2 B08?. ; 7 . 7 8 9; 2? . , 8; 7- 8 , 2? 25 8, 2. B8; 0 72 287 G, ; 2 2, ; 0 . 18 . ?. ; 1 1. ; . ? 2 52 287 9; 8, . 2 78 - 8 27 . - B 27.

. 52 .

7- ; 7 7 287 5; . 5. . 27 . ; . %1. ; . 8; 287 95 7 7- . ; B1 ? ; 2 8 8 3. , 2?. 8 ; , 9; 2? . 27?. .7 ; . , 2? . 2 7 252 . - 25- 270 8, 4 . 7 ; . 1. . , 878 2, ; . ? 2 52 287 8 1. C87. 7- 8 0. 7. ; . 8; 5. 958B . 7 7 1. 8, 2 5 - 2 . 7 287 1. 2 ; . 8 2 9; 8?. 1. 52?. 252 B8 1. ; . ; , ; . 2- . 7 , 4 785?. 2 . 8 27 . , ; 2 B 7- , 870. 287 , . - B 1. 8?. ; 1. 5 2705B5 ; 0. 9; . . 7, . 8 ; . . ?. 7- 8; 5 18 01 1. 95 7 1 5; . - B . 0 7 8 18 98 2 2?. 8 , 8 . 71. ; . 2 ? 2 2 5. 8?. . 7 8 . 958B. ; 7; . 2- . 7 ; . ; 7270 8 1. , . 7 ; . . ?. ; 5: . 287 ; . 27 7 7 . ; . - ( 1 255 . 1. 8 - . 2; 5. 2A8 27- ; 2. 7- , 2? 2 2. 8; 1. ; . ( 1 B9. 8 . 958B . 7 255 . , ;. . - 8 255 1. 7. . , 878 B 85?. 2 . 8 27 8; 52 B ( 255 ; . ? 2 52 . - , . 7 ; . 4. . 9 9. ; , . 7 0. 8 8, 2 518 270 ( 255 1. 8 2 98; 7 , 2? 2, 9 , . 27 1. , 2 B 27 27 2 8, 2 55B 2A. - , 1 ; , . ; 8; 2559; 8 , . . 8 0. 7 ; 2 2, 287 7- - 2 95 , . . 7 4. 185- 7- 9 ; 0. 2 - 2?. ; 2 B 7- ? 2 ; 7, B

%1. 8?. ; 7 . 7 8 1. 2 B8 . A2, 8 1 9; 898 . - 1. , 87 ; , 287 8 8 2. ; 8?. ; 1. . ; 2 E; 2, 8 270 8 - 7- 1. ' 2 - , 8 20 . 5 5. D7 ' 2 - , 2 1 1. 2 8

. A9 7- 270 7- 2 9; 8? 270 1. , 9 , 2 B8 1. 27 , 87 ; 855. - , , . ; 8 - 2 9; 8? 270 38 ; 7. B ; . - , 270 ; ?. 5 2 . 7- ; . - , 270 , 87 27 287 27- 2, 8; %1. 9; 83. , 1 . . 7 , 87 ; 8?. ; 2 5 7, 2 2C. 7 . ; . . ?. 7 , 87 5 . - 8; 1. 2; 99; 8? 5 %1. B. ; 1. . 0277270 8 1. 8; 4 12, 1 95 77. - 8?. ; 8 ; . 9 ; . 0. 8?. ; 55 8 55. - 4 8 ; 8 - 7 99; 8A2 . 8 527?. .7 8 255287 9. 8 255 . ; . : 2; . - %1. 2; 91 . 8 1. 8; 4 2 , 8 95. . 7- . ;. 4 27 5. 70 1 %1. , 87 ; , 287 8 12 0. 1 5; . - B; . : 2; . 255287 9. 8 1. . : 2? 5. 7 8 2072 2, 7 9. ; , . 7 0. 8 1. - 0. 8; ; 7 98; 7- ; 8 - 9; 8 0; . %1. . , 87- 12; - 7- 8 ; 1 91 . , 87 2 8 1. - . 207 7- , 87 ; , 287 8 . , 87- 2. ; 27 8 1 - 2; . , 287 8?. ; 8 1. ; . , 287 8 1. . ; 2 E; 2, 8 1. ' 2 - , 8 7- 8 1. ; ; 7 27 ; 8 -

