DADA:
zurich berlin hannover cologne new york paris
Copyright © 2005 Board of Trustees, National Gallery of Art, Washington. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers from the public press), without written permission from the publishers. The hardcover edition is published by the National Gallery of Art, Washington, and D.A.P./Distributed Arts Publishers, Inc., 155 Avenue of the Americas, Second Floor, New York, N.Y. 10013–1507. Tel. 212.627.19 9 9 , Fax 212.627. 94 84
Produced by the Publishing Office, National Gallery of Art, Washington www.nga.gov
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dickerman, Leah, 1964– Dada: Zurich, Berlin, Hannover, Cologne, New York, Paris Leah Dickerman; with essays by Brigid Doherty… [et al.]. p. cm. Catalogue of an exhibition held at the Centre Pompidou, Musée national d’art moderne, Paris, 5 October 2005–9 January 2006 ; at the National Gallery of Art, Washington, 19 February–14 May 2006; and at the Museum of Modern Art, New York, 18 June–11 September 2006 . Includes bibliographic references and index. ISBN 0–89468–313–6 (softcover: alk. paper)— ISBN 1–933045–20–5 (hardcover: alk. paper)— 1. Dadaism—Exhibitions 2.
Arts, Modern—20 th Century
I.
Dickerman, Leah
II.
National Gallery of Art (U.S.)
IV.
Museum of Modern Art (New York, N.Y.)
V. Title NX456.5.D3D53 2005 709’.04’062074—dc22 2005017984
The exhibition in Washington is made possible through the generous support of the Anna-Maria and Stephen Kellen Foundation and the Catherine B. Reynolds Foundation. Additional support for the exhibition in Washington has been provided by the Annenberg Foundation and Thomas G. Klarner. The exhibition is organized by the National Gallery of Art, Washington, and the Centre Pompidou, Paris, in collaboration with the Museum of Modern Art, New York. The exhibition is supported by an indemnity from the Federal Council on the Arts and the Humanities.
Table of Contents
214 Cologne Sabine T. Kriebel
XIV
XV
1
16
84
Foreword
Acknowledgments
Note to the Reader
Lenders to the Exhibition
Introduction Leah Dickerman
Zurich Leah Dickerman
Berlin Brigid Doherty
Hannover Dorothea Dietrich
XI
154 IX
516 Index
Credits
410
416
460
New York Michael R. Taylor
Paris Janine Mileaf Matthew S. Witkovsky
Dada Films Emmanuelle De L’Ecotais Mark Levitch
Chronology Matthew S. Witkovsky
Artists’ Biographies Amanda L. Hockensmith Sabine T. Kriebel with Isabel Kauenhoven
Selected Bibliography Aurélie Verdier
504 346
490 274
Centre Pompidou
National Gallery of Art, Washington
The Museum of Modern Art, New York
Musée national d’art moderne, Paris
19 February–14 May 2006
18 June–11 September 2006
5 October 2005 – 9 January 2006
DA DA: ZURICH
BERLIN
HANNOVER
COLOGNE
NEW YORK
PARIS With essays by: Brigid Doherty Dorothea Dietrich Sabine T. Kriebel Michael R. Taylor Janine Mileaf Matthew S. Witkovsky
Edited by: Leah Dickerman
zurich
Hans Arp Hugo Ball Viking Eggeling
Emmy Hennings Richard Huelsenbeck Marcel Janco
Francis Picabia Adya van Rees Otto van Rees
Hans Richter Christian Schad Arthur Segal
Walter Serner Sophie Taeuber Tristan Tzara
§
dada: the beginning Leah Dickerman
Dada was launched in Zurich. Its manifestation in that city was distinguished by its origins within the cabaret, the primacy given to defining a theory of abstraction expressed across media, and interest in various forms of primitivism. Yet, in the activities of a small group of artists living there during World War I, a certain idea of Dada developed with enough coherence to travel and be adopted elsewhere. Zurich was a crucible for Dada’s revolution. Many of the fundamental ideas and strategies that later characterized Dada as a movement grew out of events and activities that took place within this city of refuge.
Because of Switzerland’s famed policy of
political neutrality, Zurich served as a safe haven for those escaping the escalating conflagration of World War I. Iconoclasts of all kinds were attracted to the city: pacifists, draft dodgers, spies, and profiteers, as well as political and intellectual refugees of many stripes, including the Russian Bolshevik exiles Vladimir Lenin and Grigori Zinoviev and the anarchist Mikhail Bakunin.
