The arrival of the Anglo-Normans in 1169 AD marked the beginning of a 750-year turbulent relationship between Ireland and its neighbouring island, Britain. By 1913, Ireland was part of the United Kingdom, ruled from London. A decade later, twentysix of the thirty-two counties of Ireland were independent. This exhibition explores Galway’s participation in the revolutionary events that shaped the nation. Le teacht na nAngla-Normannach in 1169 AD cuireadh tús le caidreamh callóideach a mhair 750 bliain idir Éire agus an t-oileán ba ghaire di, an Bhreatain. Faoin mbliain 1913, bhí Éire ina cuid den Ríocht Aontaithe, agus smacht uirthi as Londain. Deich mbliana ina dhiaidh sin, bhí neamhspleáchas bainte amach ag 26 contae as an 32 contae in Éirinn. Déantar iniúchadh sa taispeántas seo ar rannpháirtíocht na Gaillimhe sna heachtraí réabhlóideacha a mhúnlaigh an náisiún.
I
N 1798, the United Irishmen staged a rebellion to end British rule in Ireland and establish a republic. It failed and Britain passed the Act of Union (1800), closing the Irish Parliament in Dublin and bringing all Irish Members of Parliament (MPs) to Westminster, London. The Union, however, did not pacify Ireland. Three years after the Act, another unsuccessful rebellion was staged, followed by another in 1848 during the Great Famine (1845-1851), a humanitarian crisis that many blamed on the British Government. The 1867 Fenian rebellion, planned by the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), showed that a minority of Irish nationalists continued to see violence as a means of achieving independence from Britain. For the majority of Irish nationalists in the late nineteenth century, reform of land ownership and the reinstatement of an Irish parliament for domestic affairs, or Home Rule, were the main political goals. Founded in 1882, the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) was the main Home Rule party, led by Charles Stewart Parnell. The First and Second Home Rule Bills (1886 and 1893) were defeated in parliament. In the vacuum that followed, some Irish nationalists began to explore alternatives to Home Rule. Formed from 1905, Sinn Féin absorbed a number of separatist groups, together promoting a policy of national self-reliance and passive resistance to British rule.
I
N 1798, chuir na hÉireannaigh Aontaithe éirí amach ar bun chun deireadh a chur le smacht na Breataine in Éirinn agus chun poblacht a bhunú. Theip air agus rith an Bhreatain Acht an Aontais (1800), rud a dhún Parlaimint na hÉireann i mBaile Átha Cliath agus a thug Baill na hÉireann den Pharlaimint go Westminster, Londain. Níor éirigh, mar sin féin, leis an Aontas rudaí a shuaimhniú in Éirinn. Trí bliana tar éis an Achta eagraíodh éirí amach eile nár éirigh leis, agus reáchtáladh ceann eile sa bhliain 1848 le linn an Ghorta Mhóir, géarchéim dhaonnúil ar chuir go leor daoine an milleán ar Rialtas na Breataine aisti. Thug éirí amach na bhFíníní sa bhliain 1867, a bheartaigh Bráithreachas Phoblacht na hÉireann (IRB), le fios gur chreid an chuid ba lú de náisiúnaithe na hÉireann fós go mbainfeadh foréigean neamhspleáchas ón mBreatain amach. Ba iad príomhspriocanna polaitíochta mhóramh na náisiúnaithe Éireannacha go mall sa naoú haois déag ná athchóiriú ar sheilbh talún agus athbhunú Pharlaimint na hÉireann le haghaidh gnóthaí baile, nó Rialtas Dúchais. Ba é Páirtí Parlaiminteach na hÉireann (IPP), a bunaíodh sa bhliain 1882, an príomhpháirtí Rialtas Dúchais. Diúltaíodh don Chéad agus don Dara Bille Rialtas Dúchais (1886 agus 1893) sa pharlaimint. Sa tréimhse ina dhiaidh sin, thosaigh roinnt náisiúnaithe Éireannacha ag breathnú ar roghanna eile seachas Rialtas Dúchais. Cuireadh líon grúpaí scarúnaíocha san áireamh i bpáirtí Shinn Féin a bunaíodh sa bhliain 1905.
