مقالات اجلاس جوانان و بيدارى اسلامى2

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ‪ :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﮔﻠﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻠﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪1390‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪2000 :‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‪ :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‪ :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻳﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻰﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻯ‬

‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬

‫‪ 6‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ /‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 65‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ 97‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫‪ 138‬ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ‬

‫‪ 164‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫‪ 321‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬

‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎﻳﺎﺻﺎﻟﺖ‪،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬

‫‪ 195‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ /‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬

‫‪ 357‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬

‫‪ 209‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 223‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪ 381‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ /‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫‪394‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪/‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ /‬ﻫﻤﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻀﺮ‬

‫‪ 255‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ‬

‫‪ 406‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‪/‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬

‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺬﻯ ﻃﺎﻣﻪ‬

‫‪ 428‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻣﻜﻰ‬

‫‪ 280‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ‬

‫‪ 441‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪/‬‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﺭﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫‪ 297‬ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫‪ 465‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﺶ‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ؛ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭﻣﻜﺘﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ”ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ“ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺯ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ”ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ” ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬

‫‪7‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪8‬‬

‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻝ ﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻨﺠﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻰ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺘﺶ ﻣﻰ ﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﻯ ‪1952-1859‬ﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ! ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻣﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﻤﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ( ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺳﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫؛ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ‪ ” :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ” ﻣﺎﺋﺪﻩ ﺁﻳﻪ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻰ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻴﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬

‫‪9‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﺭﻕ ﻭﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ‪.‬‬

‫‪10‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﻟﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻨﮕﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1984‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪” :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪“.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻭ ﺯﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻌﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺫﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻧﻜﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 17‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ‪ 1988‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﻧﻜﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﺭﺍﻓﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺑﺮﺕ ﻭﺍﺳﻮﻡ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﭙﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﻭﺍﻟﭙﻮﺭﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ؛ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺷﻚ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻃﻰ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 14‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ‪ 1951‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1991‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ‪ ....‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ‪1951‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ .....‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ‪1958‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ‪....‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ‪1966‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﻣﺎﻳﻜﻪ ‪ ....‬ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻝ ‪1969‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ‪ ....‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ‪1970‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ‪ .....‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1975‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﻯ ‪ ....‬ﻳﻤﻦ ‪1977‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﺸﻤﻰ ‪ ...‬ﻳﻤﻦ ‪1978‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻮﻳﻠﺢ ‪ ....‬ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻗﻤﺮ ‪1978‬‬

‫‪11‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪12‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ‪ ....‬ﻣﺼﺮ ‪1981‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻞ ‪.....‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪1982‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻨﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﻮﺽ ‪....‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪1989‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ‪ ...‬ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻗﻤﺮ ‪1989‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﺿﻴﺎﻑ ‪ ....‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﺋﺮ ‪1991‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻧﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﺷﻘﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪. 1995‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2001‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﻮ ﻛﻮﺳﻴﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻄﻦ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺸﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬

‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1979‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﺕ ﻛﻮﻫﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ”ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ“ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻫﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﻫﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﺎﻧﮕﺘﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫”ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺮﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰ“ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻭﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬

‫‪13‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪14‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻃﻼﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻏﻮﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻃﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻃﻼﻝ ‪ 5,7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻛﻮﺭپ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺗﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻃﻼﻝ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﺯﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻃﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺗﺎﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻛﻮپ‬ ‫؛ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﻮﻛﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪ 2012‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ”ﺳﻜﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﻪ“ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺳﻮﺍ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 750‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻃﻰ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ؛ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ 2278‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻳﺪﺍ ”ﺟﻮﺱ ﺑﻴﻠﻴﻜﺮﺍﺱ“ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫‪ 395‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 13224‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺒﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2001‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬

‫‪15‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪16‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺠﻴﺐ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ )ﺑﭽﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻣﺎ( ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺬﺭﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ”ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ“ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ‪ -‬ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺎ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ”ﺍﻳﻤﻮ“ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍژﻩ ”ﺍﻳﻤﻮ“ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ” ‪“emotion‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻫﺎﺭﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻙ ﻣﺘﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ”ﺑﻮﻳﺎﺕ“ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺍﺑﺎﻟﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺕ ﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺪﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻭﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺎﻃﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ؛ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ؛ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ‬

‫‪17‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪18‬‬

‫ﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺑﺮﺵ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 52‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﺋﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻟﻴﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ‪ :‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ‪-‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ‪.‬‬ ‫”ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ“ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺷﻌﺮﺍ ﺁﻳﻪ ‪152-151‬‬

‫‪19‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺂﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻳﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎ ﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ژﺋﻮﻛﺎﻟﭽﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬

‫‪21‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪22‬‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻫﺎﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻌﻨﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 42‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀ ًﺎ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ )ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ(‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺰﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺯﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﻤﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮ‬ ‫‪(ttp//:www.bashgah.net/fa/category/show.)59640/‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻫﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻄﺪﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪) .‬ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻝ‪.(1382:244،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺜﺮﺗﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻰ ‪ (1382:258 ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬

‫‪23‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪24‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺒﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪).‬ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮﺟﺎﻥ ﺹ‪(256‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻬﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫) ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ‪ 469‬ﻭ ‪.(471‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﻨﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ)ﺭﺍﻫﺎﺟﻮ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‪:1378 ،‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪ .(72‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﻼﻗﻬﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ).‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪- 1385:452 ،‬‬ ‫‪.(453‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ًﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﮔﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪(231 - 230 :1380 ،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺻﺺ ‪ 483‬ﻭ ‪ .(485‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻮﺭﻭ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ)ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮﺟﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺻﺺ‪ .(285 :2‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻞ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ »ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﻮﺱ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1986‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ)ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ (276 – 277‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪25‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪26‬‬

‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻫﻬﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍً ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ )ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1979‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪(http//:www.hawzah.net/fa/numberlist.html?ListMagazinesubject‬‬ ‫)‪=true&ListMagazineAlpha.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻬﺴﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻬﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺎﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ »ﺿﻴﺎء ﺍﻟﺤﻖ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﺛﻨﻰ ﻋﺸﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻫﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ).‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ‪(20 :1387 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬

‫‪27‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪28‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ ،1979‬ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ »ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺘﻰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‪ 1980‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺂﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 1987‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ »ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻨﻰ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﻜﺴﺎﻟﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1983‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،1980‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻬﻨﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻜﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬ ‫‪( http//:www.hawzah.net/fa/numberlist.html?ListMagazinesubject=true&Li‬‬ ‫)‪stMagazineAlpha‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺎﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻫﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺒﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺫﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ (22 :1387‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ »ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫‪29‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‪ :‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺒﻖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ(‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪30‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ)ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ‪ (25 :1387 ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻡ ﺯﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ« ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺎﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺬﺍﺑﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪-‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪( http//:www.hawzah.net/fa/numberlist.html?ListMagazinesubjec‬‬ ‫)‪t=true&ListMagazineAlpha‬‬

‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫‪31‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪32‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﻛﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ »ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﭘﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﻓﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ‪ 12‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1980‬ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ »ﻛﻨﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﻥ« ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1980‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﻮﺟﻮﻯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ )ﮔﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪.(345-346 :1380،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﻪ« ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺘﺎﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺷﻠﺘﻮﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ)ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ‪.(154 :1382،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1978‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻳﺎ ﺿﻤﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫‪33‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪34‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1979‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻬﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺒﻨﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺟﻠﻮﻫﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪).‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪:1385 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .(272-273‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﭙﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻏﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪) ،‬ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ‪ .(171-190 :1382،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﭙﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ )ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ :1382 ،‬ﺹ ‪ .(172‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1982‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻬﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ« )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ‪.(1385:294‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺠﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺄﺱ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬

‫‪35‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪36‬‬

‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ).‬ﮔﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪( 363 - 364 : 1380،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ .(327 :1385 ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ‪ 317 : 1382،‬ﻭ ‪ .( 310‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ »ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻣﺒﺎﺭﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﺜﺮﺗﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ«‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.(21:31‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺗﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ .( 247 : 1383،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ« )ﮔﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪1380،‬‬ ‫‪ .(433:‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺧﺮﻣﺸﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪(90 : 1386‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻳﺎﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1984‬ﺷﺪ )ﺩﻛﻤﺠﻴﺎﻥ‪ .( 377 :1377،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻬﭽﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪.‬‬

‫‪37‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪38‬‬

‫‪ .5‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ)ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ .(68:1384 ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ »ﺁﻳﺘﺎﷲ ﺻﺪﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻬﺪﻫﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺘﺎﷲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ)ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ .(212 :1383،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ)ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ‪(27 :1387 ،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ ﺑﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 1359‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ)ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ .(275 :1382 ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍً ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻬﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺳﺎﻝﭘﺲﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻭﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1979‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ)ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ‪ .(117 :1382،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻬﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺘﻴﺒﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻻﺣﺴﺎء ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻴﻒ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺒﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ« ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ »ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1979‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 17‬ﺁﻛﻮﺳﺖ )ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ( ﻭ ‪ 19‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ )ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻰ( ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 31‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ‪( 202 : 1385‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ)ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ .(192: 1385‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪39‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪40‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1981‬ﺑﻮﺩ)ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ .(275 :1382 ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1994‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫) ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ .( 193 : 1385‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﺂﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪).‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ (182:1385 ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻬﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺘﺎﻻﺳﻼﻡ »ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻬﺮﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ« ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ)ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ (276 :1382 ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺒﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ .(224:1383‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ)ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪(189:1385 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺠﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤ ًﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪-‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻬﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ)‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪.( 215 - 216 : 1385 ،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ )ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺩﻯ‪:1385 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .(394‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﭙﺪﻳﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺎﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬

‫‪41‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪42‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ‪. ...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺣﺰﺑﺎﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻌﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ )‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﺎﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ .(236 : 1383،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳ ّﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ »ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺴﺎﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺒﺨﺶ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1701‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2006‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻘّﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻬﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻬﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻃﻰ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ )ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ« ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ » ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺘﺂﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‪:‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ )ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺄﺗﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺎﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬

‫‪43‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪44‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ)‪ (1987‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻋﻘﺒﻨﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻰ )‪ (2000‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻘﺒﻨﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻜﺒﻪ )ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ( ﻭ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻜﺴﻪ )ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ‪ (1967‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪-2-‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪-3-‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫)ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ( ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻬﻜﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻬﺮﻭ )ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ( ﻳﺎﺩﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻬﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻓﻮﻗﺎﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﺂﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ )ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ(ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺴﺒﺘ ًﺎ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪-4-‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻼﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪-5-‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1994‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ 9‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 120‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫‪45‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ‪ - 13/7/1390‬ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ (‬

‫‪46‬‬

‫ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻄﻌ ًﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﺴﻠﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫‪47‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪48‬‬

‫ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺷﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ‪(14/12/1389‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻗﻠﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ـ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ )ﺳﻴﺎ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩﻯ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1357‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ]ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ[ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﺳﻴﺎ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ـ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ )ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(( ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‬

‫‪49‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪50‬‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ؛‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ؛‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ« )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ :83/3/4‬ﺹ ‪.(16‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ )ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ«( ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ـ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘ ًﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪». ...‬ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﭙﺲ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ژﺭﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺫﺍﺗ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﻜﺴﻮﻥ‪» ،‬ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻚ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻝ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ« )ﻓﺆﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 59‬ـ ‪.(56‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻫﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫‪51‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪52‬‬

‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻗﻠﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ«ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻏﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ« ﻭ »ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 20) 2001‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ (1380‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻴﻌﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ« )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪(182 :1385 ،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘـﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍً ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ـ ﻣﻠﺖ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ـ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤ ًﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬

‫‪53‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪54‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻻﺋﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ »ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻦ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2010) 1389‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ( ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻔﺖﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫‪55‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪56‬‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻚ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﻠﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ! )ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،1332‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﺴﻴﻨﺠﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ ...» .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪... .‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍً ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻞ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ـ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬

‫‪57‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪58‬‬

‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪. ...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻄﻔﺌﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﻓﻮﺍﻫﻤﻢ ﻭﺍﷲ ﻣﺘﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﻩ ﻭﻟﻮ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﺮﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺳﻮﺭﻩﻯ ﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻪﻯ ‪.(8‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ )ﺍﻣﻮﺭ( ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺤﻰﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻋﺬﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻗﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻮﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺳﻮﺍء ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻜﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻧﻌﺒﺪ ﺇﻻ ﺍﷲ«)]‬ ‫ﺁﻝﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪» ([.64 :‬ﺑﮕﻮ‪ :‬ﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ! ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺮﺳﺘﻴﻢ«‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻋﻼﺝ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖﮔﻮﻳﻰ؛‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻼﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺎﻟﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪59‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪60‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺯﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻨﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺃﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﭼﭽﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺛﻮﺍﺑﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻄﻮﻃﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻳﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺃﺩﻉ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﺑّﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻮﻋﻈﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺟﺎﺩﻟﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻰ ﺃﺣﺴﻦ«)‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻞ‪»(125 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻛﻦ«‬ ‫‪)http//:www.bashgah.net/fa/category/show(58403/‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺴﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫‪61‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪62‬‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻮﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓ َِﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻮﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻄﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻬﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬

‫‪63‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺴـﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻳـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣـﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ‪:‬‬

‫‪64‬‬

‫ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‬‫ ﻓﺆﺍﺫ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺟﻴﺲ ﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬‫ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪/3/4)،‬ﺗﺎ‪ »،(8‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ«‬‫ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻝ)‪ (1381‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻬﭽﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬‫ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺰﻩ)‪ (1385‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ)‪ (1385‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬‫ ﺭﺍﻫﺎﺟﻮ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ)‪ »(1378‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ« ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺱ ﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪،2‬‬‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﮔﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ)‪ (1380‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻨﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ)‪» (1382‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪«(1382)61‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ -‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ - 1387‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ -248‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪26-19‬‬‫ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ - 13/7/1390 -‬ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ‬‫ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ - 14/12/1389 -‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬‫ ‪net.hawzah.www//:http‬‬‫ ‪net.bashgah.www//:http‬‬‫‪ -‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫‪66‬‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؛ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪.1 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ .2 ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‪ .3 ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ .4 ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ‪.5‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺳﭙﺲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺏ( ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫)ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺝ( ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ .1 :‬ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .2 ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ .1 :‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ‪ .2‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ .3‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ .4‬ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ‪ .5‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ‪ .6‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ .7‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ؛ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﺍژﻩ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪www.shaabani.ir . ١‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺂﺧﺬ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ« ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ 2.‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺍﻡﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ 3.‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ 4‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺵ )ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ( ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﺮﺩﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ . 2‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،12‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،1375‬ﺹ ‪8‬؛ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1358 ،‬ﺹ ‪ 73‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ . 3‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1369 ،‬ﺹ ‪6‬‬ ‫‪ . 4‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1368 ،‬ﺹ ‪7‬‬

‫‪67‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭﻳﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﻴﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﻋﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺔ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ‪) .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ(‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﺋﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺫﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﺒﻌﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ . 5‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ، 1385،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ‪ :‬ﺟﺴﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻮﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻣﺶ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻓﻴﻦ )ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻮﺕﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﻃﻠﺐ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺑﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻫﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ )ﻻﺍﻟﻪﺍﻻﺍﷲ( ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻲﺍﷲﻋﻠﻴﻪﻭﺁﻟﻪ )ﺍﺷﻬﺪﺍﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ( ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻠﺔ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫‪69‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪70‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‪ 6‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫)ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ( ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ )ﻏﺪﺓ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ« َﻋﻠَﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 9.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻻﺍﻟﻪﺍﻻﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻻﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪ . 6‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺁژﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،1371 ،‬ﺻﺺ‪260‬ـ‪1 .257‬‬

‫‪ . 7‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1361 ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪33‬‬ ‫‪ . 8‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،5‬ﺹ ‪238‬‬ ‫‪ . 9‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ . 10‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،16‬ﺹ ‪289‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ 12.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻋﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ...‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ )ﺻﻠﻲﺍﷲﻋﻠﻴﻪﻭﺁﻟﻪ(‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﺸﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻓ َِﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛‪ 14‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﻲﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪ . 11‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،20‬ﺹ ‪6‬‬ ‫‪ . 12‬ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1372 ،‬ﺹ ‪99‬‬ ‫‪ . ١٣‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 100‬ﻭ ‪114‬‬ ‫‪ . 14‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،6‬ﺹ ‪.768‬‬

‫‪71‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪72‬‬

‫)ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻴﺐﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻠّﻎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ،1357‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.1 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺬﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .2 «.‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .3 .‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﻔﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 15‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،34‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،1379‬ﺹ ‪.14‬‬ ‫‪ . 16‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ‪9‬ﺩﻯ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﺔ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ًﻻ ﺳﻤﺒﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪73‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪74‬‬

‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ 10 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎ ًﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ )ﻋﻤﺮ( ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻌﻮﺑﻴﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺎﺩﺳﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻮﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ( ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ(‬ ‫»ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ 19«...‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺔ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ . 17‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪243‬‬ ‫‪ . 18‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪245‬‬ ‫‪ . 19‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،11‬ﺹ ‪45‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ )ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ( ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ )ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ( ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ( ﻣﺎﺩﻱ )ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ(‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 20‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،13‬ﺹ ‪263‬‬ ‫‪ . 21‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪123‬‬ ‫‪ . 22‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‪ ، 1387،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ :‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬

‫‪75‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪76‬‬

‫‪ .4‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻲﺗﺠﻤﻞ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻭ ﭘﺎپ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪23.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 23‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،1376 ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺏ( ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ )ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺝ( ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﺔ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻸ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‪-‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﺔ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ«‪» ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‬

‫‪77‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪78‬‬

‫ﻭ »ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻲﺭﻏﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻚﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﻀﻢﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ )ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻔﻨﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﺔ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ »ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ 27.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺟﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺷﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ »ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪ . 24‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،1369/9/22 ،‬ﺹ ‪12‬‬ ‫‪ . 25‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،5‬ﺹ ‪236‬‬ ‫‪ . 26‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ؛ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪،14‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،1380‬ﺹ ‪199‬‬ ‫‪ . 27‬ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1372 ،‬ﺹ ‪108‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫)ﺍﺳﻼﻡ؛ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺴﻦﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻗﻄﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻱﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺷﻘﺎﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ . 28‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 237‬ﻭ ‪247‬‬ ‫‪ . 29‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ . 30‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،1374 ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 394‬ـ ‪391‬‬ ‫‪ . 31‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،33‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪ ،1379‬ﺻﺺ ‪98‬ـ‪80‬‬

