HIMATI September 2023 Issue by Himati

The Official Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Mindanao September 2023 Issue

Ayon sa resulta ng eleksyon na inilabas ng UP Mindanao University Student Electoral Board (USEB), anim sa pitong konsehal na tumakbo para sa USC ang tumanggap ng lampas sa 40% na abstain votes mula sa sangkaestudyantehan. Dagdag pa rito, isa sa mga konsehal ang muntikang hindi nahalal dahil sa halos 48% na ‘abstain’ votes nito. Nakakaalarma ang datos dahil kung may isa man sa kanila na umabot ang bilang ng abstainers sa majority vote na 50% plus one ay magkakaroon ng bakanteng upuan sa konseho. Ang ganitong resulta ng university-wide elections ay hindi special case sa UP Mindanao, dahil ito ay makikita rin sa buong UP System. Sa UP Los Baños, mismong si Chairperson-elect Gio Olivar ay tumanggap ng maraming abstain votes na umabot sa 44.7% ng mga boto. Sa UP Manilla, maliban sa dami ng ‘abstain’ votes naging suliranin din nila ang kakulangan sa mga kumakandidato para sa konseho. Matatandaan na tatlong councilor candidates lamang ang tumakbo para sa konseho ng UPM, at dalawa lamang sa kanila ang nahalal nang dahil din sa dami ng abstain voters.

Ang kakulangan sa tunay na student representation ay isa sa mga pangunahing suliranin ng ating pamantasan. Maliban sa ‘abstain votes’, kaunti na rin ang mga kandidatong tumatakbo para

editorial

SA PULA, SA PUTI Sa Mundo ng mga Tagapag-silbi Matatandaan na noong kasagsagan ng #Piniliay2023 naging mainit na usapin ang kakulangan sa mga lider-estudyante na inihain ang kanilang mga sarili bilang kandidato sa taunang University Student Council (USC) Elections. Nagdala ito ng atensyon sa sangkaestudyantehan ng UP Mindanao. Ito ay nauwi sa eleksyon kung saan karamihan sa mga botante ay piniling mag-‘abstain’ dahil sa tingin nila ay ang mga kandidating ito ay “hindi karapat-dapat” sa kanilang mga posisyon.

“Habang saklaw ng demokrasya ang pag-boto ng abstain, mahirap pasanin ang suliraning iiwan ng ‘di pag-punan ng pwesto sa mga konseho.” ART BY CHRIS SAMUEL SALCEDO

Habang saklaw ng demokrasya ang pag-boto ng abstain, mahirap pasanin ang suliraning iiwan ng ‘di pag-punan ng pwesto sa mga konseho. Ito ay manipestasyon lamang na may kakulangan sa kaukulang diskusyon tungkol sa halaga ng student representation at kung ano ba talaga ang hinahanap natin sa ating mga lider estudyante. Balot na balot ng burukrasya ang pagtakbo sa konseho. Hanggang ngayon, hadlang sa pagtakbo ng mga liderestudaynte ang minimum grade requirements na ipinapataw ng electoral guidelines. Ngunit kung babalikan natin ang Codified Rules for Student Regent Selection (CRSRS), mismong ang Rehente ng mga Mag-aaral ay hindi hinihingi ang good standing sa kanilang programa. Samakatuwid, hamon ito sa mismong administrasyon ng UP na bigyan ng importansya ang usaping student representasyon na walang bahid ng liberalismo. Kailan pa naging batayan ng pagiging kwalipikadong lider-estudyante ang pagiging uno man o singko?

nakakataas. Lalo na ngayon sa ilalim ng nakakabahalang klima ng pulitika sa ating pamantasan at sa panunungkulan ng pasistang rehimeng Marcos-Duterte, mas esensyal ang pagkakaroon ng isang konsehal na handang tumindig sa gitna ng ligalig. Habang nananatiling kasama sa pagpipilian ang ‘abstain’, ang pagboto nito ay dapat nakalaan lamang para sa mga worst-case scenario. Kailangan isipin ang mahalagang gampanin ng konseho sa pagabot ng tunay na representasyon ng sangkaestudyantehan na hinahangad ng lahat. Ang ating demokrasya ay may karampatang karapatan sa representasyon at hindi dapat pagtalikod sa mga pagpipilian. Kung kaya’t marapat igiit na hindi lang nasa kamay ng kandidato ang kapalaran ng sangkaestudyantehan dahil sa simula pa lang ay nasa kamay din ito mismo ng mga bumoboto.

Sa pangkalahatan, gampanin nating mga Iskolar ng Bayan ang pagbuo ng isang matatag na konseho na siyang maging boses ng ating mga panawagan sa mas

Abstainee Breakdown Assessing how the 11 degree programs of UP Mindanao voted during #Piniliay2023. From the data gathered by the UP Mindanao Student Electoral Board (USEB)

47.53

of voters was the highest number of abstainees that casted their vote on a sole candidate.

INFOGRAPHICS BY AJ LOZANO

BSArch

infographics Legend

4 voters

BACMA BSBIO BSFT BAE BSAnth BSCS BSAM AASS BSABE BSS

2 voters

1 voter

HIMATI ANGELIKA TACLENDO Editor-in-Chief RED MASACUPAN Associate Editor DARLYN JADE RIOS Managing Editor DEXTER TENDIDO News Editor

editorial board

sa mga konseho sa lahat ng units ng UP. Isa na sa mga sanhi nito ay ang takot na natatamasa ng mga estudyante sa ilalim ng isang Marcos-Duterte Administration.