B
Y 1910, the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) again held the balance of power at Westminster and introduced the Third Home Rule Bill. Passed in the House of Commons in 1912, the bill was rejected in the House of Lords with the result that implementation was delayed for two years. Ultimately, it was expected that an Irish parliament would convene in 1914. The Bill was strongly opposed by Ireland’s sizeable unionist minority, which was concentrated in the more industrialised, Protestant-dominated province of Ulster. Unionists did not want to be governed by an Irish parliament dominated by Roman Catholics. Their fears were summed up by the slogan ‘Home Rule is Rome Rule’. Unionists also believed that Home Rule would damage economic ties with Britain and be disastrous for the linen and ship-building industries. In January 1913, Edward Carson of the Ulster Unionist Council approved the creation of a paramilitary organisation, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), to resist the implementation of Home Rule by force. Later that year, Eoin MacNeill, cofounder of the Gaelic League, published an article in An Claidheamh Soluis that recognised the merit in forming a nationalist equivalent of the UVF.
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AOI 1910, bhí cothromaíocht na cumhachta in Westminster ag Páirtí Parlaiminteach na hÉireann (IPP) an athuair, agus thug an Páirtí an Tríú Bille Rialtas Dúchais isteach. Ritheadh an Bille i dTeach na dTeachtaí i 1912 ach níor éirigh leis i dTeach na dTiarnaí. Mar thoradh air sin, cuireadh moill dhá bhliain ar chur chun feidhme an bhille. Measadh go forleathan go dtionólfaí Parlaimint in Éirinn i 1914. Bhí mionlach aontachtach measartha mór in Éirinn agus chuir siad go láidir i gcoinne an Bhille. Bhí an mionlach sin lonnaithe go príomha i gCúige Uladh, áit ní ba thionsclaíche a bhí faoi cheannas na bProtastúnach. Níor theastaigh ó na hAontachtaithe bheith faoi smacht ag parlaimint Éireannach ina mbeadh tromlach de Chaitlicigh Rómhánacha. Léiríodh an t-ábhar imní sin a bhí acu ina mana: Home Rule is Rome Rule. Chreid Aontachtaithe freisin go ndéanfadh Rialtas Dúchais dochar do na naisc eacnamaíochta leis an mBreatain Mhór, agus gur bhuille tubaisteach a bheadh ann freisin do thionscail an lín agus na tógála long. In Eanáir 1913, cheadaigh Edward Carson ó Chomhairle Aontachtaithe Uladh cruthú eagraíochta paraimíleata, Óglaigh Uladh (UVF), chun cur i gcoinne chur chun feidhme an Rialtais Dúchais le lámh láidir. Ní ba dhéanaí an bhliain sin, d’fhoilsigh Eoin Mac Néill, duine de bhunaitheoirí Chonradh na Gaeilge, alt in An Claidheamh Soluis inar aithin sé gurbh fhiú leagan náisiúnach den UVF a chur le chéile.
L
AUNCHED in Dublin on 25 November 1913, the Irish Volunteers comprised a cross-section of Irish opinion, from militant republicans to moderate nationalists, including members of the IRB and the IPP. Provincial branches quickly followed, with George Nicolls organising an initial meeting in Galway’s Town Hall on 30 November 1913 to launch a local branch. In April 1914, a female equivalent known as Cumann na mBan (‘League of Women’) was established. By August a branch had formed in Galway. In April 1914, as tensions over Home Rule increased, the UVF imported almost 25,000 rifles from Germany. Three months later, the Irish Volunteers landed 900 Mauser rifles from the Asgard at Howth, Co. Dublin. Civil war seemed inevitable. The outbreak of the Great War removed the threat of civil war and Home Rule was suspended until the end of hostilities. Unionist leader Edward Carson pledged the UVF to the war effort. IPP leader John Redmond also urged members of the Irish Volunteers to serve in the British Army. Of the 170,000 Volunteers, almost 158,000 went along with Redmond as the newly-styled National Volunteers, leaving Eoin MacNeill with a smaller faction of Irish Volunteers. By spring 1915, a police report noted that in Co. Galway there were 5,809 National Volunteers and only 742 Irish Volunteers. By March 1916, however, there were 1,615 Irish Volunteers in Co. Galway.