‫‪79‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺓ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ 32.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ »ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﻛﺎﻛﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻉ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ« ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ« ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑُﻌﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬

‫‪80‬‬

‫‪ . 32‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،1371/11/4 ،‬ﺹ ‪8‬‬ ‫‪ . 33‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫‪ . 34‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،20‬ﺹ ‪ ،253‬ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺴﻮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺵ‪660‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ...‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻭ ّﺍﻻ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ )ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍﻱ( ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺘﻮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷﺪﻩ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﻄﻌ ًﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫‪ . 35‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.1380/11/17 ،‬‬ ‫‪ . 36‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،89‬ﺹ‪.3‬‬

‫‪81‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓﻭﺑﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪82‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺳﻌﺪ ﺗﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫‪ . 37‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ‪9‬ﺩﻯ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻀﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ( ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻫﺴﺘﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪40.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1358‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎء ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫‪ . 38‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 39‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،5‬ﺹ ‪238‬‬ ‫‪ . 40‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪305‬‬

‫‪83‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻸ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ 41 .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 1359‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻼﻛﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻻﺷﺮﻗﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻻﻏﺮﺑﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ‪ 1369‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻻﺍﻟﻪﺍﻻﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪1369‬ﺗﺎ‪ 1379‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﭗ ﺗﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺱﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪84‬‬

‫‪ .4‬ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻪ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1378‬ﻭ ‪1379‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1379‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔﺍﻻﻗﺼﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫‪ . 41‬ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1372 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪115‬ـ‪110‬‬ ‫‪ . 42‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ؛ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪299‬؛ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ ،1376/3/13‬ﺹ ‪8‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪43‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ 44‬ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 23‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ،1357‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1370‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 1356‬ﻭ ‪ ،1357‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺣﻠﺒﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺎﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺠﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 43‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ؛ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،1376 ،‬ﺹ ‪81‬‬ ‫‪ . 44‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ . 45‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،1382/12/2 ،122‬ﺹ ‪12‬‬

‫‪85‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺯﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺟﺎﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺍﻟﻪﺍﻻﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻭ »ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻔﻠﻖ« ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1370‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺿﺎﺣﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪86‬‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫)ﻗﺪﺱ ﺳﺮﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ )ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ( ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ( ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻣﻌﻨﺎﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫‪ . ٤٦‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ . 47‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ؛ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ؛ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺩﻯ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻫﻠﻨﻰ‪-‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ‪-‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺧﻼﻗﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺬﺍﺫ ﺟﺴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﺎ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ‪) .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻻﻳﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‪(....‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪-‬ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‬ ‫)ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺱ( ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﺔ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻮﻕﺍﻟﺠﻴﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺵ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ!‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫‪87‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪88‬‬

‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻰ( ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻯ! )ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ(‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ )ﺗﻜﻨﻮﭘﻮﻟﻰ( ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﻏﺎﻳﺖﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻛﻴﺖ )ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﺓ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ(‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ »ﺧﺪﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻴﻌﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ( ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ )ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 43‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 57‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ« ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ )ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ(‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ(ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪ . 48‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،1382/11/18 ،121‬ﺹ ‪5‬‬

‫‪89‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪90‬‬

‫)ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺒﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﺸﺪﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪50.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺒﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ‪ 40‬ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ »ﺳﺎﻑ«‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺗﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬

‫‪ . 49‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ . 50‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،1382/11/18 ،121‬ﺹ ‪5‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪51‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻭ ًﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ 53.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻴﻨﺠﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .1 :‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ .2 ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .3 ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .4 ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻸ‬ ‫‪ . 51‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ . 52‬ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1372 ،‬ﺹ ‪116‬‬ ‫‪ . 53‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،1382/11/18 ،121‬ﺹ ‪5‬‬

‫‪91‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪92‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﺔ ‪ 1990‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻼﻝ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻀﺞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮ ًﻻ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ‪ .1‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ًﻻ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺰﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪.1 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ .2 ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‪ .3 ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ .4 ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ‪ .5‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺏ( ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺝ( ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ...‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ( ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﻒ( ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺏ( ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ )ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺝ( ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ؛ ‪ .1‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .2 ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ .1 :‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ‬

‫‪93‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪94‬‬

‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ‪ .2‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ .3‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ .4‬ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ‪ .5‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ‪.6‬‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ .7‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺒﺪﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ« ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻑ ﺧﻔﻴﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﭘﺲﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ!‪ -‬ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﺘﻢﻛﺸﻴﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫‪.2‬ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‬ ‫‪.3‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1361 ،‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1368 ،‬‬ ‫‪.5‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫‪.6‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺁژﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪1371‬‬ ‫‪.7‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،1376 ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫‪.8‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪1378 ،‬‬ ‫‪.9‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪1374 ،‬‬ ‫‪.10‬ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪1376 ،‬‬ ‫‪.11‬ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪.12‬ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪،121‬‬ ‫‪1382/11/18‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‬ ‫‪.12‬ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪1382/12/2 ،122‬‬ ‫‪.13‬ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1372 ،‬‬ ‫‪.14‬ﻛﺮﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ؛ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،14‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1380‬‬ ‫‪.15‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1369 ،‬‬ ‫‪.16‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪89‬‬

‫‪95‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪.17‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫‪.18‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1358 ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪.1‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪.2‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪.3‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،34‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1379‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،12‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1375‬‬ ‫‪.5‬ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪122‬‬ ‫‪.6‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،89‬ﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪1390‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ«‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ«‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ »ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬

‫‪96‬‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻯ‬

‫‪98‬‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺗﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ . 1‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬

‫‪99‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪100‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺿﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺮژﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗـﺸـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟـﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓـﺮﺍﻳـﻨـﺪ ﺗـﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ )ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻻﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺘﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ )ﻉ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ »ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻗﻴﺎﺱﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﺓ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺍﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ )ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ( ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻻ ﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﻻ ﺍﷲ« ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ )ﺹ(‬ ‫)ﺍﺷﻬﺪ ﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍً ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ( ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻛﻌﺒﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻠﺔ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬

‫‪101‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪102‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ )ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ( ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ«‪َ ،‬ﻋﻠَﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻻﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﻻ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻻﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ُﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ُﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺣﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،1384 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(69-70‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻓﺸﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻮﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻈﻤﺎﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫»ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1387‬ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ ‪(90‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺟﺒﺮﻯﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺷﺎﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ« ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ( ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﺔ )ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ( ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ( ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ( ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫)ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ( ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬

‫‪103‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪104‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ( ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ( ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﺓ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﻪ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ( ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ )ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ( ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ(؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻌﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻣﻞ( ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ(؛ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺧﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ‪ ،1375 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(78-89‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ُﻋﻠﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺻﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ )ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ( ﺍﺯ ﺻﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ )ﺹ( ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺓ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ( ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍژﺓ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻀﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﺡ )ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ( ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ )ﻛﺎ ِﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬

‫‪105‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪106‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،1374 ،‬ﺹ ‪(112‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ُﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 1359‬ﺵ‪ 1980 /.‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻼﻛﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻻﺷﺮﻗﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﻏﺮﺑﻴﻪ« ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1369‬ﺵ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺝ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪(133‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭژﻩﮔﺎﺭﻭﺩﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻏﻨﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺻﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪) «.‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،1374 ،‬ﺹ ‪(67‬‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺗﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻭﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺝ‪ ،3‬ﺹ ‪(79‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺝ‪ ،4‬ﺹ ‪(143‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪107‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪108‬‬

‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ -‬ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯِ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺼﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥﺍﷲﻋﻠﻴﻪ( ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻤﺔ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯِ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﭽﺔ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ؛ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﺶ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﭘﻨﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺝ‪،3‬‬ ‫ﺻﺺ ‪(143-145‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ؛ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ؛ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1387‬ﺝ‪ ،5‬ﺻﺺ ‪(55-56‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫‪109‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺎً ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺝ‪ ،4‬ﺻﺺ ‪(69-70‬‬

‫‪110‬‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ )ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧِ ﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺒﻰ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ( ﺧﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﺰﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺹ‪(44‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ )ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺪ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﭼﺔ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺹ‪(46‬‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺳﺮﺍﻥ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺹ‪(51‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺣﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻰﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻰﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1381 ،‬ﺹ‪(60‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ِ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘُﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪111‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪112‬‬

‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ )ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ( ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1383 ،‬ﺹ‪(60‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻧﻪ؛ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺣﻖﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻔﺔ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﻔﺔ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ؛ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ -‬ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎً ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺝ‪ ،3‬ﺹ‪(88‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ‪ Identity‬ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،1370 ،‬ﺹ‪(91‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1373 ،‬ﺹ ‪(112‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴ ِﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮ ِﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪113‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪114‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(120-123‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺍﻳﺰ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻏﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺳﻜﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺸﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1373‬ﺻﺺ ‪(131-133‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1383 ،‬ﺹ‪(92‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﻙ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺄﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻃﻨﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1381 ،‬ﺹ‪(71‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1374 ،‬ﺹ‪(102‬‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺒﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ :‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1381‬ﺹ‪(77‬‬

‫‪115‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪116‬‬

‫‪ -10‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺹ‪(111‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺲ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1383 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(84-85‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟« ﻭ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ؟« ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﺓ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻯﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻻﺋﻴﺴﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪) .‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،1376 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(221-237‬‬

‫‪117‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪118‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻠﻮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺑَﺮ ﻧﻈﻤﻰ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻄﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻯ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺎﺩﻯﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ ﻓﺮ‪ ،1375 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(98-109‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﻣﻰﺟﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2001‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ‪ 70‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﻟﻰ‪ ،1373 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(54-56‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫‪119‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪120‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺗﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﻓﺸﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻏﺮﺏﭘﮋﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻏﺮﺏﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪) .‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(95-98‬‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫‪ .5‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻏﺮﺏﭘﮋﻭﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻃﻼﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺒﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫‪121‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪122‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ )ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ( ﻭ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،1377 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(155-175‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻬﺠﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺯﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﺟﻨﺐﻭﺟﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ« ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪-‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻳﻜﺘﺎﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻃﺎﻋﺘﻰ‪ ،1375 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(59-66‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ ﺍﻣﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﺓ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺞ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻛﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺩﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬

‫‪123‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪124‬‬

‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺓ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺑﻨﺎء ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻼﻥﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻋﻄﺎء ﻛﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،1377 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(38-44‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻯ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1378‬ﺻﺺ ‪(89-94‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬

‫‪125‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪126‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ »ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﺘﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺣﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ( ﺣﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ( ﺣﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺸﺮﻯﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻡﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫـ( ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪-‬ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ‪ ،1371 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(168-179‬‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫‪ .10‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻓﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﭘﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻻﺋﻴﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻻﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ«‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ« ﻭ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪) «.‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1374‬ﺹ ‪(111‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻋﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﺴﻠﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺣﻴﺎﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪127‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪128‬‬

‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪) «.‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪،1378 ،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪(88‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺑﻬﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺗﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻙ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭘﺮﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻡ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻓﻴﺎﺿﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1370‬ﺻﺺ ‪(61-66‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪) :‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،1374 ،‬ﺹ ‪(123‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﻥﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ )ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪129‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪130‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﺱ«‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﺔ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،1376 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(75-78‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﺷﻘﺎﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺰﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) «.‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺹ ‪(91‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺹ ‪(92‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺔ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﺘﻢﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﻒ ﺣﻮﺍﺗﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ »ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺮﺑﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪) «.‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺹ ‪(92‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬

‫‪131‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪132‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻕﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺰﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ »ﻻﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﻻ ﺍﷲ« ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ »ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺔ »ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺐ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻣﻜﺮﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺘﻊ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﺕ ﺑﺎﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ )ﺹ( ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 17‬ﺭﺑﻴﻊﺍﻻﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺼﻤﻮﺍ ﺑﺤﺒﻞﺍﷲ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ« ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) «.‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺹ ‪(93‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺣﺞ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻌﺜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺌﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎء‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻗﻄﺐ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﻠﺘﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺷﻒﺍﻟﻐﻄﺎءِ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻻﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺩﻭﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺔﺍ‪ ..‬ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ...،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪) .‬ﻣﺘﻘﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،1377 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(159-165‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪:‬‬

‫‪133‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ )ﺹ( ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ )ﺹ( ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ )ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺓ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ )ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،1376 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(200-201‬‬

‫‪134‬‬

‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺹ ‪(188‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺔ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺔ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺰﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ‪ ،1375 ،‬ﺹ‪(108‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺳﻨﮓ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬

‫‪135‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪) «.‬ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻰ‪،1372 ،‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪(97‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺹ‪(65‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺧﺬ‪:‬‬

‫‪136‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪1374‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪1372 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺣﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪1384 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪1381 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪1380 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻇﻔﺮ‪1383 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ )ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪1387 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ :‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪1374 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪1373 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‪» .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺱ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ«‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺵ ‪) 27‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪(1378‬‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪1377 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‪ :‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﻗﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪1376 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ‪» .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪) 3‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪(1377‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺳـﺎﺭﻭﺧـﺎﻧـﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎﻗـﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣـﺪﻯ ﺑـﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪1370 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .1357-1332 :‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1375 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﻢ )‪ (1375‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﻃﺎﻋﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﭘﻚ‪» .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ«‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪) 9‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪(1375‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )ﻉ(‪1371 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﻓﻴﺎﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )ﻉ(‪1370 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﻯ‪» .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ«‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪9‬‬ ‫)ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪(1373‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﻣﺘﻘﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪1377 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪1387 ،‬‬

‫‪137‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺘﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ‪ 6‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ،2012‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻫﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻃﻴﻔﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺂﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬

‫‪139‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻬﺎﻯ‪.‬‬‫ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬‫)ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪.‬‬

‫‪140‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺑﻨﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻬﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1-1‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻬﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪-‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻬﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻫﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻫﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ـ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻬﺮﻫﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬

‫‪141‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ -1-3‬ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﺴﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪142‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )‪.(237 :2010 ,Gettleman‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ)ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪.(46 :1377،‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﻭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ 2011‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1848‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1989‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫)‪.(320 :2010 ,Knickmeyer‬‬

‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1979‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪143‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ)‪.(6 :2010 ,Erlanger‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪144‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 1979‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ )ﻧﺎﺟﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪.(55 :1387 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫‪ -3-1‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3-2‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﻟﻮﻳﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﻨﺒﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﺗﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺰﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1990‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬

‫‪145‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻰﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﻰﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ« )ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪.(136 :1384 ،‬‬

‫‪146‬‬

‫‪ -3-3‬ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2010‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ)ﺗﻘﻰﻟﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫‪.(98 :1384‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ )‪.(7 :2011 ,Chew‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻜﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺰﻧﻬﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1956‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1972‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬

‫‪147‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪148‬‬

‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﺓ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪.(2 :2010 ,Bumiller‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺿﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺮﻛﺰـ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5-1‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ )‪.(12 :2010 ,Bergen and Hoffman‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5-2‬ﺑﻬﺮﻫﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2010‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬

‫‪149‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪150‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ -‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ« )ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻚ‪.(67 :1383 ،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﻳﺪﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5-3‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ )ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎ‪.(139 :1380 ،‬‬ ‫‪ -5-4‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ »ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ« ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺯﺍﻥ« ﻣﺪﻝ »ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬

‫‪151‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪152‬‬

‫ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﺔ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺌﻮﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺌﻮﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 8‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺿﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ )ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪.(78 :1382 ،‬‬ ‫‪ -6-1‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺶ ﮔﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﻴﻨﺒﻮﺵ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬

‫‪153‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺺ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻢ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻨﻌﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ« )‪Bergen and‬‬ ‫‪.(11 :2010 ,Hoffman‬‬

‫‪154‬‬

‫‪ -6-2‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ«‪ 1‬ﻭ »ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺖ«‪2‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1 . Bahgat Korany‬‬ ‫‪2 . Michael Barnett‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫‪ -6-3‬ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺶﮔﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ)ﻣﺘﻘﻰ‪.(89 :1388 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1970‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6-4‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ -‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 1980‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ )ﻛﻠﺮ‪.(132 :1380 ،‬‬

‫‪155‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ -6-5‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪156‬‬

‫‪ -6-6‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪.....‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ« )ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪.(89 :1384 ،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﷲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻝ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6-7‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﻭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻰ – ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪157‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪158‬‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻟﺌﻮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﻨﺪﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ – ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ)‪.(154 :2009 ,Binder‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ – ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ)‪.(13 :2008 ,Lust-Okar and Zerhouni‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬

‫‪159‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪160‬‬

‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ -‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ًﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻛﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﺎء ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫‪162‬‬

‫ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﻭﺍﻧﺪ )‪» ،(1377‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮔﻞﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺘﺎﺣﻰ‪،‬‬‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺁﻳﻜﻨﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ )‪» ،(1382‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ :‬ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ ،«21‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪.‬‬‫ ﺗﻘﻰﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ )‪» ،(1384‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪.49‬‬ ‫ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻳﺪ )‪» ،(1383‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﻓﺠﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ )‪» ،(1380‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﺯﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺭﺿﺎ ﻃﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻧﻰ‪.‬‬‫ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ )‪» ،(1384‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻮ‪.‬‬‫ ﻛﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺸﻞ )‪» ،(1380‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻏﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪،‬‬‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﻓﻆﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ )‪» ،(1388‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ‪.‬‬‫‪-Bibliography‬‬ ‫‪- Binder, Leonard )2009( “ The Dangers of a Fracturing Regime”, New‬‬ ‫‪York: Guilford Press.‬‬ ‫‪-Bergen, Peter and Bruce Hoffman (2010)“Assessing the Terrorist‬‬

...‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ Threat,” A Report of the Bipartisan Policy Center’s National Security Preparedness Group, September 10.