18 | 19
§ Hugo Ball, co-founder of the Cabaret Voltaire, February 5, 1916
£ Hugo Ball and other dada artists at the Dada Fair, 1917.
¤ Tristan Tzara, Richard Huelsenbeck, Francis Picabia Germaine Everling, 1921.
¤
£
gathering place for Dada artists and writers. The
his memoirs, Richard Huelsenbeck, a founding member
learned Ball, the Cabaret’s founder with his companion
of the Zurich Dada group, writing with cosmopolitan
Emmy Hennings, served as Dada’s earliest intellectual
disdain, labeled the entire country “one big sanatorium.”1
leader. Ball was a studious figure whose writings
But Huelsenbeck also clearly conveyed the overarching
reveal an incredible breadth of cultural erudition. His
sense of freedom and relief that accompanied his arrival
diaries serve not only as the most important record for
in Zurich: “In the liberal atmosphere of Zurich, where the
our understanding of events in Zurich, but also as an
newspapers could print what they pleased, where there
intellectual genealogy, making links between his thinking
were no ration stamps and no ‘ersatz’ food, we could
and other contemporaries. In Munich before the war,
scream out everything we were bursting with.” 2 This
Ball wrote for Die Aktion, Der Sturm, and other radical
sense of refuge was shadowed by a keen awareness
journals and began serious involvement with the avant-
of proximity to threat, felt both geographically and
garde theater, working as literary adviser to several
physically. Hans Arp wrote defiantly: “Despite the
progressive theatrical groups. Along with the playwright
remote booming of artillery, we sang, painted, pasted
and poet Hans Leybold, Ball cofounded an experimental
and wrote poetry with all our might,” 3 while Hugo Ball
journal of his own called Revolution, which launched
Hans J. Kleinschmidt, trans. Joachim Neugroschel (Berkeley, 1991), 25 .
an iconoclastic nightclub that served as the first public
isolation from the larger European world. At one point in
1 R ichard Huelsenbeck, Memoirs of Dada Drummer (1969 ), ed.
from the conflict created at times a feeling of unreal
The origins of the Dada movement are
2 Huelsenbeck, Dada Drummer, 14 .
inextricably tied to the short life of the Cabaret Voltaire,
Marcel Jean, trans. Joachim Neugroschel (New York, 1972), 232.
Its very tranquility, abundance, and disengagement
3 Jean [Hans] Arp, Arp on Arp: Poems, Essays, Memories, ed.
years, Zurich was by all accounts a conservative city.
Elderfield, trans. Ann Raimes (Berkeley, 1996 ), 34 . Entry for 10 October 1915 .
drew a more precarious picture, describing Switzerland as a “birdcage, surrounded by roaring lions.”4
4 Hugo Ball, Flight Out of Time: A Dada Diary by Hugo Ball (1927), ed. John
In relation to Berlin, Munich, Bucharest, and Paris, where the founding dadaists had spent their pre-war
§
§ Weimar participants, autumn 1922
“ w e
want to provoke, perturb, bewilder ,
proto-dadaist assaults on bourgeois mores. The pub-
her from her future (and male) Dada colleagues. She
lication of one of Ball’s poems, “Der Henker” (The
was an experienced professional entertainer, who had
Hangman), led to the confiscation of the journals; but
been associatwed with theatrical companies, vaudeville,
at the ensuing trial, the judge declared the poem to be
cabarets and nightclubs, and avant-garde ventures
incomprehensible and therefore harmless. Ball’s Munich
from about 1905. 5 Contemporary criticism and memoirs
activities brought him into expressionist circles around
present a consensus about her extraordinary stage
the Blaue Reiter (Blue Rider), and Vasily Kandinsky,
presence. Capturing both her charisma and dissipation,
the group’s leading figure, was to remain a central
the Züricher Post ran a piece on the Cabaret Voltaire
and lasting influence on Ball. The two developed plans
declaring: “The star of the cabaret, however, is Mrs.
to reopen the Munich Artists’ Theater in an effort to
Emmy Hennings. Star of many nights of cabarets and
promote a “new form of theatrical expression,” ambi-
poems. Years ago she stood by the rustling yellow
tions that were jettisoned with the outbreak of war.