S
EOLADH Óglaigh na hÉireann an 25 Samhain 1913 i mBaile Átha Cliath. Meascán leathan den náisiúnachas Éireannach a bhí san eagraíocht, idir phoblachtaigh mhíleatacha agus náisiúnaithe measartha, agus áiríodh leo daoine a bhí gníomhach san IRB agus san IPP. Bunaíodh craobhacha in áiteanna eile sa tír go luath ina dhiaidh sin, agus d’eagraigh George Nicolls cruinniú i Halla na Cathrach i nGaillimh an 30 Samhain 1913 chun Óglaigh na hÉireann a sheoladh go háitiúil. In Aibreán 1914, cuireadh ar bun eagraíocht chomhionann do mhná ar ar tugadh Cumann na mBan. Bunaíodh craobh i nGaillimh faoi mhí Lúnasa. Thóg an UVF beagnach 25,000 raidhfil isteach ó Impireacht na Gearmáine in Aibreán 1914, tráth a bhí an teannas faoi Rialtas Dúchais ag dul i méid. Trí mhí ina dhiaidh sin, thug Óglaigh na hÉireann 900 raidhfil Gearmánach i dtír ón Asgard i mBinn Éadair, Co. Bhaile Átha Cliath. Tháinig deireadh leis an mbaol a bhí ann go mbrisfeadh cogadh cathartha amach nuair a thosaigh an Cogadh Mór i samhradh na bliana 1914, agus cuireadh Rialtas Dúchais ar fionraí go dtí deireadh an chogaidh. Gheall Edward Carson, ceannaire na n-aontachtaithe, go dtacódh an UVF leis an gcomhar cogaidh. Gheall John Redmond, ceannaire an IPP, an rud céanna agus mhol sé do bhaill d’Óglaigh na hÉireann dul chun troda in éineacht le hArm na Breataine. Thacaigh beagnach 158,000 duine den 170,000 Óglach le Redmond agus tugadh na hÓglaigh Náisiúnta ar an ngrúpa nua sin. Grúpa ní ba lú d’Óglaigh na hÉireann a bhí fágtha faoi stiúir Eoin Mhic Néill. Faoi earrach na bliana 1915, tugadh le fios i dtuairisc póilíní go raibh 5,809 nÓglach Náisiúnta i gContae na Gaillimhe agus nach raibh ann ach 742 dhuine d’Óglaigh na hÉireann ann. Faoi Mhárta na bliana 1916, áfach, bhí 1,615 dhuine in Óglaigh na hÉireann i gContae na Gaillimhe.
W
HEN the Great War broke out, the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) recognised that England’s difficult y could be Ireland’s opportunity. Following the split in the Volunteers, members of the IRB secretly continued to secure key positions within the smaller faction, as they had done in the Gaelic Athletic Association, the Gaelic League and other nationalist organisations. By doing this they were able to gain control of the Irish Volunteers and edge its membership further and further towards extremism. On 1 August 1915, at the funeral of prominent Fenian Jeremiah O’Donovan Rossa in Glasnevin, Dublin, Patrick Pearse – an emerging figure within the IRB and Irish Volunteers – declared: ‘the fools, the fools, the fools! - they have left us our Fenian dead, and while Ireland holds these graves, Ireland unfree shall never be at peace’. The famous oration, written and practiced by Pearse at his cottage in Rosmuck, Co. Galway, has since been perceived as a call to arms. In January 1916 the Military Council of the IRB, which included Éamonn Ceannt from Galway, agreed to mount a joint insurrection through the Irish Volunteers with James Connolly’s Irish Citizen Army for a national uprising. In Co. Galway, republican activities were co-ordinated by Liam Mellows from a base in Athenry.
