Ha Lam
SHIFTING IN LANDSCAPE AND TIME
A study of boundaries in the Peak District from the 18th century to recent days.
BARC0119: Landscape Thesis 23/24
Thesis Supervisor: Kirti Durelle
Thesis Module Coordinator: Danielle Hewitt
Word Count: 8,169
Student name: Ha Lam
MA Landscape Architecture Y1_ID: 23118790
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION.....................................
CHAPTER 1: The Forming Boundary
1.1. The boundary encroachment to the moorland “common” and ‘waste’................
1.2. Claiming the boundary – the movement of humans and their surrounding ecology.........................................................
1.3. The Industrial Revolution influence –Accessing the moorland boundary.............
1.4. Conclusion...........................................
CHAPTER 2: Redefining the Boundaries – A Walk to Remember.................
2.1. The vanishing familiarity...................
2.2. Reclaiming the boundary....................
2.3. Conclusion...........................................
CHAPTER 3: The Collapsing Boundary: Climate Change Awareness and Moorlands Restoration..........................
3.1. The opening of boundaries..................
3.2. Erasing the moorlands boundaries –Climate change awareness.........................
3.3. Conclusion...........................................
INTRODUCTION
Every landscape transformation is involved in human understanding and engagement with the world 1. The landscape of the moorlands in the Peak District National Park has always been changing from time to time under our influence. Significantly, the period of time from the enclosure movement in the eighteenth century until recent days has brought out notable opinions about the importance of landscape territories in terms of habitats, the environment, and human societies. However, one might ask why the landscape of moorland is relevant. The moorlands here are the ideal landscape examples that historically have been claimed and reclaimed by different parts of society. Their boundaries have been shifting for centuries alongside human activities. In studies about landscapes, defining their identities are common parts of their character assessment, and landscape boundaries are included as one of the important parts of the matter. “Defining boundaries is always a challenge in landscape research (and a must-do in landscape character assessment) since the landscape is a continuum, where one landscape area “blurs” into another and where boundaries depend on the point of observation and the observer’s interpretation” 2 . Therefore, for landscape study people like us, exploring the boundaries is a way to think about these different claims and inclusions. In each chapter in this paper, it might be possible to realise that at any given moment in time, there are different understandings of landscape and boundary there. This brought me to a question:
How the boundaries of the moorlands in the Peak District National Park could have been understood in the time period from the eighteenth century to recent days?
1 Barbara Bender, “Time and Landscape,” 2002.
2 Nadja Penko Seidl et al., “Defining Landscapes, and Their Importance for National Identity—A Case Study from Slovenia,” Sustainability 13, no. 11 (January 2021): 6475, https://doi. org/10.3390/su13116475.
3
In the article “Time and Landscape” (2002), Barbara Bender noted that saying that landscape and time are subjective “simply means that the engagement with landscape and time is historically particular, imbricated in social relations and deeply political.” Furthermore, Bender emphasised in the article that landscapes are shaped by temporal processes and historical events. In addition, Bender quotes Hodder (1997), “The past ‘is constructed by the interpreter and that interpretation is informed by an experience of data from the past’”. One of the interesting things about the spaces of moorlands boundaries in the Peak District National Park is how similar they are in the transition of time. “Different times nest within each other and draw meaning from each other” 3. These “nexus” events are important to understand the meaning of the landscape boundaries to humans. Bender explains that the understanding of time and place has been constructed through experiences of “things in place”, which are the physical elements within a landscape. Landscapes are not passive but are actively shaped by humans’ interactions and, in turn, shape humans’ experiences and social relationships. According to her, memory inflected in a landscape can bring people towards it or draw them away. In a way, in terms of my study location, the course of events in history in this place holds memories of the people who live or used to live here, and these memories can be sentimental attachments for those who want to stay or return to the place, or unhappy experiences that force them to leave. Therefore, by exploring the relationships between humans and the landscapes of moorlands, we could understand how different people at different times interpret the boundaries of the moorlands in the Peak District National Park.
Barbara Bender, “Time and Landscape,” 2002.
Fig.01: Mind map methodology of the thesis
Souce: Author’s illustrate
To understand the relationships and how they can answer the question regarding the temporal dimensions in the landscape boundaries in the Peak District, mind maps are used to structure the study, breaking it into three chapters.
Firstly, in chapter one, the timeline starts from the eighteenth century, during the establishment of the Parliamentary Enclosure Acts, and the countryside of England was fenced up and no longer accessible. The argument that took place in this time period was that during the enclosure, boundaries on the moorlands were created and excluded commoners, straining the relationship between humans and the landscape. In this chapter. I will examine historical documents, maps, and records to understand the contexts of this time period. They were not only historical events but also the involvement of society and their relationships with the landscape before and after the enclosure. The theoretical analysis carried out in this chapter can show us not only the physical boundaries that clashed between natural moorlands and rural lands but also between the ecological habitats.
Secondly, the next chapter involves in studying records, news, literature works to explore the timeline when there were demands to ramble the country when the argument to redefine the landscape boundaries was that the exclusion had led to the Mass Trespass when theworking class movement aimed to reclaim the moorland. The people, especially the workers in the Peak District
believed that there should be a right to roam those natural lands as pleasure after work. The Mass Trespass on the Kinder Scout was conducted to fight for the Right to Roam the countryside, this led to the end of the Enclosure Acts, and the Peak District National Park was formed, leading to numerous changes in legal and physical boundaries. In this chapter, the contexts of society will be mainly mentioned to understand how it affected the natural landscape.4
Finally, in the last chapter, surveys, contacting the authorities, and exploring managing works through articles are mostly used to understand the events after the National Park was established accordingly to the present. The argument at this time which continues to recent days is that the reclaim of the moorland which led to the establishment of the Peak District National Park has been erasing both non-physical and physical boundaries between humans and the landscape. This time has been an awakened era of environmental awareness with the contexts of society and their attempts to preserve the iconic landscape, and in the meantime, altering the boundaries of it both negatively and positively.