curtain of a Berlin cabaret, hands on hips, as exub-
A meeting in a Munich café established a second
erant as a flowering shrub; today too she presents the
important relationship for the founding of Dada: Ball
same bold front and performs the same songs with a
befriended Huelsenbeck and began a formative
body that has since then been only slightly ravaged
collaboration with the younger man
by grief.”6 Like many other female entertainers of her
Hennings, a figure of quite a different type,
sat at the class margins in a way that distinguished
day, Hennings slipped in an amphibian way between advanced intellectual circles and a seedy, underworld
20 | 21
tease, tickle to death , confuse...”
transformed into keen opposition when he made an unauthorized visit to the Belgian front and was horrified, precipitating a personal crisis that nearly ended in suicide. Soon afterward, Ball moved to Berlin, where Hennings and Huelsenbeck joined him, establishing the beginnings of a Dada coterie. Along with Huelsenbeck, he organized a series of antiwar evenings featuring aggressive performances that later served as a precedent for events at the Cabaret Voltaire. At one in February 1915 called “Gedächtnisfeier für gefallene
“We want to provoke, perturb, bewilder, tease, tickle to death, confuse….” 9
Clown’s Game from Nothing, ed. Brigitte Pichon and Karl Riha in the series
evening by handing out a manifesto, which declared,
5 S ee Hubert Van den Berg, “The Star of the Cabaret Voltaire,” in Dada Zurich: A
tribal songs—to the beat of a drum. The pair ended the
time on medical grounds. But his initial enthusiasm was
Crisis and the Arts: The History of Dada, vol. 2, gen. ed. Stephen C. Foster (New
for military service three times, only to be rejected each
York, 1996), 69–88.
intended to capture the rhythm and tonality of African
6 Ball, Flight Out of Time, 63. Entry for 7 May 1916.
biting manner that in its recited chants négres—poems
Ball exhibited considerable patriotic fervor, volunteering
7 Van den Berg, “The Star of the Cabaret Voltaire,” in Dada Zurich, 77.
soon became a couple. When World War I broke out,
8 H ans Leybold, Gegen Zuständliches: Glossen, Gedichte, Briefe, ed. Eckhard Faul
had committed suicide after being injured at the front in the fall of 1914—in a deliberately unsentimental,
Wasgauhalle Pirmasens] (Zurich, 1986), 18.
Ball and Hennings had met in Munich in 1913 and
(Hannover, 1989), 112; and Hugo Ball (1886–1986): Leben und Werk [exh. cat.,
prostitution and theft, and suspected of homicide.
9 M alcolm Green, “Introduction,” Blago Bung, Blago Bung, Bosso Fataka: First
ironic poetic obituary of his close friend Leybold—who
7
(London, 1995), 15.
Dichter” (The Memorial for Fallen Poets), Ball read an
Texts of German Dada by Hugo Ball, Richard Huelsenbeck, Walter Serner
existence. She worked as a model, nightclub hostess, and lady of the night, was arrested several times for
Dada, The Movement The Cabaret Voltaire closed in early July 1916. Huelsenbeck reported that Jan Ephraim “told us we must either offer better entertainment and draw a larger crowd or shut down the cabaret.”10 But it is also clear that Ball was becoming exhausted by his efforts and no longer wished to continue.11
In the few months of the Cabaret’s existence,
there was increasing discussion, with Tristan Tzara at the helm, of expanding the group’s reach beyond Zurich. “There are plans for a Voltaire Society, and an § First International Dada Messe Inauguration, Berlin , 1920
international exhibition,” Ball wrote in early April. “The proceeds of the soirées will go toward an anthology to be published soon.”12 Ball and Huelsenbeck resisted the idea of “organization,” but it seems that Tzara soon prevailed, and the publication was soon in the works with Ball actively involved in its preparation.
Adorned with a luxurious red cover with an
abstract woodcut by Arp, the only issue of Cabaret Voltaire, published on 31 May 1916, was already distant from the seedy, nocturnal experience of the cabaret, 13 and, despite the group’s iconoclasm, its purpose was a self-historicizing one: “[Cabaret Voltaire] was,” Tzara
knowing whom we are addressing. The artist’s audience
insisted, “not a journal but a documentary publication on
is not limited to his nation anymore…. Can we write,
the cabaret we founded here.” 14 The publication offered
compose, and make music for an imaginary audience?”16
its readers a miscellany of the group’s activities, “which
Ball laments the loss of the intimacy—the shift from a
at that time seemed to us to constitute ‘Dada’” : an
direct relationship between a performer and audience
introduction by Ball, a catalogue of one of the Cabaret
physically present before him, and its replacement by
Voltaire exhibitions, a chapter of Ball’s “fantastic novel,”
one that would have an international scale, but would be
the simultaneous poem and other contributions by the
inherently more mediated and abstract. Perhaps for Ball
15
same range of modernists whose work had appeared
there was some sense, as well, that making Dada public,
at the Cabaret (Guillaume Apollinaire, Picasso, Kan-
presenting it as a movement, would transform him into
dinsky, Filippo Marinetti, Blaise Cendrars) and by the
a propagandist—bringing him uncomfortably close to the
dadaists themselves. As Tzara intended, the printed
wartime media abuses he deplored.