N
UAIR a thosaigh an Cogadh Mór, thuig Bráithreachas Phoblacht na hÉireann (IRB) go raibh deis ag Éirinn tráth a bhí deacrachtaí ag Sasana. Tar éis na scoilte sna hÓglaigh, lean baill an IRB de phoist thábhachtacha a fháil sa ghrúpa ní ba lú ar bhealach rúnda, faoi mar a bhí déanta acu cheana i gCumann Lúthchleas Gael, i gConradh na Gaeilge agus in eagraíochtaí náisiúnacha eile. Ar an gcaoi sin, d’éirigh leo ceannas a fháil ar Óglaigh na hÉireann agus an eagraíocht a bhrú a thuilleadh i dtreo an antoisceachais. An 1 Lúnasa 1915, ag sochraid Jeremiah O’Donovan Rossa, Fínín mór le rá, i nGlas Naíon i mBaile Átha Cliath, d’fhógair Pádraig Mac Piarais – a bhí ag teacht chun cinn san IRB agus in Óglaigh na hÉireann ag an am – an méid seo a leanas: ‘the fools, the fools, the fools! – they have left us our Fenian dead, and while Ireland holds these graves, Ireland unfree shall never be at peace’. Meastar ó shin gur ghairm slógaidh a bhí san óráid cháiliúil sin. Ina theachín i Ros Muc, Contae na Gaillimhe, a scríobh an Piarsach an óráid agus a rinne sé cleachtadh uirthi. In Eanáir 1916, thoiligh Comhairle Mhíleata an IRB, dá raibh Éamonn Ceannt ó Ghaillimh ina bhall, éirí amach a chur ar bun trí Óglaigh na hÉireann i gcomhar le hArm Cathartha na hÉireann faoi Shéamas Ó Conghaile d’fhonn éirí amach náisiúnta a thosú. Ba é Liam Ó Maoilíosa a rinne comhordú ar ghníomhaíochtaí na bpoblachtach i gContae na Gaillimhe óna bhunáit i mBaile Átha an Rí.
P
LANNED as a national event, the 1916 Rising was mainly confined to the streets of Dublin. On Easter Monday 24 April 1916, the General Post Office (GPO) on O’Connell Street was seized by republican forces along with other key buildings. In front of the GPO, Commandant-General Patrick Pearse read aloud a Proclamation declaring an independent Irish Republic to a small crowd of onlookers. Over the following days, about 1,600 Irish Volunteers, led by Pearse, with 200 members of the Irish Citizen Army, led by James Connolly, and members of Cumann na mBan faced 20,000 Crown forces armed with artillery. After intense fighting at the GPO the rebels retreated to Moore Street and surrendered on Saturday 29 April. A Countermanding Order, issued to the Irish Volunteers by Eoin MacNeill, together with a failure to land arms meant that the Rising was destined to fail from the start. Around 485 lives were lost in the Rising, including: rebels, policemen, soldiers and civilians. A total of 368 Crown forces were wounded, while the combined numbers of rebels and civilians injured reached 2,217. Outside of Dublin, rebels seized buildings and clashed with the RIC at Enniscorthy, Co. Wexford, Ashbourne, Co. Meath and Castlelyons, Co. Cork.