After the world war 1, the people, especially the workers in the Peak District believed that there should be a right to roam those natural lands in leisure time. In 1932, there was Mass Trespass on the Kinder
1900 - 1949 Scout in this area in order to bring up the Right to Roam the countryside, this led to the end of the Enclosure Acts in 1949, when the Access to the Countryside Act was passed.
1949 - Now
In the 1951, the Peak District National Park was formed, leading to fences being slowly tore down or no longer used. Public starts to care more about the landscape and become more aware of environmental issues.
TIMELINE
1700s - 1900
In the 1700s, the Parliamentary Enclosure Acts was passed to improve agriculture, and the common lands in England was fenced up and no longer accessible. At this time, agriculture and grouse shooting started to develop.
The historical timeline of the moorlands in the Peak District National Park Souce: Author’s illustrate
Fig.02:
YORKSHIRE
Manchester
CHESHIRE
DERBYSHIRE STAFFORDSHIRE
CHAPTER I: The Forming Boundary
In this chapter, the study explores the relationship between humans and landscapes, emphasising that landscapes are active participants in social and physical processes. During the enclosure movement, boundaries were built on the moorlands, excluding commoners as a result and straining the relationship between humans and the landscape of moorland in the Peak District National Park. First of all, this chapter explores how the “wastes” and the “commons” on the moorlands that once belonged to no one and were used freely by commoners were being encroached upon and owned by both legal and illegal boundaries that led to the end of the traditional open field system. Secondly, this part will also address the impact of the enclosure movement on the movement of commoners to the cities or industrial areas, starting the first Industrial Revolution. As a result, the improvement in transportation and negative influence on the environment of the Revolution could affect the relationship between the people and the moorland landscape.
1.1. The
boundary encroachment to the moorland “common” and ‘waste’
When one thinks about the landscape of England, the first thing that appears in their mind must be the vast area of farmsteads with their iconic stone fences. Surrounding this village or hamlet of farmlands are snow-capped moorland mountains. In these farmsteads, there are sights of cattle and sheep grazing and the shepherd dogs doing their duties of bringing the sheep to the pasture in the morning and back at the end of the day.
Would it be a surprise if I say this landscape was not what it is now 300 to 400 years ago? These farmsteads were once moorlands, or “wastes” and “commons” as they had been called before. These were common pastures where farmers were allowed to plant products and herd their cattle and sheep openly, and no boundary was enforced. Thus, the boundary of the moorland at the time was defined only by the borderline of the village and how far their agricultural activities went which was determined by a natural landscape as a landmark. In the British Agricultural Revolution (15001850)5 , some natural areas in the Peak District Moors had been initially seasonal common farmlands. These were traditional rights that were formerly performed in the open-field system. Here, the moorlands had been defined as common lands by commoners for
5
“BBC - History - British History in Depth: Agricultural Revolution in England 1500 - 1850,” accessed June 25, 2024, https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/empire_seapower/agricultural_revolution_01.shtml.
Source: Author’s photo
grazing, and agriculture, and the access to the moorland had not been restricted. As visible boundaries then were natural landmarks, and people lived on the edge of the landscape and used the resources freely, the relationships between humans and the landscapes mostly was that we depend on nature.6
As mentioned by Bender, the influences of society affect the landscape 7. Here, the financial benefit was a focus point of the people with higher class, a “nexus” that led to the increasing arguments about authorities of lands. These social issues became intense in society as people who bought the lands legally started closing their territories. The practice was called the enclosure movement, which was a common practice since the sixteenth century, when the lords started to build up fences to restrict commoners from trespassing the lands that they claimed, or “ the process that ended the ancient system of arable farming in open fields” 8. Moreover, when the rise in population from the second quarter of the sixteenth century, the need for land increased. As a result, hamlets and isolated farmsteads were established again in the landscape. The moorland edges continue to change under the expansion of residential needs.
Source: David Hey,
6 Hey, A History of the Peak District Moors.
7 Bender, “Time and Landscape.”
8 “The Enclosure Act | History of Western Civilization II,” accessed June 4, 2024, https:// courses.lumenlearning.com/suny-hccc-worldhistory2/chapter/the-enclosure-act/.
Fig.04: A sheep pasture in Saddleworth Moor, Peak District National Park.
Fig.05: Gorse on the unused land at Pudding Pie Hill, west of Chesterfield, marking the appearance of the moorland edges before the improvements related with the Parliamentary Enclosure Acts
2014.
Pudding Pie Hill
Source: Joe Pellegrino, n.d.
Until the Parliamentary Enclosure Acts in 1773, the common landscape on the moorlands had been changing due to the different activities of humans in their private lands. In Figure 06, the recent conjectural drawing shows a British village with its farmsteads in the 1700s and 1800s, reflecting a typical farmland before and after the enclosure.
In the drawing of the 1700s, there were small groups of strip fields, each cultivated by a tenant who had agreements with the landlord 9. Each of these irregular fields was enclosed by drystone walls and a cattle pasture called hey, “a hedged enclosure”. Outside these fields are the commons and wastes. On a higher ground which was above the farmsteads, earthen banks and ditches were applied onto the moors in order to make cattle outpastures and sheepwalks.
The demonstration was made in Figure 07, at the ruins of Bamford House in the moorland fringes of Upper Derwent Valley, where farms were scattering on the moorland with their own fields, pastures, sheepwalks, and turbaries. To assist peat mining, holloways like the uneven pathway were made to reach these turbaries. In the outer area of the fields, common lands or wastes were connected to the village by pathways and a stream that crossed the village.
Source: David Hey, 2014.
