1.4. CSDP – State of Affairs (Jochen Rehrl

1.4. CSDP – STATE OF AFFAIRS

by Jochen Rehrl

The Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union celebrated its 20 years of existence in 2018, following its political launch in 1998 at the informal European Council in Pörtschach, Austria. The first civilian missions and military operations were launched in 2003. Over time, the structures were streamlined by the establishment of the ‘Civilian Planning and Conduct Capability’ and the ‘Crisis Management and Planning Directorate’. The Treaty of Lisbon created the ‘European External Action Service’, which has housed the CSDP structures since then. The ‘EU Global Strategy’ gave new impetus and strategic guidance to the work of crisis prevention, intervention and stabilisation. At present we are facing major challenges as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic, which has hit EU Member States with unprecedented force, and its consequences, which will change economies and budgetary options for the coming decades.

GLOBAL UNCERTAINTY

The pandemic is not, however, the only challenge. We will have to expect a global recession in the coming years, with ‘climate change’ another devastating situation if action is not taken immediately. In addition to these challenges, the old challenges have not gone away: terrorism, irregular migration, cyber-attacks, disinformation and hybrid threats. Moreover, the current rivalry between larger countries (e.g. the US vs China vs Russia) will increase as economic pressure fuels their differences and frictions. Overall, global uncertainty has never been higher than at present.

CSDP – THE ROCK IN THE SURF

The Common Security and Defence Policy is based on European lessons and experience derived from the disintegration of Yugoslavia (1991 –

EUISS 2020 / Daniel Fiott

1999). These roots have now become invisible as a result of developments over the past two decades. The EU has conducted several military operations, including three maritime ones, some military training missions and a majority of civilian missions, ranging from rule of law to advising on borders in three different continents. The structures and procedures have been adapted to current needs, tasks and missions, although the core structures comprising the Political Security Committee (PSC), the Politico-Military Group (PMG), the EU Military Committee (EUMC) and the Committee for the Civilian Aspects of Crisis Management (CIVCOM) have remained unchanged.

CSDP – PART OF SOMETHING BIGGER

When the CSDP was created, some used expressions such as ‘entry-force’ or ‘first-in / first-out’. These expressions showed the thinking behind the crisis management tools of the European Union, namely to be integrated into something bigger than the CSDP. Military operations were designed as door-openers, quick reaction forces and as a preventive tool. These ambitions were only realised twice, in DRC Congo 2003 and Chad 2008-2009, when the EU became involved first and handed over their operation to the United Nations after a certain period of time. In many other places, the EU took over missions from other organisations (e.g. UN, NATO) and was not in a position to keep the 6-months-in/out goal which was initially envisaged. The oldest CSDP operation is EUFOR ALTHEA in Bosnia-Herzegovina, which was launched in 2004.

However, these developments also show that the CSDP was created to contribute to something bigger, which was first described as a ‘comprehensive approach’ and most recently referred to in the EU Global Strategy as the ‘integrated approach’, which means being fully engaged in all stages of a conflict, from early action and prevention, wherever possible, to staying on the ground long enough for peace to take root. A particular emphasis is placed on early warning and risk assessment.

NATO 2019

During his first week in office, EU High Representative Josep Borrell met NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg at the headquarters of the European External Action Service in Brussels on Monday, 9 December 2019.

As soon as the EU has taken a decision to use the CSDP to respond to a specific situation, this policy becomes crucial for the success of the broader strategic ambition, which is to make Europe stronger: an even more united and influential actor on the world stage that keeps citizens safe, preserves our interests, and upholds our values. This strategic ambition requires the cooperation and coordination of all available tools and instruments within the European Union, while keeping in mind partner organisations such as the United Nations, the OSCE or NATO.

COHERENT STRUCTURES

The crisis response tools of the European Union were streamlined and a new structure was set up within the European External Action Service. One of the three Deputy Director Generals is assigned to the CSDP and crisis response only and is in command of both the ‘Civilian Planning and Conduct Capability’ (CPCC) and the ‘Military Planning and Conduct Capability’ (MPCC), including the ‘Joint Support and Coordination Cell’ (JSCC). Subordinate to him, a managing director responsible for CSDP and crisis response leads two directorates, one in charge of the ‘Integrated Approach for Security and Peace’ and the

other one responsible for ‘Security and Defence Policy’. Military expertise comes from the EU Military Staff, which is attached to the CSDP structures of the EEAS and integrated with its MPCC. This role will evolve further as soon as the MPCC develops into a fully fledged Operational Headquarters (OHQ) in the near future.

OPERATIONAL ENGAGEMENT

The CSDP is more than just a policy. The CSDP is crisis management with boots on the ground; therefore, it could also be seen as the business card of the EU in crisis areas or the tip of the iceberg as regards the EU’s external action. The CSDP is, however, an intergovernmental tool and the Member States are in the driving seat. Only those means and assets made available by the EU Member States and their partners can be deployed for missions (with a few exceptions on the civilian side). As a precondition, CSDP missions and operations can only be launched where there is a unanimous decision. Therefore, it is not surprising that German, which held the EU-Presidency of the Council of the EU in the second half of 2020, writes in its programme:

‘All too often, individual Member States block the broad consensus among the vast majority of the countries – and that undermines our Union. That is why we will appeal for more willingness to engage in cooperation and compromise and to find a balance of interests and will also continue our efforts to strengthen the effectiveness and efficiency of the common foreign and security policy during our Council Presidency, supporting the High Representative.’

