02
spectrum
MAGAZINE OF THE 73RD INTERNATIONAL SESSION OF EYP IN ZURICH, switzerland
SOCIAL ISSUE
LEAD ARTICLE
death of the welfare state
interview turkish delegation
social SUSTAINABILITY COMMITTEE ARTICLES
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EDITORIAL J
ust when we think that we have figured things out and life is going according to the plan, the universe is more than happy to throw us a curve ball. Suddenly, improvising becomes a norm and adapting to situations we would not have imagined before becomes something you need to deal with. Whether it is fighting for you rights and making sure that your voice is being heard in the middle of Gezi park, or following the latest updates of the media regulations to make sure you do not get dragged into another phone-hacking scandal. Sometimes it is about when and how to speak up during the committee work. Everything that is challenging is also an opportunity to grow. This session will give us all a chance to learn something new, but also question our opinions and judgments. In order to fully make use of this opportunity we need to realise how being flexible, open to new ideas is the key to success during our 10 days here. Making use of all that will enable us to say that we have taken the maximum of what this session has to offer us and that itself is an overly rewarding thought.
LUCA OLUMETS FRANZISKA MAIER MARIE DROMEY MAIRI SĂ•ELSEPP
the 501 democracy p. 19 2
committee articles ottomania death of the welfare state
p. 16
p. 20 - 21
cartoon p. 26
CONTENTS
dead or alive CULT FEMM LIBE IMCO AFCO II
p. 10 - 11
PED (the other kind) p. 5
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SPECTRUMfallacies
TO
AVOID HOW COMMON
PITFALL-ACIES
Who would not like to argue? In EYP, committee work, general assembly and often even free time is spent discussing various concepts, both fun and more serious. Understandably, it is easier to debate if certain principles and structures are followed. Kaarle Olav Varkki takes a look at some common mistakes (to avoid) in order to make the most of our debates.
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Creation of an argument
miliar to the arguer.
Essentially, all arguments follow a simple pattern. Firstly, there is one or more premises – facts, taken for granted, that the argument is based around. Secondly, a principle of logic is applied in order to reach a conclusion – this principle is effectively that of equivalence. To give an example, if A=B and B=C, therefore the natural conclusion is that A=C. Very often fallacies appear at different points of this process, whether on purpose or not, resulting in a debate focused on the wrong things. If pointed out, such inaccuracies can be avoided.
Post hoc ergo propter hoc – Latin for ’after this, therefore because of this’. Event B happened after event A, therefore B is the result of A. Though temporally connected, these two events may have no causal relations what so ever. Correlation does not imply causation, this can sometimes be coincidental.
duce that all members have brown eyes. Appeal to emotion – going for an emotional effect rather than a decent argumentation. Whilst a valid argument can also have an emotional aspect, it should not be dominant.
Different types of fallacies
These are only some of the most common fallacies that can be avoided rather easily. Being able to Strawman – misrepresenting identify, and therefore avoid these someone’s argument by exaggera- fallacies can drastly improve the tion or simply fabricating it in or- quality of any debate. der to make it easier to attack. Usually very well put and funny points, without adding any constructive value to the debate.
Cherry-picking a.k.a. confirmation bias – only using evidence that supports one’s conclusions. This may happen accidentally, therefore research should be done with care. In these cases personal experience is often used to make a point, leaving out relevant experience unfa-
Hasty generalisation – arriving to a conclusion about the whole, based on an inadequate (too small or atypical) sample. For example, in the Spectrum media team Juan and Berkok have brown eyes. A person who has not met any other member of the team could falsely de-
SPECTRUMdoping
All or nothing. Juan Amaya and Karim Ben Hamda take a look at the decisions made by professional athletes who choose to take Performance Enhancing Drugs and put their careers and lives on the line to achieve greatness.
PED
(The other one)
F
ar better is it to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure... than to rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy nor suffer much, because they live in a grey twilight that knows not victory nor defeat.” (Theodor Roosevelt) If you play, play to win. For anyone who has ever engaged in any kind of sports activity, the motivation behind all the hours of training, and
the performance itself, rely on the hope of achieving success. But how far are athletes willing to go in order to achieve greatness? With a significant number of doping cases brought to light over the recent years, one should come to question whether or not we are fighting against an enemy that’s probably just as implicit in sport as the pure desire of victory. The current technological development that we have experienced since the 20th century has enabled the opportunity to be bigger, better, faster and stronger for all who desire this. This fact has however pushed the boundaries of professional athletes to the extreme. Performance Enhancing Drugs (PEDs) do not only constitute a physical risk to the athletes that decide to take them, but also a legal and professional one. The price of getting caught is high enough for most athletes to take a step back. Disgraced American cyclist Floyd Landis was stripped of his 2006 Tour de France victory after being caught with unnaturally high amounts of testosterone in his system. In 2011 he called for the legalisation of PEDs in cycling. Landis stated that the cycling world had reached a stalemate by claiming that many cyclists who used PEDs would always be caught by testers and hereby admitting and concluding the fatalistic nature of athletes. At the end of the day, professional athletes are also public figures. Would fans still be able to appreciate the romanticism around sport whilst knowing that their idols with the help of superhuman substances? Furthermore, are these athletes not public role-models, representing the sport and associated honour? Or wouldn’t it make sense to monitor and regulate the use of PEDs and hereby guarantee that athletes’ use will be regulated to benefit their health as well as performance?
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SPECTRUMlibe
The fine line between preventing benefits tourism and infringing upon the core-values of the EU has to be treaded carefully. Dirk Hofland argues why the EU should not thoughtlessly pursue an empty liberty but keep in mind that the purpose of the freedom of movement has always been an economic one that is more important than the liberty itself.
Hotel Europe at midnight Why a walking buffet and dusty linens are preferable over room service and housekeeping.