9 Thomas Moreton, “The Enclosure Act: Understanding Its Impact on British Landscapes,” RuralHistoria (blog), May 24, 2023, https://ruralhistoria.com/2023/05/24/enclosure-act/.
Fig.06: Enclosure Movement: British farmland area in the 1700s and 1800a
Fig.07: The ruins of Bamford House in the Upper Derwent Valley.
In comparison, in the 1800s, officially after the Parliamentary Enclosure Acts, these pastures were erased by the private fenced farmlands 10. The commons were then inaccessible, and farmers were forced to move away as the allotments were given to the new landowners, who then employed labourers to build drystone field walls, which created the iconic feature of the Peak District countryside nowadays.
In Figure 08, the hachures were the moors and the blank spaces were the cultivated lands, in comparison with the satellite image (fig.09) which describes the number of cultivated lands and the natural moors in a similar location recently. Jeffreys’s map shows how little the parish of Penistone had been cultivated in contrast with the huge areas of unfenced common grazing on the moors.
Here, the temporal dynamics of the moorland fringes were defined by not only the boundaries of the farmsteads that were removed and replaced with different forms but also the borders of villages connected to the common lands or wastes, which had expanded and encroached to the outer lands of the moors.
Fig.08: The extensive moors around Penistone before the transformation due to the Enclosure Acts in the map of Yorkshire Souce: Thomas Jeffreys, 1772.
This was visibly reflected in Figure 10, taken in Saddleworth Moor. What is interesting here is the transition of colours and textures of different habitats. On the moorland across the waterbody, the bright green farmlands contradict the warm dark brown of the moors. In addition, the uniformly dense texture of the woodlands also makes a strong contrast with the roughness of the moors above. The transition of the two colours and textures, alongside the pathway cutting the landscape, creates a clear borderline in between. This not only gives us an understanding of different habitats in terms of ecology but also a visual demonstration of the invasion of farmlands to the “commons” and “wastes” in the moorlands.
Fig.10: The transitions of colours and textures between farmlands and moorlands
Source: Author’s photo.
“Enclosure,” accessed June 13, 2024, https://jpellegrino.com/teaching/enclosure.html.
Fig.09: The moors around Penistone nowadays. Source: Google Earth, 2022.
At this time, the moorland was an object that was defined by people with “higher grounds”. The moorlands were no longer common lands, the accessibility was limited and restricted by the fences and hedges. Landscapes were seen here as something to be owned and dominated. The boundary between the landscape and humans changed as humans then invaded the natural moorlands and reduced their territories.
1.2. Claiming the boundary – the movement of humans and their surrounding ecology
During the enclosure movement, there were expectations to make a “Great Improvement” for the quality of the pastures, in order to increase efficiency and production to help feed an increasingly large working-class people such as those who worked in the “improved fields”, or “machine minders” in the factories. The “improvement” was also made to force the people on the commons into employment as they were described by those who were in favour of the enclosure as “lazy and impoverished”, or “not inclined to work for wages”. Furthermore, at that time, it was reported that many lands in the Peak District were in a critical situation.
“The situation of Penistone is peculiarly bleak and exposed; and the cultivated tract by which the town is surrounded, was formerly remarkable, not more for the paucity of its produce, than for the lateness of the period at which the crops commonly yielded to the influence of the gentler seasons”. 11
11 Hey, A History of the Peak District Moors.
Many “improvements” were made for the purpose of agriculture. One of the most direct impacts on the moorland habitat boundaries was turning the moors into arable lands with the policy of draining the fenland commons. The significant details of the moorland boundary in this time period were how they were defined by two different parties. Here, the party of wealthier people interpreted the moorland as “barren” lands that needed to be improved into farmlands and tried to expand their impacts on the natural fringes. However, this policy was met with resistance by the other party of commoners who lived on the edge of the moorland at that time. Their arguments first talked about the critical situation of the commons and waste. The overgrazing issue was said to have been mostly a result of overstocking by “the wealthiest commoners”, whom they accused of being the culprits that led to the enforced enclosure. The pastures were the only resource to survive for the “independent poor”, and the enclosure was forcing them off the lands and “into urban slums, and result in depopulation” by claiming the moorland for the wealthy people. Here, the moorland boundaries were their homes without ownership and did not need to be extensively cultivated. Their protest had succeeded at the time, but the drainage system was officially constructed after the Parliamentary Enclosure Acts.12
“Between 1760 and 1840 most of the fens were drained and enclosed by an act of parliament. The project was not an instant success. As the land dried out it shrunk and lowered against the water table, and so became more vulnerable to flooding. Pumping stations had to be introduced, powered initially and unsuccessfully by windmills, then by steam engines, and now the entire area is kept dry thanks to diesel.” 12
In addition, after the Acts, with the commoners were forced away from their original lands that were enclosed, the landowners then were in possession of large areas of moorland estates and the ability to compact them so that the unimprovable areas could be adapted to be suitable for birds shooting. The landowners then developed a type of sport for wealthy people called grouse shooting. 12
12 Hey, A History of the Peak District Moors.
Source: Richard Blome, n.d.