AZELIYAH BANGCONG Features Editor VHEA GHANE GOSO Opinions Editor JAMES PUNSALAN Art Director AJ LOZANO KRIZSHA MARIE MATEO CHRIS SAMUEL SALCEDO JESSIE DE RAMOS MARKO LORENZO TOLEDO CATHERINE DISCORSON HENRI MARIE BELIMAC ELIO BALAN GEORGE TRISTAN BAYBAY IAN CHRISTIAN ZERRUDO ABEGAIL BORCES JOHN GARCIA JEFFORD MONTEZA Staff HIMATI HOUSE, KALIMUDAN ROAD, UP MINDANAO Address emailhimati@gmail.com email College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (UP Solidaridad) Membership

The Official Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Mindanao September 2023 Issue

opinion

Dance the crime away Legalization of total exploition and abuse of power HENRI BELIMAC

As the old saying goes, it takes two to tango. What we can’t deny, also, is that it takes two to cha-cha. In the performance that is politics, those who take the audience’s hearts win. However, despite what others may think, no performance comes free. It may be the performers’ time sacrificed in the name of practicing and work, or it may be the price paid by the show goers to fund the act. In the Philippine administration, it is undeniably the latter. When it comes to competitive dancing, it is not uncommon for competitors to drag each other down by using what is written on the guidelines as a ruse. MarcosDuterte, the frontrunners of Philippine political impunity, took said matters into their own hands, and have decided to make a new set of guidelines to cement their status as stars of the show. They dance to the beat of imperialism and cha-cha, or also known as Charter Change. The possibility of yet another attempt at cha-cha is also closely attributed to former President Duterte’s genuine interest in furthering the country towards federalism. Working on the possible Charter Change is a clear manifestation of authoritarian abuse which loosely translates to consolidating power and distributing it alongside political cannibals. Now, we are in a limbo, stuck in a hostile political environment as another Marcos is hailed as the leader of our country. The amendment, which was introduced by former President Rodrigo Duterte’s administration,

sought to amend Articles XII, XIV, and XVI of the 1987 Philippine Constitution, which currently limits foreign ownership in key sectors such as media, telecommunications, and education to 40%. For the current Marcos administration, the railroading of constitutional reform is also at play. Proponents of the amendment argue that lifting these restrictions will attract more foreign investments and create more job opportunities for Filipinos. It is also believed that such change will help the country compete with its neighbors in the region, such as Vietnam and Thailand, which have more liberalized foreign ownership rules. However, members of the opposition have expressed concerns that removing the restrictions will lead to foreign domination of certain industries and undermine the Philippines’ national security, as there is a notable lack of locally prioritized national industries within the country. It is evident how the administration fails to uphold our national industries making them susceptible to increased imperialism influence is the Rice Tariffication Law, enacted in the Philippines in 2019, which replaced import quotas on rice with tariffs, intending to

However, the influx of cheaper imported rice did intensify competition, leading to income instability and loss of livelihood for local farmers, particularly those with smaller operations. The law’s lack of sufficient support for farmers’ transition and the potential dependence on rice imports have further raised concerns about food security and rural economies, highlighting the law’s negative consequences for Filipino agricultural stakeholders. Arguments against the charter change include foreign investors having an increased chance to prioritize profits over the welfare of the Filipino people. Inevitably, the proposed charter change has sparked mixed reactions from various groups. Critics push that the move is unnecessary and may be used to consolidate power by the ruling party. They also fear that the proposed changes may weaken the country’s democratic institutions and erode civil liberties. This is not the first time that the Philippines has attempted to amend its constitution. Previous attempts in 1997 and 2006 were met with controversy and were ultimately unsuccessful. In a digital age where the surge of information is intangible, misinformation arises. We are mere nuances consuming unfiltered information. The Philippines is a haven made from loose promises from political cannibals and swayed to delight as they hum the tune of historical revisionism through their empty initiatives. Now more than ever, dictatorship is highly conceivable. The charter change, time and time again, has sparked heated debates among lawmakers, academics, and citizens alike. While some see it as a necessary step towards economic progress, others view it as a potential threat to Philippine sovereignty. As the debate over

Charter Change continues, the administration must carefully weigh the potential benefits and drawbacks of the proposed amendment before making any changes to the country’s constitution. Those seated at the top must assess what is the most timely and relevant course of action to take and problems to prioritize, and that includes if the constitution does need to be amended.

opinion

stabilize consumer prices, enhance competitiveness, and support the rice industry.

The upcoming resolution in the Philippine House of Representatives signals the start of a crucial phase in the country’s political landscape. The proposed constitutional convention will determine the future direction of the country and its ability to address various challenges in the years to come. The current proposed constitutional amendments have taken a turn for the worse as lawmakers leave long-overdue provisions forgotten and, instead, focus on white-washed efforts to accumulate power. With the incessant muscling of Cha-cha, it wouldn’t be too far-fetched to say this new social order would be nothing but a façade masking a rotting democracy just as it was in 1972. Cha-cha is no vaccine for our socio-economic ills. Mind you: No amount of foreign investments can address the high market prices, worsening underemployment rate, and economic recession. While the law is a tool to attain our national desires, only when the roots of these profiteering schemes are struck down can genuine change happen. At the end of the day, even with the best laws and charters on print, their effectiveness relies upon those who have the power to enact them. Power that has been given to them not solely by voters, but by the imprudent system that will soon have one foot in the grave if such change will push through. If only the ones in the administration are those we can trust to serve the best interest of the people, then their power to Cha-cha wouldn’t need this discourse.

ART BY CHRIS SAMUEL SALCEDO

The Official Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Mindanao June 2023 Issue

Do Better, UPMi COA flags UPMin’s unutilized trust fund DEXTER TENDIDO

6 The University of the Philippines (UP) Mindanao is currently under scrutiny for its unutilized trust fund, according to the Commission on Audit (COA) 2022 report.

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According to COA, UP Mindanao has questionably placed P18.048 million into time deposits in reprogrammed funds and P10.316 million in an unutilized Trust Fund.

“Nananatili ang panawagan ng UP Mindanao USC at ng buong kumakatawan sa unibersidad na magkaroon ng transparency ang administrasyon at linawin sa publiko kung nasaaan na ngayon ang mag pondong nasa reprogrammed funds at nasa Trust Fund.”

UP MINDANAO UNIVERSITY STUDENT COUNCIL

The state auditors cited Item No. 3.7 of the Department of Budget and Management National Budget Circular No. 587 dated Jan. 3, 2022, which says “after the end of the specified applicable validity period, all unreleased appropriations or undisbursed funds shall revert to the unappropriated surplus of the general fund…and shall not be available for expenditure except by subsequent legislative enactment,” flagging university’s discretion to

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in!

Progressive individuals and student leaders marched around Gaisano Hall, CHSS building calling for the accountability and transparency of Murao Administration. PHOTO BY DARLYN RIOS

insisting that none of the funds were placed in speculative investments.

put the unutilized fund allotments into time deposits as a form of investment. Moreover, Section 4.3 of Presidential Decree No. 1445 or the Government Auditing Code of the Philippines and Section 6 of the 2022 General Appropriations Act which both state that “trust funds shall be available and may be spent only for the specific purpose for which the trust fund was created or the funds received.” The auditing body flagged UP Mindanao as well as the other constituent units of the UP System since they were directed to “revert all balances of Special Accounts, Fiduciary or Trust Funds and Revolving Funds to the General Fund…when they are no longer necessary for the attainment of the purposes for which said funds were established,” mandated by Section 10 of RA 11639.