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D
ue to its controversial nature, the subject of immigration has always been a high profile and challenging subject with a particularly bad reputation. The understandable but inexcusable inclination of citizens to feel threatened in their socio-economic status by large flows of immigrants only serves to fan the flames. However, from a theoretical perspective immigration is often thought of as ‘serving as an equilibrating factor between regional labour markets’ (1). In this way, immigration can be a valuable way of increasing economic efficiency. As 2014 draws near, and with it the complete removal of all labour restrictions to workers from Bulgaria and Romania, public fear has risen that this core value poses a severe threat to the fragile economies of the richer Member States. The 2004/38/EC Directive takes into this into account, stating that migrating European citizens should ‘have sufficient resources for themselves and their family members not to become a burden on the social assistance system of the host Member State’(2). Theoretically, this should make these immigrants low consumers of public services. The unfortunate reality, however, is that it will be possible for all EU citizens to move to richer Member States and, while unemployed, make use of the social benefits of the host country. Although some studies have found that the impact of
such a large-scale migration can be positive (3,4,5), a worst-case scenario seems a frightening prospect, especially given the current economic crisis. Several actions must be taken to curb this threat. Most importantly, the 2004/38/EC Directive must be transcribed into national legislation. In this way, unemployed immigrants shall only be eligible for resident social assistance in very specific circumstances, limiting possibilities for the phenomenon of benefits tourism to actually occur. In this light, the British proposed ‘Right to Reside’-test should be applauded, although some modifications are to be made in order to ensure its compliance with the Directive. Furthermore, a more efficient and complete citizen administration should be implemented on a national level– and potentially EU-wide – so as to ensure that the welfare systems are not abused. Additionally, the proposal of the European Commission to define the term ‘sufficient resources’ as the ‘national criteria to be granted the basic social assistance benefit’ (6) should be transposed into national legislation. Finally, as a last resort the more severe measure of limiting the available benefits of unemployed foreign EU citizens should be considered. The debate on benefit tourism is a volatile one, with both civil liberties and their socio-economic consequences at issue. The 2014 removal of the restrictions on Bulgarian and Romanian workers has the potential to become a large influence on the welfare of rich EU Member States.. It should be noted, however, that even though the freedom of movement is of paramount importance, Western Europe should not be turned into a hotel, but let us hope that if it does, it does not get a five-star rating.
(1) European Commission DG Employment, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities, Institute for the Study of Labour, NIRAS Consultants A/S & The Swedish National Labour Market Board (2008). Geographic mobility in the European Union: Optimising its economic and social benefits. Retrieved from http://ec.europa.eu/ social/ (2) Directive 2004/38/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council. 77-123. Retrieved from http://eur-lex.europa.eu/JOHtml. do?uri=OJ:L:2004:158:SOM:EN: HTML (3) Commission of the European Communities (2011). Report from the Commission to the Council on the Functioning of the Transitional Arrangements on Free (5) Movement of Workers from Bulgaria and Romania. Retrieved from http://ec.europa.eu/social/BlobS ervlet?docId=7204&langId=en
(4) George Eaton (2013). How fears over Bulgarian and Romanian immigration have been exaggerated. Retrieved from http:// www.newstatesman.com/politics/2013/04/how-fears-overromanian-and-bulgarian-immigration-have-been-exaggerated (5) MigrationWatch UK. Immigration from Romania and Bulgaria. Retrieved from http://www.migrationwatchuk.org.uk/pdfs/BP4_17. pdf (6) Commission of the European Communities (2009). Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and Council on guidance for better transposition and application of Directive 2004/38/EC on the right of citizens of the Union and their family members to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States. Retrieved from http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ. 7
SPECTRUMafcoII
Member states going
transparent
The tides are shifting. As the European year of citizens comes to its mid-point public opinion in EU Member states demands an increase in lobbying regulations. Manfredi Danielis analyses the ongoing shift in national legislation.
T
ides are changing and we need to change with them. The days of self-regulation are over (1), under the pressure of local corruption scandals and a modified public opinion European Member States are slowly starting to control the lobbying phenomenon by introducing transparency registers within national governments. (2) A transparency register is a very simple document set up by a voluntary scheme which aims at adding transparency to the decision-making process. It provides citizens and persons working in institutions with information about organisations participating in policy-making. In other words, since decision-makers often lack sufficient knowledge in the field, under the principle of participative democracy they use the advice of specialists. This document notes down for the general public who in any way tries to influence policy. However up to now countries with specific regulation and rules governing the activities of lobbyists and interest groups have been more an exception than a rule. Take the example of Sweden for instance. Well known for its cultural based transparency the country has never had rules or practices governing lobbyist activity in the Riksdag. Until recently, conventional wisdom decreed that the benefits of the open and transparent nature of Swedish society outweighed the potential dangers of unregulated lobbying(3). Only now, following a recent billing scandal, the issue has appeared on the political agenda(4). In Belgium and Italy there has been a strong opinion for
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SPECTRUMafcoII
some time that demands an implementation of a transparency register and a stricter code of conduct for the MPs, but up to now only small symbolic voluntary participation has been in order. On the other side Spain, Portugal, Greece have no rules whereas Finland and Austria lack some but have a few de-facto established procedures. Within the European Union the German Bundestag is the only Chamber which has specific and formal rules regarding the registration of lobbyists. All groups seeking to articulate or defend an interest must register with the Bundestag (5). This register, which is available to the public, is published annually. However, public opinion suggests that lobbying will not remain unregulated for long. A recent survey showed that the majority (56%) of Europeans think lobbying is not sufficiently regulated in their country (6). It is probable that many other countries will follow Sweden in moving towards implementing a transparency register. The UK model instead prefers to regulate only the MPs and not the ones who do the lobbying. In this way, the UK has always preferred to regulate the lobbied and not the lobbyists, however this alternative model could very soon fade away. (7) In those countries where informal practices prevail there is some evidence that suggests that the issue of regulating lobbyists more