Fig.11: The “Shooting Flying”
As the sport became famous, numerous Acts for moor management were passed to support it. A time period was set up to be the legal shooting season for the sport in 1772, starting annually from 12 August to 10 December, called the Glorious Twelfth. According to the Acts, numbers of specific species such as hares, partridges, pheasants, and moor fowl were forbidden to hunt out of the season. The Acts also forbid heather burning on the moors in the game breeding season from 2 February to 24 June. Raptor killing was in practice throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries 13. Hen harriers and some other species were also victims of the sport as they were grouse natural enemies. They were targeted mostly in the hunting season to eliminate threats to the gaming birds in their breeding season, which led to the bird of prey extinction from mainland UK by the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries due to the loss of the lowland habitat. The Acts at this time had helped expand the grouse and some other species’ habitat boundaries on the moorland but, at the same time, reduced the ecological boundaries of many more species. The moorlands at the end, were no longer a naturally thriving place but were under humans’ control. 14
Alongside the Acts banning specific animals and heather burning in assigned seasons, new methods of moor management were introduced to produce more birds. Drains and ditches were used not only for agriculture improvement but also for the purpose of the sport. They were dug on the wettest parts of the moors to encourage heather, cotton grass, bog moss, and purple moor grass to grow. Some drains on the Ronksley Moor were also contemporary trackways that lead to the shooting butts. Ditches were also used to prevent the spread of fires while burning heather. Drinking troughs were also built to lure the birds to the game shooting moors. Various trough designs were constructed on the rocks to prevent grouse from flying away and being shot on someone else’s moor 14. The troughs might have helped expand the numbers of game birds and their living areas on the moors but also moved them away from other places.
In addition, cattle and sheep were disadvantages to the game birds breeding. The first who stopped sheep grazing on the moorland was the Duke of Rutland in the 1870s. The practice was not allowed during summer on his Longshaw moors. In Broomhead Moor, the keepers claimed that the sheep and lambs from local farms and the dogs running after the sheep frightened grouse away from their nests. The practice of grazing was also said to be degrading the moorland into rough grazing. Thus, as the previous common inhabitants and their livestock moved away from the moorlands, the movement to the moors of the other party took place, followed by the movement of the wildlife species. 14
13 “Raptors on Grouse Moors - Game and Wildlife Conservation Trust,” accessed June 26, 2024, https://www.gwct.org.uk/policy/briefings/driven-grouse-shooting/hen-harriers-andred-grouse/.
14 Hey, A History of the Peak District Moors.
Ronksley Moor
Broomhead Moor
Longshaw Moors
The sport of game shooting played an important role in keeping the moors as they had been. “If ‘sporting estates’ had not been created at that time, many moors would now be “covered with conifers and others would have been encroached upon by new, rectangular pastures with meadows around their edges. Most of the prehistoric and medieval archaeological sites and the visual evidence of early forms of transport would have been lost, or at least hidden from view.”15 Furthermore, moor management had produced more birds than was needed for annual grouse shooting at that time. However, this created unnatural habitats on the moorland. When building game covers for the game, rhododendrons, an invasive species that originated from Scotland was introduced into the moorlands and has been spreading further than expected. Moreover, the construction of drainages and ditches is still one of the main problems when managing peatland recently, as the bogs there have been drying out and exposing the peats below, making it easier to catch fire in the dry season. Lastly, In terms of interpreting the ecological boundaries, the game birds’ habitats had dominated and expanded significantly but, at the same time, reduced other habitats’ territories.
To conclude, as moorland was made into game shooting, regularly hunted species were killed or moved away to support the sport. Commoners who were tenants could no longer hunt for their living and their livestock grazing was restricted. The sport not only strains the relationship between humans and nature but also plays a role as the controller of the natural landscape. The boundaries of the moorlands here for the landowners were non-existent, but for the commoners, they were walls and pathways that restricted or limited them from making contact with the landscape.
Source: Ruth Tingay, 2023.
15 Hey, A History of the Peak District Moors.
Fig.12: Grouse-shooting butt in Peak District National Park
1.3. The Industrial Revolution influence –Accessing the moorland boundary
In the process of making commons and wastes into private properties for the landowners. The Acts were enacted to be reasonable solutions for the increasing rates of population and to improve agriculture, hence the expansion of many farmlands. One of the great improvements in this time period was the transportation system, which took place in the 18th and 19th centuries. Before, pathways were made mostly for light traveling and did not meet the qualification of moving large amounts of products. In order to deal with the requirements, the construction of turnpike roads was made, followed by the railways, and the Peak District was then accessible. 16
As the closing of the moors occurred, Some of the new roads were built while others were ancient routes. They were defined by straightening the path between walls and given standard widths for each type of road. The new road construction technique introduced in the 1700s cut terraces into hillsides. The accessibility also applied to pathways, which had been once described as a horror for travelers. In 1860, the first path along the Roaches and close to the highest ridge was constructed, followed along with many more paths. Some of them were paved with gritstone flags to prevent erosion and allow transportation by mule or pony, bringing opportunities for a short leisure journey to the moors to explorers. Despite how connecting these paths sounded, many of them were made with the purpose of directing travelers away from the moorlands.
“For a long time past, and in several parts of the kingdom, various lands, paths, roads, and rights, having no distinct owner but the general public, have been gradually infringed upon and absorbed by individuals, and ultimately lost… It is undoubtedly true… that attempts have from time to time been made and are now being made, to mislead travelers as to their right to traverse certain paths. It is undoubtedly true that landowners have been considerably annoyed by trespassers, often in the form of excursionists”. 17
16 Hey, A History of the Peak District Moors.
17 William Atkins, The Moor: Lives Landscape Literature (Faber & Faber Ltd, 2014).
In addition, the photos of these constructions (Fig.13; Fig.14) visibly show how roads were all built by cutting into the landscape, directly altering the shapes and habitats of the moorland. Commonly, roads are known for their value of connectivity, but also for their fragmentation impact upon any landscape , causing disruption of the habitats on the moorland.18 As a result, the routes created new boundaries on the moorlands across the Peak District. They eventually became parts of the iconic landscape of England’s countryside, and instead of connecting human and moorland landscape together and helping them access the moorlands, guiding them further away from each other.
Fig.14: A stone bridge cross over the county boundary stream named Salters’ Brook, between Cheshire and Yorkshire. It was built between 1732 and 1741, when an ancient route was turnpiked. In the background is a new bridge built in 1828.