This issue has sparked outrage among students and faculties, who have expressed their disappointment and frustration over the university’s failure to utilize the trust fund. The UP Mindanao University Student Council (USC) cited numerous deficiencies in student spaces, housing facilities, and faculty workforce amidst the unutilized funds of the university, calling for a thorough investigation and accountability. “Nananatili ang panawagan ng UP Mindanao USC at ng buong kumakatawan sa unibersidad na magkaroon ng transparency ang administrasyon at linawin sa publiko kung nasaaan na ngayon ang mag pondong nasa reprogrammed funds at nasa Trust Fund,” UP Mindanao USC said in a statement. In response to the issue, UP has released a statement refuting the findings of the COA,

UP Vice President for Planning and Finance Iryn Balmores defended the university’s practice of having the short-term placement of funds as it is well in accordance with Section 24 (c) of the UP Charter which reads; “The independent trust committees shall provide the Board with direction on appropriate investments with the view to preserving the value of funds while allowing the university to earn a reasonable return thereon.” Balmores also responded that the UP Mindanao Investment and Income Committee (IIC) has identified the utilization of the reprogrammed and trust funds, and have consulted with the UP System IIC regarding the revision of its investment policies. However, UP Mindanao USC condemned the lack of transparency and demanded action from the UP Mindanao administration. “Hindi sapat ang depensa nila na hindi nila ginamit ang mga pondong hindi naibalik sa General Funds…Nananawagan ang UP Mindanao USC at ang buong kumakatawan sa unibersidad na magkaroon ng transparency ang administrasyon at linawin sa publiko kung anu-ano ang kanilang susunod na hakbang ukol sa mga kasalukuyang isyung kinakaharap ng unibersidad at ng kumakatawan nito,” UP Mindanao USC said.

The Official Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Mindanao September 2023 Issue

UPMin Admin expects delays in turnover of new dorm complex, struggles in student housing persist AJ LOZANO

As the University of the Philippines - Mindanao returns to face-to-face classes, students are again expected to fill the campus halls, and while this is the case, students are still having a hard time in procuring accessible residence around the university. Never enough Currently, the Elias B. Lopez (EBL) Dormitory, which can house 196 female and 72 male dormers, and the Dormitory Annex near the College of Science and Mathematics, accommodating 16 female and 12 male occupants, serve as the only affordable in-campus housing facilities costing at 500-Pesos per bed space, which is cheaper than out-ofcampus residences which runs at 2000-Pesos on average. Moreover, the limited number of occupants that the dorm can offer is a growing concern as UP Mindanao is expected to grow in population in the following years with the recent addition of the Department of Human Kinetics and the future admission of BS Data Science students.

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“Hindi na bago ang problema sa student accommodations sa unibersidad, lalo pa at lumolobo na ang populasyon ng UP Mindanao. Ang kakulangan sa student housing ay bunga na rin ng budget cuts sa sektor ng edukasyon,” former University Student Council Chairperson Fauzhea Guiani explained in an interview. By 2019, the construction of a new dormitory complex was launched as part of the UP Mindanao Master Development Plan (MDP).

Sidebar We asked 20 upcoming freshmen students of UP Mindanao to rank their priorities when looking for a space to stay in while studying in the university. Here is how they ranked:

01 Accessibility 02 Affordability 03 Security 04 Connectivity 05 Conducive

[1] [2]

[3]

[4]

[5]

The results show that the students prioritize the accessibility and affordability of the dormitories they look for. Unfortunately, the need for a conducive environment for an optimal studying experience is overlooked.

[1] Accessibility refers to the distance of the dorm from utilities such as food, market, water, and etc. [2] Affordability refers to the rental cost of the residential facility. Also includes the transportation fare that it costs to travel from the dormitory to the university. [3] Conducive refers to the environment of the residential facility is good for the optimal studying experience. [4] Connectivity refers to the strength of data and/or internet connection in the given area. [5] Security refers to the level of safety that the dormitory provides.

Notably, four years after construction began, the new dormitory situated beside the EBL Dormitory remains unoccupied although construction was already accomplished in 2021. In light of this concern, Office of Student Affairs Director Stella Salazar disclosed that the admin is expecting delays on the turningover of the new UP Mindanao dormitory.

However, the UPMin Faculty Housing which was used as an isolation facility for COVID-19 patients remains to be unused long after the pandemic happened. “The area in which the faculty dorm is situated resulted in farmers being displaced from their land,” the council chairperson contextualized on the unused faculty residence.

Longstanding struggle

“It [New UP Mindanao Dormitory] is tagged as a watershed area which will require another permit from the DENR,” UPMin Chancellor Lyre Murao explained.

In light of the standing issue on the lack of student housing, this further highlights the problem the university faces in terms of insufficient and inaccessible basic student services.

Nonetheless, Murao assured that the Office of the Chancellor is doing their best to comply with the permits needed for the full turnover of the residential facility.

This is further manifested as the new dormitory is reported to cost at PHP 1500, at minimum, which is already 1,000 Pesos more than the cost of living in the current EBL Dormitory.

Recently, as of September 2023, the newly built dormitory has already been inaugurated during the investiture of UP President Angelo A. Jimenez. However, the OSA reported that the new dormitory is still inoperable since it still lacks furniture such as bed frames and cabinets. Further, Guiani underscored that the issue on housing facilities is a manifestation of the institution’s lack of preparation for the return to on-campus classes. Meanwhile, the admin also considered the possibility of opening the Faculty Housing for students.

The newly constructed UP Mindanao dormitory

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Delayed turnovers

“Nakakaalarma na ang sitwasyon ng ating mga estudyante kasi nagiging hadlang ang kakulangan ng student spaces sa pag-abot ng dekalidad at ligtas na edukasyon,” Guiani added. Meanwhile, with the inflation rate in Davao City at 9.6%, this becomes a manifestation of the longstanding student struggle in the institution where housing should be accessible and affordable to everyone. Furthermore, the USC chair reminded the students that we should remain steadfast with our stand against budget cuts for everyone under the university will be greatly affected.