formally is moving up the political agenda (8). Parliamentary systems are coming under growing pressure to balance interest articulation and fundamental democratic principles such as the freedom of expression. Public and political pressure has been arising from local crises or scandals that have thrown the spotlight on the relationship between interest groups, politicians and bureaucrats. Consequently, there is greater public and political pressure for more formal regulation. Under this climate the EU has also introduced a joint transparency register for commission and parliament. However, this has been judged an unsatisfactory by the alliance for Lobbying Transparency and Ethics Regulation in the European Union (ALTER_EU) (9). The key issue is that such register will not serve as a serious measure for transparency until it is rendered mandatory, a step that would require an amendment in the fundamental treaties. Tides are changing, public opinion is shifting. Should the EU grasp this opportunity and change with them? (1) Direnc kanol (2012) “Should the european commission enact a mandatory transparency register”. Journal of contempory European reseach, volume 8, issue 4. Retrieved from http://www. statewatch.org/news/2013/feb/ eu-jcer-lobbying.pdf (2) Jeike Kluver (2012), “Lobbying
in the European Union”. Retrieved from http://books.google.at/book s?id=t_3RBCzPJv8C&pg=PA35& lpg=PA35&dq=european+membe r+states+control+lobbying&sourc e=bl&ots=xUg4Lgh79g&sig=hm dqwSHZM6nmlEVj9KBUIC1BD Cs&hl=de&sa=X&el= ei=LFbiUbviG8PUswbE74H4D A&ved=0CHYQ6AEwCA#v= onepage&q=european%20member%20states%20control%20 lobbying&f=false (3) Ann Törnkvist (2013) Swedish lobbying has a culture of transparency. Retrieved from http://www. thelocal.se/47636/20130430/ (4) Burson Masteller (2013) Transparent and ethical lobbying high on the agenda, Retrieved from http:// jap.static.euractiv.com/files/pr/ BM%20Lobbying%20Sur veyPress_Release_03June2013.pdf (5) Brian Brady (2013) Lobbyist press for more regulation of their industry. Retrieved from http:// www.independent.co.uk/news/ uk/politics/lobbyists-press-formore-regulation-of-their-industry-8612466.html (6) Margaret Mary Malone (2013) Regulation of Lobbyists in Developed Countries Current Rules and Practices. Retrieved from http:// www.environ.ie/en/Publications/ LocalGovernment/Administration/FileDownLoad,2048,en.pdf (7) Nikolaj Nielsed (2013), Eu transparency register riddled with errors. Retrieved from http://euobserver. com/justice/120553http://euobserver.com/search/author/238
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SPECTRUMopinion
Dead
or
Waltter Suominen believes that privacy is in danger
T
he motto, ‘I know where you are and what you did’, is now the reality for many governments of the 21st century. Citing security reasons as a justification for the recording and storing of personal data. Should this continue, the funeral of privacy will surely be nigh. Privacy is often regarded as a fundamental human right which should, unquestionably, be protected. Furthermore, violations should carry severe consequences in accordance to the law. While it is disputable whether ordinary, law-abiding citizens have anything to fear, as they are not of importance to the intelligence agencies, this does not mean that their personal liberties should not be upheld. The fact that governments infringe upon privacy of its citizens proves a deep mistrust in society. Thus leakers, such as Snowden and Assange, come forward plunging the societies into a sense of disarray, increasing public mistrust in governments. National security should always remain a vital part of governance and crime-preventive solutions through increased technology
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may help to save lives. However, how far does “national security” go? Should it legalise unconstitutional inquisitions against everyday citizens? Although NSA and other intelligence agencies in the past have implemented many surveillance programs, with the Prism scandal being the latest example. Every conversation online that happens to contain one predefined key term is being recorded. In this way, every individual is assumed as a potential threat. The issue deepens when you consider the fact that the American government (via the National Security Agency) is collecting the data of European citizens. In this way, data collection goes beyond ‘security’ and is absolutely abusing its power. Certainly, there has to be a balance between the need for privacy and security. The unfortunate reality, however, is that online privacy has been violated. It is imperative that the privacy of individuals is respected. At this point, it is vital that the EU prioritise protecting its citizens and put through the much discussed updates to the Data Protection Directive which would ensure that the right to privacy remains protected.
SPECTRUMopinion
Alive Aida Grishaj expresses her disbelief in the degradation of privacy
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hen I heard that the Americans were spying on us, I got seriously concerned and researched on the matter. But after I found out that they can only intercept six million phone calls a day, I was relived. That is only the calls my wife has to two of her best friends.” – German radio commentator “It was difficult to not think of Orwell’s 1984 when Edward Snowden first came forward. Fears of governments violating the civil liberties of citizens were impossible to ignore. Yet again, after some thoughts on the topic one comes to the conclusion that what these institutions do might be more complicated than first thought. To start with, these technologies are limited. Certainly, the amount of interceptions is intimidating but most of the information is neither read nor evaluated. It is filtered through specific key-words or names, which are mainly related to national security, international terrorism, organised crime or the
safety of military forces in conflict areas. One could claim that the names or activities of many of us are of no importance to the intelligence agencies. This information is then discarded after a short period of time, which means that long pointless conversations with friends are never actually on object of investigation. Another controversial point is the lack of transparency in the work of intelligence agencies. Some even wonder whether their activities are legal. It is true that no constitution explicitly gives the right to intelligence agencies to spy on everyone. There are, however other complementary laws that provide their activities with the legal framework. Their main goal is to safeguard national security and protecting this greater good requires at times that some activities are not revealed to the public. Some of us would not mind that the government has the potential to intercept our Facebook messages, phone calls or emails; I personally don’t.”
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SPECTRUMimco
Think TWICE Zuzana Holakovska took a closer look on various aspects of public procurement, a process in which one fifth of Gross domestic product is being distributed every year.