Source: David Hey, 2014
Fig.13: A neglected old highway that cut into the hillside.
Source: David Hey, 2014.
18 Hossein Madadi et al., “Degradation of Natural Habitats by Roads: Comparing Land-Take and Noise Effect Zone,” Environmental Impact Assessment Review 65 (July 2017): 147–55, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eiar.2017.05.003.
In the time period, there had been early awareness of global warming as the Industrial Revolution took place, fueling the atmosphere with pollutants from coal energy and quarries. It was said that the effects of the emissions were recognised but there had been no attempts to improve the urban air quality until the new philosophic and literary movements on the matter arose at the end of the eighteenth century.19
Standing in front of the risk of health, there were requirements to be in the fresh air of the countryside from the working-class people. In the context of the rising need to ramble the countryside in the 1900s, the completion of the railway provided quick and cheap access to the Peak District, the public of all classes could travel from the industrial cities to the the countryside. However, as mentioned before, the landowners were said to have been “annoyed” by the trespassers. Thus, the ramblers were stopped and treated with hostility by the owners and their gamekeepers as their grouse shooting businesses were threatened.
Here, we can see the argument being made by both the same parties as before. The commoners which were then the working-class people wanted to redefine the values of the moorlands with their characteristics of possessing the greeneries, fresh air, and relaxing atmosphere. On the contrary, the landowners were still holding their grounds for claiming the moorlands as their own, using landscape techniques such as constructing misleading routes, signages, and physical boundaries, and aggressively fighting back the ramblers. The results of the arguments led to the historical event called the Mass Trespass in 1932 when the “trespassers” attempted to access the moorland and reinterpreted its boundary.
19 Peter Brimblecombe, “Air Pollution in Industrializing England,” Journal of the Air Pollution Control Association 28, no. 2 (February 1978): 115–18, https://doi.org/10.1080/00022470 .1978.10470577.
Fig.15: The Sheffield - Manchester railway through the Hope Valley Source: David Hey, 2014
The SheffieldManchester railway
1.4. Conclusion
In this chapter, the moorlands boundaries had been in numerous arguments from different people in order to truly understand the landscapes and describe the relationships between them and humans. At first, the landscape edges had been something for humans to live in, live with, and could not have lived without. Gradually, under the enclosure movement and the Parliamentary Acts, the landscape had been seen as a land with a value that could have been dominated, leading to the invasion into the moorlands boundaries. As time went on, the lack of natural landscape eventually attracted humans towards the moorland again. This was a “nexus” that led to the next event when the arguments came to one of their most intense moments, the Mass Trespass.
CHAPTER II: Redefining the Boundaries –A Walk to Remember
In the second chapter, the study delves into the social influence, specifically the aspect of sentimental attachment, in the relationship between humans and landscape in order to understand the motive behind the famous Mass Trespass that eventually led to the establishment of the Peak District National Park. Firstly, this chapter will explore the moorlands in the memories of those who had experienced living or visiting the landscape before the Enclosure Acts. The chapter will also follow the “footsteps” of the previous part to study the relationships between the moorlands and the people who used to live on the edge of the landscape from which they were forced away. Subsequently, the second part will address the bonds between the later generation and the moorlands in the Industrial Revolution and what efforts had been made in order to redefine the boundaries – both physical and non-physical –that separated the landscape and humans.
2.1. The vanishing familiarity
“Is faded all – a hope that blossomed free, And hath been once, no more shall ever be Inclosure came and trampled on the grave Of labour’s rights and left the poor a slave And memory’s pride ere want to wealth did bow Is both the shadow and the substance now The sheep and cows were free to range as then Where change might prompt nor felt the bonds of men Cows went and came, with evening morn and night, To the wild pasture as their common right And sheep, unfolded with the rising sun Heard the swains shout and felt their freedom won Tracked the red fallow field and heath and plain Then met the brook and drank and roamed again The brook that dribbled on as clear as glass Beneath the roots they hid among the grass While the glad shepherd traced their tracks along Free as the lark and happy as her song But now all’s fled and flats of many a dye That seemed to lengthen with the following eye Moors, loosing from the sight, far, smooth, and blea Where swopt the plover in its pleasure free Are vanished now with commons wild and gay [...]”
The Mores, John Clare, 1820
20 John Clare, “The Mores,” 1820, https://threeacresandacow.co.uk/2014/07/the-mores-byjohn-clare/
Upon the enclosure, John Clare (1793 – 1864) wrote ‘The Tragedy of the Enclosures’. To him, the landscape of the moors was something sentimental. As mentioned in the introduction, memory can be a strong bond that attaches people to the landscape or holds something bad that draws them away 21. Moorlands in Clare’s poem reflected his and many others’ regrets at the time with terms like “once”, “no more shall ever be”, and “again”. The landscape edges had been familiar in their daily life. The author described the moorlands in his memories with “The sheep and cows were free to range”, “cows went and came, with evening mom and night”, “the wild pasture as their common right”, etc. The moorland life of the people there had been “Free as the lark and happy as her song” until the Enclosure Acts were passed when the moorland “Is faded all– a hope that blossomed free” and the “pleasure free” “Are vanished now with commons wild and gay”. Unlike the description of the people with wealth that the moorlands were “barren” lands, their impression of the landscape fringes before the enclosure that romanticised in one repeated word in Clare’s poem was “free”. In addition, in the book “Into the Peatlands: A Journey Through the Moorland Year” (Robin A., 2018), the moorlands there with the peats are described as time capsules, and the people who live or used to live on the peatlands were romanticised by the name “the people of peatlands”.
