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Foraging through Folklore
from The Merry Issue
Fetching the summer home
Ella Leith
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(in Courtney, 1886)
May Day marks the beginning of summer. It is the month of merriment; of flower-wreathed May Poles, of garlanded May Queens, of village fairs, of young people a-maying in the merry greenwood. They would usually be gathering ‘May’. The plant most commonly known by this name is Crataegus monogyna (Hawthorn, Whitethorn, or Quickthorn), but there are countless other ‘May’s: Lilac (Syringa spp.), Guelder-rose (Viburnum opulus), Cowslip (Primula veris), Furze (Ulex spp.), Narrow-leaved Elm (Ulmus minor), and Sycamore (Acer pseudoplatanus), to name a few. ‘Literary evidence suggests that May originally meant simply ‘greenery’’, says Brown (1959:416), and it seems to me that those off a-maying would be unlikely to be all that fussy about which green boughs and flowers they brought back. With the rising sap, they may have had other things on their minds. A-maying in the greenwood probably meant more than merely collecting foliage; ‘chasing the buck and doe’ may be a bit of a euphemism for what the unchaperoned young people got up to (see Pallardy, 2011). Social mores could be suspended in times of festivity; the important thing was that they didn’t return empty handed, but laden with the proof of summer growth— literally, fetching the summer home.
The above song was sung in Helston, Cornwall, not on May Day itself but on the 8th — Flora Day, also known as Flurry-Jay and Faddy. This was a day ‘given up to pleasure’ (Courtney, 1886:230-231). After a week of spring cleaning and decorating houses with flowers, the young people— the Hal-an-tow —would dance off into the woods, raucously accompanied by drums, singing, and perhaps the shrill tooting of a ‘feeper’, a ‘rude whistle’ made from young Sycamore shoots and the ‘green stalks of wheaten corn’ (ibid:225-226). Their return was met with festivities, drinking and a dance. Participation was not optional: anyone found working on Flora Day was manhandled onto a pole and taken to the widest part of the Cober stream, where they were made to jump across— an endeavour that inevitably failed (ibid:232). Similar punishments were meted out across Cornwall on May Day proper; in some communities, Stinging Nettles (Urtica dioica) were used to ‘chastise ... any one found in bed after six on May-morning’ (ibid:225); in other places, sprigs of Narrow-leaved Elm or Hawthorn had to be displayed prominently by each person, as:
(ibid: 226)
May merriment was taken seriously.
Sex in the greenwood, boisterous musicmaking, and mob justice, contrast somewhat with the demure image of May Poles on the village green. Judge (1991:134) blames ‘ an established repertoire of material created by romantic imagination’, founded in Victorian nostalgia for Merry England’s ‘contented, revelling peasantry and a hierarchical order in which each one happily accepted his place’ (Thomas, 1983:20). In fact, May festivities were often much more carnivalesque— an opportunity to let off steam, subvert the social order, and mark the liminal space between two seasons with a bit of rowdiness, chaos, and danger. In Hayle, Cornwall, ‘bonfires were lit in various parts of the town’, and ‘a ball of tow or rags...saturated with petroleum, [was] set fire to, and then kicked from one place to another’ (Courtney, 1886:226). In 1598, Oxford men ‘attired in women’s apparel’ instigated a ‘town-and-gown’ riot, ‘with drum and shot and other weapons’, as well as indulging in more ‘disordered and unseemly sports’ (quoted in Manning, 1903:175). In Padstow, Cornwall, May Day was Hobby Hoss (or Obby Oss) Day, on account of the huge hobbyhorse which was processed through the town:
(Courtney, 1886:227)
The Hoss, snapping its jaws and “tilting its skirts ‘for luck’ over the young girls” (Spooner, 1958:35), was followed by:
(Anon., 1905:60-61)
Unsurprisingly, the rowdiness could easily escalate. Courtney (1886:227) reports:
Not to be deterred, by 1880 the townsfolk had incorporated smut into the tradition: well-todo people appearing at their doors would be “greeted by ‘showers of soot’ and had their faces ‘blackened by the application of the sooty or greasy hands of some of the men’” (Spooner, 1958:35). Courtney (1886:227) was not impressed, commenting: ‘[nowadays] the procession is formed of the lowest’.
Social divisions might come to the fore during these seasonal festivals, but despite the chaos and sense of mild threat in many May Day customs, the processions were an assertion of community; a form of visiting custom, physically delineating the town, village, or parish, and marking the community to itself. The night before the Padstow festivities, groups of young men sang outside local houses of note:
(Courtney, 1886:228)
Ultimately, these festivities act out the uncertainty and potential chaos inherent in the changing of the seasons— rules get broken, maybe heads get broken too. You might get jostled or chased, you might be burnt by a fireball or covered in soot, you might get drunk and disorderly, but perhaps that’s the price of fetching the summer home.
References
Anonymous (1905) ‘The Padstow Hobby Horse, etc.’ in Folklore, 16(1): 56-60
Bagshawe, T.W. (1953) ‘Elstow (Bedfordshire) May Festival, 1953,’ in Folklore, 64(2): 341-342
Brown, P.W.F. (1959) ‘Notes on Names of the Thorn’ in Folklore, 70(2): 416-418
Courtney, M.A. (1886) ‘Cornish Feasts and “Feasten” Customs’ in The Folk-Lore Journal, 4(1): 221-249
Judge, R. (1991) ‘May Day and Merrie England’ in Folklore, 102(2): 131-148
Manning, P. (1903) ‘Stray Notes on Oxfordshire Folklore’ in Folklore, 14(2): 167177
Pallardy, R. (2011) ‘May Day: Sex, Death, and Fire’, blog post on The Encyclopædia Britannica Blog: www.blogs.britannica.com
Spooner, B.C. (1958) ‘The Padstow Obby Oss’ in Folklore, 69(1): 34-38
Thomas, K. (1983) The Perception of the Past in Early Modern England, The Creighton Trust Lecture 1983. London: University of London