Y
ou do not necessarily need to be a Minister of Finance to be responsible for thousands or millions of Euros. With the fresh experiences with floods in many European regions it is hard to imagine having the responsibility of a head of a municipality, making sure order is restored. Suddenly you can affect the lives of thousands others, either by buying their products or hiring them to provide a service. This responsibility is massive and can have large and widespread implications. Governments, both local and central, distribute around 19% of their Gross domestic product GDP (1) every year 12
through public procurement whereby public sector organisations acquire goods and services from third parties. Public procurement is the process that supports the work of government, and ranges from routine items (for example, stationery), to more complex spending areas (e.g. construction of public buildings) (2). Given the on-going economic crisis every firm is doing their utmost to increase business, selling their products or services; however, there are certain limitations when it comes to a potential contract with a public party. Public procurement is primarily regulated through European Treaties, which set the ground rules for the free movement of goods and services between Member States. Moreover there have been further regulations on a European level since 1962 when national quotas and restrictions in public procurement were abolished (3). There is a directive currently in force on the coordination of procedures for the award of public works contracts, public supply contracts and public service contracts (4). However, in 2011 there was a proposal to
revise this directive using the argument that the existing public procurement legislation needs to be revised and modernised in order to make it better suited to deal with the evolving political, social and economic context (5). This proposal along with the World Trade Organisation regulation from 2010 (6), brings forward a completely new dimension of public procurement as it emphasises the opportunity to put pressure on the private sector through setting higher standards, mainly in the field of social responsibility and open market. For example, only those companies which employ a certain percentage of disadvantaged employees can apply for such contract. One may ask whether all this is necessary since many contracts between the public and private sector are often handled on a municipal level. The key word here is competition. The Agreement on Government Procurement (7), Article III: 2 states that each Party is required to ensure that its entities do not treat domestic suppliers differently on the basis of a greater or lesser degree of foreign affiliation or owner-
ship as well as to ensure that its entities do not discriminate against domestic suppliers because their good or service is produced in the territory of another Party. Thus although it may sound easier to hire a local company to collect trash in the city, in the end it may be more beneficial to contract foreign companies, who may have either higher standards or lower prices. On the other hand we should be aware of the possible consequences for local business – will they be able to compete to produce cheaper products or will they become bankrupt? Furthermore, the European Union is trying to ensure that public procurement in all Member states is as transparent, efficient and competitive as possible. Pivotal to this,
as well as symbolising the electronic era we live in, is e-procurement. E-procurement has been introduced in order to achieve benefits such as increased efficiency and cost savings (faster and cheaper) in government procurement and improved transparency (to reduce corruption) in procurement services (8), however it is not widespread yet. How e-procurement should continue, and what standards should be set and which actor should play the key role in this process, is up to the Committee on Internal Market and Consumer Protection. Let’s just hope they can handle the responsibility, the budget they are responsible for is worth some care.
“we should be aware of the possible consequences for local business – will they be able to compete to produce cheaper products or will they become bankrupt? ” (1) Press Release - Modernising European public procurement to support growth and employment http://europa.eu/ rapid/press-release_IP-11-1580_ en.htm?locale=en (accessed July, 10th, 2013). (2) Introduction to Public procurement https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/ file/62060/introduction-public-procurement.pdf (accessed July, 10th, 2013). (3) Bovis, Christopher H. (2007). EU Public Procurement Law. Elgar European Law Series. Edward Elgar Publishing - The European Communities (EC) Council of Ministers adopted General Programmes (4) DIRECTIVE 2004/18/EC
(5) Proposal for a DIRECTIVE OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL on public procurement 2011/0438 (COD) (6) Overview of the Agreement on Government Procurement http://www.wto. org/english/tratop_e/g proc_e/g pa_ overview_e.htm (7) Overview of the Agreement on Government Procurement http://www.wto. org/english/tratop_e/g proc_e/g pa_ overview_e.htm (8) Delivering savings for Europe: moving to full e-procurement for all public purchases by 2016 http://europa.eu/rapid/ press-release_IP-12-389_en.htm
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SPECTRUMfemm
F
or several years now the goal of reaching gender equality and gender parity within the European Union (EU) has been seen as a rough journey, to say the least. Although the EU and especially the Council of Europe have been promoting de jure gender equality among member states and have been striving to achieve this through numeral treaties and directives, the current situation is still far from ideal. Women’s rights have definitely improved over the past decades. However the harsh reality is that the measures taken up until now still haven’t had the desired effect. Great progress has been made to ensure that women are treated equally on the job market and to guarantee that they can be flexible if they decide to start a family. But the ‘’old boys’’ world of business has proven to be a culture that has been hard to break. At this point, it is not imperative to create better laws that preserve the rights of either employed or unemployed women. However, it is of paramount importance to develop a cultural and ideological change within the EU when it comes to women’s position on the labour market. In practice, women are still majorly underrepresented in company leadership positions. This is a huge contrast to public opinion, which states that 88% of Europeans believe that women should be equally represented in company leadership positions (1). Women in the workplace also are hindered by inflexible parental leave conditions and it is no secret that sexual discrimination and harassment in the workplace is an all too common problem. The implementation of quotas has always been a controversial topic, especially when it comes to company leadership positions. A large majority of Europeans find that people should be granted jobs and opportunities based upon merit as opposed to gender. Only 35% of Europeans believe that there should be a pan-European common policy implementing gender quotas. As fair and as rational as this may sound, the current figures on women’s positions on the labour market clearly depict that women are still massively unrepresented when it comes to top level positions. This
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Karim Ben Hamda argues that ensuring women’s positions on the labour market can only be accomplished if drastic measures are taken in order to break cultural barriers in the workplace and society.
would seem fair if a majority of women in Europe were under-qualified in regards to their academic and professional achievements. However, this is absolutely not the case. The amount of female graduates in tertiary education outnumbers the amount of male graduates by a ratio of approximately three to two; this ratio reached three to one for health and welfare fields of education (2). The question that then subsequently arises is: why haven’t women’s efforts within education shone through to the reality of the labour market and work places? One of the most predominant reasons is because women still face many socio-cultural barriers in society. This obviously varies between member states, but when 88% of Europeans find that there should be equal representation in company leadership positions one should ask themselves whether Europeans actually want to concretely realise their issues that they apparently feel so strongly about in a large majority.