“The people of the peatlands are, like all societies that fringe mainstream global culture, most seriously under threat. After all, my wife and her family, like so many others, left the peatlands and it is highly unlikely that any of them will ever return permanently. As the flow of people drain out of the Highlands and Islands, I follow their paths and discover other places where peatlands once existed and find peat-cutting, bogs, and mosses still flickering in the fringes of modern Lowland Scotland”. 22
Similar to our case in the Peak District, “the people of moorlands”, including both inhabitants and visitors, had also been moved away by the Acts. Farmers were forced to cities and industrial areas to become workers while visitors were turned away. Both faced the loss of the familiar landscape that was once “free”.
21 Barbara Bender, “Time and Landscape,” 2002.
22 Robin A. Crawford, Into the Peatlands: A Journey Through the Moorland Year, 2018.
After the enclosure, the old moors were closed. What is left behind in the empty lands nowadays are old maps, evidence of ruins, turbaries described in the previous chapter, the cultures and traditions of the people, and the lands are known now only by their place names. The moors had been soon built upon to provide housing for the rise of population. In Sheffield, a central street has been known as The Moor, which was once a common of the inhabitants of the old Little Sheffield. To this day, people can see the signages in the English countryside with the name “The Common” (fig.16) as a direct link to the past. 23
23 Thomas Moreton, “The Enclosure Act: Understanding Its Impact on British Landscapes,” RuralHistoria (blog), May 24, 2023, https://ruralhistoria.com/2023/05/24/enclosure-act/.
The Moor Street, Sheffield city centre
Fig.16: “The Common” signage Source: Rural Historia, 2023.
As the pastures were enclosed, it was mentioned in chapter one that the movement somehow saved the moorlands. If it were not for the management, closing the place for grouse shooting, or preventing overgrazing on the commons and wastes, etc., the place would have been lost. The same with humans’ adaption to the changing process of society, in this case, was the changes in policies, regulations, and population movements, the volatility of the moorland landscape had been dramatically done in the span of 200 years approximately under the influence of both nature and humans in order to adapt to the changes occurred in their environment. In the process of the enclosure, new landscapes were introduced and, at the same time, new memories were recorded through humans’ activities.
“When Philip Brocklehurst inherited the Swythamley estate, he built a substantial mansion and lay out grounds, improved his farms, he enjoyed the hunting, shooting and fishing, and he wrote about the history, lore and customs of the neighbourhood”. 24
In the previous chapter, we talked about the understanding of the landscape boundary in time that reflected the relationship between humans and the landscape. Here, we explore the engagement of the people with the world that “is filtered through our sense of place and landscape”. The moorlands have been the “intimate spaces of temporary habitation” and so have been their boundaries. Both the people on the moorlands before and after the enclosure formed a special attachment with the landscape. As society’s interpretation of the moorlands changed, the landscape also transformed in response to them, creating new memories, influencing society, and resulting in changing their understanding of the landscape at the same time. In addition, this is also called a “feedback loop” that alters the dynamic relationships between humans and the landscape, which is still happening nowadays. 25
24 Hey, A History of the Peak District Moors.
25 “Feedback Mechanisms | GEOG 30N: Environment and Society in a Changing World,” accessed June 28, 2024, https://www.e-education.psu.edu/geog30/node/326.
2.2. Reclaiming the boundary
The new memories in the change of the landscape of moorlands were inherited by the next generations after the enclosure who also formed the bonds with the landscape in the context of pollution from the cities and industrial sites. In chapter one, we mentioned how the health of the people who worked and lived there posed a risk of inhaling the toxic atmosphere. The bonds of the people at this time were created in the desperation to have fresh air and a relaxing environment.
George Herbert Bridges Ward (1876-1957), was a local who had been born on a farm near Sheffield city. Bert’s family and ancestors had backgrounds in local metal trades. Even though he had a working-class background, his family was “better-off” and “lived away from the crowded terraced houses that clustered around the steelworks”. He spent his childhood at Glen Cottage, surrounded by fields above the smoky, industrial city. He had found leisure in the walk on the moorland, but to him “looking and thinking as he walked were as important as the physical exercise”, and vigorous walking across the moors, battling with the elements, was manly and character-building. His slogan was “A rambler made is a man improved”. The same as peats were known as “the time capsules”, moorlands also hold histories, and Ward was one of the devoted researchers about the landscape that he grew up with. In 1900, he formed a rambling club with the name of the Sheffield Clarion Ramblers, which he described as ‘the first Sunday workers’ in the North of England, were commonly known as ‘The King of the Ramblers’ during the first half of the 20th century. He then invited readers to join him on rambles around Kinder Scout, giving lectures of history on the way 26, starting something I would like to romanticise as “A Walk to Remember”.
Glen Cottage
However, as mentioned before, the intensive management of the moors led to the removal of livestock and the ramblers as moorlands were closed. In 1907, the Sheffield Clarion Ramblers held their first trespass over Bleaklow, the forbidding moor in the north of Kinder Scout. The group was met by a hostile gamekeeper. Before, the club was involved in a struggle over the moorland route from the Snake Pass to Glossop, closed illegally by Lord Howard. The battle over this right of way ended successfully for the ramblers when the “Longshaw Committee” was formed to raise funds to purchase the park sold by the landowner that was handed over to The National Trust so that it would be free for ramblers to walk over.
The battle for the Right to Roam was pushed to its most intense moment when Benny Rothman organised the Mass Trespass joined by hundreds of workers to the highest point of the Peak District, the Kinder Scout, 1932. In the past, he had been an errand boy at the city garage, where he saved enough money for a bike to cycle and discover the countryside, where he developed his passion for the outdoors. His experience with the vast landscape was overwhelming, “I was the only person up here. It just hit me, that great open view with the sea all around”. 27
In the first trespass, he led a small group to Bleaklow but was turned away by hostile gamekeepers. This brought them to the event of Mass Trespass a few weeks later, when the trespassers followed the public footpath to the Kinder Reservoir before ascending Sandy Heys, passing the reservoir, and going off the path to the western edge of the Kinder plateau. At the top, the trespassers were confronted by officers and armed gamekeepers. The first Mass Trespass ended with violence.