The Official Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Mindanao September 2023 Issue

UPMin Fighting Maroons cast down on varsity funding lapses JESSIE DE RAMOS

UP Mindanao athletes took their rage to social media as they expressed their let down on the lapses pertaining to funding for the varsity teams. The flak surfaced after the University Student Council launched a call for donations for athletes participating in the State Colleges and Universities Athletic Association (SCUAA) Region XI Invitational Cup 2023 held on July 25 - 29, 2023 which was hosted by Davao del Sur State College in Digos City. The SCUAA Region XI Invitational Cup was participated by seven State Universities and Colleges in the region including UP Mindanao, which was to be represented by the Men’s Basketball Team and the Men’s Volleyball team. However, during the four-day event, only the university basketball team were able to participate through public and private sponsorships.

Before the Invitational Cup, the UP Mindanao USC posted a call for donations in support of the participating teams. However, an athlete shared the Facebook post of the USC, infuriatedly stating in the caption that the men’s volleyball team had to pull out due to financial constraints. In an interview with Himati, a varsity player narrated how the funding situation led to the unfortunate pull out of the men’s volleyball team.

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The athlete reported that they reached out to the UPMin USC last July 7 to ask what the council could do about their situation. It was also mentioned that Pitik UP Mindanao “felt disappointed” at the USC’s late response.

PHOTO BY UPMIN - DEPARTMENT OF HUMAN KINETICS

Then-incoming USC Chairperson Kenshane Melegrito said that the USC approached the athletes after hearing the unfortunate pull-out from the event to which they learned that the team needed funding, especially for food expenses. The donation drive by the USC was an initiative after hearing the athlete’s sentiments. It can be noted that at this time, the USC was awaiting turnover before the next official term.

The said budget for each player was around Php 8,500 for uniforms and meal allowances. While the DHK faculty processed the budget to make an advance, the athletes were asked to prepare the aforementioned amount in case of delays which became a burden to some since not all players can secure the necessary funds in a short notice.

Eventually, the faculty suggested pulling out from the competition to which the participants did not object. “Though daghan mi nasayangan sa opportunity”, the athlete said with dismay. The unfortunate turnout for the men’s volleyball team is apparently not the only case leading to questioning of varsity funding in the university. AASS Representative to the CHSS-SC Joshua Kent Donzal describes the situation of the AASS students as “distressing”. “Basically, we thought that joining competitions would require us nothing but our athletic skills. However, we were asked to shoulder our own expenses” AASS Representative Donzal said. They also added that compared to other universities that offered food allowances and free accommodation to student-athletes (which were

also promised to them during the recruitment), the AASS students were offered nothing. “Kasi nga daw “at least quality ang education” - [which is] bare minimum” AASS Representative Donzal mentioned.

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Pulling out from the competition was a decision made from a series of events, as stated by the concerned athlete. They mentioned that the team was waiting for a response from the university sports coordinator regarding finances, ensuring that there was funding before they started training. As the SCUAA Cup approaches, “sketchy na kaayo ang funding updates, nya eventually naghinay-hinay na [ug] cancel [ang] mga players”, the athlete stated.

Opportunities such as the SCUAA Invitational Cup are gateways for the exposure and development of the newlyestablished UP Mindanao Varsity teams. But with the recurring lack of support for the student-athletes, missing opportunities like these might eventually become a norm, possibly defeating the purpose of promoting sports education and development - which has been the grounds for a more accessible education for student-athletes in UP Mindanao.

vox populi

“Not being able to play for SCUAA despite the trainings and preparations because of the lack of funding for sports was disheartening. I hope that studentathlete funding will be given more attention and allotment because we aren’t just going to compete for ourselves, but to represent UPMin and showcase its potential for dominance in sports competitions!”

“They don’t give financial support for varsity players in UP Min. Na-paasa ako nila.”

‘J’ BS ARCHITECURE

‘A’ B SPORTS SCIENCE

CONTEXT: As part of the department promotion of the AASS and BSS programs, perks and benefits such as student housing and food allowances to name a few. Varsity players were also promised the same benefits but until now, student athletes are struggling to claim financial support from the administration.

“Frustrating to think na naginitiate and and give hope sila sa mga student-athletes, especially sa mga AASS student-athletes, tapos wala diay saktong funding para sa teams. Kursonada kaayo magapil ug tournaments ang university pero kulang kulang diay sa budget, and syempre students rapud mi, wala miy own income to provide expenses sa training and tournament mismo. Unta sa upcoming tournaments na apilan sa UP, sakto na ang preparation sa finances.” ‘M’ AA SPORTS STUDIES

The Official Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Mindanao September 2023 Issue

culture

Mao ba? A Newcomer’s Guide to UP Mindanao

DARLYN JADE RIOS

Pigeons flocking in and out of the atrium as students scurry away from the administration building. Lining up on the University Registrar’s window to validate your school ID for the semester, you can see an ATM machine in the corner, a stage in the middle of the open space, and paint-peeled wooden benches that serve as a working space for students. Almost three years of online learning and a half year’s worth of on-ground experience exposes you to the sudden Iskolar life you least expected - not entirely filled with sunken garden picnics and sunflower fields.

culture There is a vast distance between the limited buildings of UP Mindanao. A tricycle ride away is the College of Science and Mathematics (CSM) from the administrative building which houses the College of Humanities and Social Sciences (CHSS) and School of Management (SOM). The Elias B. Lopez (EBL) Hall Dormitory with limited accommodations for the students is a 5-minute walk from the oblation circle, and far off the main building is the Sports Complex that is home to most of the student athletes. With the price hike imposed on the transportation fare and the cessation of free UP Ikot rides, it isn’t surprising to see the students walking from Point A to Point B in between classes. As for the environment, the heat in Davao City is a real challenge. Despite the air-conditioned classrooms, it drains you of the limited energy you have left from academic and work performance. The free drinking water fountain has evolved into your newfound friend reminding you to keep yourself hydrated. Earthquakes have become an annual experience since the campus is situated on the Lacson fault line, a concerning premise of land designation. Although the greenery of UP Mindanao continues to offer a calming perspective along with its wandering cows, goats, and ducks, an exception manifests in the form of 11th RCDG within the campus premises.