“ the current figures on women’s positions on the labour market clearly depict that women are still massively unrepresented when it comes to top level positions.”
SPECTRUMfemm
Abolish the
“old boys�
culture
Gender quotas have been proved successful in Norway over the past years, with an increase of 30 % of women on company boards (3). By implementing quotas it seems that a major hurdle in achieving gender equality would become reality, based upon lessons that we have taken from Norway. If Europe were to grow accustomed to the fact that companies will be legally bound to have an equal representation of women in leadership positions, this will function as a catalyst to ensure that women presence in these roles will be self-evident in the future. When it comes down to the socio-cultural status quo of women on the labour market, it is clear that this is one of the last big obstacles in achieving gender equality and parity on this continent.
(1) Women in decision-making positions report http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/ebs/ ebs_376_en.pdf (2) Tertiarry education statistics, Eurostat (2010) http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/statistics_explained/index.php/Tertiary_education_statistics (3) The Quota-instrument: different approaches across Europe (2011) http://ec.europa.eu/justice/gender-equality/files/ quota-working_paper_en.pdf
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SPECTRUMeconII
Ottomania From Cutting Trees To Firing Canisters In an interview with the Turkish delegation, Theodor Hall and Waltter Suominen look at the opposite sides of the coin following the outbreak of international protests over Gezi Park‘s deconstruction in Istanbul.
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hat started out as an environmental protest over a few trees mushroomed into a wave of protests that shocked the entire world. Violent and disturbing images quickly spread throughout the internet, particularly over the medium of social media, making it nearly impossible to avoid coming in contact with the events of Gezi Park, Istanbul. The EYP community felt especially close to it, as many nervously jittered over the fates of their Turkish friends. EYP gives us a unique chance to engage in direct dialogue with people head to head. To make the most of this opportunity, Spectrum Media interviewed the members of the Turkish delegation and our very own Turkish journalist. What struck us most in our conversations were the radically different perceptions of the protests, even between citizens of 16
the very same country, and the wide discrepancies in information on which these perceptions were based. Theories ranged from the notion that Turkey’s increasingly conservative governance was already a ticking time bomb with Gezi Park only being the trigger to the idea that the protests were no impromptu incident, but in reality an organised anti-Erdogan movement. Controversial debates further showed us the high influence the consulted sources have, which range from social media, over word of mouth to news agencies. A heated point of discussion was the role of the police force in the protests. One delegate argued it was a ruthless misuse of power: “The police fired teargas canisters directly at peaceful protesters, knowingly inflicting severe injuries.” Another interviewee responded that his cousin‘s roommate lost an eye from said canisters, which inspired
our EYP participant to also join the protests. Conversely, it was also argued that the policemen were not the agitators, but rather forced into selfdefense by assaults with potentially lethal intentions. Have the police unjustly been made out to be the villains of this tale? A ray of light in the chaos of the protests was the symbolic figure of „Duranadam“, literally translated as “the man who stands.“ Duranadam was an artist who as a form of protest simply stood still and stared at a poster of Attatürk for over 15 hours. Many see him as the embodiment of the peaceful nature the protests were meant to have but seemingly were doomed to lose. The agony of all involved has to this day failed to explain who is truly responsible for the escalation and brutality of the events in Taksim square. One can only hope that through open communication and peaceful action the people of Turkey can resolve their issues and that our friends can stay safe.
SPECTRUMeconII
1
848, 1968, 1989 and… 2013? What could be the possible common social and political factors in these years? As shortly defined by the Oxford dictionaries, democracy constitutes a system of government by the whole population or all the eligible members of a state, typically through elected representatives. A question that arises is: What happens when the political class’ decisions radically differ from their own people’s will? How should we face the dilemma of whether public opinion should only be voiced through a country’s decision-makers or if a truly democratic system should be obligated to provide alternative tools and solutions also between voting periods? In the same way that the presence of an illness is evinced by its symptoms, protests are nothing more than society’s wrongs being shouted out in the streets. The mid-19th century eventually translated into the definite countdown for absolutist monarchies inside Europe, and the rise of proletarian and social movements. In the late 1960’s a group of 1.500 French students pro-
Falling into the same
trap
With recent worldwide public demonstrations of discontent towards decisions from democratically elected heads of state, Juan Estheiman Amaya analyses the protest culture from an historical and practical point of view. Does protesting actually make a difference? tested in favour of four unfairly imprisoned colleagues. This occurrence grew into a general strike that ended-up involving 9 million people. The popular discontent expressed pushed President Charles De Gaulle to announce elections ahead of time and act in favour of his people’s demands. 1989 saw almost a century’s ideological legacy collapse, with events such as the fall of the Berlin Wall and the switch to
democratic political systems in Eastern Europe which alternated the run of history. 2013 looks promisingly relevant to future generation’s perspective of active social participation in the 21st century. Over the last seven months alone, democracies around the world have seen three major events demanding increased citizen participation. Turkey’s Gezi Park and the demand for a truly democratic and an individually more libertarian state, Brazil’s discontent with the lucrative use of their taxes for sportive events, and lastly Egypt’s once again failing political system. But in the long-term, will the millions in Istanbul, Sao Paulo and El Cairo actually have an impact on the future? Hopelessness and the sensation of individual uselessness are two main reasons behind the abstention of active participation and defence of one’s beliefs. Some might argue that only the foolish think that by going into the streets and demanding changes, this might actually be possible. History has proved that probably making the “mistake” of being foolish and naïve has led to some of humanity’s greatest accomplishments. Probably falling into the same trap over and over again isn’t that bad after all when it comes with achieving change. 17
SPECTRUMdirect democracy
Direct democracy: ten for style, but five for execution Jonathan Piepers examines the merit of the Swiss system of direct democracy and points out the shortcomings central to the set-up.