“We ramblers, after a hard week’s work, [living] in smoky towns and cities, go out rambling on weekends for relaxation, for a breath of fresh air, and for a little sunshine. And we find, when we go out, that the finest rambling country is closed to us. Because certain individuals wish to shoot for about ten days per annum, we are forced to walk on muddy crowded paths, and denied the pleasure of enjoying, to the utmost, the countryside” - quoted Rothman’s speech. 28
The Mass Trespass ramblers Source: David Hey, 2014.
27 “Benny Rothman,” WCML, accessed June 28, 2024, https://www.wcml.org.uk/our-collections/activists/benny-rothman/.
28 “Remembering the Kinder Scout Mass Trespass,” accessed June 28, 2024, https://tribunemag.co.uk/2023/04/remembering-the-kinder-scout-mass-trespass.
Fig.17:
After that, there were two more attempts, but they were peacefully done against the armed gamekeepers and police. As a result, in 1951, ten national parks were created in the upland parts of Britain, starting with the Peak District National Park. However, the Right to Roam the countryside was not officially passed until the end of the twentieth century, and “Access land” was marked on Ordnance Survey maps.29
The trespasses here were not just political statements. When the trespassing happened, these people were arguing their different understandings and emotions of the moorland’s boundaries against those who set the boundaries. One of the people who took place in the trespass in Abbey Brook, Phil Barnes, said, “No true hill lover wants to see more footpaths in the wild heart of the Peak each nicely labelled with trim signposts and bordered by notices telling one not to stray. What he does want is the simple right to wander where fancy moves him”. Ward’s motivation to conduct the trespass was because of his sentimental attachment to the moorland landscape that he grew up with. Rothman was a visitor who fought because he discovered the outdoor world and was emotional while being in that world, forming a bond with it eventually. They all wanted to blur the boundaries between humans and the landscapes, and in the end, reclaimed them as the public’s own.
Fig.18: “The trespassers followed the public footpath past Kinder Reservoir before ascending Sandy Heys (left). Kinder Downfall is seen in the distance (right)..”
Source: David Hey, 2014.
Kinder Scout, High Peak
2.3. Conclusion
To conclude, the status of the relationships between people and the moorlands in the Peak District that they had been living on had a strong connectivity in this time period. As their emotions on the landscape were taken away from them, this was when they discovered their bonds and attachment to the lands. The definition of the moorlands boundaries there was no longer a place simply to use, exploit, or live on as before, but a place to enjoy, explore, and recall their history. And accordingly, these were their motive to make the Mass Trespass happen.
CHAPTER III: The Collapsing Boundary: Climate Change Awareness and Moorlands Restoration
In Chapter Three, the paper studies both the physical and non-physical boundaries of the moorlands that changed under the influence of humans’ climate change awareness after the events of the National Park establishment and the passing of the Right to Roam the Country. Firstly, we explore the effects of the Park on the moorlands in order to find out how it can change the social engagement of humans to the landscapes. Following that, this chapter will also study the impacts of it on the landscapes as a result. Last but not least, with the awareness of the impacts, this part will describe the relationships between humans and the landscapes as humans try to resolve the negative issues that go along with the footprints of social engagement.
3.1. The opening of boundaries
Since the establishment of the National Park and the Right to Roam took place, changes have been made for the public to enjoy the landscapes. The Pennine Way was constructed and was Britain’s first official long-distance footpath that finally opened in 1965, and soon followed by other trails, many of which were based on routes that were proposed and surveyed in detail by members of the Ramblers’ Association.
While accessibilities were gained, many farmhouses located on the edges of the moors were abandoned or converted into rural homes for commuters in the second half of the twentieth century. The beginning of the Peak District National Park Authority has helped manage and plan the housing development of people. They restricted house sprawling in order not to spoil the beauty of the countryside and insisted on appropriate styles and materials for houses on the edges of the moorlands. The popularity of tourism was something to be concerned about by the authorities as they launched a rural development scheme. The National Trust also took part in establishing holiday homes, visitor and educational centres, walking and cycling trails, and special events that went with the experiences of the visitors. The opening of the access to the moorlands at the same time reverts the private lands back to the “free” lands like those in John Clare’s poem in chapter two. In comparison, this time, the landscapes are approached in a completely different way as the places are no longer inhabited in the same way. Hence, the way of understanding the landscape has also changed. 30
Fig.19: Pennine Way Map Source: Author’s illustrate.
However, as the organisations participate in changing the moorlands for visitors’ experiences, more problems are discovered by both the impacts from previous activities before the start of the National Park and afterwards. In the twentieth century, the moorlands have been badly affected by overgrazing, atmospheric pollution, and uncontrolled fires. In addition, there is also a problem with extracting the conifers that were planted in the 1930s by the Forestry Commission to expand the moorlands without causing tremendous damage to the environment.
Furthermore, as the moorlands are now becoming public, many activities such as cutting vegetation as litter for horses and cattle, for fuel or thatch, or for making potash in soap, etc. were no longer in practice. Significantly, after the winter of the Second World War, sheep prefer to graze heather over grasses as they are gone in the cold, The changes in these activities have resulted in “the tremendous spread of bracken”, and the species finally dominates heather.31
Fig.20: In modern times bracken has spread at the expense of heather over large stretches of moorland
Source: David Hey, 2014.
In the summer of 2018, a fire erupted on the peatland on Saddleworth Moor and affected about 1800 hectares of moorland and 6 centimetres in the depth of the peat, which is estimated to be 200 years worth of carbon sequestration. The results dramatically changed the landscape of the moor in the location and reduced a large area of the habitat territory. Locally, many people had no choice but to evacuate, some left their livestock behind. Ecologically, the homes of animals were badly affected as many of them are ground-nesting such as grouse, skylarks, mountain hares, etc.