C
É go raibh sé beartaithe go mbeadh an tÉirí Amach ar siúl ar fud na tíre, bhí Éirí Amach 1916 teoranta do shráideanna Bhaile Átha Cliath den chuid ba mhó. Ghabh fórsaí na bpoblachtach Ard-Oifig an Phoist ar Sráid Uí Chonaill, mar aon le foirgnimh thábhachtacha eile ar fud na cathrach Luan Cásca, an 24 Aibreán 1916. Léigh an Ceannfort-Ghinearál Pádraig Mac Piarais Forógra amach os ard inar dearbhaíodh Poblacht neamhspleách in Éirinn do shlua beag daoine os comhair Ard-Oifig an Phoist. Sna laethanta ina dhiaidh sin, thug thart ar 1,600 duine d’Óglaigh na hÉireann, faoi cheannas an Phiarsaigh, agus 200 duine d’Arm Cathartha na hÉireann faoi Shéamas Ó Conghaile, agus Cumann na mBan aghaidh ar 20,000 saighdiúir d’arm na Breataine a raibh gunnaí móra acu. Tar éis comhrac fíochmhar ag Ard-Oifig an Phoist, chúlaigh na reibiliúnaigh siar go Sráid an Mhúraigh, agus ghéill siad Dé Sathairn an 29 Aibreán. Teip a bhí i ndán don Éirí Amach ón tús mar gheall ar Fhreasordú a thug Eoin Mac Néill d’Óglaigh na hÉireann, mar aon leis an teip na hairm a thabhairt i dtír. Ar an iomlán, fuair thart ar 485 dhuine bás san Éirí Amach, lena n-áirítear reibiliúnaigh, póilíní, saighdiúirí agus sibhialtaigh. Gortaíodh líon iomlán de 368 nduine d’fhórsaí an Rí, agus gortaíodh líon iomlán de 2,217 nduine, idir reibiliúnaigh agus shibhialtaigh. Lasmuigh de Bhaile Átha Cliath, ghabh na reibiliúnaigh foirgnimh agus chuaigh siad i mbun troda leis an RIC in Inis Córthaidh, Co. Loch Garman, i gCill Dhéagláin, Contae na Mí agus i gCaisleán Ó Liatháin, Co. Chorcaí.
O
N orders from Pearse, Liam Mellows led the Irish Volunteers in a Rising in east Co. Galway, which lasted from Easter Tuesday 25 to Saturday 29 April. On Easter Tuesday, almost 100 men from the Clarenbridge Volunteers under Mellows marched from Killeeneen schoolhouse and attacked the RIC barracks in Clarenbridge. Later, an estimated 100 men from the Oranmore and Maree Volunteers led an assault on the RIC barracks at Oranmore, taking a number of policemen prisoner. In an effort to thwart British forces, the rebels also barricaded roads, cut telephone lines and damaged railway lines and a road bridge. From that evening, local Volunteer companies began to assemble at the Model Farm, on the outskirts of Athenry. On Wednesday morning, a shoot-out between the RIC and a group of rebels at Carnmore Crossroads, near the town of Galway, resulted in the death of Constable Patrick Whelan. In the afternoon, a British warship – the HMS Laburnum – started shelling areas around Galway to intimidate the rebels and discourage an assault on the town. Later that same day, between 500 and 700 rebels took up defensive positions at Moyode Castle, near Athenry, and days later at Limepark House, near Peterswell. Lacking in arms and aware that the British forces were closing in, the last of the rebels disbanded on Saturday morning.
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AR éis orduithe a fháil ó Phádraig Mac Piarais, ghlac Liam Ó Maoilíosa ceannas ar líon mór d’Óglaigh na hÉireann in Éirí Amach in oirthear Chontae na Gaillimhe, a mhair ó Mháirt Chásca an 25 Aibreán go dtí Dé Sathairn an 29 Aibreán 1916. Mháirseáil beagnach 100 fear de chuid Óglaigh Dhroichead an Chláirín faoi stiúir Uí Mhaoilíosa ó theach scoile Chill Fhínín go luath Máirt Chásca agus d’ionsaigh siad beairic Chonstáblacht Ríoga na hÉireann (RIC) i nDroichead an Chláirín. Níos déanaí an lá sin, rinne thart ar 100 fear de chuid Óglaigh Órán Mór agus Mheáraí ionsaí ar bheairic an RIC in Órán Mór. Bhí mian ag na reibiliúnaigh fórsaí na Breataine a shárú agus, chuige sin, chuir siad baracáidí ar na bóithre, ghearr siad línte teileafóin agus rinne siad dochar do línte iarnróid agus do dhroichead bóthair. Tháinig complachtaí áitiúla Óglaigh le chéile ag an Modhfheirm ar imeall Bhaile Átha an Rí an oíche sin agus lá arna mhárach. Mar gheall ar thréanbhabhta lámhaigh maidin Dé Céadaoin idir an RIC agus drong reibiliúnach ag Crois an Chairn Mhóir, in aice le baile na Gaillimhe, fuair an Constábla Patrick Whelan bás. Rinne long chogaidh de chuid na Breataine – an HMS Laburnum – ionsaí sliogán ar cheantair thart faoi Ghaillimh san iarnóin chun imeagla a chur ar na reibiliúnaigh agus chun ionsaí ar an mbaile a dhíspreagadh. Níos déanaí an lá sin, chuaigh idir 500 agus 700 reibiliúnach i mbun cosanta i gCaisleán Mhaigh Fhód, Baile Átha an Rí, agus tar éis sin ag Teach Bhaile na Creige, Tobar Pheadair. Mar gheall go raibh easpa arm, agus gurbh eol dóibh go raibh fórsaí na Breataine ag druidim leo, scoir siad maidin Shathairn.