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irect democracy, as carried out in the Swiss context, is definitely not the norm. The system does provide an opportunity for mainly bottom-up legislative or constitutional national referenda by any citizen if he succeeds to collect the signatures of 100.000 voters. Similar initiatives also exist on the cantonal and municipal level. As a result, according to the Swiss Research Centre on Direct Democracy, more than 30% of the national referenda carried out worldwide have been conducted in the Swiss Confederation. Liechtenstein and Switzerland are notable examples of nations that have such a substantial as well as a direct impact by its native and naturalised population. Whilst fully agreeing with the fundamental principles behind direct democracy, the system has its faults. To start with, the degree of participation across referenda often does not transcend the 45% mark. This does put forward a question of democratic legitimacy. If only less than half of the pop-
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ulation actively takes part in the process there are questions to be asked about the social acceptation of these referenda. If the voter gets overcharged or the method gets used for superfluous proposals, the instruments of the so called ‘pure democracy’ might actually backfire and even further decrease their popularity. Next to that, although not always perceived as such, direct democracy also may pose a substantial threat towards minorities. According to the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF), direct democracy is most harmful for the most marginalised minorities as up to 30% of Swiss municipalities still rely on referenda for the approval of naturalisation applications.
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With this simple definition the jurisdictions are not actually conducting illegal business but merely allowing a financial environment with lack of transparency, thus facilitating illegal actions.
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Lastly, direct democracy can allow for more influence by demagogues or populist movements. A prime example herein is the position of the rightwing Swiss People’s Party (SPP) in the minaret debate. By spending even more money on publicity than the H&M clothing line, this party manages to heavily influence the often less informed rural areas within the country. Since roughly one third of the country fall victim to these practices, the SFP often manage to create sufficient leverage to pass laws that in other countries would be regarded as conflicting with freedom of religion and other fundamental values. All in all, there is certainly merit to the existing system as it creates a commendable culture of direct participation and civic responsibility. On the other hand, it would be ignorant to not agree on the challenges that the current system poses as highly controversial issues such as a return policy for criminally convicted immigrants are being put to popular vote.
SPECTRUMjeans democracy
In 1873, Jacob Davis and Levi Strauss had an idea that would change the landscape of world fashion in the upcoming century. They invented jeans. Berkok Yüksel explores how the last century’s trademark garment became a symbol of global citizenship.
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enim was first used in the United States as it was produced for miners’ and cowboys’ usage. After developing with time, it became a popular fabric among teenagers in the 1950s. Today, blue jeans are more widespread and socially recognised than the English language. But what is even more hauntingly beautiful is its acceptance by all social and economical classes. From billionaire pop stars to the beggars on the street nearly everyone owns a pair of blue or slightly worn off, dirty-blueish jeans. Not necessarily comfortable, the blue jeans have become the embodiment of the modern outfit. They can be worn to many occasions and do not require much care due to its fabric qualities. In addition, its variety of style is strikingly attractive. Jeans’ main popularity derives from their openness to fit any style. From reggae fans’
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baggies or the American thug life low waists to the European hipster skinny jeans, the fashion product’s different styles have been renowned by many social dressers. These groups create their own understanding of ‘looks’ by altering the hard cotton as they wish, and find themselves in the narrow lines of the blue fabric. In short terms, blue jeans are able to represent any community thanks to the creative environment they allow their users. But does this collective acceptance fashion a deeper meaning for the role of denim? A man who has successfully put his name on many chests in the world of fashion, Giorgio Armani, once said: “Jeans represent democracy in fashion.” Indeed, the worldwide trend has become a symbol for a common ground among fashionistas, the only fabric the use of which is not open to debate but is rather the first lesson of Fashion 101.
Today, blue jeans are for fashion what human rights are for the European Union, a non-debatable foundation upon which everyone agrees. Just as jeans’ users have different styles, the global community has different cultures. This diversity does not require a disintegration of groups but rather the creation of a worldwide social mosaic. In this context, we could take this base value of fashion as an example for global society and form a common sense of belonging to the world instead of merely a social unit. From boot cut, low waist, skinny fits to short pants, skirts and baggies, jeans of all sizes and shapes are an example for all of us. Representing society with all its dimensions, proving fashion to be one of the many collective attributes of mankind, denim inspires the notion of global citizenship.
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The Death of the Welfare State
The European welfare state was once proclaimed as the ideal system of governance. As this belief is increasingly being questioned, Dirk Hofland and Jonathan Piepers find out whether the welfare state will indeed survive the 21st century.