anthology also granted a new portability to the contents
and the ideas they represented, allowing them to reach
that crucial emblem of movement identity: the word Dada
a broader audience.
itself.17 Against the background of heated discussion
about plans for a Voltaire Society, Ball noted in his entry
Yet the media potential for a new audience
Ironically, it was most likely Ball who provided
that so captivated Tzara seems to have rankled Ball and
for 18 April 1916 : “Tzara keeps on worrying about the
may well account for his opposition to the idea of a Dada
periodical. My proposal to call it Dada is accepted.”18
movement. Writing in a later diary entry about the group’s
The first word appeared in print in Tzara’s La premiére
effort to organize an international Dada event, Ball wrote:
Aventure céléste de Mr Antipyrine (The First Celestial
“In the end we cannot simply keep on producing without
Adventure of Mr. Antipyrine) and in the Cabaret
22 | 23
§
baby carriage.”21 Suggesting basic drives and childlike behavior, the word was at the same time self-consciously absurd, even self-mocking, and a subversive anthem of resistance to more fully instrumentalized speech and disciplined rationality. Resistance to fixed meaning remained a key feature; and later dadaist productions generated countless new definitions.
10 Huelsenbeck, “The Dada Drummer” in Dada Drummer, 17.
naiveté, joy in procreation, and preoccupation with the
11 S ee Ball’s entry for 15 March 1916: “The cabaret needs a rest. With all the tension the daily performances are not just exhausting, they are crippling.” Ball, Flight Out of Time, 57.
‘hobbyhorse’ in French. For Germans it is a sign of foolish
12 Ball, Flight Out of Time, 60. Entry for 2 April 1916.
richness, Ball added to his first mention of the word: “Dada is ‘yes, yes’ in Rumanian, ‘rocking horse’ and
13 D ebbie Lewer, “From the Cabaret Voltaire to the Kaufleutensaal,” in Pichon/Riha, eds. Dada Zurich, 48.
languages. Stressing both this semantic mobility and
14 Tzara to Raimondi, 17 March 1917, Dada, l’arte della negazione (Rome 1994), 110–111.
its multiple meanings and evocative connotations across
15 Huelsenbeck, “En avant Dada,” in Motherwell, The Dada Painters and Poets, 27.
performed at the cabaret, the group clearly embraced
16 Ball, Flight Out of Time, 98. Entry for 10 February 1917.
fragmentary and abstract phonemes of the sound poetry
17 J ohn Elderfield provides a comprehensive discussion of claims to the invention of the word Dada. See his afterward, “‘Dada:’ The Mystery of the Word,” Ball, Flight Out of Time, 238–251.
infantile sound and its appropriateness as an emblem for “beginning at zero.” 20 Though it resonated with the
18 Ball, Flight Out of Time, 63. Entry for 18 April 1916.
and that the two delighted in the primal quality of its
19 Huelsenbeck, “En Avant Dada,” in Motherwell, The Dada Painters and Poets, 26.
a German-French dictionary while he was visiting Ball19
20 Huelsenbeck, “Dada Lives,” in Motherwell, The Dada Painters and Poets, 279–281.
Huelsenbeck later recounted that it was chosen from
21 Ball, Flight Out of Time, 63. Entry for 18 April 1916.
Voltaire in an advertisement for the forthcoming journal.