-Bumiller, Elisabeth (2010) “Petraeus Pledges Look at Firepower in Afghanistan”, The New York Times, June 29.

- Chew, Kristina (2011)” Middle East: Protests in Egypt, Syria, Yemen”, in www.care2.com.

-Erlanger, Steven (2010), “Yemen’s President Says Government Is Willing to Talk Disarmed Qaeda Fighters”, New York Times, January 11.

-Gettleman, Jeffrey(2010) “Children Carry Guns for a U.S. Ally, Somalia", The New York Times, June 13.

-Hurd, Jerald (2010) “Legitimacy and Strategic Behavior: The Instrumental Use of Norms in World Politics”, December, www.

WorldPublicOpinion.org.

-Knickmeyer, Ellen (2010),“Our Man in Sanaa”Foreign Policy,October 1.

-Lust-Okar, Ellen and Saloua Zerhouni (2008)”Political Participation in the Middle East”, Lynn Rinner.

163

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ )ﺣﻔﻈﻪﺍﷲ(‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫)ﺣﻔﻈﻪﺍﷲ(‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﺓ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪Moradi.abdolah@gmail.com :‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ‪09190740766 :‬‬

‫‪165‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪166‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﺔ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎ« ﻭ »ﺳﻴﺪ ﻗﻄﺐ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﻦﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔَﺲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻌﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻻﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺟﻌﺒﻪﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻄﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ »ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬

‫‪167‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪168‬‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻻﻛﻼ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﻭﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ؛ ﻧﺴﺒﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1952‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪» ،‬ﺯﻟﻴﻚ ﻫﺮﻳﺲ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ »ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ«‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﺓ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻻﻛﻼﻭ« ﻭ»ﻣﻮﻓﻪ« ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻰ؟ ﻛﺠﺎ؟ ﭼﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ؟ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪(1) .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻦ )‪ (Text‬ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫)‪ (Talk‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ )ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ(‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ )‪(2‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎ ِﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‪ -(...‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ »ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ« ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻦ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺘﻦ )ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ( ﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ( ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ) ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ )‪(3‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻻﻛﻼ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻻﻛﻼ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ‬

‫‪169‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪170‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪(4) .‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﺠﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪(5) .‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ »ﻏﻴﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ‪ . ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻋﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺧﻮﺩﻯ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺿﺪﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫»ﺩﺷﻤﻦ« ﻳﺎ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪(6) .‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﻛﻼﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ« ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻭﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺑﺴﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎ )ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ( ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ»ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻠﻔﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻓﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬

‫‪171‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺮ َﻛ ُْﻪ ْﺍﻻ ِْﺳﻼﻣﻴ ْﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍَ ﱡ‬ ‫ﻟﺼ ُﺤﻮ ُْﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﻼ ّﻣﻴ ْﻪ ﻳﺎ َﺍَ َ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ (7) .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪172‬‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1954‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻤﻴﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ )ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻰ( ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻸ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻸ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪(8) .‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ« ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻭ »ﺩﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ« ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺋﺰ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 1967‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1964‬ﻃﻰ ﻧﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﺤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ (9) .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﺃﺧﺬ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﺮﺩ ﺇﻻ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﺓ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ‪ ،1967‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺄﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬

‫‪173‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪174‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻓﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺷﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷﻜﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺷﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺩﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ )ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺳﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﺓ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺣﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻢﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻻﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ‬

‫‪175‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪176‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻐﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺿﺪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻸﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ »ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻭ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻢﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺣﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻰﻭﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻟﮕﺪﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻰﻭﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬

‫‪177‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ« ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1979‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪178‬‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﻴﺰﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺔ ﺯﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺿﺪﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ »ﻏﻴﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻮژﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺧﻮﺩﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﮔﺮ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﺠﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻻﻛﻼﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪(10) .‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬

‫‪179‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪180‬‬

‫ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺧﻮﺩﻯ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ؛ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ )ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ( ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺰﻡ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺪﻝﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ«‪» ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‪» ،‬ﺗﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ« ﻣﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻭ ﺗﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺖ‬

‫‪181‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪182‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(11) «.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻓﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻈﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﻋﺒﻮﺱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ )ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ( ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪(12) «.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺗﺶ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪(13) «.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﻰ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺸﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ )ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ(‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺗﻮﺩﺓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺤﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺃﻟﻢ ﺗﺮ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺿﺮﺏ ﱠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎء«‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻬﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻋﻬﺎ ﻓﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﺒﺔ ﻛﺸﺠﺮﺓ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪(14) «.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬

‫‪183‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪184‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﺍﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒ ّﻨﺎ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻀﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(15) «.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺻﻴﺘﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺒﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﺠﺒﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻄﻜﺎﻙ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪(16) «.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (17) .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪(18) «.‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫»ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻥﻛﻠﻔﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺍﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭ ﻟﻴﻨﺼﺮﻥ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻨﺼﺮﻩ ﺍﻥ ﺍﷲ ﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ« ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭ ﻧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻀﻌﻔﻮﺍ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻌﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﺋﻤﺔ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻌﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺛﻴﻦ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭ ﺍﷲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻣﺮﻩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪(19) «.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪(20) «.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻔﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﻘﻬﻰﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ«ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻕﺍﻟﺠﻴﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ‬

‫‪185‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺷﻚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪(21) «.‬‬

‫‪186‬‬

‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪(22) «.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻳﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻸﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮓﺍﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﻢ‪(23) «.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻣﻰﺗﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻗﻄﺐ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪(24) «.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻰﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(25) «.‬‬

‫‪187‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪188‬‬

‫ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪(26) «.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ )ﺳﺎﻑ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﺪﺱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪(27) «.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺟﻬﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻝﻣﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﺄﻳﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍﻗﺼﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﺓ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ؛ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪(28) «.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﮕﺪﻣﺎﻝﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺁﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﺓ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﺓ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺖ ﮔﺮﻩﺷﺪﺓ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺫﻟﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻻﺩﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ُﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪(29) «.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﺔ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪(30) «.‬‬

‫‪189‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪190‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻴﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪(31) «.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﺴﻨﻰﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺖ« ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪(32) «.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺭﻗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻯ؛ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(33) «.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ )ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ( ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ؛ ﻧﻪ ﻟﺰﻭ ًﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪(34) «.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ )ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬

‫‪191‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻊ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪192‬‬

‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ؛ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ؛ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫)ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ( ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1979‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻰﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ) ‪( 1383‬؛ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،219‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪55‬‬ ‫‪.2‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﻌﻠﻰ ) ‪(1378‬؛ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺹ ‪10‬‬ ‫‪.3‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﻌﻠﻰ ) ‪( 1379‬؛ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻛﻼﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪23‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ )‪ ،(1385‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺵ ‪35‬‬ ‫‪.5‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ) ‪ ،(1389‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪12‬‬ ‫‪Ernesto Laclau, New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time,.6‬‬ ‫‪64 61 .PP ,1990 ,London Verso‬‬ ‫‪.7‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪.8‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﻴﺮ )‪ (1390‬ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪.9‬ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )‪ ،(1390‬ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﻣﻬﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1390‬‬ ‫‪.10‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )‪ ،(1389‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪.11‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪82/2/29 ،‬‬ ‫‪.12‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪84/6/11 ،‬‬ ‫‪.13‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ »ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(«‪69/12/11 ،‬‬ ‫‪.14‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪90/6/26 ،‬‬ ‫‪.15‬ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ) ‪ ،(1368‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،54‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪1989‬ﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪.16‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪71/5/7 ،‬‬

‫‪193‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪194‬‬

‫‪.17‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ )‪ ،(1370‬ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪53‬‬ ‫‪.18‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ پﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‪72/2/28 ،‬‬ ‫‪.19‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ‪87/7/10 ،‬‬ ‫‪.20‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ(‪89/12/2 ،‬‬ ‫‪.21‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ(‪89/12/2 ،‬‬ ‫‪.22‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﺔ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪68/11/20 ،‬‬ ‫‪.23‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪90/6/9 ،‬‬ ‫‪.24‬ﻗﻄﺐ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )‪ ،(1374‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺻﺒﺎﺡ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪52‬‬ ‫‪.25‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ‪74/5/24 ،‬‬ ‫‪.26‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫‪.27‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪90/6/26 ،‬‬ ‫‪.28‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪88/3/14 ،‬‬ ‫‪.29‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪90/7/9 ،‬‬ ‫‪.3‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪88/3/14 ،‬‬ ‫‪.31‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪90/6/9 ،‬‬ ‫‪.32‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪90/6/26 ،‬‬ ‫‪.33‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‪82/11/8 ،‬‬ ‫‪.34‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪88/3/14 ،‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬

‫‪196‬‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﻤﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﺤﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ(‪-‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪-‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ‪ :‬ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ,‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻩﻱ )ﻋ ّﺰ ﻳﻌ ّﺰ( ﺍﺳﺖ]‪[1‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋ ّﺰﺕ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺛﻼﺛﻲ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻌ ّﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪[2].‬ﻭﺍژﻩﻱ ﻋ ّﺰﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﻘّﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﻘّﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﺍژﻩﻱ ﻋ ّﺰﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺷ ّﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻀ ّﻤﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷ ّﺪﺕ ﻭﻗ ّﻮﺕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻔ ّﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻋ ّﺰﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻨﺎﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻋﻼ ّﻣﻪﻱ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪﻱ ﻋ ّﺰﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪[3].‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻋ ّﺰﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪[4].‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ‪ 92‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻋﺰﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﺮﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪[5].‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻌﺰﺗﻨﻔﺴﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﺘﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻬﺎﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪[6].‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻡ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪197‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻫﻤﻬﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪198‬‬

‫ﻋﺰّﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺷﻚ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﻋ ّﺰﺗﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻋ ّﺰﺕ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻟّﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﻔّﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﺟﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋ ّﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻋ ّﺰﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋ ّﺰﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ) ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋ ّﺰﺗﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﻴﺘﻰ(]‪[5‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻳﻨﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻋﺰﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪»:‬ﻭﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﺰ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺸﺎء ﻭ ﺗﺰﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺸﺎء ﺍﻭﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ؛‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻋ ّﺰﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺎ ﻋ ّﺰﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪».‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ)ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﺮﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ (1390،‬ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ – ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﺮﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ، (1383 ،‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ« )ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،(1382/12/29 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪".‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻌﻠﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ‪ -‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ« )ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪.(1380/12/01،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪».‬ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺪﻧﺒﺎﻟﻜﺮﺍﻣﺘﺨﻮﺩﺷﺎﻧﻬﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻌﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪199‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪200‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) «.‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ (1390/1/08،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ؛ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ)ﺹ( ﻋﺰﺕ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻪ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻬﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪».‬ﺳﻠﻄﻬﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺼﻦ ﺣﺼﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﺮﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪(1383،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪) .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ (1383/6/26،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻋﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) «.‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪(1382/02/29،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺞ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﺞ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ »:‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«)ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪(1379/12/12،‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻳﻜﺴﺐ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ... »:‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺰﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻨﺼﺮﻥ ﱠ‬ ‫ﱠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻨﺼﺮﻩ«؛ »ﻳﻨﺼﺮﻛﻢ‬ ‫‪»:‬ﺍﻧﺘﻨﺼﺮﻭﺍﺍﷲ ﻳﻨﺼﺮﻛﻢ«‪» ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﱠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻓﻼ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻟﻜﻢ«‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﺮﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﺮﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮچ ﺍﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪».‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪) .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪(1389/12/19‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﮔﺮﻭﻋﺪﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪) .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪(1390/1/08،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ؛ ﺑﻬﺮﻫﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕﻃﻠﺒﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖﻃﻠﺒﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﻤﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪).‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪(1390/1/08،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻳﺎﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺰﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻋﺰﺗﻤﺪﺍﺭﻳﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪».‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻋﺰﺕ‪.‬‬

‫‪201‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺫﻟﻴﻠﻨﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺫﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺗﻨﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺰﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ –‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﻳﺚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪»:‬ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻟﺌﻦ ﺭﺟﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻟﻴﺨﺮﺟﻦ ﺍﻷﻋﺰ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺫﻝ ﻭ ﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺰﺓ ﻭ ﻟﺮﺳﻮﻟﻪ ﻭﻟﻠﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ«‪.‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻳﻤﻮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺫﻟﻴﻠﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﻔﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻧﻤﻴﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺆﻣﻨﺎﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﷲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﭼﻨﺒﺮﻩﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪202‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﻬﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ؛ ﺑﻬﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻴﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﻬﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺑﻬﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ«)ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ (1390/01/19‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻬﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻑ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ »:‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮ‪،‬ﺑﺎ ﻃﻤﻊ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻳﺤ ًﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﺎﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﭼﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ – ﺍﺳﺖ«)ﻫﻤﺎﻥ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻬﻄﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪» .‬ﻫﺮﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻕ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺄﻳﻮﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ«)ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪.(1376‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻳﻴﻜﻴﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻴﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻤﺮﻧﺪ‪».‬ﺩﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻫﺒﺰﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﻳﺨﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ«)ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ .(1388‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺒﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ«)ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺮﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪.(1383 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪».‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﺠﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪).‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺮﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪.(1380‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪».‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ‬

‫‪203‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪) «.‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺮﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪.(1383/06/23 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﻔﺒﺎﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺛﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻫﺎﻳﻢ‪»:‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﻃﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﺩ‪» :‬ﻭ ﻻ ﺗﻬﻨﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻻ ﺗﺤﺰﻧﻮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻤﺎﻻﻋﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﻢ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ«‪»،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻫﺪﻭﺍ ﻓﻴﻨﺎ ﻟﻨﻬﺪﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﺳﺒﻠﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻥ ﺍﷲ ﻟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺴﻨﻴﻦ«‪»،‬ﻭﺍﻃﻴﻌﻮﺍ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻻ ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻋﻮﺍ ﻓﺘﻔﺸﻠﻮﺍ ﻭﺗﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﻳﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺒﺮﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺑﺮﻳﻦ«ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« )ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﺮﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪(1376/09/18‬‬

‫‪204‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪».‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺒﺮﺍﻳﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺷﺪ«‪).‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﺮﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪(1383/06/26‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻋﺰﺗﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻬﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻬﻴﻚ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺰﺗﺎﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪) « .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪...‬‬

‫‪».(1388/02/22‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺎﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪) .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪(1388/06/26‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﮔﺮ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ »:‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪) «.‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪(1388/06/26‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪».‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻳﺎﺳﻼﻣﻴﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺰﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺒﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ«‬ ‫)ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪(1381/10/19‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻴﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪».‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻭﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪)«.‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪(1384/06/02،‬‬

‫‪205‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪206‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﺎﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪).‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪(1389/12/19‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺰﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪).‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪(1384/06/02‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ؛ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ؛ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪).‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪(1377،‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ)ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪(1377،‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺸﻨﻪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺒﻌﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ)ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪(1377،‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ)ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫‪(1377،‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ )ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪(1376،‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﻡ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪).‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪(1377،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫]‪ -[1‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،9‬ﺹ ‪.185‬‬ ‫]‪ -[2‬ﻗﺮﻳﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،4‬ﺹ ‪.339‬‬ ‫]‪ -[3‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،3‬ﺹ ‪.206‬‬ ‫]‪ -[5‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻋﻴﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫]‪ir.drzohrabi.www -[6‬‬ ‫]‪ -[7‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﻌﺚ‪.1390/04/09‬‬ ‫]‪ -[8‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪.1383/04/01‬‬ ‫]‪ -[9‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﺭﺑﻴﻊﺍﻻ ّﻭﻝ‪.1382/02/29‬‬ ‫ﱠ‬ ‫]‪ -[10‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺟﺒﻴﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‪.1380/12/01‬‬ ‫]‪ -[11‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺘﻌﺴﻠﻮﻳﻪ‪.1390/01/08‬‬ ‫]‪ -[12‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﺤﺞ‪.1383/10/29‬‬ ‫]‪ -[13‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻳﻜﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻴﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‪.1383/06/26‬‬ ‫]‪ -[14‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻧﻮﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﺭﺑﻴﻊﺍﻻ ّﻭﻝ‪.1382/02/29‬‬ ‫]‪ -[15‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻴﺖ ﱠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻤﺤﺞ‪.1379/12/12‬‬ ‫]‪ -[16‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪.1389/12/19‬‬ ‫]‪ -[17‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‪.1384/06/02‬‬ ‫]‪ -[18‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻣﻤﻄﻬﺮ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪.1390/01/9001‬‬ ‫]‪ -[19‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﺎﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.1376/09/18‬‬ ‫]‪ -[20‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺂﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﻨﻨﺪﺝ‪.1388/02/22‬‬ ‫]‪ -[21‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﺎﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.1383/08/24‬‬ ‫]‪ -[22‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻬﺒﺴﻴﺞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﻻﺩﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ)ﻋﺞ(‪.1378/09/03‬‬ ‫]‪ -[23‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻣﺒﻌﺚ‬

‫‪207‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻜﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪.1383/06/23‬‬ ‫]‪ -[24‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.1376/09/18‬‬ ‫]‪ -[25‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﺎﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻣﺒﻌﺚ‪.1382/07/02‬‬ ‫]‪ -[26‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻘﻢ‪.1381/10/19‬‬ ‫]‪ -[27‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.1377/11/21‬‬ ‫]‪ -[28‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺣﺞ‪.1377/01/12‬‬ ‫]‪ -[29‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪.1376/11/09‬‬ ‫]‪ -[30‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻳﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺣﺞ‪.1376/01/21‬‬ ‫]‪ -[31‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻴﺖ ﱠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‪.1374/02/14‬‬