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ith the advent of the economic crisis, it became painfully clear that in times of austerity, governments are not able to tend as much to the weak as they were used to. As the reach of social safety nets dwindled, fears arose that the European welfare state as we know it is coming to an end and that European countries would do best to orient themselves towards the American, radically liberal governance. This 20
prompts the question of whether the welfare system is indeed past its peak and has become unsustainable for Europe. “God is dead� Friedrich Nietzsche, a German philosopher, famously declared in 1882. As the past decades have proven, Nietzsche’s observation was strikingly accurate: It is indisputable that religion in modern society has become largely redundant. The fact that the impact of religion on society is progressively decreasing
has many consequences to the values we hold dear and, consequentially, the way we govern ourselves. Whilst religious institutions historically served as the most prominent social safety net, governments in Europe have largely adopted this function. This trend, amongst others, significantly added to the rise of the welfare state. After World War II, Western Europe experienced an unprecedented time of peace and prosperity, where both GDP and the
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As the gap between rich and poor grew with prosperity, the state assumed the responsibility of welfare distribution
reach and influence of the state grew exponentially. As the gap between rich and poor grew with prosperity, the state assumed the responsibility of welfare distribution, thereby remarkably increasing its capacity. Interestingly, it is possible to draw a remarkably accurate comparison between this process and the concept of peak oil. (1) With the potential end of the welfare state ahead, we are moving into an era where the best of the state’s provisions may be behind us. Just as was the case with cheap oil, we have always assumed that public social services are a permanent given. All the while, we have hoped to maintain or improve the living standard of our elders. The widespread expectation existed that the social outreach of the government was unlimited. In reality however, the welfare state overreached and assumed a too large and economically unviable a burden. Next to the fact that the current welfare state has become unsustainably large, the existing systems are under additional strain due to a juxtaposition between demographic processes. Especially the late 1940s’ baby boom and the subsequent 1960s baby bust are determining factors. The former has brought about an unexpectedly large amount of current and soon-to-be pensioners that expect to benefit from the established practices in the social sector. The latter
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on the other hand represented a halving of the birth rate between the early 1960s and the mid-1970s. In essence, the strong dependence of the baby boom generation on the social safety net is being amplified by a systemic lack of labour force that stems from the 1960s bust. This particular combination forms a toxic cocktail that has radically deformed the classic population pyramid. (2) It is this distortion that is placing a critical extra burden on the system, and is gravely contributing to the swan song of the classic welfare state. The interplay between religious, social, demographic and economic factors has confronted us with a situation in which we have already surpassed the welfare state’s capacity. It is believed that if no severe actions are undertaken, the European states are destined to increasingly resemble the radically liberal American society - a frightening prospect. The fact that the welfare state has already proven itself to be economically unsustainable calls for immediate action. It is of paramount importance to reconsider what exactly we demand from the state and up to what extent the state will be able to provide for this. Ultimately, we must regrettably accept that the welfare state as we know it is no longer viable and will, if no immediate action is undertaken, die a slow death.
1: The concept of peak oil is centred around the notion that the amount of accessible oil is finite and that at a certain point, the production of oil can only decrease. 2: The classic population pyramid is a depiction of the ideal demographic status of a society, where the amount of citizens of a certain age gradually and systematically decreases as the age goes up.
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Free and pluralistic media: Getting by with a little help from the EU In light of the increasing concerns about media regulation by Member States, how to sustain a free and pluralistic media that sustains European democracy remains a question mark. Lia Pachler discusses the best way forward.
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alling for free and pluralistic media whilst expressing the need for regulation on an EU level appears counterproductive to some politicians(1). It seems to be impossible to strike the right balance between over and underregulation. While some may assume that the EU has a tendency to over-regulate, as can be seen in the banning of incandescent light bulbs, recent media regulations in certain Member States, such as the United Kingdom and Hungary, have shown that more measures are needed in that area on the EU level. The majority of Member States have their own ethical guidelines and regulatory systems and usually independent regulatory bodies are responsible for ensuring the standards that these have set (2). However, there are a number of countries showing a need to develop the overall framework in which the media operates, with regard to media councils and regulators. In addition, it is necessary that media organisations themselves show clearly how self-regulation is applied in their organisation. To ensure that all media organisations follow clearly identifiable codes of conduct and editorial lines, and apply the principles of editorial independence, it should be mandatory for media organisations to make them publicly available. More-
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over, all Member States should have independent regulatory bodies in order to oversee the press and deal with the complaints and situations where the press is overstepping the ethical code of conduct. These national bodies should follow a set of European-wide standards and be monitored by the Commission to ensure that they comply with European values. This is crucial in order to avoid restrictive media regulations like the ones that were set in the UK and Hungary. In this way, the EU would not completely regulate the press of its Member States but rather impose sanctions for restrictions on media freedom and pluralism, which pose a threat to the European democratic and pluralistic order and fundamental rights. Hence, the main responsibility for maintaining media freedom and pluralism lies with the Member States themselves. Furthermore, as the EU aims to increase the amount of time spent on broadcasting European matters, there is conflict between encouraging greater interest among citizens and hindering freedom of speech by dictating to companies what to include in their coverage of the current affairs. While, adequate media coverage of European issues and politics is crucial as the democratic legitimacy of
the EU is dependent on a public which is informed about European issues and able to engage in debates about them. This extends to cover not only European democracy, but also democracy at the national level which might be promoted by crossborder journalism (1). And in more general terms, if major decisions are taken at a European level, without political debate taking place across borders and on a European scale, democracy has very little chance of functioning properly (2). Therefore, it is a fair conclusion that democracy will face increasing problems in individual Member States without public debate and discussion taking place at all levels of the European community. Thus, a cross-border policy should embrace all these varieties and aim at increasing the level of interaction. Although further actions towards this aim might give the impression of hindering the freedom of speech, such measures are of utmost importance in order to sustain European and national democracy. Taking it all into account, one should not forget that Member States have a duty to protect freedom of opinion, expression, information and the media, as these principles are guaranteed in their constitutions and laws. Should these freedoms be placed at serious risk or violated in a Member State, the EU must intervene on the basis of the Treaties and of the Charter of Fundamental Rights to protect the European democratic and pluralistic order and fundamental rights.
(1) (2013). Newspaper Publishers Across Europe Oppose Calls for EU Press Regulation. Retrieved from http://www.newspapersoc.org. uk/30/may/13/newspaper-publishers-across-europe-oppose-calls-for-eu-press-regulation (2) Arne Ruthe (2007). The press and Europe‘s public sphere. Retrieved from http://www.signandsight.com/features/1337.html
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SPECTRUMentertainment
I am a non-native speaker. Can you suggest any tips that would help me make my voice heard in committee Work?