§ Dada portrait of Germaine Everling, Francis Picabia, 1920
£ Alarm Clock I, Dada 4–5 cover, Francis Picabia, 1919
¤U ntitled Mask, Marcel Janco, 1919
¥ Collage with Squares Arranged According to the Laws of
Though it may not have been Ball’s intention, the word
and suggesting a kind of “dada hubris.” 30 “Just a
Dada offered tremendous media potential. Tzara seems
word,” declaimed Ball, “and the word a movement.”
to have recognized its publicity early on; Huelsenbeck
Very easy to understand…. To make of it an artistic
recalled that Tzara “had been one of the first to grasp
tendency must mean that one is anticipating
the suggestive power of the word Dada,” 22 and he
complications. Dada psychology, dada Germany cum
developed it as a kind of brand identity—a newly vis-
indigestion and fog paroxysm, dada literature, dada
ible phenomenon in both the sphere of culture and
bourgeoisie, and yourselves, honored poets, who are
consumer economics.
always writing with words but never writing the word
23
(Indeed, Ball hinted that the
word Dada already resonated as a brand name, offer-
itself, who are always writing around the actual point.
ing in a manifesto the slogan: “Dada is the world’s best
Dada world war without end, dada revolution without
lily milk soap.” 24) In Zurich Tzara placed “Mouvement
beginning, dada, you friends and also-poets, esteemed
Dada” as a banner headline across a series of posters
sirs, manufacturers, and evangelists. Dada Tzara, dada
announcing evening events, transformed the Galerie
Huelsenbeck, dada m’dada, dada m’dada dada mhm,
Corray into Galerie Dada, and published three poetry
dada dera dada, dada Hue, dada Tza. 31
books under the series title “Collection Dada” 25—as
A first public event, a first manifesto, but also an ending,
well as launching the journal for which the name had
for despite its obscurity, the manifesto was intended
originally been chosen. And he gave Dada (and Arp’s
and received, Ball wrote, as a “thinly disguised break
abode) the façade of a corporate structure, using
with friends.” 32 Ball soon distanced himself from the
envelopes printed with the return address:
group leaving Zurich for the Ticino in the first of several
Chance, Jean Arp, 1916–1917 Administration/Mouvement Dada/Zurich Zeltweg 83. 26
As part of this effort to forge a broader
identity, the group staged the “first public Dada
leave-takings and bringing to a close the period of his greatest intellectual influence. 33
With Ball’s absence and the closing of the
cabaret, Tzara emerged as the new leader, converting
evening,” 27 as Ball wrote, underscoring the word
Ball’s persona as cabaret master of ceremonies into
public, on 14 July 1916 at Zurich’s Waag Hall, an old
a role as a savvy media spokesman with grand ambi-
guildhouse on one of the city’s main squares. Hennings
tions. Tzara was “the romantic internationalist,” wrote
read poems, Arp offered a discussion of paper collages;
Huelsenbeck in his 1920 history of Dada.” 34 As a result,
Ball, Huelsenbeck, Marcel Janco, and Tzara performed
it was largely through the filter of Tzara’s efforts and
costumed and masked dances. The event also marked
writing that ideas about Dada were communicated to
a movement away from the margins of culture, seen
an audience outside of Zurich. While Ball had not art-
in the shift within the topography of the city from the
iculated a specific theory or program for Dada, Tzara’s
seedy Niederdorf, where no respectable citizen would
writings marked a certain shift, distilling concepts that
go, to a central area where the bourgeoisie was part
had emerged at the Cabaret into discernible principles
of the potential audience.
capable of being communicated. Departing from the
28
Yet if it was a step toward
a more mainstream identity, it also made the dadaist
more mystical aspects of Ball’s thought with its relig-
assault on bourgeois pieties all the more direct.