7 1. . ; 89852 7 ; . 8 . A2, 8 2 B ; 8 7255287 38 ; 7. B ; . - . - 25B 7- 18 . 18 ; ?. 5 ; 8 1. ; 9. 7. . . 7 2?. 7- 2A18 ; , 8 270 . , 1 - B %1. ; 7 %; 27 ; 83. , 12, 1 255 , 877. , 1. . - . ; 5 2 ; 2, 8 1. .8 . A2, 8 2 1. 2; . 9 8 ; - - . 5270 2 1

316

LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

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COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

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ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

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COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER AG G LO M E R AT I O N Z Ü R I C H

Die Gemeinden der Agglomeration Zürich ! nach Vorortsgürtel

K _1.1

RAF

WIL

WAS HÜN KAI

EGL GLA

WEA

ROR

STD

OWE

HOC NEE

NWE

SÖF

BAC

SEI

WIN

REB

DÄL

OEL

WEI

GER SPR

OPF

RED UEN

BEL

WAL

BED

WID

URD

FÄL

SEE

KIB

ISL

OLU

BON

HED

STL

MÖN EGG

HER

ORI

LAN

AFF

MAU

ERL THA

OTT

UST

ZUM

KÜS

RÜS

ADL

ARN

ZOL

WET

AES

OWL

JON

CITIES GROWING BEYOND THEIR ADMINISTRATIVE BORDERS

FEH GRE

BIR

ULU ROT

SER

ZUF HES

RUS

VOL

DÜB

UIT

RUD BER

BRE

ILL

WAN

ZÜR SIE

FIS

EGW

BAS

DIL

OEN

DIT

KYB

LIN

NÜR

KLO

RÜM

HÜT

KIL REM

BRÜ

NHA BUC

DÄN

WÜR

LUF

OGL

DID

BOP OTE

NEU

EMB

NGL

STE

EHR

FRT

BÜL

HÖR

GOS GRÜ

OES

MEI

AEU

UET BUB

MÄN OBF

Main stakeholders: Planning Authorities on federal, cantonal and municipal levels, universities, planning offices

HOG

ZÜ

MET

HOM

STÄ SE

WÄD

KNO

RIC WOL Massstab 1 : 285 000 0

FRE FEU

10 km

Stadt Zürich (Kerngemeinde) Vorortsgürtel Erster Vorortsgürtel

(Volkszählung 1950)

Zweiter Vorortsgürtel

(Volkszählung 1960)

Dritter Vorortsgürtel

(Volkszählung 1970)

Vierter Vorortsgürtel

(Volkszählung 1980)

Fünfter Vorortsgürtel

(Volkszählung 1990)

Sechster Vorortsgürtel

(Volkszählung 2000)

→ Gemeindelegende siehe Seite 20.

(TOP) Areal Growth of the Agglomeration of Zurich according to the Definition of the term Agglomeration by the Bundesamt für Statistik 5

STATISTIK STADT ZÜRICH

(BOTTOM) A conceptual approach: How “Architektengruppe Krokodil” sees the Glattal of the future. “Glatt! - eine Stadt im Werden”,2012

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FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

TRANSFORMING NEU-OERLIKON Main stakeholders: land owners (i.e. ABB etc.), planning authority of Zurich

(TOP) Maschinenfabrik Oerlikon, 1951

(BOTTOM) Gesamtplan Zentrum Zürich Nord

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COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

UPGRADING THE INFORMAL Main stakeholders: Architects: EM2N, builder-owner: foundation PWG, public foundation owned by the city of Zurich

(TOP) Tools (Leite Rosa, Marcos. Micro Planning. Urban Creative Practices. 2010. P 110 - 111)

(BOTTOM) The online advertisment for retail spaces at Europaallee in the visual language of small neighbourhood businesses.

325

326

2014

Urban Stories Sum Up

327

Caracas Oil and the Automobile City Caracas Informal Toolbox Caracas Multiple Hubs

Berlin Megascale Planning Berlin Critical (Re)Construction Berlin Temporary Urbanism

Jakarta Processes of Globalization Jakarta Integrated Living and Working Jakarta Markets and Streetlife

New York City Horizontal - Vertical Grid New York City Repurposing Infrastructure New York City Revitalizing Industry

Tokyo Tabula Rasa Tokyo Train Urbanism Tokyo Post Bubble City

Sarajevo Identity Construction Sarajevo De-Urbanization Sarajevo Turbo-Urbanism

Kolkatta Densification

Mexico City Recovering Waterscapes

Beijing Event Catalyst

Kolkatta Formal Verticalisation Kolkatta Informal Verticalisation

Mexico City Networks of Green Infrastructure Mexico City Macro-Scale Social Housing