I want to further my EYP career. How do you become a journalist? Being a journalist takes a special kind of EYPer. You must be clever, funny, ridiculously good looking and be able to burp your national anthem backwards whilst simulatiously tapping your head and rubbing your stomach. Journalist selection begins with every country choosing two tributes who must fight to the death in an arena until only the best individuals remain.
Do you lose sleep over burning EYP questions? Do you spend your coffee breaks alone searching for all the answers? Do not know who to turn to? Have no fear, advice gurus Conall O’Rourke and Rebecca Smith are on hand to answer them.
Advice Column
Teambuilding is a vital part of an EYP event and reflects in the quality of the committee work. Quick tips include never breaking eye contact with your chairperson and strengthening bonds through constant hugging, touching, or simply staring at other committee members. For those seasoned EYPers, use your experience. Do not be afraid to help the chairperson when he or she has forgotten the rules of a game or offer to ‘take over’ for a game or two.
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I am quite shy and sometimes find it hard to maximise teambuilding, what advice would you give to fix this?
The reality is that EYP can be challenging for delegates who do not have strong English skills. Why not speak your native language, or better yet, make one up! Remember also that solutions like innovative media campaigns, informative educational programs, and pioneering institutions are the lifeblood of a solid resolution. However, do not forget the personal touch; it helps to research specific information about your own country as it can often form an effective blueprint for panEuropean solutions.
There are a few simple Do’s and Don’ts to avoid the awkwardness of elevator journeys. Why not break the ice by singing “Call Me Maybe”, or making a joke about how riding in an elevator has its ups and downs. Also, if you are the first to get out, turn around and push all the buttons really quickly before running away giggling about how badass you are.
How can I avoid awkward situations in elevators?
SPECTRUMentertainment
We run the world What if things were different? Our in house deep-thinker Hugo Dürr sets his sights onto answering just that.
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hat if things were different?” Every one of us has wondered what would happen if this changed, or what life would it be like if we did that. The unknown spurs curiosity to evolve, until eventually not knowing is so great that one just has to find out. Now ask yourself: What if there was no EU governance and the EYP ran Europe instead? The essence of this concept is that the EYP simply replaces the European Parliament (EP.) Imagine if the only decision making forum is found in EYP sessions; the resolutions that you pass here in Zurich would actually be put in place to govern the EU. Consequently, change could be implemented without being impeded by months of bureaucracy and redtape. With the time pressure that you are under at these sessions, it is expected that you draft a resolution by the end of committee work. It is just this efficiency and result-focused practice that is lacking in the EP. We must however look upon this objectively. As we are not all fully-fledged academics yet, this may deduct from the overall quality of content and thoroughness of resolutions. Nevertheless, this is very much a twosided coin, for with young age comes enthusiasm, passion, and a fresh, untainted drive. There will be exponentially more enthusiasm throughout an EYP session than any summit or assembly of the EP powers. No Rolex watches and grey suits for those who have to be here, just endless will and zeal of those who want to be. “The greatest ideas are the simplest,” as William Golding said through Ralph in The Lord of the Flies,
and this idea realises just that. Break down the hierarchy, streamline efficiency and surge the organisation with innovative ideas and innocent, uncorrupted minds. However, this is a double-edged sword, for with asking “what if ”, we can never be certain of the consequences. The EYP could revel in the responsibility and turn the EU around, or the EU could become the scene of Golding’s novel, where without adults, the youths self-destruct, society falls apart and the children enact the characteristics of beasts. We cannot know the unknown. We can only hope that this session is made up of young, responsible adults, and not the beasts of men. The young, responsible adults of this session go on to relieve the EU of its bureaucracy-laden faults and bring passion back into politics.
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Cartoon Berkok Y端ksel visualises a typical evening in Zurich
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Reader’s Letters
In this section of the paper our delegates have the opportunity to send in their reactions and responses to the articles in the previous paper. If you have a comment, criticism, correction or anything else to say concerning our products, please do send it to zurichmediateam@gmail.com or hand it in to a journalist. The next deadline is 9:30 a.m. on Tuesday, so get to it and express your opinion!
I have never considered myself as an introvert, on the contrary, I have been seen as a core of any company. When it comes to an introvert, the potential energy has a limit. Compared to endless flow of liveliness of an extrovert, introverts have priceless energy of their own. They store it, they accumulate it, they grow in their own selves, while extroverts exist being fed by constant going-on/ coming-through flow of experiences. For introverts there is no chance for any kind of exchange, there is only sharing, and this sharing has to be realised and appreciated. It takes place in EYP, but on local level. I hear it in speeches of presidents, head-organizers, exceptional delegates, journalists like Dirk. And I cherish these people. I remember every single name of them, and even without actual knowing them I feel hope in EYP.
Charlie Mūsā on ‘the EYP Ombudsman’
I think that the creation of an inner and outer circle would have the same effect as an individual country leaving the Eurozone. There will be a devaluation of the outer Euro and a revaluation of the inner Euro.
Fundamentally, I think our present discourse on tax avoidance needs to focus less on persecuting private actors who are operating solely within the realms of rational self-interest, and more on bigger, institutional measures and reforms, such as simplifying the tax code (one example of this being the flat tax), taxing consumption rather than income, and lowering taxes overall. Thereby making more capital available to private actors, and substantially lessening the incentive to avoid taxation. In his article, Berkok eloquently points out that tax havens tend to ”encourage illegal activity”. My response, in essence, would be the following: Yes, tax evasion is a criminal act, but the only actor involved who is presently promoting illegal activity, really, is the state. How? By imposing tax rates that would bring tears to the eyes of Laffer, and thus creating massive incentives to avoid taxation to as great of an extent as possible.
Adrian Galleoni on ‘The Real Villain’
Fatih Seyfi on ‘the Euro‘s Rocky Road to Ruin’ 27
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