The Official Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Mindanao September 2023 Issue

culture

For one, state universities are considered military free-zones. The presence of the RCDG inside the campus puts students at risk as a university that serves the people which are open to mobilizations and protests against inhumane policies imposed by the state. Students of the university gather with their placards raised afoot the administration building steps as its avenue - a fitting scene for campaigning for the people akin to an oath in front of the oblation statue. And yet, opposing the landscape we have created is the 11th RCDG’s site at the side of the oblation circle, where one of the roads have been closed for their utilization. For a premier university that produces scholars for the people annually, those in power had limited our educational resources to reorient military forces.

The population of UP Mindanao in comparison to the other constituent units is rather small which equates to a smaller budget allocation. Budget cuts affecting the campus eventually led to a 7PM curfew on electricity use. Some classes end at 7PM, yet it doesn’t signify the actual end of academic responsibilities. Most of us have no stable internet connectivity within the walls of our dormitories, thus preference is on the use of the school’s wifi regardless of the dark corridors. Additionally, each student has their own UP email upon enrolling and it has its perks such as a Google Drive storage (recently went down to 15GB), a discount price on social applications that induces learning like Spotify, and bragging rights of honor and excellence.

culture 15 On the other hand, UP Mindanao has its fair share of student activities spearheaded by various student organizations. Torch Night, Dula (Bisaya word for “play”), and Deviance Day are among the noteworthy events that transpired the past year. As the university welcomes its freshmen, first day rage and freshmen convocation happens, subsequently followed by the torch night where the courses of UP Mindanao flaunt their creativity. Dula is the sports-centered event of the campus as winners from respective colleges battle it out for the championship. And the whole year would be incomplete without the activity led by the BS Anthropology, the Deviance Day, where students dress and act freely as a way to deviate from the “social norms.” In the hopes of building up school spirit, these occasions are established by the students for themselves to

further foster their talents outside the walls of confinement of the academia. On a usual lunch time after a morning of lectures, Kalimudan becomes a hub of gossip and the usual breakdowns. A full meal from the deep steam establishment with a lychee shake at hand gives you a right to sit from any table. And as you eat, the stories you will hear corresponds to “Mao Ba?”. A solution to a MATH 11 problem? Mao Ba? The portal on Room 105? Mao Ba? Deadline of dropping subjects? Mao Ba?. A series of uncertainty goes hand in hand with a school that seems foreign every now and then. Having the last bite, along with the impending thoughts of tasks and doom, it wouldn’t be surprising to consider that as scholars of the people, prying from the flocking pigeons would be the least of our worries.

opinion 16 The Official Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Mindanao September 2023 Issue

The Marcos’s Resurgence in Philippine Politics KRIZSHA MATEO

opinion

From Exile to the Palace The 2022 Presidential election marked the resurgence of the Marcos family, as Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. clinched a landslide victory with a historic 31,629,783 votes, paving the way for their return to the Malacañang palace. Marcos’ resurgence in Philippine politics has sparked heated debates and raised concerns about the country’s democratic future. While some see their return to power as a sign of progress and stability, others view it as a threat to the hard-won gains of the people’s power revolution. It is worth recalling that the Marcos family was compelled to flee to Hawaii in 1986, 14 years after Martial Law was proclaimed, during the People Power Revolution that gave birth to a “democratic” government in the Philippines. It is remarkable that just 29 years after their return to the country, Marcos Jr. has been entrusted with the responsibility of leading the very republic his father once oppressed, depriving it of its freedom.

suppressed, disappearances and killings. There have been multiple circumstances that distorted the actuality of the Marcos administration which paved the way for the 2022 presidential election landslide outcome.

the lack of free speech that is becoming a recurring heinousness from Marcos Sr, such as the noticeable mismanagement of the economy– these are only very simple examples that show how it all circles back to 1972.

Despite the horrible past attached to the Marcos family the remaining members did not hesitate to go back into politics and governance as soon as they got back in the motherland. This rise to power has been building up as we have witnessed Bongbong take his seat as the governor of Illocos Norte from 1998 to 2007, not even a decade after their family’s return from exile. The country also witnessed Imelda Marcos gain a congressional seat in 2010, while both Bongbong and Imee have been in the Senate.

This return to power is one of the biggest consequences of the continuous historical distortion as well as continuing to threaten an already fragile history. The continued distortion of historical facts for political gain not only misinforms the public but also undermines the efforts to build a collective national memory that acknowledges the truth of the past. This trend threatens to erode the country’s democratic values and institutions as it manipulates the historical narrative to justify political agendas. The outright changes in the country’s historical facts is a clear testament of an illusion of democracy. There is a question to be raised, is it truly a democratic choice, when the choice is made with false ideals?

The consequences of the Marcos family’s return to power should not be undermined. It raises questions about the country’s collective memory and the extent to which it has truly reckoned with its past. The resurgence of the Marcos family should serve as a reminder of the fragility of democracy and the need for constant vigilance to safeguard it.

However, it is not only the position they continued to hold in various degrees that led up to the current government. Through the years, the Marcos regime has been romanticized by the media which in turn painted the past as a golden era. The golden era in question resulted in a decline in the country’s economy, corruption and vile human rights violations. Freedom of speech was also silenced during this era as the press was

An eerie sense of deja vu occurs looking back more than 50 years ago with how the media is suppressed and threatened, allowing for distortion in the country’s history to increase— just like in the present, it is not only the media that is being oppressed, but there are also rampant reports of disappearances, unlawful arrests and even torture towards anyone who contradicts the government, such as activists. It is not only

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In the face of a government that threatens the current state, it is essential that the truth gets upheld actively and false narratives to be countered. It is not easy to stay informed and find truths as those who advocate for the integrity of the country get silenced by its own government. Just like how it was more than five decades ago, activism is receiving the narration that it is a form of terrorism, advocates and activists have a looming threat of redtagging, enforced disappearances, and even death. However, just like five years ago, it is the power of the people that made the dictatorship crumble; these efforts are important to safeguard Philippine democracy and prevent the resurgence of authoritarianism.

The Official Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Mindanao September 2023 Issue

Reshaping Reality The Barbie Movie’s Audacious Gamble on Redefining Norms CATHERINE DISCORSON

In a world where cinematic landscapes often mirror society’s aspirations and dilemmas, the popular Barbie movie has ignited a firestorm of controversy that transcends mere celluloid entertainment. Beneath its glossy surface lies a profound exploration of identity, societal expectations, and the power of media to redefine cultural narratives. Some might want to contend that the Barbie movie is not just another animated flick; it is a daring gambit to challenge the status quo and leave an indelible mark on the cultural consciousness.