“Conservationists hope that they would have been able to flee the fire, but their ecosystem may not be the same when they return.” 32
In order to deal with the problem, annually controlled burning of heather was proposed. As mentioned in the first chapter, controlled burning was conducted in the area of heathlands as an ancient practice in order to burn the dried heathers and encourage “young shoots” to grow over the old dry ones 33. This practice which is also commonly known as muirburn provides grouse and other game birds advantages to grow in number and is used nowadays in some areas in England to limit wildfire.
Land managers, or conservation organizations responsible for the management
of the area agree with this technique as a strategy to prevent the tragedy in Saddleworth Moor in 2018. However, local authorities are against this activity for fear of causing another tragic fire if it ever got out to the peatland. On the contrary, this might cause even more damage if the dried heather catches fire again, contributing to global warming. Here, the ecological feedback loop moves again as the increasing temperature causes the peats to dry out and release more greenhouse gases that easily catch fire, continuing with more wildfires that lead to climate change.
Consequently, by opening the legal boundary of the moorland that was made in the enclosure, we are redefining its boundary as a landscape that belongs not only to the public but also the ecological habitats. As a result, the boundaries of the natural moorlands have made some expansion but also a reduction in the ecology.
Fig.21: Wildfire on Saddleworth Moor
Source: SWNS, 2018.
32 “What the Fire near Saddleworth Moor Means for Wildlife,” BBC News, June 28, 2018, sec. Science & Environment, https://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-44643827.
33 Hey, A History of the Peak District Moors.
3.2. Erasing the moorlands boundaries – Climate change awareness
As more and more problems arise, people begin to become aware of climate change. Society has started to get more focused on the terms “global warming”, “environment”, and “greenhouse gas”. Many organisations in the world have been established specifically to deal with those problems.
In my study location, the Peak Park Authority and the National Trust use traditional management systems and the regeneration of moors that have been degraded by overgrazing, atmospheric pollution, and uncontrolled fires. The landscape has been improved also by individual initiatives, notably the plantation at Rosewood Farm has been transformed including “180 acres of bleak, wind-swept moorland 800 feet above sea level” 34. The efforts have been made by a poultry farmer with the planting of sycamores and other trees. In addition, the restoration of the peatlands has been done by volunteers from organisations. In 2002, Moors for the Future Partnership installed hydraulic constructions for blanket bogs that trap water on the moors and release it slowly to the farmlands, rivers, and reservoirs below. Sphagnum moss was planted across the moors alongside other restoration works, including gullies blocking, and re-seeding with suitable plantations to rewet the peatlands 35. Here, their jobs as landscape restorers have built up the numbers of species on the moorlands, increasing their habitat boundaries, and also pulled down the fences that separated humans and nature at the same time by encouraging people to be more engaged in outdoor activities and restoration works.
Fig.22: Saddleworth Moor moorland Source: Author’s photo.
34 Hey, A History of the Peak District Moors.
35 David Higley (admin) | Moors for the Future, “Conservation Work,” Moors for the Future, accessed June 29, 2024, https://www.moorsforthefuture.org.uk/our-work/restoring-blanket-bog.
Nowadays, the countryside on the edges of the moorlands looks better and more well-tended than it did in the past. The ecological boundaries have also been slowly expanding. Furthermore, other schemes for the landscape have been made when several moors are designated as Sites of Special Scientific Interest or as Environmentally Sensitive Areas. In 2009, the historic landscape of Kinder Scout was designated as a National Nature reserve. 36
36 Hey, A History of the Peak District Moors.
3.3. Conclusion
Even though climate change was first studied during the Industrial Revolution, it was not generally noticed until recent days, causing the growing cases of natural disasters that reduced the territories of the landscape and also the habitats. The transition of time here has attracted not only the people living in the place but also the people around the world to visit and to become more aware of the climate change situation. Before, the moorlands are only studied to see their values in daily activities. Nowadays, they are defined by everyone with different backgrounds and all over the world as one of the solutions to global warming with their unique habitats and the famous peatlands. The moorlands nowadays are also acknowledged and protected by law. Furthermore, the boundaries of moorlands in this chapter have rapidly expanded in time, bringing in new temporary or permanent inhabitants and pushing some old ones away. These movements of the people off moorland in the Peak District are the results of new forms of boundaries.
CONCLUSION
This study is conducted using the key concept of “Time and Landscape” by Barbara Bender, showing the morphology of the moorlands boundaries of the Peak District National Park in periods of time from the eighteenth century to the current days by exploring the relationships between humans and landscapes. Throughout the paper, the conclusions pointed out are the changes in the boundaries depend on humans’ definition, which arose from their mindsets at the time. These different understandings brought out numerous arguments made by people with different backgrounds and generations.
As in chapter one, arguments were made between the commoners and the higher class people from during the enclosure movement in the 1700s to the passing of the Parliamentary Enclosure Acts in 1813, in which the commoners were excluded from the moorlands and also the said arguments. To continue, in chapter two, the new generations after the Acts brought out opinions on the ownership of the moorlands and the “walls” that were built up to separate them from the landscape that made arguments with the older generations about their private activities. In the last chapter, when the moorlands have become a National Park, the object now is no longer inhabited in the same way, by the same people, or by no one. With the boundaries between countries and continents opened, explorers came to study or visit the landscape, bringing different interpretations about boundaries. Like myself, people around the world are paying more attention to this unique landscape and its value in tackling environmental problems.
In conclusion, this paper begins with a question about the concept of temporalities within a landscaped territory over time but does not just describe moments in history in relation to the landscape. The study understands what the boundaries might have meant in different moments and consequently, what the object called moorland might have presented as the result.
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