Beijing Cellular City Beijing Bicycle Urbanism

Los Angeles Top Down Infrastructure Los Angeles Fragmented Sub-Urban

Zurich Planning the Metropolitan Area Zurich Redensification

Adis Ababa Social Housing Adis Ababa Infrastructure Boost

Los Angeles Social Transport

Zurich Creating Informality

Adis Ababa Agricultural Innovation

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COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

HOCHPARTERRE 4 / 2012

Text: Johannes Stoffler* Einigkeit herrscht: Zürich wird nachverdichtet, und es ist gut so. Für die einen ist es Teil eines Legislaturziels, für die anderen ein Mittel, die offene Landschaft zu erhalten, und für manche ein gutes Geschäft. Genossenschaften wittern Morgenluft, denn seit den Revisionen der Bau- und Zonenordnung der vergangenen Jahre locken Arealüberbauungen mit mehr als 6000 Quadratmetern mit grösseren Ausnutzungsziffern. Betroffen sind zahlreiche Siedlungen der 1940er- und 1950er-Jahre. Diese prägen die Quartiere aus der Ära des organischen Städtebaus von Stadtbaumeister Albert Heinrich Steiner, sie stehen am Fusse des Uetlibergs, in Schwamendingen oder Seebach. Grosszügige Grünflächen fliessen durch die Zeilensiedlungen und verbinden sie über Grünzüge, in denen Freibäder und Schulen stehen, mit der offenen Landschaft. Wegen der geringen Ausnutzungsziffer scheinen die Gebäude wie in einen Park eingebettet. Wege und Mauern wurden so dezent wie möglich gesetzt, damit das landschaftliche Bild sich entfalte, die Grünflächen nicht stocken, sondern grosszügig die Gebäude umfliessen. «Die Häuser scheinen in eine gepflegte Landschaft hineingestellt», fasste deshalb der deutsche Gartenarchitekt Otto Valentien «geradezu beglückt» zusammen, nachdem er seine Kollegen 1953 in Zürichs Vororte gebracht hatte, um da ein Vorbild für den deutschen Wiederaufbau zu besichtigen. So viel Beglückung mag sich heute nicht mehr einstellen, denn inzwischen haben die eisernen Besen der Unterhaltsfirmen etliche gärtnerische Details weggefegt. Dennoch überraschen viele Siedlungen mit Weitläufigkeit — es sind Gartenlandschaften mit wertvollem Baumbestand. Sie sind Teile zusammenhängender und homogener Ortsbilder, die in diesem Umfang später nicht mehr verwirklicht werden konnten. VOM RAUM ZUM SCHLAUCH Heute machen solche offenen Baustrukturen den Grossteil dessen aus, was laut der räumlichen Entwicklungsstrategie (RES) der Stadt Zürich von 2010 «weiterentwickelt», sprich verdichtet wird. Dabei soll der «Charakter der Gebiete, deren vorherrschende Siedlungsstruktur und die Qualität der Freiräume» erhalten werden. Wie dies umgesetzt wird, hat das Amt für Städtebau in seiner Dokumentation «Dichter. Eine Dokumentation der baulichen Veränderung in Zürich» unlängst mit dreissig Beispielen zusammengefasst. Je eine Doppelseite pro Beispiel gibt einen Überblick über die neuen Wohnanlagen. Abgerissene und neue Bauten werden mit Fotos, Plänen und Tabellen verglichen. Der Wunsch der RES, die «vorherrschende Siedlungsstruktur», in der Regel aus der Steiner-Ära, beizubehalten, spiegelt sich in fast allen präsentierten Siedlungen: Die aufgelockerte Struktur der Baukörper bleibt erhalten, Gebäudehöhe und überbaute Fläche nehmen zu. Doch was geschieht dabei mit den Freiflächen? Folgt man der RES, so soll die «Qualität der Freiräume» auch in Zukunft der Idee der «fliessenden Grünflächen» genügen. Doch ob oder wie dies gelingt, davon ist in der Dokumentation keine Rede. Zwischen den Isometrien der Baukörper herrscht gähnende Leere, im Situationsplan ebenso. Die beteiligten Landschaftsarchitekten sind nicht einmal erwähnt. Dafür werden Wohlfühlwörter wie «Gartenstadtatmosphäre» bemüht, wo die Bilder der Bauten diese kaum hergeben. Weit verbreitet ist denn auch die Mär, man könne die «Gartenstadtatmosphäre» des organischen Städtebaus problemlos in die neuen Verdichtungssiedlungen hineintragen. Doch werden die Bauvolumen vergrössert, kippt das alte Bild, und die fliessende Landschaft gerät ins