The most captivating aspect of this controversy is its resonance with the disposition of our times. With conversations about feminism, diversity, gender norms, and body positivity gaining momentum, the Barbie movie has positioned itself as a cultural lightning rod. By tackling these discussions head-on, the film invites audiences to question the role of a fictional character and their own perceptions of themselves and the world around them. Central to this discussion is Barbie herself—a symbol that has historically

represented an unattainable standard of beauty. Critics argue that the character’s proportions perpetuate harmful beauty ideals, often warping young minds with unrealistic expectations. However, the film acknowledges this critique and endeavors to rewrite the narrative. By placing Barbie in a storyline that celebrates diversity and self-acceptance, the movie presents a tangible path toward redemption for a character who has long been controversial. What truly sets the Barbie movie apart is its willingness to risk the ire of traditionalists and naysayers. Instead of retreating into familiar territory, the film steps boldly into uncharted waters. By challenging stereotypes, flipping narratives, celebrating diversity, and smashing the patriarchy, it dares to spark uncomfortable conversations—a hallmark of true societal progress. As a piece of cultural commentary, the Barbie movie seems to present a unique opportunity to explore the interplay between media and society. It is a reminder that film and storytelling are not passive experiences but active agents that shape our worldviews. This movie beckons

us to interrogate the stories we tell ourselves and the messages we absorb from the media we consume. In this pursuit of transformation, the Barbie movie encapsulates the essence of the human experience—our eternal striving for growth and betterment. Its creators have harnessed controversy as a catalyst for dialogue and change, a bold move that invites us all to examine the narratives we accept and the stories we perpetuate. With its audacious gamble on redefining norms, the Barbie movie stands at the crossroads of the familiar and the uncharted. It serves as both a mirror reflecting the societal conversations of our times and a beacon of hope for a future in which diversity, authenticity, and self-discovery prevail. As the controversy simmers and anticipation mounts, one thing is clear: whether you are a lifelong Barbie fanatic or a skeptic, this film has the potential to alter the narrative of its titular character and, in turn, the narratives that shape our own lives.

opinion

At first glance, the Barbie movie might seem like a calculated cash-grab, cashing in on nostalgia and the character’s timeless appeal. However, what sets this project apart is its audacious approach to transformation. Rather than merely reiterating Barbie’s past iterations, the film thrusts itself headlong into the tumultuous waters of change. The result is a narrative that, while resonating with the doll’s dedicated fanbase, opens doors to discussions of identity and representation that were once shut tight.

The Official Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Mindanao September 2023 Issue

opinion

Harmony Where it’s Due MARKO TOLEDO

Issues anchored on gender further presses the need to address a wide range of problems faced by the Filipino people. Amidst the progress made by the Philippines in terms of being a gender friendly country, various gaps in legislation, education, and cultural norms remain as hurdles in the acceptance of gender non-conforming individuals in society.

The guidelines is a work in progress and has yet to take further change as the problems associated with gender have diversified beyond heteronormative settings. In the Philippine context, the discussion on alleviating the struggles of women brim with discourse. This bleeds into the neglect of other gender-based issues affecting marginalized queers and gender fluid individuals. Amidst the Philippines frontlining the gender equality in the East Asia and the Pacific region being 2nd among the ranks and also placing 17th out of the 156 countries evaluated, the LGBTQ+ community in the country continues to feel neglected. The numbers spoke as the Philippines is ranked 117 out of 220 countries surveyed for providing LGBTQ+ individuals optimal quality of life and legal protection according to the 2021 SPARTACUS Gay Travel Index. Changing the numbers should be under the works for the current administration but priorities seem to be focusing on a different set of numbers which do not favor groups in the minority. In the executive level, promises of inclusivity stated by the BBM camp have been mentioned however burying of the SOGIE bill beneath supposed ‘priority’ laws such as the Maharlika Fund and mandatory ROTC show a lack of interest in passing SOGIE as a law. This continues to deprive Filipino to their right to gender expression and safety in wider

ART BY CHRIS SAMUEL SALCEDO

aspects of society and law. In a 2022 survey by the Philippine LGBT Chamber of Commerce, 51% of the LGBT community are dissatisfied with current government policies on healthcare, civil rights, and protection which face neglect up until the present. In demanding SOGIE as a right, what role does harmonized gender play? Having harmonized gender guidelines integrated among government activities should be considered a step forward in the actualization of gender rights. Such measures work to reveal any form of gender discrimination among Filipinos when it comes to receiving aid from government facilitated initiatives. In essence, this combats deep-rooted misogynistic and patriarchal beliefs in various aspects of the Philippine government which helps in sustainable relations in the office. But the office insists on looking elsewhere instead of focusing on gender development, leaving these guidelines in neglect which speaks for itself. The harmonized gender guidelines are severely outdated and ill maintained. Amidst the claim to ‘promote gender inclusivity’ as one of its steps in the most recent rendition of the guidelines, this has yet to be achieved with various difficulties among queer individuals who constantly face backlash amidst their right to expression. In addition, the goal of enabling women in the workspace should be extended towards including transwomen but the guidelines have yet to put this in place. Concerning among all is the lack of updates among these sets of regulations as the most recent edition was published in 2016, telling of the disarray being faced by gender talks in the country. Harmonized gender should take gender equality a step further yet its neglect falls in place with the calls to actualized SOGIE and gender rights. Such guidelines are progressive for government agencies and should show the importance of serving the interest of all and not only a select few.