CAPABILITY DEVELOPMENT

One of the great achievements of the CSDP is the willingness of the EU Member States to provide the necessary capabilities for missions and operations. It is a shared understanding that close cooperation in the field of capability development will not only avoid duplication, but will also help to identify synergies and pool efforts. The Civilian CSDP compact brings together political ambition, strategic direction and necessary capability development targets. The Compact is a milestone in civilian CSDP development that will enhance the EU’s role as a comprehensive security provider.

On the military side, a new phase of capability development was launched with several interlinked processes such as the ‘Permanent Structured Cooperation’ (PESCO), the ‘Comprehensive Annual Review on Defence’ (CARD) and the ‘European Defence Fund’ (EDF), which was established within a newly created Directorate General of the European Commission, the supranational body of the European Union.

Independently of good intentions, at the end of the day the multiannual financial framework for 2021-2027 will show whether there will be an adequate budgetary envelope for the security and defence sector. A similar dilemma faces the future European Peace Facility, which should provide partner countries with the necessary (military) equipment. The rationale for this endeavour is clear: when you train people and expect them to contribute to the establishment of a value-based society and state, you also have to adequately equip them in order to facilitate the success of the mission.

EU-NATO COOPERATION

Mutually reinforcing and fruitful cooperation between the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation should be expected, in particular bearing in mind that both headquarters are in Brussels, that there is a big overlap between the member states of the EU and NATO, that only a single set of forces exists, and that the values/interests of both organisations are largely shared. However, the implementation of cooperation is not as easy as one might expect. Based on the Berlin plus agreement signed in late 2002 and the political declarations of 2016

Partnerships are at the core of a successful CSDP (pictured: the informal Western Balkan summit in Brussels in February 2020).

and 2018, the two organisations have increased cooperation and regularly hold joint meetings in various formats (e.g. the Political and Security Committee together with the North Atlantic Council), have identified numerous fields of cooperation and have organised regular staff-tostaff contacts. However, there has not yet been a practical breakthrough.

The new defence initiatives of the European Union (CARD, PESCO) have the potential to break the ice, but the root cause of the (political) frictions remains. Common exercises and common training could help to overcome certain difficulties, but as long as no political consensus is achieved, progress will be limited. However, the work on ‘military mobility’ would seem to create some room for improvement which will hopefully lead to sustainable development for the benefit of both organisations, with full respect for decision-making autonomy and procedures on the basis of the principles of transparency, reciprocity and inclusiveness.

STRATEGIC COMPASS

Over the next two years, a security policy document will be drawn up to further specify the EU’s strategic goals for the security and defence sector and make the EU‘s activity more responsive, effective and plannable, within the framework of the 2016 Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policy and based on a joint threat analysis. The joint threat analysis will also be the feature that distinguishes it from previous projects. It will be intelligence-based and should lead

to a common strategic understanding. The conclusions derived from this threat analysis should facilitate further work on the level of ambition, priority setting within the capability development process and the selection of mission areas.

BREXIT

The decision of the United Kingdom to leave the EU has already had a concrete impact on the CSDP. The Operational Headquarters for Operation Atalanta for EUNAVFOR Somalia has been relocated from Northwood, UK to Rota, Spain. The UK contributions to CSDP operations were traditionally modest, but what will be missed is the expertise (and, on occasion, the dissenting opinions) of British officials and officers in CSDP-related EU bodies, including the EU military staff.

However, BREXIT also offers the opportunity for more EU integration in the field of capability development (e.g. PESCO) and a European chain of command (e.g. MPCC and the potential for an EU OHQ). The UK was one of the watchdogs focused on maintaining the balance of ‘unnecessary duplications’ vs building EU assets/means in the context of EU-NATO cooperation. CONCLUSION

The CSDP has been a fast evolving policy field. This momentum will become even more significant due to the blurring borders between internal and external security, the interface between climate change and security, and the nexus between development and security. The CSDP now needs to adapt to the new challenges; based on the experience it has gained over its years of engagement, it can make the difference in conflicts and crises around the world, and provide the necessary added value for a more secure Europe in a better world, which was already the EU’s strategic ambition in 2003.

CSDP – PARTNERSHIPS AT ITS CORE

The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has been an open project from the outset. An integrated approach means not only drawing on all of the EU’s strengths, but also working with international and regional organisations, such as the UN, the OSCE, NATO and the African Union, as well as with non-EU countries. The EU and these partners can mutually benefit from each other’s knowledge, expertise and specific capabilities, thereby bringing them closer to one another. The two regions which contribute most to CSDP missions and operations as third parties are the Western Balkans and the Eastern Partnership. Most of these countries have Framework Partnership Agreements (FPA), which facilitate their potential contributions to missions and operations in practical terms. To date, 20 such agreements have been signed, and ten partners currently participate in 12 of the 17 established CSDP missions and operations. This also creates a common experience on the ground and brings the partners closer to the European Union.