Stocken. Infrastrukturen von Tiefgaragen bis Feuerwehrzufahrten, die der Aussenraum auch noch aufnehmen soll, demontieren die historische Gestaltungsidee. Das Modell «Steiner-XXL» stösst im Aussenraum schnell an Grenzen. Dennoch hängt man ihm nach, beispielsweise in der Else-Züblin-Siedlung in Albisrieden, in der statt den alten zwei- bis fünfstöckigen Zeilen nun sechs- und siebengeschossige Würfel stehen. Mit geschwungenen Wegen, Wiesen und Bäumen sind prägende Elemente der ehemaligen Aussenraumgestaltung der 1950er-Jahre neu aufgegriffen worden. Von «Fliessen» kann jedoch zwischen den viel breiteren Wegen, Rampen, Einfahrten in Tiefgaragen und massigen Baukörpern keine Rede sein. Je enger und höher die Baukörper stehen, desto mehr wird die Freifläche dazwischen vom Aufenthalts- zum Durchgangsort. Auch die Siedlung Wasserschöpfi am Friesenberg krankt an diesem Problem. Wer will in den Aussenraumschläuchen zwischen den hochskalierten Zeilen schon verweilen? Qualitätsvolle Plätze haben da keinen Platz, der Rest fällt wie so oft dem Rotstift des Generalunternehmers zum Opfer. Der Landschaftsarchitekt steht auf verlorenem Posten. Den Bewohnerinnen und Bewohnern bleiben Balkonien oder ein Ausflug auf den Uetliberg übrig. POCKETPARK UND GARTENKABINETT Verdichtung in den Siedlungen des organischen Städtebaus ist, so lehrt uns die Dokumentation des Amtes für Städtebau, ein Kompromiss zwischen Verdichten und Bewahren. Doch das Bewahren der historischen Baustruktur verhindert oft, die Freiflächen sinnvoll zu organisieren. Dass es anders geht, zeigt die Siedlung Triemli in Zürich-Albisrieden. Statt die aufgelockerten Zeilen wieder aufzunehmen, entstand eine Grossform in der Art eines Blockrandes. Der weitläufige Innenhof setzt auf die Künstlichkeit der neuen Landschaft und ihrer Topografie. Entscheidend ist die Grösse dieses Pocketparks, der sich zu einem Mittelpunkt der Siedlung entwickeln wird. So wie das die Zürcher Innenhöfe der 1920er- und 1930er-Jahre konnten, etwa der Erismannoder der Bullingerhof. Auch wo Grossformen wie im Triemli städtebaulich keinen Sinn machen, gibt es sinnvolle Alternativen. Das gilt für die geplante Siedlung Toblerstrasse der Allgemeinen Baugenossenschaft Zürich. Sie löst sich vom Bauschema der abgerissenen Siedlung und schafft eine neue Landschaft. Die vielfältigen Kammerungen des Aussenraums sind als unterschiedliche Gartenkabinette gestaltet. Wo es die Topografie zulässt, erhalten die Erdgeschosswohnungen einen direkten Ausgang zu einem privaten Gartensitzplatz. Statt Abstands- und Durchgangsgrün schenkt dieser Entwurf den Bewohnerinnen und Bewohnern unterschiedliche, gestalterisch klar gefasste Orte im Freien.

Die Siedlung Else-Züblin-Strasse heute: breite Wege, Rampen und sechs- und siebengeschossige Häuser — die Grünflächen aber fliessen nicht mehr. Foto: Heinz Unger