Gender inclusivity is a basic right that is continuously denied to those who need it due to long standing patriarchal norms that only prioritize those with power over those who do not. When guidelines like these which at the least should be maintained are left to catch dust, the need for comprehensive attention towards SOGIE is a demand that shouts louder by the day. There exists problems that go beyond simple government operations that affect the marginalized; it happens in the streets where the disrespect of women still remains rampant, in social spaces where queers are criticized for using comfort rooms as if they should not, in the youth whose desire to be themselves is halted by norms anchored to outdated beliefs. The government, at the least, owes this to the people. And yet this administration remains stagnant in their disarray rather than serve harmony to the people.

opinion

In absence of these basic rights, miniscule efforts in promoting progress for these types of issues should at least be addressed through the different branches of the government. Harmonized Gender and Development Guidelines are present across these offices. Viewing these guidelines at face value implies there is progress in gender inclusivity as there should be. Its primary purpose caters to the inclusion of women across different stages of government activities with hopes of eradicating discrimination against women in the workspace.

opinion 22 The Official Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Mindanao September 2023 Issue

From Womb to Power

a decades-long tale of Philippine Politics

KRISZHA MATEO

The Philippines is ever so familiar to political dynasties— from 4 of Mindanao’s congressional districts being represented by the same families for almost 4 decades to the ongoing 34 years of pass-the-baton like Mayorship in Davao City by the Duterte clan. But perhaps the political dynasty that the country’s history is dreading is the power over the country being handed over once again to the Marcoses.

equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law.” This section of the Constitution clearly shows how the state recognizes the effects of dynasties, yet no law prohibits its existence, hence the Senate Bill 30 of 2019, although with the amount of legacies in the government, the bill is not predicted to have any progress in the near future.

The 2022 Presidential election crafted a path for the resurgence of the Marcos family, as Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. clinched a landslide victory with a historic 31,629,783 votes, paving the way for their return to the Malacañang palace.

A lame excuse of fat dynasties

Despite the grim past attached to the Marcos family the remaining members did not hesitate to go back into politics the moment they took their first steps back in the Motherland, sparking the Marcos political dynasty once more. 36 years after the ouster of the late dictator Marcos Sr., Junior retakes Malacanang riding the coattails of his father. Unsurprisingly (and sadly, to think so,) along with him are members of the Romualdez and Marcos clans to secure even more seats of power. Marcos’ resurgence in Philippine politics has sparked heated debates and raised concerns about the country’s democratic future. While some see their return to power as a sign of progress and stability, others view it as a threat to the hard-won gains of People Power of 1986. There are so many prominent names when it comes to dynasties in the Philippine government; nonetheless, these prominent names are only one of many that are present in governance, may that be in cities, or even in barangays. Article II, Section 26 of the Constitution states “the state shall guarantee

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The present bears witness of the grave consequence of the nation being shackled by the clutches of political dynasties as ‘legacies’ continue to have a path to governance. Mendoza (2019) presents the data that 80% of the current governors and 67% of congressmen are from fat dynasties. One unnamed clan currently holds 25 elected positions in the country. The 2022 election has been an evident example as Senators of the 19th Congress have two Cayetanos, two Villars, two Estrada brothers, and even the president’s sister, Imee Marcos, sit in the Senate. Rather than parties, it’s families that won. Just like in the local government in Davao city, the aforementioned election also bore witness to Sara Duterte-Carpio following in her father’s political career by running alongside Marcos Jr. This step not only solidified her place in the heart of the nation’s government but also set the stage for a potential new dynasty, where the legendary names of the Marcoses and Dutertes intertwine. A member of the Taguig political family, Alan Peter Cayetano argues that the 3-years term limit for local governments created political dynasties. He argues that the duration of the term is not enough to actualize projects; hence, someone from the clan steps in to ‘continue’.

However, Mendoza’s study reiterates that these dynasties are linked to greater poverty, especially outside of Luzon. Less developed institutions in provinces pave a path for political families to stay in power.

opinion

The Philippines has been world renowned for different things: its people, crystal clear beaches, the scrumptious food, and much, much more. As sunny as its skies may be, its political scene is nothing short of ominous.

It has become obvious that the proliferation of political dynasties has become a form of survival for these clans. Even Marcos Jr., once admitted, “So that at least, not only the legacy of my father but even our own survival required that somebody go into politics.”

All the outs in free The resurgence of the Marcos family should serve as a reminder of the fragility of democracy and the need for constant vigilance to safeguard it. There are already mirror events from the time of Senior only 1 year into BBM’s term. The lack of free speech is becoming a recurring heinousness from Marcos Sr, There is once more the false promise of another ‘Golden Era’ which is a curtain over debt and a declining economy– it all circles back to the 1970s. This serves as a sobering reminder that political dynasties’ tenacious hold looms menacingly, threatening to steer history along a recognisable yet unsettling route. Without taking firm steps to alter this dynastic democracy, the door is left open for yet another protracted rule that may last for 14 years or longer and maintain a reign of a single clan. The importance of Senate Bill 30, the Anti-political Dynasty Act of 2019, takes on new urgency. Its implementation has never been more critical, acting as a defense against the republic’s degradation of democratic ideals. The fate of the nation hangs in the balance as the past and present collide. Therein lies the ability to create a new course, one where the past no longer determines the present and the fate of the country is one of true democracy.

The Official Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Mindanao September 2023 Issue

Family First

in the world of politics RED MASACUPAN

1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines Article II Section 26

The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law.

05 09 08 02 03

Fat Dynasty* Share Ranking by Province (2019)

01 Maguindanao 02 Pampanga 03 Bulacan 04 Davao Occ. 05 Isabela 06 Sulu 07 Lanao del Sur 08 Nueva Ecija 09 Pangasinan 10 Ilocos Norte

50.54% 49.18% 45.25% 40.98% 40.96% 40.20% 39.84% 39.60% 39.17% 37.30%

*A fat dynasty is defined to have two and above family members in elected office within a province.

07 06

Philippines’ Fattest Political Dynasties 101 Politics in the Philippines seem to be increasingly reminiscent of a family affair – a family reunion, so to speak. The Philippines’ Constitution of 1987 serves as the broadest line for checks and balances to a family rule, but with the impending Constitutional Convention, even that comes to be threatened.

~80

of governors belonging to about 66 out of 82 provinces belong to “fat dynasties” as of 2019, less than double of the 57% of 2004.

References

Representatives Zubiri Bukidnon (District 3)

38 years Zubiri, Jose Maria Jr. (14 years | 1987-1998, 2022-2025)

Zubiri, Juan Miguel (9 years | 1998-2007)

Zubiri, Jose Maria III (9 years | 2007-2016)

Across the 27 provinces, familiar household names echo every election.