ious and alchemical imagery, Tzara, as discussed in
the introduction to this volume, offered a declaration of
Along with the other offerings of the even-
ing, the core members read manifestos, appropriating
resistance to various forms of social government. In his
a traditional form of public and political communica-
widely distributed “Manifeste Dada 1918 ,” he wrote, “To
tion aimed at establishing principles. 29 But Ball’s text
impose your ABC is a natural thing, hence deplorable.” 35
turned on the group itself, mocking its ambitions
24 | 25
¥ ¤ £ §
22 Huelsenbeck, “En Avant Dada,” in Motherwell, The Dada Painters and Poets, 26 . 23 The idea of branding emerged in the nineteenth century as the industrialization of goods moved to centralized factories; in an effort to familiarize a wider customer base beyond the reach of word of mouth with their products, manufacturers adopted brand names and logos to reassure customers of the reputation and quality of their goods. 24 Ball, “Dada Manifesto” (1916 ), reprinted in Ball, Flight Out of Time, 221. 25 These included Tzara’s own La premiére Aventure céléste de Mr Antipyrine (The First Celestial Adventure of Mr. Antipyrine), and Huelsenbeck’s Phantastische Gebete (Fantastic Prayers) and Schalaben schalabai schalamezonai, the first with woodcuts by Janco, and the latter drawings by Arp. 26 A copy of this envelope exists in the collection of the Museum of Modern Art, New York. 27 Ball, Flight Out of Time, 73 . Entry for 6 August 1916. 28 Lewer, “From the Cabaret Voltaire to the Kaufleutensaal,” in Dada Zurich, 52. 29 S ince the seventeenth century manifestos have been used as a genre for political opposition, as most famously seen in Karl Marx’s Communist Manifesto. 30 Ball, Flight Out of Time, 83 . Entry for 6 October 1916 . 31 Ball, “Dada Manifest,” in Ball, Flight Out of Time, 220 . 32 Ball, Flight Out of Time, 73 . Entry for 6 August 1916 . 33 B all left for the first time at the end of July for Tessin, then for the village of Vira-Magadino, and then Ascona. In November, he returned to Zurich for several months. 34 Huelsenbeck, “En Avant Dada,” in Motherwell, The Dada Painters and Poets, 24. 35 Tzara, “Dada Manifesto, 1918 ,” in Motherwell, The Dada Painters and Poets, 76 .
Dada International
Definitive changes occurred within the group between late 1917 and what might be seen as the demise of Zurich Dada around the end of 1919. The ending of the war allowed for the increased possibility of foreign travel, facilitating greater contact with the world outside of Zurich and offering the first real opening for an international expansion of Dada as a movement. The arrival in Zurich of two key figures, French-Spanish artist Francis Picabia and the German critic Walter Serner, was influential in these late stage developments, introducing a new cynically subversive tone.
Having spent much of the war in New York
working closely with Marcel Duchamp and members of the Stieglitz circle, Picabia left for Europe in 1918 , staying in Barcelona and Paris, all the while publishing his journal 391, which had already become an international avant-garde forum. Both the journal and his own itinerancy made Picabia an important conduit for ideas. In 1918 he sought treatment for neurasthenia (and perhaps for alcoholism) in Switzerland, first at Gstaad, then in the spa town of Bex-les-Bains, where
§
26 | 27
§ Meeting at Weimar, 1922
Zurich Dada, copies of Dada 3 , and books of poetry as
Paris in which the movement of ideas was presented
gifts. 36 The exchange seems to have prompted Picabia
as a circuit of machinic forces. Already experienced in
and his wife Gabrielle Buffet to visit Zurich for three
publishing a journal, Picabia collaborated with Tzara
weeks at the beginning of 1918 , 37 and the encounter
in editing the issue, and it featured a truly international
between Picabia and the Zurich group was one of
roster of contributors including, along with Tzara and
mutual recognition and embrace. The group descend-
Picabia themselves, Jean Cocteau, Pierre Reverdy,
ed upon Picabia en masse in his Zurich hotel room. To
Raoul Hausmann, Huelsenbeck, André Breton, Serner,
their delight, he smashed an alarm clock (the symbol
Viking Eggeling, and Hans Richter. While in Zurich,
par excellence of Swiss efficiency and rationality)
Picabia also edited the eighth number of 391, which
and dipped its inner workings in ink, pressing them
featured the activities of the Zurich Dada group. «
on paper to make monoprints (Réveil matin I [Alarm Clock]). Thus was European dadaism introduced to the imagery of dysfunctional machines developed in New York during the war, bringing together the Zurich group’s critique of governing systems with New York’s subversion of icons of industrial capitalism. One of the clock images was feature on the cover of Dada 4–5 , the last issue to be produced in Zurich. The in-
side pages offered another drawing by Picabia titled “Mouvement Dada”—a diagrammatic rendering of the
36 See Matthew S. Witkovsky, “Pen Pals” in Dickerman, The Dada Seminars, 269–293 .
avant-garde network linking Zurich, New York, and
37 W illiam A. Camfield, Francis Picabia, 26 September 1918, in Michel Sanouillet, Dada á Paris, 2 vols. (Paris, 1993 ), 469.
he received a letter from Tzara inviting participation in
berlin
Johannes Baader Otto Dix George Grosz
Raoul Hausmann John Heartfield Wieland Herzfelde
Hannah Hรถch Richard Huelsenbeck Hans Richter
Rudolf Schlichter Georg Scholz
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F
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