ORTSBILDINVENTAR FEHLT Die RES wird gelobt für die Balance zwischen Bewahren, Weiterentwickeln und Neuorientieren. In den Siedlungen, dort wo «weiterentwickelt» wird, führt diese Balance immer wieder zu Resultaten, die weder Fisch noch Vogel sind. Einerseits entstehen mit zu viel «Steiner im Kopf» keine guten verdichteten Wohnformen. Andererseits wird die Substanz des Erbes, werden die wertvollen Originale der SteinerÄra verspielt. Ein Beispiel dafür ist der abgerissene Mattenhof in ZürichSchwamendingen, der seinerzeit als Vorbild des Wiederaufbaus sogar in England nachgebaut worden ist. Viele Siedlungen dieser Epoche sind — weitherum anerkannt — erhaltenswürdig. Die Stadt Zürich hat zwar Inventare für Denkmalpflege, meist Einzelbauten, für Wohnsiedlungen, meist nur Teile von Siedlungen umfassend, und ein Gartendenkmalinventar. Aber

Else-Züblin-Strasse, Zürich-Albisrieden, um 1955: Die Grünflächen fliessen. Quelle: Baugeschichtliches Archiv Zürich

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42-45_BP_Schwarzplan.indd 42

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Zürich hat kein Inventar, das Siedlungszusammenhänge mit Freiflächen berücksichtigt. Ein solches Ortsbildinventar ist aber unverzichtbar, will man nicht an einzelnen Siedlungen, Gebäuden oder Gärten hängenbleiben, sondern die räumlichen Zusammenhänge und die Siedlungsverbünde verstehen. Doch der politische Wille, das Inventar zu erstellen, fehlt. Derweil wird weiter geplant und abgerissen. Dabei ist durch die FamilienheimGenossenschaft, eine am Fuss des Uetlibergs stark vertretene Wohnbauträgerin, ein ganzer Stadtteil in Bewegung geraten. «Dass sich Landschaftsarchitekten zu Städtebauern erklären, beobachte ich skeptisch», bemerkt der Direktor des Amtes für Städtebau, Patrick Gmür, siehe HP 3 / 12. Doch bedeutet Stadt nicht ständige Wechselwirkung zwischen Baukörper und Freiraum? Die weissen Flächen des Schwarzplans sind keine amorphen Rahmungen für Architekturen. Sie stehen für Aufenthaltsorte, die nur dann sinnvoll gestaltet werden können, wenn Städtebau und Landschaftsarchitektur zusammengedacht werden. Das hiesse, dass die Strategie «Weiterentwickeln» der RES bei Nachkriegssiedlungen stärker als bisher «Neuorientieren» verlangt. Entschlossen und mutig das Neue bauen muss aber auch bedeuten entschlossen das wertvolle Erbe erhalten. Denn mit dem Kompromiss geht beides verloren, die ererbte und die künftige Baukultur. *Johannes Stoffler ist Landschaftsarchitekt BSLA in Zürich.

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LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II

FALL 2013/ SPRING 2014

COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS

ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

HOCHPARTERRE 4 / 2012

1_ERSATZNEUBAU SIEDLUNG ELSE-ZÜBLIN-STRASSE Zürich-Albisrieden > Bauherrschaft: Siedlungsgenossenschaft Sunnige Hof, Zürich > Architektur: Burkhalter Sumi Architekten, Zürich > Landschaftsarchitektur: Vogt Landschaftsarchitektur, Zürich > Baumanagement und Bauleitung: Generalunternehmung HRS Real Estate, Zürich

1_Else-Züblin-Strasse: dicker und höher.

2_ERSATZNEUBAU SIEDLUNG WASSERSCHÖPFI Zürich-Friesenberg > Bauherrschaft: Helvetia Versicherungen, Basel / St. Gallen > Architektur: Althammer Hochuli Architekten, Zürich > Landschaftsarchitektur: Vogt Landschaftsarchitektur, Zürich > Generalunternehmung und Baumanagement: Halter, Zürich

2_Wasserschöpfi: ähnliche Struktur, aber höher.

3_ERSATZNEUBAU SIEDLUNG TRIEMLI Zürich-Albisrieden > Bauherrschaft: Baugenossenschaft Sonnengarten, Zürich > Architektur: Von Ballmoos Krucker Architekten, Zürich > Landschaftsarchitektur: Vi-vo Architecture Landscape, Zürich

4_ERSATZNEUBAU SIEDLUNG TOBLERSTRASSE Zürich-Fluntern > Bauherrschaft: Allgemeine Baugenossenschaft, Zürich > Architektur: BS + EMI Architekten, Zürich > Landschaftsarchitektur: Lorenz Eugster Landschaftsarchitektur und Städtebau, Zürich _alte Siedlungsstruktur _neue Siedlungsstruktur

3_Triemli: Hof statt Zeile.

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4_Toblerstrasse: Kammerungen statt Abstandsgrün.

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