‫‪208‬‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪1‬‬

‫‪210‬‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺷﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ؛ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ‬

‫‪.1‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻤﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﻮﺯﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ‪ 27‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻜﺴﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﺨﺮﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻼﮔﻬﺎﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺳﺴﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎ ﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮ ﻓﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪211‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ‪ :‬ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ؟ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ‪.‬‬

‫‪212‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪60‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2008‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ ‪،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻌﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ)) ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺠﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺿﺪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺤﻀﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪((.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭﺳﺮﺳﭙﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﻠﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻤﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ))ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ((‬ ‫ﺝ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ((::‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ (( ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ)) ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪213‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻤﺠﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ((‬ ‫ﺩ ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬

‫‪214‬‬

‫ﻩ (( ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﻰ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺮ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺾ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬

‫‪215‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪﺭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﺎﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬

‫‪216‬‬

‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺷﻚ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻋﺮﺏ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ ،.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮ ﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ‪،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎ ﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬

‫‪217‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﺮﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻫﺒﺮﺳﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪218‬‬

‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻠﻔﻰ ﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻭﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ )) ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻌﻤﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ (( ﭘﺲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﻣﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻣﺰ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﻪ‬

‫‪219‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪220‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ))‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ((‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ)) ﺳﻼﺡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ‪،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ‪.‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ‪((.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪.‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ؛ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻰ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ؛ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮ ﻣﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺳﭙﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﻴﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ‪،‬‬

‫‪221‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﺷﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ؛ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪222‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ‪)) .1390 .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ (( ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪54‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ‪ )) .1390 .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ (( ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪54‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ‪ )) .1390 .‬ﺍﻳﺪﺁﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺮﺍ ‪ :‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫(( ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪4‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻛﻮﺋﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ‪ )) .1389 .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫((‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺘﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫‪224‬‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺰﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺑُﻌﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪0‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺣﺘﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻫﺎ‬

‫‪225‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺎ )ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻫﺎ( ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ)ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺎ( ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪226‬‬

‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪»:‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪ 1‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻜﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪1369/08/05‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺗﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ)ﻣﺪﻇﻠﻪ( ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ /‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ‪1390/07/24 ،‬‬

‫‪227‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪228‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ًﻻ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ )ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰ ﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺒﻴﺨﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻔﻰ ﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻬﺠﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ » :‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺯﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻟﻪ ‪»:‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻃﻠﺐ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺯﺭﺧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻰ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ«‪ 3‬؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻨﻜﺒﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻫﺎ ﺭﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ‪70/03/26‬‬

‫‪229‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪4‬‬

‫‪230‬‬

‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺮ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫‪،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ‪ ....‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻮ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺯﺭﻗﺎﻧﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ‪،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ‪1388 ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪1390/07/20 ،‬‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺜﻢ ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ‪1388 ،‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺪﻭﻟﻮژﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻭﻟﻮژﻯ ﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺗﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ)ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻩ( ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫‪ - 6‬ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻚﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ،1385‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 24‬ﻭ ‪1387 ، 25‬‬

‫‪231‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪232‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ)ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ( ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﺎ )ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ‪،(...‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪»:‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺳﺮ ﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪ ،8‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻍ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ 13 ،‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،1370‬ﺹ‪ 8‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ‪ 1387 ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ‪ 1382‬ﺹ ‪75‬‬ ‫‪ - 8‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺣﺞ ‪1384/10/19‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﻴﺘﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ‪،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ‪،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ‪ »:‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻨﺪ«‪ 9‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﻤﻌﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍً ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍً ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 9‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪1384/02/06‬‬ ‫‪- 10‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ‪»،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪ ،1370‬ﺹ‪20‬‬

‫‪233‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻴﺮﻩ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪234‬‬

‫‪ -5‬ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻭﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪.‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻨﮕﺎ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺫﻳﻨﻔﻌﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ )ﻣﺪﻇﻠﻪ( ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺫﻳﻨﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺫﻳﻨﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺴﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬

‫‪235‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪236‬‬

‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺒﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻬﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻬﻊ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 11.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺮﺍء ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍء ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪20‬‬

‫‪ - 11‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺻﺺ ‪153‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪154‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫‪12‬‬

‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ‪.‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ‪،‬ﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺧﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ )ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻂ ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ‪ (....‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ‪ »:‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻛﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫)ﺹ( ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺯﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻯ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫‪ - 12‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺝ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺻﺺ ‪ 183‬ﻭ ‪184‬‬ ‫‪ -13‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ، 20‬ﺻﺺ ‪11‬ﻭ ‪118‬‬ ‫‪ - 14‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ‪،‬ﺝ ‪ ، 21‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 18‬ﻭ ‪91‬‬

‫‪237‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪238‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ )ﺹ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻒ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺟﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻏﺮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻗﺸﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-8‬ﻛﻢ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ - 15‬ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ‪،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪10‬‬ ‫‪ -16‬ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ‪،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ )ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ(‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪)،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫‪ 1388،(2‬ﺹ ‪30‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺴﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪»:‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ«‪ 18‬؛ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻩ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ‪:19‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ - 17‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ‪، 380 ،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺺ ‪170‬ﻭ ‪108‬‬ ‫‪ - 18‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫‪1370/11/12‬‬ ‫‪ - 19‬ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪1380 ،‬‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪53‬‬

‫‪239‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‬

‫‪240‬‬

‫‪ -9‬ﻣﻐﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ..‬ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﺲ ﻭﻃﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪»:‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻏﻮﺍﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺑﻎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺯﻑ ﻧﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ »:‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻃﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻜﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻡ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻘﺎء ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ - 20‬ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪1376 ، 28‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﮔﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -10‬ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﻠﻮﺑﺎﻟﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ‪،‬ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻯ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬

‫‪241‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻚ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪242‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺷﻚ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭگ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ‪ »:‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻗﻄﻌ ًﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ« ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫‪ - 21‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎء‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﺎﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﻖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﺔ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻻ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ‬

‫‪243‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺫﻳﻞ‬

‫‪244‬‬

‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ)ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ(‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺍﻳﺪﻭﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ – ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺋﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺰﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻬﻠﻚ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪22‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ‪»:‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪23.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺟﺮ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ 24.‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻟﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫‪ - 22‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ‪ ،15‬ﺹ ‪243‬‬ ‫‪ - 23‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪ - 24‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪69/12/23‬‬

‫‪245‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ«‪ 25‬ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬

‫‪246‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﺩ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ - 25‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪1383‬‬ ‫‪ - 26‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪89/11/15‬‬ ‫‪ - 27‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫»ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪»:‬ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 3‬ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ - 28‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪90/03/8‬‬ ‫‪ - 29‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪) 77‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ(‬

‫‪247‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪248‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﻤﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﻠﻮ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻰ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺯﻭﺩ ﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮء ﻇﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫‪- 30‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪1390‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺎﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬

‫‪249‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺢ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ )ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻥ(‬

‫‪250‬‬

‫‪ -10‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺜﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻂ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻄﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ - 31‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻓﺼﻠﺖ ﺁﻳﻪ ‪20‬ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻳﻪ ‪15‬‬ ‫‪ - 32‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻧﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻪ ‪103‬‬ ‫‪- 33‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ‪1390/09/28 ،‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻭ ﺳﺪ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺫﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻧﺎﺍﻫﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫‪251‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪252‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻼﻃﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺭ ﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ )ﻣﺪﻇﻠﻪ( ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﺪ؛ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺰﺍﻳﺪ؛ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺳﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺳﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ (1‬ﺁﻝ ﻛﺞ ﺑﺎﻑ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ‪،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪1389 ،‬‬ ‫‪ (2‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ‪،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ‪،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ‪1388 ،‬‬ ‫‪ (3‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ‪،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ‪1387،‬‬ ‫‪ (4‬ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪1380 ،‬‬ ‫‪ (5‬ﭘﺎﺷﺎ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭ ‪1382 ،‬‬ ‫‪ (6‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ )ﻣﺪﻇﻠﻪ( ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ )ﻣﺪﻇﻠﻪ( ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ (7‬ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ‪،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪، 1385‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪24‬ﻭ ‪1387 ، 25‬‬ ‫‪ (8‬ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﻬﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪1376 ، 28‬‬ ‫‪ (9‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ‪،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪1370 ،‬‬

‫‪ - 34‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪90/08/11‬‬

‫‪253‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ (10‬ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ‪،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪1388 ،‬‬ ‫‪ (11‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ‪،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻫﻤﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ‪،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎ ‪،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ؛‬ ‫‪2012/01/08‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ‪،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪1388 ،‬‬ ‫‪ (13‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ‪،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﺛﺮ ‪،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ‪1376،‬‬ ‫‪ (14‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻧﻮ ‪،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻧﻮ ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪ (16‬ﺯﺭﻗﺎﻧﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ‪،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ‪1388 ،‬‬ ‫‪ (17‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫‪ (18‬ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬

‫‪254‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪10‬‬ ‫‪ (19‬ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ‪،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫‪ (20‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ‪،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪1390/06/21‬‬ ‫‪ (21‬ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ‪1389/03/16 ،‬‬ ‫‪ (22‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻰ ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﷲ ‪،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ‪1378 ،‬‬ ‫‪ (23‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻰ ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﷲ ‪،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ‪1378 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪1390/06/30 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ‪،‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪1390/07/24 ،‬‬ ‫‪ (26‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫‪1380 ،‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻣﻪ‬

‫‪256‬‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ – ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ )ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ( ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﻊ ﻭ ﻗﻤﻊ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ‪-‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﭙﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻯ ‪ 150‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ -‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫– ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬

‫‪257‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ)ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻯ‪.(93-90، 1390،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ؛ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬ﺿﺪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪258‬‬

‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ؛ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ؛ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ؛‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ ﺩﺭﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪).‬ﻗﻄﺐ‪(8، 1374،‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺮﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﺘﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ)ﺩﻛﻴﺠﻤﺎﻥ‪.(58، 1388،‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1922‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻨﻘﺮﺽ ﺷﺪ ﻭﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1924‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻣﻠﻐﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ )ﺣﻠﺒﻰ‪.(19-18، 1388،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻭﺟﻨﮕﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻗﻬﻘﺮﺍ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭﻓﻘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 18‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ »:‬ﺟﻬﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻼﺩ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭﻫﻨﺮ ﻭﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻟﻜﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﻧﺤﻮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫‪259‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪260‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺁﻻﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪»:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻐﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﻬﻮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪ ﻳﻤﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻕ ﺟﺒﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻡ‪،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺣﺠﺎﺯ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺍﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻭﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝ» ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‪،‬ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻭﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻰ ﻧﺸﺖ ﻭﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻭﻗﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺟﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺒﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ)ﺣﻠﺒﻰ‪1388،‬‬ ‫‪.(11-9،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻯ – ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 16‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 19‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺎﻧﺘﻠﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻝ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻻﻙ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺴﻜﻴﻮ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ – ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ – ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻰ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ – ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﻭﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪19‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺠﻮﻣﻰ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺠﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪261‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪262‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﻩ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ‪،‬ﭘﮋﺷﻜﻰ ﻭﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ – ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻗﺴﻄﻨﻄﻨﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ – ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺒﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ..‬ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺸﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ )ﻣﻮﺛﻘﻰ‪.(88-86، 1389،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻟﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻈﺮ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ )ﺣﻠﺒﻰ‪.(32، 1388،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ»ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﭼﺎﺭﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪)((.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬

‫‪263‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪264‬‬

‫ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻼﻣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻭﻩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺷﺮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺿ ّﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ« ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ« ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ)ﺛﻘﻔﻰ‪(،1384،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻧﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ »:‬ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ«)ﺣﻠﺒﻰ‪.(218، 1388 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ »:‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎ ﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼ ﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪)«.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.(38،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻋﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ; ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ; ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪265‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪266‬‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺯﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺭﻛﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺛﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ « ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻫﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﺎﻑ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻟﺜﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻟﻪ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ، ).‬ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪. ( 51‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﻩ ﺑﻰ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺛﻤﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻗﻠﻊ ﻭ ﻗﻤﻊ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ)ﻓﻼﺡ ﺗﻮﺗﻜﺎﺭ‪.(131 ،1389،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍ ِﻩ ﺷﺠﺎ ِﻉ ﻣﺒﺎﺭ ِﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1389/11/ 15،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ‪ 1296 -1288‬ﻩ ‪ .‬ﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ‬

‫‪267‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪268‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺯﻏﻠﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻠﺒﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺻﻨﻮﻉ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺋﻰ ﺻﺎﺑﻮﻧﭽﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺳﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ )ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ( ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ; ﺳﻌﺪﺯﻋﻠﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﺒﺎﻭﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎء ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1877) 1293‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ )ﺧﺪﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ( ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻟﻔﺎﻓﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﺪﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩ ﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻼﺡ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ « )ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(20‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻬﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻟﮕﺪ ﺳﺘﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻟﮕﺪﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ‪...‬ﺷﻤﺎﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺻﺒﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﻕ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺪ ﻭﺩﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺪ«‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻛﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ »ﻋﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﭘﺎﺷﺎ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫‪269‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪270‬‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪!.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ; ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻣﺪﺡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻘﻠﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺧﻠﻖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺖ; ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ;« ﻭﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺎﺳﻮﻧﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺗﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ‪ ، . . .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ‬ ‫« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﻭﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ‪ 45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ 35 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ »ﺩﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺼﺎﺭﺍ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ « ﺑﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ 35‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻰ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ «‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻴﻤﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻭﻃﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻟﻬﺎ‪...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻩ ﺁﻩ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻤﻠﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺶ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﺎﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻩ ﺁﻩ! ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻗﺒﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‪،‬ﻗﺴﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﻨﺖ ﻭﭼﺮﺍﻏﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‪...‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ« ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻏﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ; ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ; ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ; ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﺍﻓﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺍﺋﺐ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺣﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ «‪ .‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﻭﻣﺮ« ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻭﻃﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻭﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﺍ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ; ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻭﻃﻨﻰ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ«)ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ؛ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪( ،8‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ‪» .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺮﺓ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺎﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ « ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺗﺮ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪«.‬‬

‫‪271‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ « ﻳﺎ ﻣﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭘﺎﺷﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ‪ 1296‬ﻩ ‪ .‬ﻕ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻃﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﺰ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ )ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ‪.( 45 ،51‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ « ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻣﺼﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ »ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻩ « ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻻﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﻻﻓﻐﺎﻥ « ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ (ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ‪،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪.(8‬‬ ‫‪272‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫"ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻴﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺩﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰﻣﺴﺘﺤﻀﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻼﺋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ » ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭﺏ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؟‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖﭘﺎﺷﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺏﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﻞ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻤﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﻼﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﻴﭽﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ… * * * ﻭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ! ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﻞ » ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﭘﺎﺷﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ! ﻋﻤﺮﭘﺎﺷﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭘﺎﺷﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻼﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ! ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺪﺍ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ! ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺩﻝﺟﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﺑﻰﭘﺎﺷﺎ )ﻛﺴﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ( ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺪﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻝ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺤﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﺍ! ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﺟﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻟﻬﻰ! ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺬﺍﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﺹ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻰ ﺧﺪﻳﻮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺫﻟﺖ ﺷﺒﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‪ … .‬ﺑﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ‬

‫‪273‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪274‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ!‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺠﻠﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺳﻨﺪ!… ﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻭﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪* * * .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﻫﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻼﺻﻰ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ") ‪(119/archives/ir.bidargar//:http‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‪،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻯ ﺁﻟﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ)ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ(‪،‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ (1:‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪:‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪(2‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(3.‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫)ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪ (1387،112،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ؛ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺯﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 77‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪(2‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ)ﺛﻘﻔﻰ‪.(1384،23،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪275‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪276‬‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﮔﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ)ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻯ‪(101 ،1390 ،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﻩ ﺑﻰ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺛﻤﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻗﻠﻊ ﻭ ﻗﻤﻊ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ)ﻓﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﻜﺎﺭ‪.(131 ،1389،‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ‪1980‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 1970‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻀﻮﺭﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ) ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‪.(246 ،1389 ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻋﺖ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺗﻼﺵ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ –ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬

‫‪277‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪278‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻃﻠﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻠﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ..‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫‪.1‬ﻣﻮﺛﻘﻰ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺖ‪. 1389،‬‬ ‫‪.2‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪.3‬ﮔﻨﺠﻰ‪،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭ‪.1388،‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ؛ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪51‬‬ ‫‪.5‬ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ‪،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪1389،‬‬ ‫‪.6‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪-‬ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻫﺮﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﻛﻴﺠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪1369‬‬ ‫‪.7‬ﺣﻠﺒﻰ‪،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺍﺭ‪1382،‬‬ ‫‪.8‬ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ‪،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻻﻣﻴﺮ‪،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪.1389‬‬ ‫‪.9‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1390 ،‬‬ ‫‪.10‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻯ ‪ – 1372‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 59‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫‪ ، .11‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ ،1372‬ﻭ ‪ 60‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ‪0‬‬ ‫‪.12‬ﺗﻮﺗﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﺡ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺛﻘﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‪،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1384‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪،8‬‬ ‫‪.14‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪) ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺘﺒﻠﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺑﻰ ﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪20‬‬ ‫‪.15‬ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪:‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ‪،‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1387‬‬ ‫‪.16‬ﻗﻄﺐ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺻﺒﺎﺡ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍ‪1374 ،‬‬ ‫‪.17‬ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،1390 ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪18. http//:www .Khameni.ir‬‬ ‫‪19.http//:www.bashgah.net‬‬ ‫‪10.http / /:www.bidargar.ir‬‬ ‫‪11.http//:www.andisheqom.com/Files/enghelab.‬‬

‫‪279‬‬

‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺩﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ‬

‫‪281‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ )ﻛﺸﻮﺭ( ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻣﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪282‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻬﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﺰﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﭙﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ »ﻧﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ »ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬

‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪»:‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍژﻫﺴﺎﺯﻱ« ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ »ﻧﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ« ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍژﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻬﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ« )ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ‪(90/07/22‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ) .‬ﻓﺮﺝ ﺍﷲ ‪،‬ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩ ؛ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ‪،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪(1386‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ) ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺁﻝ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻪ ‪،159‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻪ ‪ .(38‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻌﻠﻰ )ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬

‫‪283‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ (1382 ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪)« .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺵ‪ (24‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪284‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻬﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﮕﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ‪ ,‬ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ)ﺟﻨﺪﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ :1386‬ﺵ‪ .(16‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﺓ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ)ﻣﺮﺩﻡ( ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪»:‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻮﮔﻮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪) «.‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ :1384‬ﺵ‪(27‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺄﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻼﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ)ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻰ‪38 ، 1378:‬ـ ‪.(37‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍَﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ )ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ( ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬

‫‪285‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ‪).‬ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ‪(57 :1377 ،‬‬

‫‪286‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻬﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺘﺂﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻬﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ )ﺯﻭﺭ( ﺑﻴﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺮﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ‪»:‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﺑﻬﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺘﺂﻣﻴﺰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻴﻤﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ‪-‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؛ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ‬

‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪).‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ(‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻨﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ‪،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﻄﺢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻬﺸﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻳﺸﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺅﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ)ﺟﻨﺪﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﭙﻮﺭ‪:(1386 ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺄﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬

‫‪287‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ًﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪288‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻬﺎﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ‪,‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺤﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ‪ NGO‬ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻻﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ« )ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻭﺍ‪.(1382 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻴﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ‪» ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ًﻻ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﺤﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪289‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻨﺎﻣﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪ 84/5/8‬ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪290‬‬

‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻭﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺘﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﺠﻮ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ )ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ( ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻯ ‪ 15‬ﺩﻯ ‪(1390‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬

‫¿ ‪É Y{ a ÄË‬‬

‫]‪ Ê·Z f» ÉZÅ ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪ ¾Ë{ZÌÀ] ÉZÅ Y‬‬ ‫‪ Z dÆm ½Z¯ Y‬‬

‫»|‪É Z µ‬‬

‫‪291‬‬ ‫¿‪ʫ¬u Á ʬ̬u É Z {ZÆ‬‬

‫] ‪ Ä »Zm ZÌ¿ ½{ ÁM‬‬ ‫ § » ‪Ä »Zm ¶°‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ )ﻧﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‪:(1386 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪292‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ )ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ(‪ :‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻬﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ‪،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻜﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﻤﻜﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ )ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻯ ﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻴﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ )ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ(‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ )ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ(‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻬﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ )ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ››ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‹‹‪›› ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‹‹‬ ‫ﻭ ››ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‹‹ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺮﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ :‬ﺟﻠﺴﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‪...‬؛‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ‪...‬؛‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ؛ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ‪..‬؛‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻳ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪):‬ﻧﻮﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ‬

‫‪293‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﭙﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺰﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ‪ :‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺰﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪294‬‬

‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ(ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ؛ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻏﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻼ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬

‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺷﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ‪،‬ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ(ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺎﻳﺒﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺘﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺸﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺘﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺸﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺸﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ؛ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ؛ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ؛ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻌﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻓﺬﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬

‫‪295‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻫﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎ ًﻻ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺂﻭﺭﺩ‪ .«.‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪» :‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺭﺩ«‪).‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ (162 :1378 ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪»:‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪)«.‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ‪(90/07/02‬‬ ‫‪296‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻗﻤﺸﻬﺎﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ)ﻣﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻴﻼ‪ 1382 ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪.4‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ )‪( NGO‬ﻫﺎ‪. com.blogspot.soyesh//:http،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪" ،1387‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ("‪،‬ﺵ‪.24‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺪﻗﻰ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1386‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺵ ‪16‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻯ ﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ‪،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪.1382 ،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺝ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ" ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ" ‪،‬ﻣﺠﻼﺕ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ‪،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪ ، 1386‬ﺵ ‪. 55‬‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‪ "،1384 ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ" ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪.27‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺍ ‪،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ‪"،1384‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ" ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻯ ‪ 15‬ﺩﻯ ‪" ،1390‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ‪ ، 1387‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ )ﻣﺪﻇﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻰ(‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ )ﻣﺪﻇﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻰ(‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺟﻮﻧﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‪:‬‬

‫‪298‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍ ﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﻨّﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠّﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺋﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪،‬ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪ 1789‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1799‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻻﻙ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺴﻜﻴﻮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻟﻮﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻧﺎ ﺁﺭﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺰﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪﺭﻳﺶ ﻫﺎﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﭘﻮﭘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﮔﻦ ﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫‪ 1971‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬

‫‪299‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪300‬‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪ .‬ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺷﺘﺎﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻓﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﻓﻮﻛﻮﻳﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻣﻚﻟﻮﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﻻﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﻻ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﻔﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫» ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪.‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ّﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪».‬ﺁﻭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‪،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﺆﺍﻝ‪:‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‪:‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻀﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻜﺴﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﻫﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ)ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ(ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ‪،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ»ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪...‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪«...‬‬

‫‪301‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪302‬‬

‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻛﻴﭗ ﺗﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ »ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﭗ ﺗﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻘﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ»ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‪،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮ ّﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﻣﻈﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪«.‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﺘﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﭼﭗ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‪»:‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻨﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1357‬ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎ‪،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ(ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ )ﺹ(‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﺎﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻛﻠﻤﺔﺍﻟ ّﺘﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟ ّﺘﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍ ّﻭﻝ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ؛ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍ ّﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﻢﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﱠ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺩﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﱠﷲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷ ِّﺮ ﻃﻮﺍﻏﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺩﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﱠﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻜﻦ ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷُ ﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪303‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣ ّﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺗّﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ‪ -‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ‪ -‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬

‫‪304‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ« ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ(ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪»:‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ«‬ ‫‪.‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﻠﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻭ)ﺍﻣﺎﻡ(ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ« ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ؛ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺸﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ! ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ »ﻧﻪ« ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ‪...‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻻﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﻻﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻋﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﺘﻄﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺠﺮﻩﻯ ﻃﻴﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ُﭘﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻩﻯ ﻃﻴﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻏﺮﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ«‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﻫﻤﻪ‬

‫‪305‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ )ﺹ( ﻫﻴﺞ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭﺍﺳﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺤﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ»ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ«‬

‫‪306‬‬

‫‪ -5‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 57‬ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺣﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻛﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻛﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪400‬ﺯﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺞ ‪ 1366‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻴﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻔﺮﺳﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍ ّﻭﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺘﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ‪ -‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻈﻤﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍ ّﻭﻝ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﻮﺑﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺳﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻮﺱ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪ :‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ‪«...‬‬

‫‪307‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪308‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪»:‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻏﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺣﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ـ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺧﺒﺎﺛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻘﻴﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺭﺫﻳﻼﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺸﺮ‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﻀﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻔﻨﻦ ﻭﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺷﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ »ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ»‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ« ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪:‬‬

‫‪309‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪310‬‬

‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ«‬ ‫» ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﻙ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯﺍﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻊ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻳﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻯ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ«ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺳﺘﻔﺎﻟﻰ‬

‫)‪1648‬ﻡ(‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺠﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻈﻤﺘﺶ‬

‫‪311‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪312‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻯ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻮچ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻈﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻤﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ‪ 6‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ».‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ....‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ »ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻦ« ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‪،‬‬

‫‪313‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫‪314‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻤﻮﺍﻻﺗﻜﻢ ﺗﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺋﺘﻠﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﻪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪».‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ «‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻮﺳﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺘﺲ ﻓﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻠﻌﺪ«‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪».‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻰ‬

‫‪315‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺎﺫ ﺑﺎﷲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫‪316‬‬

‫ﺝ( ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪90/26/6‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺼﺎء ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ -1 :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ -2 .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﺰﻣﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﮔﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺄﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻴﻔﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺼﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ( ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻫﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻇﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺆﻛﺪ ﻧﺼﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‪» .‬ﻓﺎﺫﺍ ﻓﺮﻏﺖ ﻓﺎﻧﺼﺐ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪» .‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺑﻚ ﻓﺎﺭﻏﺐ«‬

‫‪317‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪318‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ »ﺍﺫﺍ ﺟﺎء ﻧﺼﺮ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﺧﻠﻮﻥ ﻓﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻓﻮﺍﺟﺎ ﻓﺴﺒﺢ ﺑﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺑﻚ ﻓﺎﺳﺘﻐﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻘﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭﻧﻔﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺰﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺬ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻮء ﻇﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ( ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﺍﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰ ﺷﻚ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ »ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ«‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺸﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻫﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪) ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‪(1374 ،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ‪)،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‪(13386،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪(1379،‬ﺵ ‪.34‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻘﺎﻗﻰ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ) ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪(1357 ،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪)،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭﻧﺸﺮ‪(1387،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻗﻢ)ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ(‪،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫‪com.andisheqom.www//:http‬‬

‫‪319‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ir.irinn.www//:http ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻭﻳﻨﻰ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪com.avini.www،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﻘﻴﺐ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﺘﻔﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪)،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻗﻮﻣﺲ‪.(1387 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﻳﺎﻥ – ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻝ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺑﻘﻌﻪ‬ ‫‪(1378‬‬

‫‪320‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ‪،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ‪،‬ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬

‫‪322‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪)،‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻮﺓ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ( ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻬﺠﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎﻳﻐﻴﺮﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻴﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺸﺎﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭﻣﻠﺖ ﻭﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﺘﺮﻭﺟﺬﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ‪،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻬﻬﺎ‪،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻴﻮﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻤﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻫﻬﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻌﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ‪،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‪،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻴﺎﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻻﻳﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺘﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ!ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﻴﻚ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻗﻄﻌ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﺓ)ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ(ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﻓﻮﻛﻮﻳﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺳﻬﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳﭙﺮﺩﺓ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﻣﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺼﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﻴﺢ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻠﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻃﻴّﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻴﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺐ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ . 1‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1390‬ﺵ‪.‬‬

‫‪323‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪324‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻼﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﻥ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺎﺑﺎﺭﺑﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻮﺭﻥ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻘﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻫﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ‪،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ‪،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺗﻬﺎ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ‪،‬ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭﺑﺮگ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ . 2‬ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ‪،‬ﺹ‪.273‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻭﻣﻬﺎﺑﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻟﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‪»:‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻤﺘﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻜﻢ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﻜﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻊ«‪3‬؛ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﻏﻠﻄﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬ﻭﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺣﺰﺑﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎء ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﻭﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‪»:‬ﻓﻤﻜﻨﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻈﻠﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺘﻜﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﺯﻣﺘﻜﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻠﻤﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﻳﻬﻢ« ؛ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺒﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ‪ %40‬ﺁﺭﺍء ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫‪ . 3‬ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻯ‪.99،‬‬ ‫‪ . 4‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 5‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪.24،‬‬

‫‪325‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪326‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻴﻌﺒﺪﺍﻟﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺠﺪﺓ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺑﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ‪،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﻭﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺤﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻃﻴﺒﻬﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪»:‬ﺍﻟﻢ ﺗﺮ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻃﻴﺒﻪ ﻛﺸﺠﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ّ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻬﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻋﻬﺎ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎء ﺗﺆﺗﻰ ﺍﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺫﻥ ﺭﺑﻬﺎ«؛ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ؟ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻬﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻬﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 6.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺛﻤﺮﺁﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺗﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺘﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻭﺑﻰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺵ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ)ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ(ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫‪ . 6‬ﺳﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺁﻳﺔ ‪.24‬‬ ‫‪ . 7‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬ﺹ‪.17‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺑﻬﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ‪.‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺳﺖ؛ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺓﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺗﺬ ّﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻘﺮﻩ‪،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻻﺳﺘﺎﺩﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪»:‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ؟‪ ...‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻄﺮﻫﺎﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ‪،‬ﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻭﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ‪،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻨﻮﺑﻬﻨﻮ‬ ‫‪،‬ﻭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮ«‪9.‬ﭘﺲ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‪،‬ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺍ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﺔ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺎﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻭﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺧﻮﻧﺸﻬﻴﺪﺩﺭﻫﺮﻭﺿﻌﻴﺎﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺍﻳﻨﺎﺛﺮﻓﻮﺭﻳﻨﺒﺎﺷﺪ؛ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻴﺨﻮﻧﺸﻬﻴﺪ ﻭﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻗﺮﺁﻧﺎﺯﻃﻠﺒﺒﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪11،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻗﺒﻼﺯﺁﻧﺒﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻴﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪.‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﻔﺴﻴﻮﻧﺴﺒﻴﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻧﺰﺩﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺯﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺒﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﺒﺮﺩﻭﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍ ّﻣﺖ‬

‫‪ . 8‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺴﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺝ‪،7‬ﺹ‪603‬ﻭ‪.606‬‬ ‫‪ . 9‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪،‬ﺝ‪ ،24‬ﺹ‪462‬ﻭ‪.463‬‬ ‫‪ . 10‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺹ‪.450‬‬ ‫‪ . 11‬ﺁﻝ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪.170،‬‬

‫‪327‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪12‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭﺍژﺓﺟﺪﻳﺪ"ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ"ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻟﻐﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻧﻤﺠﺮﺑﻮﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺒﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﺔﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺘﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻮﺍﻗﻌﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺍژﻫﻬﺎﻳﺘﺮﺱ‪،‬ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻮﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﺮﺍﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﺤﻴﻴﻌﻴﺎﺵ‪،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﺸﻬﺎﺩﺗﻂ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻛﺴﻴﻜﻬﺘﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰ ﺷﻚ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‪،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﺮﺍﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺋﺮ‪،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ(‪،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪328‬‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﻠﻬﺪﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﺓ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺰﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 12‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺗﺴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪،16‬ﺹ‪.285-277‬‬ ‫‪ . 13‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‪،‬ﺹ‪265‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻣﺮﺩﻣﺪﺭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﻓﺴﺮﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪،‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺒﻠﻌﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﺎﻫﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﺢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺮﺵ ﻛﺎﺧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﻭﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﺠﻮﺭ ﻭﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺔ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺻﺤﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻨﺸﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ«‪14.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ؛»ﺍﺳﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺧﻮﺩﺳﻮﺯﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺄﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺐ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻨﻌﺮﻭﺱ‪،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺼﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﺮﺏ ﻭﺷﺘﻢ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺷﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻢ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻘﻨﻮﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪،‬ﻣﻠﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻴﺨﻴﺰﺩ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﺗﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 14‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪.1390‬‬

‫‪329‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪330‬‬

‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ‪،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‪،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﻮﺯﻯ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪15‬؛ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻏﺮﺑﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ‪،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎﺱ ﻳﺎ ﻳﺎﺳﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻋﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻴﺘﺮ ﻭﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﭘﺮﺧﻮﻯ ﻭﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴ ّﻤﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﻣﺔ‬ ‫)ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺂﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭﻣﻴﻜﺸﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﻤﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ . 15‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪،‬ﺹ ‪.9‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻬﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﻭﺷﻌﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻣﺂ ًﻻ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻭﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ)‪ (chaotic‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺰﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‪،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻴﺸﺔ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻻ ﺷﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪،‬ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‪،‬ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﻣ ّﻨﺎ ﺍﻟ ّﺬﻟﺔ‪،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ﻻﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻐﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺿﺎﺣﻴﻪ‪،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺵ‪،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ»ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ«ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﻔﻴﻖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻜﺎﻑ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ »ﺣﻖ« ﻭ »ﻭﻓﺎﻕ« ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ »ﻣﺸﻴﻤﻊ«ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ »ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ«ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ‪،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ »ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ«‪،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬

‫‪331‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺗﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ »ﺳﻨﻮﺳﻰ« ﻭﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ »ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ« ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﻭﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺗﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪16.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﺃﻯ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺔ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‪،‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪»:‬ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺩﺧﻠﻮﺍ ﻗﺮﻳ ًﺔ ﺍﻓﺴﺪﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﺳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻌﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﻋ ّﺰ َﺓ ﺍﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﺫﻟّﺔ«‪17‬؛ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪332‬‬

‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻓﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻬﻬﺎ‪،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺤﻘﻘﻌﺪﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﮔﺮﻭﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﺩﻳﺨﻮﺩﻭﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻫﻮﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺒﻮﺷﻜﻨﺠﻬﻮﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻫﺪﺭﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺤﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﺔ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻴﻮﺣﺮﻳﺘﻮﺗﻨﺒﻪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﺳﻴﺮﺫﻟّﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻭﻧﻬﺮﺍﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯﻣﺮگ ﻭﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻨﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻨ ّﺎﺍﻟ ّﺬﻟّﺔ« ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪ . 16‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺵ‪،28‬ﺹ‪ 54‬ﻭ‪.55‬‬ ‫‪ . 17‬ﺳﻮﺭﺓ ﻧﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺔ ‪.34‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺔﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ‪،‬ﺗﺤ ّﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻭﻋﺰﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ 18.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺳﻰ ﺑﺲ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻜﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ژﺭﻑ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻳﺎﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺭﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ . 18‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪26،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪.90‬‬

‫‪333‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪334‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﭘﻴﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻬﻬﺎﻯ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺶ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ( ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ )‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ( ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮﻳﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ‪،‬ﺳﻪ ﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ‪،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﭙﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻰ ﻭﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﺔ‪،2011‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‪،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺩﻏﺪﻏﻬﻬﺎﻳﻬﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺷﺪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺸﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺷﺼﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫‪ . 19‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫‪،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ»ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ«‪،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻬﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﻰ ﻣﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﮔﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ‪،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻨﮕﺮﻡ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﺭﻕ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻮﺩﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺪﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 14‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﺮﻗﻬﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰ ﺷﻚ‪،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻳﺨﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ «‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﻴﻤﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻌﻴﻤﻰ‪،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫‪335‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬‬

‫‪336‬‬

‫ﻭﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺮﺻﺘﺒﺮﺍﻳﺠﻮﺍﻧﻴﻜﺮﺩﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﻟﻨﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﭙﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﺣﻀﻮﺭﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺻﺤﻨﻬﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕ ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻋﻼﺝ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻀﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﻛﻴﻨﮓ‪،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﺍ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‪.‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺤ ًﺎ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘ ًﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﭽﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍ!«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻴﺨﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻴﻨﮓ‪،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺳﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻧﻐﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪،‬ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ‪23‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ‪،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻔﺸﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 20‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪،233‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪.90‬‬ ‫‪ . 21‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﻣﺤﻠﻰ‪،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﺵ؛ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ‪،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻳﺒﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﺓ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻭﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﺰ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻴﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪337‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪338‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻫﻜﺸﻰ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺪﻧﺔ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺄﺳﻔﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺩﺭﺧﺸﺸﺂﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻛﻢ ﺭﻧﮓ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻌﻠﻤﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺎﻳﺨﻰ ﻭﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺔ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ . 22‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪.1390‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺔﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻝ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪23.‬ﺗﺒﺎﺯﺕ ﺩﺭﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻼﺝ‪،‬ﻋﺰﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻜﻢ ﻭﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﻭﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻨﺠﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺷﺮﻕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺭﺳﻤ ًﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫‪ . 23‬ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪،52‬ﺹ‪.15‬‬ ‫‪ . 24‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪26،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪.90‬‬

‫‪339‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪340‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‪،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺶ‪،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻳﺂﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﺓ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺬﺍﻳﻴﺎﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‪،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺬﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼ ًﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺔ ﻣﺼﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ)‪ (1390‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1979‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻛﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫‪ . 25‬ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‪،‬ﺹ‪.19‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺔﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ‪...‬ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻰ ﻭﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﻰ ﻭﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴِﻬﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫‪26.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻬﻮﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ "ﺩﻯ ﻭﻟﺖ‪ " die welt‬ﻃﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﻭﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺘﻴﺴﻮﻟﻮ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ! ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ!«‪ 27.‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻋﺼﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎ«ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺂﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻳﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﺓ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ . 26‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ 90/7/25،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭘﺎﻭﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 27‬ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺭﺍﻩ‪،‬ﺹ‪.10‬‬

‫‪341‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪342‬‬

‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ »ﺗﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﭼﭙﻞ«‪، 28‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺪﻭﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1982‬ﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻭﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ‪،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺷﺔ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺖ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﺔ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ »ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ‪ 1/4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻣﺔ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪ . 28‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﺔ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 29‬ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺭﺍﻩ‪،‬ﺹ‪.11‬‬ ‫‪ . 30‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺹ‪.24‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‪،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‪،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ‪،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺿﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ«ﺩﺭﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﺂﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺂﻧﺠﻬﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻬﺪﺍﺭﻳﻐﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻵﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ 32‬ﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ 33«.‬ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ » :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﺵ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﺮﻳﺘﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪...‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻞ»ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬

‫‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ‪.77/3/4،‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺻﻴﻔﺔ ﻧﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺝ‪،17‬ﺹ‪63‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺝ‪،18‬ﺹ‪.169‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺝ‪،19‬ﺹ‪.195‬‬ ‫‪.‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪،13‬ﺹ‪.180‬‬

‫‪343‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪344‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬ﻭﺩﻏﺪﻏﺔ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻕ ﻧﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻼﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻫﮕﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﻭﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﺮﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ«ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ﻟﻜﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ 37«.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‪،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻬﻨﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻥ »ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ«ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺓ ﺯﺧﻴﻢ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 36‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻧﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺝ‪،10‬ﺹ‪.115‬‬ ‫‪ . 37‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺝ‪،4‬ﺹ‪.114‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﺒﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‪،‬ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺫﻧﺐ ﻭﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻤﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻃﻼﻝ ﻋﺘﺮﻳﺴﻰ‪،38‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪....‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬ﻓﻘﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭ ﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺔ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ‪،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﻨﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﺸﻖ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﻳﺪﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪»:‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1979‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍژﺓ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﻭ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬

‫‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺹ‪.21‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ‪،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺅﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺹ‪.12‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﺵ‪،54‬ﺹ‪.92-93‬‬

‫‪345‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪346‬‬

‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻳﺪﺭﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ‪،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺒﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻟﺒﺔ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ»ﺍﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺎﻥ«ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪»:‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﻫﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﺓ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﻭﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘ ًﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺿﺪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﺓ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻴﺨﺴﻌﻴﺪﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺟﻨﺒﺸﺘﻮﺣﻴﺪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪»:‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﺔﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻴﺎﻟﻬﺎﻣﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯﺣﺮﻛﺘﺠﻬﺎﺩﻳﺒﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﺯﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪،‬ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻰ‪،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘ ًﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪»:‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬

‫‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺹ‪.73‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪،‬ﺳﻴﻠﺴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺹ‪.204‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺭﺍﻩ‪،‬ﺹ‪.10‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺹ‪.20‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‪.1367/8/8‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬ﺹ‪.97‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪)،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻟﺔ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺭﺷﺘﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻴﻨﻴﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‪،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﺟﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪.47...‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻇﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻫﻬﺎﻳﺎﻟﻬﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ‪،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭﻋﺰﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻫﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺂﻥ‬ ‫‪ . 47‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ‪،1684‬ﺳﻬﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪14‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪،1379‬ﺹ‪.6‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪348‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺪﻭﻧﺂﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺘﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﮕﺸﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﻳﺰﺷﻬﺎﻳﺎﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ« ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ )ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪﺗﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺎﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«ﺳﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﺰﺩﻥ ﻭﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ‪،‬ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺳﺨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ؟‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ًﻻ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻬﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻳﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ‪...‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ًﻻ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ(؛ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻫﻼﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ(‪.‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺑﺰﺭ گ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﺳﺘﺂﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ‪،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﷲ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻄﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻬﺎﻯ‬

‫‪349‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﻼﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺒﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫‪350‬‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺎ ﻭﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ّ » :‬ﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺎ «‪ 49‬ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺤﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﺝ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪50«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺿﺪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻫﮕﺮ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺎء ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭﭼﺮﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺭﻧﺘﻴﺴﻰ‪،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬

‫‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪26،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪.1390‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﺓ ﻧﺴﺎء‪،‬ﺁﻳﺔ ‪.76‬ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ)ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ(ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪26،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪.90‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺭﺍﻩ‪،‬ﺹ‪.32‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‪،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻬﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻔﺔ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻴﭙﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﭙﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﺔ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻵﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ngo،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﺔ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻏﻠﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺬﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﻴﺎﻣﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘ ًﺎ ﻣﺘﺬ ّﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫‪351‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ‪«.‬‬

‫‪352‬‬

‫ﻧﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺵ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺠﻨﮓ ﺍﺣﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻬﮕﺮ‪،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻠﻮﺗﻮﺙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻧﻮﻉ ﻏﺮﺽ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺎﺵ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ . 52‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪26،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪.1390‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍء ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ‪-‬ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‪-‬ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﺪﺑﻦ ﻃﻼﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ 4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ‪،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﻖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺟﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪...‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻬﻴﺒﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬

‫‪353‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ 53 «.‬ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻏﻨﺎﺋﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﺷﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪354‬‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﻘﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﺔ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ؛ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ . 53‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪.90‬‬ ‫‪ . 54‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﻆ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﻣﻴﻜﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﺔ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ »:‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺂﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺵ‪،‬ﺳﻴﻤﻮﺭﺍﻡ)‪،(1385‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻟﻄﻔﺎﷲ ﻣﻴﺜﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯ‪،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ‪.39‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻯ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‪،‬ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﭼﺎﭘﻬﻔﺪﻫﻢ‪1379،‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺩﻯ‪،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‪،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻮﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺰﻣﺪﺭﻛﻼﻣﺎﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪1381،‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﺎﻑ ﻭﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ‪ ، 5‬ﺑﻴﻨﺎ‪1372‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻓﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪1390‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺔﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻳﺂﻣﻠﻰ‪،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺴﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍء‪،‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪1384،‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍ‪،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬ﻗﻢ‪1387،‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ‪،‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪1381‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺐ ﺁﻝ ﺍﺑﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﺫﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ 1385 ،‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ‪،52‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1390‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻰ‪،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻰ‪،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1372،‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 55‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 56‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪355‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﷲ‪،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺔ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪.1378‬‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺡ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻝ ﻋﺘﺮﻳﺴﻰ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪،11‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪1374،‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1358،‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺭﻥ‪،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪،‬ﻧﺸﺮﻧﻰ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1384،‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪1386،‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﺨﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﺔﺗﺨﺼﺼﻴﺪﺭﺣﻮﺯﺓﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭙﮋﻭﻫﻴﺎﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪،‬ﺵ‪،28‬ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺸﺘﻢ‪.1390،‬‬

‫‪356‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬

‫‪358‬‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ -1 :‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ‪ -3‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ -1 :‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -2 .‬ﻭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ -3.‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ -4 .‬ﻭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ -5 .‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻴﺰﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -6 .‬ﻭﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -7 .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ« ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ»ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﻦ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪) «.‬ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪(ir.yaranesadr.www) ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪] ،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﻪ[ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪) .‬ﺻﺪﺭ‪-221 :1970:‬‬ ‫‪(223‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺰﺍ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴ ِﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬

‫‪359‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻴﺂﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻤﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪) «.‬ﺍﺑﺎﺫﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(95‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻣ ّﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪360‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 14‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1307‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪).‬‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻰ‪34 :1387 :‬ﺗﺎ ‪(55‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﺑﺎﺫﺭﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ :1381‬ﺻﺺ ‪17‬ﻭ‪ (25‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1329‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ« )ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1332‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ »ﻣﻨﺘﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪) .‬ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،1386 ،‬ﺹ ‪(22‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1338‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺁﻝ ﻳﺎﺳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪:1388 :‬ﺹ ‪(136‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‬

‫‪361‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮﺓ‪ :2006 :‬ﺹ‪( 55‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﺮﻛﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪362‬‬

‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪).‬ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ(‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ( ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ‪...‬‬

‫ﺧﺼﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻮﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺮﺍﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺿﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻲ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻒ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻒ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪2.‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‪:1386 :‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪(25‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‬

‫‪363‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪364‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،2009 ،‬ﺹ ‪ (50‬ﻭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻧﻮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺉﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻮﮔﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻴﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻬﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﻜﺮﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،1379 ،‬ﺹ ‪(347‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ‪...‬‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺘﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﺒﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪) :‬ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ :1388 :‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 100‬ﺗﺎ ‪» (134‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻤﺎﺟﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،.‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺘﻠﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﻄﻠﺒﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻰ‬

‫‪365‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ 3‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺸﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪366‬‬

‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1343‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻬﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ 1344‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ )‪ 1972‬ﻡ(ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ)‪ 1348‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ( ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺟﺒﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤ ًﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ) ‪ 1349‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ( ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ )‪ 1341‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ( ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪) - 3‬ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،1386 ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﺗﺎ ‪ (200‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ )ﻳﺎﺩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ(‬ ‫‪http//:islamicstation.mihanblog.com/post59/‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺘﺢ«‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ)‪ 1351‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ(ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ‪ 48‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ »ﻗﺎﻧﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻲ« ﻭ »ﺟﻮﻳﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ »ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻓﺎﻭﻭﻕ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ )‪ 1351‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ(ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ »ﻓﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﻣﺆﺫﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺟﺒﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫)‪ 1352‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ(ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻼﻛﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ »ﺑﻨﺖ ﺟﺒﻴﻞ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ )‪ 1354‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﻟﺒﻨﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ‪ 27‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﺳﻤ ًﺎ ﻭﻻﺩﺕ »ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1355‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻛﻬﺎﻱ »ﻃﻴﺒﻪ« ﻭ »ﺑﻨﺖ ﺟﺒﻴﻞ« ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1356‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﭼﭗ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺂﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺟﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫‪367‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪368‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻀﻼﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1350‬ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1357‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ »ﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪ 1356‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1357‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‪ :1388 ،‬ﺹ‪(128‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ)‪ 1338‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ( ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ‪...‬‬

‫»ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺍﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﺝ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1341‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺻﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻃﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ )‪ 1341‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ(‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﮕﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1341‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺮﺍﻟﻤﺨﻠﺺ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻣﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 1341‬ﻭ ‪ ،1342‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1342‬ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1344‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ »ﺍﻟﻨﺪﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1346‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1347‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﺒﻮﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1348‬ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻃﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺪﻭﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪» 1349‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1349‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬

‫‪369‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪370‬‬

‫»ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ« ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻘ ًﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻼﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺴﻄﺢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻟﻨﺪﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﻪ« ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻸ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻄﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪) - 4‬ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻠﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ‪www.Imamsadr.ir‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1345‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1348‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺣﻖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺏ‬ ‫‪ (149 :1388‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1338‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻬﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬

‫‪371‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪372‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1339‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1339‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ »ﺍﻟﺒﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺣﺴﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﺑﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻜﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪ 1340‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1348‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺒﻀﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ »ﺟﺒﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ« ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺧﻴﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﺮﺗﻜﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ %85 .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﺯﻩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﺂﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﻩ« ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻃﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺂﻣﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻓﻰ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍ ِﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻗﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟ ّﺪﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻭﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫»ﺻﻮﺭ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ).‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻑﺗﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 59‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 97‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ‪(1376 ،‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻬﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﭼﭗ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ »ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻮﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪ ّﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ :‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺻﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﺴﻮﻩ ّ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ 1348‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1352‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪1389 ،‬‬

‫‪373‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪374‬‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﻮﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1353‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﻠﺒﻚ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺪﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺟﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻒ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻗﺘ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1354‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍً ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ ،1354‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﻯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﻠﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 1355‬ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 1355‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪).‬ﺣﻘﺸﻨﺎﺱ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺏ‪ (240 :1388 :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻉ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺄﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻬﻼﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‪:1386 ،‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪ (156‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1338‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺜﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ…‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪375‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪376‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ”ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ“ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺻﺪﺭ‪ (198-191: 1384:‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻬﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤ ًﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1972‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺳﺪ »ﻟﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ« ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ »ﻟﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪) - 6‬ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ(‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ‪...‬‬

‫‪ .5‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺷﻐﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.7‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤ ًﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻟﻒ« ﺗﺎ »ﻱ« ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1973‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1973‬ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1974‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﻠﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻠﺒﻚ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﻠﺒﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺗﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻠﺒﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻠّﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ )‪ (1974/3/17‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻠﺒﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻤﻨﻈﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬

‫‪377‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠّﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ »ﺻﻮﺭ« ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪(78 - 45 : ،1367 :‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻪ ﺑﺪﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ژﻭﺯﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1380‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﻭﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪378‬‬

‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌ ًﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭗﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﺰﺭگ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻫﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺂﺧﺬ‬ ‫ ﺍﺑﺎﺫﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،1381 :‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺋـﺪ ﺇﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤـﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻭﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬‫ﺑﻼﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛـﺰ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻸﺑﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‪،‬‬‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺎﺿﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﻗﺪﻳﺲ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﻞ ‪.1970‬‬ ‫ ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،1388 :‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻯ؛ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺳﺤﺮﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬‫ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،1390 :‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻣﻞ‪،‬‬‫‪ ،1388‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪،‬‬‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪،1387 :‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.1386 ،‬‬‫ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ؛ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪1388 :‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ؛ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ‬‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺟﺴﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ‪.1384،‬‬ ‫ ﻓﺮﺧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪،1385 :‬‬‫ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،1390 :‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬‫ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ‪ /‬ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ؛ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،1377 :‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ‪ /‬ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ؛ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺝ‪ ، 2‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‪ :‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪،1386 :‬‬‫ﭼﺎپ ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ‪ ، ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،1388 :‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬‫‪ -‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪،‬‬

‫‪379‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،1386 :‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ؛ ﮔﺎﻫﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ )‪(1849-1798‬؛ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ؛‬‫ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ؛ ‪.1367‬‬ ‫ ﻫﻴﺄﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺃﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻼﻝ‪. 2006 ،‬‬‫ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪،1389 :‬‬‫ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ‪.1379 ،‬‬‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ‬‫‪http//:bashgah.net/modules.php?name=Articles&op=show&aid&38675=query2=Y‬‬ ‫‪XZiNiz24wg2LXYr9ix‬‬

‫ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬‫=‪http//:imamsadr.ir/aboutimam/show.php?id118‬‬

‫ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ‪ /‬ﭼﺸﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬‫‪www.yaranesadr.ir/farsi1390/09/4528/‬‬

‫‪380‬‬

‫ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻠﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬‫ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫‪www.Imamsadr.ir‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ‬‫‪http//:islamicstation.mihanblog.com/post59/‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻬﺎﻟﺴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺪﻭﺷﻦ‬

‫‪382‬‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻨﻜﻨﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻫﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ)ﺳﻮﺭﻫﻰ ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺔ ‪ .(2‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ)ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﻣﻠﻜﻰ‪:1389 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .(69‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ)ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ .(31 :1366 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ)ﻧﺠﻔﻰ‪ .(476 :1389 ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺒﻨﺎﺑﻴﻄﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ)ﺳﻮﺭﻫﻰ ﺹ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻬﻰ ‪ ،(26‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺳﻮﺭﻫﻰ ﻣﺎﺋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻬﻰ ‪ ،(55‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ)ﺳﻮﺭﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻬﻬﺎﻯ ‪39‬ﻭ‪ 60‬ﻭ ‪ ،(65‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ)ﺳﻮﺭﻫﻰ ﻧﺤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻬﻰ ‪36‬؛ ﺳﻮﺭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻬﻰ ‪ ،(73‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﻠﻄﻬﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻬﭙﺬﻳﺮﻯ)ﺳﻮﺭﻫﻰ ﻧﺴﺎء‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻬﻰ ‪ ،(141‬ﺍﻣﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯﻣﻨﻜﺮ)ﺳﻮﺭﻫﻰ ﺣﺞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻬﻰ ‪ ،(41‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ)ﺳﻮﺭﻫﻰ ﻧﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻬﻰ ‪ ،(2‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ)ﺳﻮﺭﻫﻰ ﻣﺎﺋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻬﻰ ‪ (33‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ)ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺂﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪.(1387 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ)ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﻣﻠﻜﻰ‪ .(1389 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺰ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﺶ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ »:‬ﻭﷲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ«)ﻋﺒﺪﻭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭﺩﻯ‪ .(336 :1383 ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ :‬ﻗﺮ ﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻬﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﻻﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ) ﺳﻮﺭﻫﻰ ﺣﺪﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﻬﻰ ‪.(25‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺜﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ) ﺳﻮﺭﻫﻰ ﻧﺴﺎء‪ :‬ﺁﻳﻬﻰ ‪ ،(105‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ)ﺳﻮﺭﻫﻰ ﺑﻘﺮﻩ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﻬﻰ ‪ (213‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬

‫‪383‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪384‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺁﺯﺩﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ)ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﻣﻠﻜﻰ‪ .(33 -34 :1389 ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ)ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪.(147 :1387 ،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ)ﻋﺒﺪﻭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭﺩﻯ‪ .(345 :1383 :‬ﻧﻬﺠﺎﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺠﺎﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒ ًﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ)ﻋﺒﺪﻭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭﺩﻯ‪ .(348 :1383 :‬ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺒﺮ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ)ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺋﻰ‪:1386 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .(33‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﻌﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺜﺮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺣﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻘﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ)ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‪.(18 :1387 ،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ٌﻣ َﻨﺒﻌِﺚ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ًﻻ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍ‪ ...‬ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺴﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺟﻨﺪﺍ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ)ﻋﻤﻴﺪﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ .(40 -41 :1384 ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻬﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻬﺎﺵ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ) ﻋﻤﻴﺪﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪.(45 :1384 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻤﺸﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ؛ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ)ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ».(71 :1387 ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ)ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪» .(51 :1387 «،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻬﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«)ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬

‫‪385‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪386‬‬

‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺂﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ‪13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ)ﺍﻣﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻯ( ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻬﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻬﻰ ﻛﻨﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ)ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﺷﻰ‪ .(99 :1387 ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻫﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ«)ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻳﺘﻔﺮﺷﻰ‪:1387 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .(54‬ﻗﺸﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺣﺘﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ«)ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪.(812 :1376 ،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﺤﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺛﺮ ﺯﻻﻝ ﻭﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﺘﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﻯ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺧﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻄﺮﺁﮔﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻬﺎ ﮔﺪﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻬﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ«) ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ».(1-2 :1376 ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ًﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«)ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻼﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ(‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻨﻜﻨﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻬﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺂﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﺘﻤﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ)ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ .(159 -160 :1381‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻻﻧﺔ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻬﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻨﻬﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ)ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪.(282 :1381 ،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻋﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ«)ﻧﻬﺠﺎﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ‪ .(3‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫‪387‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪388‬‬

‫ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﺒﺨﺸﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺗﻮﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ)ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﺂﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻒ‪.(72 :1390 ،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻬﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ ﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻬﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ)ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ(‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ)ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ .(46 :1390 ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 200‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﻧﻤﻴﺂﻳﺪ)ﻧﻌﻴﻤﻰ‪.(71 :1390 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ)ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﺂﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺏ‪ .(97 :1390 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ‪ 85‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ Znet‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻌﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ)ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ‪ .(35 :1390 ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ »:‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﻴﺚ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬

‫‪389‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪390‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«)ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ .(266 :1381 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺒﻨﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ)ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ .(268 -269 :1381‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻬﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺮ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﻨﻬﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﭙﺎﺧﻴﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻬﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ«)ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﺩ ﻻﻫﻴﺠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ .(106 :1380‬ﭘﺲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺸﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻔﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻔﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻫﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻫﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ«)ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﺩ ﻻﻫﻴﺠﻰ‪ .(109 :1380 ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪391‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﺾ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﺂﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ .(1390) .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻬﻰ ‪15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪.33 -74 :8(3) .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﺂﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ .(1390) .‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﻮﺭﺍﻥ ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻬﻰ ‪15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪.77 -110 :9(3) .‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‪ .(1378) .‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ .(1387) .‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﻗﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪ .(1376) .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺪﺳﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‪ .(1390) .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻬﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪.34 -35 :360.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ .(1376) .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻰ؛ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ‪ .(1383) .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ -‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﻗﻢ‪:‬‬

‫‪392‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻬﻰ ﻗﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﺪﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻰ‪ .(1384) .‬ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﻣﻠﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ .(1389) .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‪ .(1387) .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﻗﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‪ .(1387) .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻗﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‪ .(1390) .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻬﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪-47 :53 .‬‬ ‫‪.46‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻔﻰ‪ .(1387) .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ .‬ﻗﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‪ .(1366) .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ .(1378) .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ .(1381) .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺪﺣﺠﺖ‪ .(1384) .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻗﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻴﺾ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﺩ ﻻﻫﻴﺠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ .(1380) .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺘﺮﺕ‪ .‬ﻗﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ‪ .(1390) .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻬﻰ‬ ‫‪15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪.67 -76 :9(3) .‬‬ ‫‪http//:www.andisheqom.ir‬‬ ‫‪http//:www.asra84.blogfa.com/post.68-aspx‬‬

‫‪393‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻀﺮ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ؛ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺻﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺣﺘﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ»‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ,‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺳﺪﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬

‫‪395‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪396‬‬

‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍ ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻄﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺫﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ‪.‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼء ﻋﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻰ ﺭﺣﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؛ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‪ -‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ‪،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﻔﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ‪ 80‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺭﺣﻢ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ؛ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ؛ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺧﺪﺍﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﻴﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﻠﺘﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﺿﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ )‪ (1905‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﺩﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻬﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﻠﺘﻮﺕ )‪ (1963‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ‬

‫‪397‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪398‬‬

‫ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﻠﺘﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍ ﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ )ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻰ( ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﻝ ﻛﺎﺷﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﻠﺘﻮﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﻠﺘﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺯﺍﻕ ﺳﻬﻨﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎء‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻝ ﻓﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﻏﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺠﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ؛ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻮﺯﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻋﻼء ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻠﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﻛﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪2000/9/2‬‬

‫‪399‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪400‬‬

‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻋﻘﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ‪،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺘﺎﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎء ؛ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭﻛﻼ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﻞ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺯﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺙ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻛﻼ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2015‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ؛ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺸﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪،‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ‪.‬‬

‫‪401‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪402‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﺒﺾ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﻮﺷﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﭼﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ‪.‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ »ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻯ ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ‪» ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ «‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬

‫‪403‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪404‬‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻰ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺭژﻳﻤﻰ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ » ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ« ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ – ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﮔﺮﺍ‪ -‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻧﻤﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ؛ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ‪،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ؛ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﻤﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻰ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﺞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻮﻍ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﻘﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ‪2012/1/12‬‬

‫‪405‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 2011‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻰﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ‬

‫‪407‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪408‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺴﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺴﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 92 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻗﺒﻄﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻣﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻰ ﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﻯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1517‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1802‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1882‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1956‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 1956‬ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪1967‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ »ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺩ« ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪1‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.11‬‬ ‫‪2‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.12‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪409‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪410‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ‪ 1985‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪4.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪.‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺁﻥ ﺃﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪،‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ )ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺠﺮﻩ( ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻮﺭﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ؛ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻄﺶ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 2011‬ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻛﺎﺭﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ‪ 2011‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ %40‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪40‬‬ ‫‪5‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.123‬‬ ‫‪6‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ‪ .‬ﺹ ‪.180‬‬ ‫‪7http://www.afran.ir/modules/publisher/item.php?itemid=137‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ‪ %13‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪8.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ 18‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 11‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ )‪22‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ( ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪9.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﺾ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ -‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﺴﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ‪ ،...‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﻛﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫‪8http://rajanews.com/detail.asp?id=77529‬‬ ‫‪9http://www.presstv.ir/detail.fa/164788.html‬‬

‫‪411‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪412‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪10 .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﺧﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﭘﻠﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫‪10http://www.magiran.com/official/5370/view.asp?ID=871986‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬

‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪11http://www.medianews.ir/fa/2011/05/23/social-networks-everyday-life-1.html‬‬ ‫‪12http://anjoman.mcstudies.ir/2011/05/social-networks-report.html‬‬ ‫‪13http://www.mehrnews.com/fa/NewsDetail.aspx?NewsID=1318351‬‬

‫‪413‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪414‬‬

‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﮓﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪14 http://www.communicationage.blogfa.com/post-28.aspx‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻮﻳﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﺮﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺸﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪15 http://www.communicationage.blogfa.com/post-28.aspx‬‬ ‫‪16 http://anjoman.mcstudies.ir/2011/05/social-networks-report.html‬‬ ‫‪17 http://koucheneshin.blogfa.com/post-45.aspx‬‬

‫‪415‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪416‬‬

‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻭ ﭘﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫‪18 http://alizamanian.blogfa.com/post-392.aspx‬‬ ‫‪19 http://www.khabaronline.ir/news-69315.aspx‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬

‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺁﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪20 http://www.jangnarm.com/index.aspx?siteid=51&pageid=3129&newsview=27238‬‬

‫‪417‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪418‬‬

‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ )ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ( ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﻧﻮ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ 42 .‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﺩﺭﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺼﺮ ‪162‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻼﮔﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪23 .‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪ 80‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﺋﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻫﺎ ﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ‪ 6‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 2008‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪21http://www.jangnarm.com/index.aspx?siteid=51&pageid=3129&newsview=27238‬‬ ‫‪22http://nonviolent-conflict.org/index.php/movements-and-campaigns/‬‬ ‫‪nonviolent-conflict-summaries/1368‬‬ ‫‪23http://nonviolent-conflict.org/index.php/movements-and-campaigns/‬‬ ‫‪nonviolent-conflict-summaries/1368‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ‪ 6‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 2008‬ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ 6 ،‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 25‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ”ﻛﻠﻨﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ“ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻔﻪ ”ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ“ ﺑﻪ ”ﺳﻌﻴﺪ“ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ‪ 6‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 25‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﻙ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻄﺶ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‪25‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﻏﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻛﻠﻨﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪26http://www.tebyan.net/index.aspx?pid=131191&wPicID=36458‬‬ ‫‪27http://fa.wikipedia.org/wiki/‬‬

‫‪419‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪420‬‬

‫ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 12‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ﻭ ‪29‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬

‫‪28http://www.entekhab.ir/fa/news/‬‬ ‫‪29http://www.ictna.ir/news/archives/032464.html‬‬ ‫‪30http://tazeh.net/form/record/view/form/form_5897/id/1136‬‬ ‫‪31http://www.mashreghnews.ir/NSite/FullStory/News/?Id=27189‬‬ ‫‪32http://tazeh.net/form/record/view/form/form_5897/id/1136‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬

‫‪33‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ”ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ“ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻛﻰ« ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺷﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻜﺮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ )ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ( ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ – ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻧﺶ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪33http://www.islamic-awakening.ir/?a=content.id&id=4268&print=1‬‬ ‫‪34http://www.siasatema.com/NSite/FullStory/?Id=17991‬‬ ‫‪35http://khatnews.com/news/1-1268.html‬‬ ‫‪36http://weblognews.ir/02/1390/ngo/14183/‬‬

‫‪421‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪37‬‬

‫‪422‬‬

‫ﻃﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ؛ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﮔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺑﻼگ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﻮﺗﻴﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﻏﻨﻴﻢ« ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ«‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2011‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37http://www.tebyan.net/index.aspx?pid=163831‬‬ ‫‪38http://www.khabaronline.ir/detail/130879/‬‬ ‫‪39http://www.mandegardaily.af/spip.php?article5797‬‬ ‫‪40http://www.islamic-awakening.ir/?a=content.id&id=4268&print=1‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺷﻔﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻛﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻛﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪” :‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪“.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻛﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬

‫‪ 41‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪42http://www.jahannews.com/vdcir3azpt1awz2.cbct.html‬‬ ‫‪43http://www.boot-tm.ir/thread-916-post-35560.html#pid35560‬‬ ‫‪44http://www.leader.ir/langs/fa/index.php?p=bayanat&id=7772‬‬

‫‪423‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪45‬‬

‫‪424‬‬

‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫”ﻣﺘﻴﻮ ﺍﻧﮕﺮﺍﻡ ” ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﻙ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﻙ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪” .‬ﺍﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺯﻭﻑ ”‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ”ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺮﻱ ” ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺯﻭﻑ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ”ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ” ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﻙ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪45http://khabarnamehiran.persianblog.ir/11/1388/‬‬ ‫‪46http://www.farsnews.com/printable.php?nn=8911231176‬‬ ‫‪ 47‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 48‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ”ﺟﺮﺩ ﻛﻮﻫﻦ ” ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪” :‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ‪” .‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ”ﻛﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻛﺘﻮﺭﻭ ” ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺯﻭﻑ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﻙ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﻛﻤﻚﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﺯﺍﻛﺮﺑﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 49‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51http://www.mashreghnews.ir/fa/news/50019/‬‬

‫‪425‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬.‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ .‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ ﻭﻟﻰ‬،‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ .‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ :‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬، ‫ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬، ‫ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ‬، ‫ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬-1 .1373 ، ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ .1373 ، ‫ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬، ‫ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬،‫ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬، ‫ ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ‬، ‫ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ‬-2 :‫ﺏ( ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ‬ http://www.farsnews.com/printable.php?nn=8911231176 http://www.mashreghnews.ir/NSite/FullStory/News/?Id=27189 http://anjoman.mcstudies.ir/2011/05/social-networks-report.html http://koucheneshin.blogfa.com/post-45.aspx http://www.khabaronline.ir/news-69315.aspx http://www.jangnarm.com/index.aspx?siteid=51&pageid=3129&n ewsview=27238 http://www.afran.ir/modules/publisher/item.php?itemid=137 http://rajanews.com/detail.asp?id=77529 http://www.presstv.ir/detail.fa/164788.html http://www.magiran.com/official/5370/view.asp?ID=871986 http://www.medianews.ir/fa/2011/05/23/social-networkseveryday- life-1.html http://www.mehrnews.com/fa/NewsDetail.aspx?NewsID=1318351 http://nonviolent-conflict.org/index.php/movements-and-

426

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬

campaigns/nonviolent-conflict-summaries/1368 http://www.tebyan.net/index.aspx?pid=131191&wPicID=36458 http://fa.wikipedia.org/wiki/ http://www.entekhab.ir/fa/news/ http://www.ictna.ir/news/archives/032464.html http://tazeh.net/form/record/view/form/form_5897/id/1136 http://www.islamic-awakening.ir/?a=content.id&id=4268&print=1 http://www.siasatema.com/NSite/FullStory/?Id=17991 http://khatnews.com/news/1268-1.html http://weblognews.ir/1390/02/ngo/14183/ http://www.mandegardaily.af/spip.php?article5797 http://www.jahannews.com/vdcir3azpt1awz2.cbct.html http://www.boot-tm.ir/thread-916-post-35560.html#pid35560 http://www.leader.ir/langs/fa/index.php?p=bayanat&id=7772 http://khabarnamehiran.persianblog.ir/1388/11/ http://www.communicationage.blogfa.com/post-28.aspx http://alizamanian.blogfa.com/post-392.aspx

427

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻣﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺂﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻴﺒﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﱢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﺎﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ »ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻋﺰّﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﺍژﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻬﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫‪) 1‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ(‬

‫‪429‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪430‬‬

‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭ‪) «.‬ﻫﻤﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ‪،1377 ،‬ﺹ ‪(239‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻴﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﻨﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 1311/5/5‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ »ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ« ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﻮﺟﻚ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻴﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺟﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻬﻲ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍ‪ ...‬ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺸﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﻠﺒﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻬﭽﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺎﺵ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍ‪ ...‬ﺻﺪﻭﻗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍ‪ ...‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1340‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍ‪ ...‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1340‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻋﻆ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺖ؛ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1343‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1351‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺌﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ َﺳﻤِﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ -‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍ‪ ...‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺼﺪﺭ ﻣﻠﻌﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻬﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1358‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1359‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﺳﻔﺮﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺮﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﺔ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﺷﻬﻴﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻴﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1360‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻻﺋﻤﻪ )ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ( ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬

‫‪431‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 8‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻞ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ )ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺨﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺰﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ‪.‬‬

‫‪432‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ‪ (45 :1383 ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻭﺍژﺓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‪ (11 :1367 ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺪﻋﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﻉ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﺍﻧﻰ ﻟﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﺷﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻻ ﺑﻄﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻻ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ﺧﺮﺟﺖ ﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻻﺻﻼﺡ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻬﻰ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻰ« )ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ‪ ،1400،‬ﺝ‪ (329 ،44‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺧﺎﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ ‪،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﺂﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ؛ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﮕﻠﮕﺸﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻘﺒﻤﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﭘﺎﻙ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ؛‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ؛‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ؛‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ«‪ » ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯ« ‪،‬ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ« ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺩﻩ‪(7 :1374 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎء ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ( ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻰ ﺟﻬﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻴﺪﺍً ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ (44 :1358 :‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬

‫‪433‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪434‬‬

‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻇﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻨﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻨ ّﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﺓ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ« )ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪(68 :1357 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ »‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺰء ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ؛‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘ ّﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪)«.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،1357،‬ﺹ‪(66‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺗﻜﺒﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺿﻼﻉ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻟﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ) « .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪(175 :1358 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﻂ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻗﻴﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻫﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ) «.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪ :1358‬ﺹ‪(34‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ » :‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪) «.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ 1358 :‬ﺹ ‪(150‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﻨﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻫﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪) «.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪(82 :1358 :‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪.-‬‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻬﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺂﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬

‫‪435‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪436‬‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪ ) .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪(61 :1358 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ -‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪(65 :1358 :‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ » :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﻗﺎﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻜﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪) «.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،1357 ،‬ﺹ‪(399‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﻨﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ » :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺬﻟّﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻭ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻜﺒﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ » ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ« ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﺎﺗﺒﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺗﺪﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ) ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪(96 :1358 :‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﻨﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﺔ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻬﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ) «.‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪(238 : 1357 ،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺯﺩ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪) «.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،1358 ،‬ﺹ‪ (83‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ » ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪(192 :1358 :‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻴﺂﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺒﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺻﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ »ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺰﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪) «.‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪(82: 1358 :‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ‪ »:‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ) «.‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ (34: 1346 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺑﻰ‬

‫‪437‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪438‬‬

‫ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪) «.‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪(34 :1346 :‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ِﺧﺮﺩ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺫﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ َ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻔﺮﺳﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻬﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻬﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(ﻭﻳﺎﺩﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﻨﻮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺯﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺮﻣﺴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﻗﻤﻬﺰﺩﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺵ ﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ) «.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪(204 :1353 :‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋ ّﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﻮﻓﻰ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﻭ » ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺘﻞ« ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ) .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪(410 :1353‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ( ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ )ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫)ﺹ( ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺼﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑُﻌﺪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻮﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻞ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻴﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺒﻤﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻴﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﭼﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.1374 ،‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.1383 ،‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺪﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪. 1367‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺎﺭﺍﻻﻧﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.1400 ،‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.1353 ،‬‬

‫‪439‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪.1346‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺼﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.1358 ،‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.1357 ،‬‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﻫﻤﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.1377 ،‬‬

‫‪440‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫‪442‬‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ»ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪-‬ﻛﺎﻛﺲ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﺔ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻔﻦ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺠﻮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﻃﻨﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ‪ :‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪ 1‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ‪reza_najjarian@yahoo.com:‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1297‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺼﻔﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﺒﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺷﺒﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣ ّﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺭﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻌﻠﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺴﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺤﻄﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻮﻧﺠﻪ ﺳﺪ ﺟﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﺨﻨﺠﻤﺎﻟﺪﻳﻨﻜﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﻓﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻼ ﻭ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﺑﻼ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻮﻥ‪ -‬ﻋﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﻤﻨﺞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪).‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.(196‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﻄﻠﺒﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺠﻮﻳﻴﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﻤﻪ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪).‬ﺁﺫﺭﻯ‪،1354،‬ﺹ ‪(501‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻴﺨﻤﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1324‬ﻕ‪1285) .‬‬ ‫ﺵ‪ ،(.‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ »ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺨﻤﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬

‫‪443‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪444‬‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ! ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻢ ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺄﺱ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؛ ﺑﻬﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ ...‬ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ!«‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻰ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1287‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﻠﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻜﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ! ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺘﭙﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﮔﺮﻓﺖ!« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪).‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬ﺹ‪(196‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﻜﻨﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻻ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1288‬ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،1‬ﺹ ‪.)75‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺳﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺮ ﻟﻜﻮﻓﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪ – 3‬ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺭﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻰ(‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 48‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﺪﺍﺕ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ! ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ)ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،1304،‬ﺹ ‪ .)28‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺟﺴﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 7‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪7) 1290‬‬ ‫ﺫﻳﺤﺠﻪ ‪ (1329‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ‬

‫‪445‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪446‬‬

‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،7‬ﺹ ‪.(87‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪) .‬ﺩﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ (209‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ )ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ( ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﻮﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ! ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻮ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺒﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﺮﺑﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ! ‪ «...‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ » ‪ ...‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻫﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﺩ! ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻟﺮﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ!‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1290‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ( ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﺩﺭ ‪ 29‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 2‬ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﻴﺪﺭﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻔﺮﻡ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ! ‪ ...‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﮔﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻫﻤﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺂﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﻜﻮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺯﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻒ ﺯﺩﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺘﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻫﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﻗﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪-‬‬

‫‪447‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻏﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ)ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،1376،‬ﺹ ‪ (29‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﻼﺩﺍﻥ ﺻﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺴﻮﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﺸﻴﺪ) ﻗﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،1372،‬ﺹ ‪.(106‬‬

‫‪448‬‬

‫ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ ،1293‬ﺻﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1296‬ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺙ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ »ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﺪﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ 480 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،1304،‬ﺹ ‪(28‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 8) 1296‬ﺭﺟﺐ ‪ (1335‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ )ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،1376،‬ﺹ ‪ .)678‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻧﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻴﺪ« ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ( ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻰ‪،‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،1304،‬ﺹ ‪ .)28‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ(ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻚﭘﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻰﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ(ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﻯﻫﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻥ »ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ(ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺎﻧﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ(ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻴﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ) .‬ﻋﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﺎﻳﺸﻰ‪.(1358 ،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪» 1298‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫‪449‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻴﺪ ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1299‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻬﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ (.‬ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،1376،‬ﺹ ‪)245‬‬

‫‪450‬‬

‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﮕﺮﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻟﻰ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺛﻮﻗﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺸﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ‪ 1919‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 130‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻟﺰﺣﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺣﻖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺪﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻴﻢ )ﻳﻚ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪ .(237‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻛﻔﻨﭙﻮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ)ﻣﻠﻚ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺝ‪،7‬ﺹ‪(87‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺩﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪،‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻃﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭ ّﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ 1919‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺣﺮﺍﺭﺗﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ )ﺳﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺧﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻏﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻳـﺎﺩ ﺷﻨـﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻳـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬـﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬

‫ﻫـﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻴـﺪﺍﺩﮔﺮﻱ ﻳـﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺹ ‪(67‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﺎﻟ ّﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 18‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ،1298‬ﻫﻔﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﺿﻬﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻴﻨﺎﻟﻀﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﻮﺍﻋﻈﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟ ّﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﺍﻟ ّﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﭙﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻧﺶ‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺹ ‪(87‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻋﺎ ّﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪّﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺩِ ﺻﺒﺎ ﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺐ ﻭﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺰ ّ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺳﻠﻮﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﺲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺹ ‪(56‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻘﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪1919‬ﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! )ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،1304،‬ﺹ ‪ .(32‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪-‬‬

‫‪451‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪452‬‬

‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﺶ ‪ 6‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺛﻮﻗﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣ ٍﺆﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ)‪ 17‬ﺣﻤﻞ‪ (1299 ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 2‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻄﻠﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 28‬ﺫﻳﺤﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﻠﻮ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻊ ﻭ ﻗﻤﻊ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻰ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺣ ّﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠّﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻗﻠﻊ ﻭ ﻗﻤﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،3‬ﺹ ‪(175‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻻﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪( .‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ .)137‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1919‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ! ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ! ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ) ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1376‬ﺹ ‪(245‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻬﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 17‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ ،1299‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺷﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ »ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺎژﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﻮﺭﻟﻴﻨﮓ« ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ – ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﻮﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ‪ 18‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 1299‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭽﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺙ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﺪ ‪ ).‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(256‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬

‫‪453‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪454‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ - 1 :‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ‪ - 2‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪ )«.‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(147‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻄﻘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﺶ ﻣﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺵ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ژﺳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺒﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪(.‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،1‬ﺹ ‪( 35‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻬﻨﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻬﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻻﻳﻨﻔﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﺱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻰ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻬﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯﺁﺳﺎﻯ ﺗﺤ ّﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺠﻬﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠّﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠّﺢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤّﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻋﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﺗﺠ ّﺪﺩ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﻬﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﭘﺴﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺂﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻬ ّﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘّﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺂﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﺔ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺿ ّﺪ ﻓﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪) .‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‪،1299‬ﺹ‪ .(34‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻔﻖ‪:‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻬﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺝ ﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ؟ )ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(21‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺗّﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺿﻴﺎء ﺑﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠّﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩﻛﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴّﺖ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻴّﻨﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬

‫‪455‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪456‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻮّﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻗﺔ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﻃﻨﭙﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﺫﻳﻘﻌﺪﻩ ‪ ،1336‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻴﺂﻗﺎ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻮﻳﻒ ﻭﻃﻨﭙﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺑﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ّ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 9000‬ﺭﺃﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﮕﺎﻧﻬﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﺠ ّﺪﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﻕ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺛﻮﻗﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺄﻳﻮﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻴﻮﺭﻟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻮﻛﻠﻜﻠﻮ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻤﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﺣﻤﻞ ‪ 1299‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻠّﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺋﺐ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﻣﻠّﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﭙﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗّﻜﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻫﺒﮕﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻄﻴﺢ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪) .‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ ،1299‬ﺹ‪(34‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺟﺰءﻻﻳﻨﻔﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ -1 :‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ -2 .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 700‬ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﻠّﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺎﻳﻠﻪ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪).‬ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ‪،‬ﺹ ‪(111‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ) ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﺵ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠّﻰ )ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﺔ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ – ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻬﺎﻳﺶ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺑﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻜﺪﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺃﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬

‫‪457‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺣ ّﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ؛ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﺹ‪13‬ﺗﺎ ‪ .(23‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ)ﺩﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪،‬ﺹ ‪(226‬‬

‫‪458‬‬

‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ 1299‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ)ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ( ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺘﺂﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ )ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﻳﺎ )ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ)ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ( ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺎﭘﻮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﺮﻭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 29‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼً ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺎﭘﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻬﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﺓ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺁﻏﺸﺘﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺗﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺣ ّﻤﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻧﻈﻤﻴﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺲ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺴﺮﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻒ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﮕﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻒ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﺶ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ‪).«...‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪ 26‬ﺗﺎ ‪(48‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﺎﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍ ﻧﻮﺑﻬﺎﺭ )ﺑﻬﺎﺭ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻳﻦ ﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻢ ﻧﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ)ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﺹ‪ 52‬ﺗﺎ‪(56‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻔﻦ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺠﻮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪1299‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ 1919‬ﻃﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻴﺎﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ّﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍً ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻧﺴﺎﻳﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﺍﺕ)ﻫﻨﺪ( ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟ ّﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﺳﭙﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺳ ّﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪1299‬ﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻲ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ]‪[1919‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﺴﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 1299‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻠّﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ«‪ّ .‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟُﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﻛﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ »ﻣﺎﺭﻟﻴﻨﮓ« ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼـــﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻛــــﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬

‫‪459‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪460‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﺸﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪400‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 500‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺿ ّﺪﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴّﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠّﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ِﺭ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻠﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺰ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭِ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪(241،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮّﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﭙﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎء ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻨﻔّﺬﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣ ّﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪،1919‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪1919‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻣﻠّﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷ ّﻮﺍﻝ ‪1338‬ﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻮﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮّﺧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﻮﺍﻋﻈﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻗﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻄﻘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻬﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴّﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﻠﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺬﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺭﻣﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺮﻫﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻴﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﺠﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤ ّﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺗّﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪).‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻟﺐ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪.(29‬‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‬‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪).‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.(292‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﻧﺰﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺯﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺧﺮﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪).‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪،‬ﺹ‪.(191‬‬ ‫‪461‬‬

‫ﺝ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻔﺂﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺤﺪﻭ ﺣﺼﺮﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻣﻮﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﻧﻈﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ‬ ‫ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬‫ﻫـ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬‫ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻕ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺹ‪(54-42‬ﻭ‪.‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ -‬ﻟﻘﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻠﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺯ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻗﺼﺪﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬‫)ﺩﻭﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪،‬ﺹ ‪(235‬‬

‫‪462‬‬

‫ﺡ‪.‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬‫ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬‫ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬‫ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬‫ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﻢ‬‫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬‫ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ‬‫ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬‫ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬‫ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﺑﺮﺝ ﺳﻨﺒﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 28‬ﺫﻳﺤﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺎﭘﻮ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭘﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻬﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺫﻳﺤﺠﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1300‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺧّ ﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 4‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ‪:‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ّﭘﺮﺩ ﺯ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﭼﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺍﺭﺓ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬

‫ﺗﺎ ﻏﻮﻃﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺻﺮﻳﺤ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻴﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋ ّﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻳﻘﻠﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻭﻫﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ« ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻻﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺣﺎﺟﻴﻜﺒﻴﺮﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ« ﺳﻨﺒﻠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﻜﺎﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﻌﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮ ﻭﻃﻦ ﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﺷﻰ‬

‫ﻛﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮ ﻣﻮﺍﺵ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﺔ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻔﺰﺩﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ).‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.(65‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﻃﻨﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪).‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪،‬ﺹ ‪ .(26‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻣﺒﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻔﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ؛ﻣﺜﻞ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﮔﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ).‬ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(128‬‬

‫‪463‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻻﻳﻨﻔﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ‪،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﻧﺰﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ‪،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫‪464‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺂﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻯ‪،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ :‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﻔﻴﻌﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ‪1354 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‪ :‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪ 1304 ،‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻬﺎﻥ‪1380،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ‪:‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺰﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺧﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻝ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﺎﻳﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،1‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪1358 ،‬ﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‪ :‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1372 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ :‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‪1376 ،‬‬ ‫…………‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪،1‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻟﺐ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﺰﺩ‪1378 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،3‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬چ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪1384 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪1358 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪7‬‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﺶ‬

‫‪466‬‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻯ ‪ 1389‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 26‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،1390‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫‪ . 1‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﺗﺮﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺘﺔ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﻮﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺳﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺯﻳﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ 2010‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ‪26‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐﻭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺗﺸﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 25‬ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 89‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؛ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﻼﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ؛ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻊ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫‪467‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪468‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻰﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﭘﺴﺎﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻛﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 89/10/19‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 90/6/26‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺳﻨﺠﻰ« ﻭ »ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺭﻳﺨﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ« ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺨﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻭﻯﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺳﻨﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺥﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﻃﻰ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (1) «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 27‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (2) «.‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﺱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﺓ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ‬

‫‪469‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪470‬‬

‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1390‬ﻃﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍً ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ( ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ (4) «.‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻄﻌ ًﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪(5) «.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻄﻌ ًﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺨﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺍﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (6) «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻕ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪(7) «.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ )ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ( ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (8) «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﺔ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪(9) «.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺸﺮﻯ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫‪471‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (10) «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ‪ 1390‬ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪(11) «.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ؛ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(12) «.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﻕﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪472‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﺨﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻭﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (13) «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪...‬‬

‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (14) «.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (15) «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ًﻻ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻟﺜ ًﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ (16) «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫‪473‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪474‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (17) «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺷﻤﺮﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (18) «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤ ًﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (19) «.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪(20)«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(21) «.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﺔ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﻀﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ (22) «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪(23) «.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﻌﺚ ﺳﺎﻝ‪1390‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ )ﺹ( ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻀﺎﺋﺔ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (24) «.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩﻧﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ (25) «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬

‫‪475‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪476‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺸﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻃﻴﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺳﺎﺧﺘﺔ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩ ِﻡ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪(26) «.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺻﺪﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻭﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪...‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (27) «.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮﻧﺪ!« )‪(28‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻏﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،89‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ (29) «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻦﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ )ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ( ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﺨﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻜﺒﺮ ﺑﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ (30) «.‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ‬

‫‪477‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪478‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (31) «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪(32)«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺤﻀﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫)‪ (33‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺒﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ (34) «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ‪ 70‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 67‬ﻭ ‪ 73‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺳﭙﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪...‬‬

‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪(35)«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻛﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺅﺳﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺅﺳﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (36) «.‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻨﮕﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺘ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑُﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑُﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (37) «.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ –‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥﺩﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺪﻩﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪(38) «.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻘﻠﺐﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬

‫‪479‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪480‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ (39) «.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﭼﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪(40)«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 90‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻰ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ (41) «.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺜﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﺠﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺿﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺸﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪(42) «.‬‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪...‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﻌﺚ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 90‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕﻃﻠﺐﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖﻃﻠﺐﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪(43) «.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋ ًﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪19‬ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺵ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ (44) «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫‪ 89‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫‪481‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪482‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ (45) «.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪(46) «.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (47) «.‬ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﺪﺍﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪(48) «.‬‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺷﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺘﺨﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (49) «.‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫)‪ (50‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍﺋﺞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺔ ﺭﺍﺋﺞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺖ‪(51) .‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 32‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(52) «.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺗﻚ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬

‫‪483‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪484‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ (53) «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺫﻛﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ 14‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ ،90‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ؛ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (54) «.‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺣﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ! ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪(55) «.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ؛ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ (56) «.‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ (57) «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻮء ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻢ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬

‫‪485‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪486‬‬

‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ« )‪ (58‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺅﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ‪ 25‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ (59) «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪...‬‬

‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻕ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺕ ﻭﺻﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺨﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺳﭙﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍً ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪487‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫‪488‬‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﻨ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪www .farsi .khamenei .ir -1389/11/15‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪-1389/11/27‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪-1389/12/01‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪- 90‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‪ -1390/03/04‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪-1390/04/13‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪-1390/05/16‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪-1390/06/02‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪-1390/06/09‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪...‬‬

‫‪ .11‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ‪-1390/06/09‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪-1390/06/17‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪-1389/11/15‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪-1389/11/27‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪-1389/12/01‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪- 90‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ‪-1390/03/10‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ‪-1390/03/14‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﻌﺚ‪-1390/04/09‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪-1390/06/26‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪-1389/11/15‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .31‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .32‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .33‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .34‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .35‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .36‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .37‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪-1389/11/19‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .38‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪-1389/11/27‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .39‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .40‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .41‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪- 90‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .42‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .43‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﻌﺚ‪-1390/04/09‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫‪489‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ .44‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻯ‪-89‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .45‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪-1389/11/15‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .46‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .47‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪-1389/11/19‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .48‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪- 90‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .49‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .50‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪-1390/02/03‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .51‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ‪-1390/03/10‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .52‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪-1390/02/13‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .53‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .54‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪-1390/02/14‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .55‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪-90‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .56‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .57‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .58‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .59‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﻌﺚ ‪1390/04/09‬‬

‫‪490‬‬