Zubiri, Manuel Antonio (6 years | 2016-2022)

Mayors

Governors

Duterte

Dimaporo

Davao City

Lanao del Norte

Arguillas, C. O. (2022c, July 15). [SPECIAL REPORT] Mindanao 2022 to 2025: fat and obese dynasties rule (3). MindaNews. https://www. mindanews.com/ top-stories/2022/07/ special-reportmindanao-2022-to2025-fat-and-obesedynasties-rule-3/ Mendoza, R. U., Jaminola, L. M., III, & Yap, J. (2019). From Fat to Obese: Political Dynasties after the 2019 Midterm Elections. Social Science Research Network. https:// doi.org/10.2139/ ssrn.3449201

34 years

33 years

Duterte, Rodrigo

Dimaporo, Abdullah

(22 years | 1988-1998, 2001-2010, 2013-2016)

(6 years | 1992-1998)

Duterte, Sara (9 years | 2010-2013, 2016-2022)

Duterte, Sebastian

The Fat, the Obese, and the Ever-growing Political Dynasties of Mindanao

(3 years | 2022-2025)

INFOGRAPHICS PAGE DESIGN BY AJ LOZANO AND RED MASACUPAN

Dimaporo, Imelda Q. (18 years | 1998-2007, 2006-2025)

Dimaporo, Mohammad Khalid Q. (9 years | 2007-2016)

The Official Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Mindanao September 2023 Issue

cover story

Marcos and Duterte: The greatest show in the PH ANGELIKA TACLENDO

The circus continues… Despite pledges to boost the economy, the initial year of Marcos Jr’s presidency proved disappointing and showed no development. His leadership did not bring about substantial economic growth nor showcase effective approaches to tackle critical concerns like unemployment and inflation—these problems remain unsettled. The absence of well-defined strategies and efficient implementation hindered progress toward achieving sustainable economic development and a better Philippines for ordinary Filipinos. The threat to human rights and the disregard for the rule of law during Marcos’ early tenure gave rise to apprehensions about safeguarding citizens’ fundamental freedoms. Instances of extrajudicial killings, censorship, historical distortion, and suppression of dissenting voices severely undermined the principles of justice and fairness. These unsettling developments raised serious doubts about the administration’s commitment to upholding democratic values and protecting the rights of the people. This has been laid clear during the second State of the Nation Address (SONA) of Marcos Jr. last July 24th, 2023. This situation appears to be a case of déjà vu from the previous State of the Nation Address delivered by Rodrigo

Duterte. Duterte, too, failed to fulfill his major campaign promise, which was his war against drugs resulted in the demise of many innocent Filipinos and the worsening of the nation’s debt. On the other hand, Marcos Jr. campaigned on the idea of restoring the ‘Golden Age’ of his late father, the dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr. However, it is not surprising that the country’s fate seems to be spiraling downward, akin to going down a rabbit hole. During his campaign period, BBM vowed to bring the price of rice to PHP 20.00 per kilo. This ambitious promise has made the Filipinos have false hopes which until now, remains a promise. Instead of lowering its market prices, the food prices skyrocketed to a 5.8% inflation

“The Filipino people are well aware that he will not tackle the core problems afflicting the nation. From day one, it is clear that the president will not genuinely address the real challenges posed by the ongoing economic crisis and inflation.”

rate during his administration based on the report of the Philippine Statistics Authority. This was evident when the price of red onion hit PHP 650.00 per kilo and the rice prices soared even higher to PHP 40.00 per kilo, the lowest that can be bought in the market; a complete opposite of what he claimed during his SONA saying that the prices of goods in different sectors had dropped through the help of the relaunched Kadiwa stores. Not only Marcos made false promises in front of the Filipino citizens but also fed the people with misleading information trying to make a good name for himself. The government has written off P57.557 billion in land amortizations of 610,054 agrarian reform beneficiaries. Republic Act 11953, known as the New Agrarian Emancipation Act, has officially relieved farmers of their loan obligations. However, analysts have pointed out that the enactment of RA 11953 merely acknowledges the government’s inability to collect loan repayments from impoverished farmers. Marcos made commitments to provide credit access and farm support services to ensure the success of agrarian reform, just like the one’s before him. Nevertheless, farmers have been hearing such assurances for many years, and their continued inability to afford their farmlands suggests that agrarian reform has not succeeded in its main goal of lifting beneficiaries out of poverty. Another concerning

ART BY ELIO BALAN

indicator is the reported decrease in the number of Filipinos willing to participate in rice farming. Meanwhile, in the education sector, Department of Education (DepEd) Secretary Sara Duterte allocated PHP 15.6 billion budget to construct and repair infrastructure while also vowing to innovative paradigms and strategic reforms that will ensure the resilience of our educational landscape. Behind all those false promises are the struggles of the teachers who are continuously silenced and red-tagged by the state. The Alliance of Concerned Teachers - (ACT) Davao Region expressed their dissatisfaction and the challenges they face daily. One significant concern is the issue of red tagging, which is linked to the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC), where Vice-President and Department of Education (DepEd) Secretary Sara Duterte is a Vice Cochairperson. This has caused fear among teachers regarding their freedom to associate, as some ACT members have been profiled by the agency. The education sector in the Philippines is grappling with issues like classroom shortages and overcrowding, leading to split schedules for students. Moreover, teachers are also given extra paperwork which consumes more time than teaching the students. The allocation of a 10-billion

peso budget to intelligence funds instead of addressing the classroom and teacher shortage proved enough how incompetent they are, focusing more on filling their own pockets rather than finding solutions to the problems. In Davao Region, red tagging has hindered the resumption of the Collective Negotiation Agreement (CA) since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, depriving rank-and-file teachers of opportunities to negotiate for better working conditions and wages. A year in the palace has not brought improvement to the state of the country, in fact it got worse. Yet, BBM continues to deceitfully boast about how his actions have supposedly improved the country’s condition, but the tangible benefits are never truly experienced by ordinary Filipino citizens. This calls for more protest actions to underscore that regardless of Marcos Jr.’s attempts to charm the public by downplaying or dismissing the legitimate concerns raised by the citizens. The Filipino people are well aware that he will not tackle the core problems afflicting the nation. From day one, it is clear that the president will not genuinely address the real challenges posed by the ongoing economic crisis and inflation. Instead, they believe he will make more hollow promises that ultimately benefit himself and his allies.

The circus continues…

With the imposed state policies on the prices of goods and confidential funds, the administration whose acts differ from their performance has yet to fulfill its promises to the masses turning a nation into a circus filled with foolishness by those in power. ART BY ELIO BALAN

HIMATI