A
strong RIC presence in Galway town, the close proximity of the Connaught Rangers depot at Renmore, and a National Volunteer force that was unwavering in its loyalty to Redmond, greatly impeded any chance of a successful rebellion. Nonetheless, an ambitious plan targeting the town had been prepared at the University Road home of George Nicolls. It was envisaged that the local Volunteers, with the assistance of the Spiddal and Moycullen Volunteers, would capture seven prominent buildings in the town. The rebels also devised a plan to kidnap two prominent local business men – Máirtín McDonogh and Joseph Young – to use as leverage to force the RIC to abandon their barracks. Following word of rebellion in Dublin, the authorities in Galway town made arrests, declared Martial Law and quickly secured the main public buildings, including the GPO. Armed RIC patrolled the streets, supported by members of the National Volunteers. A reserve civilian force was raised too, with backing from a committee chaired by Máirtín McDonogh. Fear gripped the town following the shoot-out at Carnmore Crossroads, as did unfounded stories of a possible attack by the rebels. It was reported by the Freeman’s Journal that ‘things were quiet’ in Galway town after ‘a large number of soldiers had been landed from a war vessel’ – HMS Gloucester – on Thursday 27 April.
C
U I READH isteach go mór ar an seans go n-éireodh go maith leis an Éirí Amach mar gheall ar líon mór phóilíní an RIC i mbaile mór na Gaillimhe, iosta na Connaught Rangers a bhí in aice láimhe ar an Rinn Mhór, agus Óglaigh Náisiúnta a bhí an-dílis do Redmond. Mar sin féin, ullmhaíodh plean uaillmhianach chun an baile a ghabháil i dteach George Nicolls ar Bhóthar na hOllscoile. Beartaíodh go n-éireodh leis na hÓglaigh áitiúla, le cabhair Óglaigh an Spidéil agus Mhaigh Cuilinn, seacht bhfoirgneamh thábhachtacha sa bhaile a ghabháil. Cheap na reibiliúnaigh plean freisin beirt fhear ghnó mhóra sa cheantar a fhuadach – Máirtín McDonogh agus Joseph Young – chun brú a chur ar an RIC a mbeairic a thréigean. Tar éis scéala a fháil faoin éirí amach i mBaile Átha Cliath, ghabh na húdaráis i mbaile mór na Gaillimhe daoine, d’fhógair siad dlí airm agus shlánaigh siad na príomhfhoirgnimh phoiblí, lenar áiríodh Príomh-Oifig an Phoist, gan mhoill. Bhí baill armtha den RIC ar patról ar na sráideanna le tacaíocht ó bhaill de na hÓglaigh Náisiúnta. Cuireadh fórsa sibhialtach cúltaca i bhfeidhm chomh maith agus fuarthas cúnamh ó choiste a raibh Máirtín McDonogh ina chathaoirleach air. In ainneoin an fhórsa mhóir cosanta, bhí idir scanradh agus fhaitíos ar mhuintir an bhaile tar éis an tréanbhabhta lámhaigh ag Crois an Chairn Mhóir agus mar gheall ar scéalta gan bhunús a bhí á scaipeadh faoi ionsaí a d’fhéadfadh a bheith ar siúl ag na reibiliúnaigh. Tuairiscíodh in Freeman’s Journal go raibh rudaí ciúin i mbaile mór na Gaillimhe tar éis do líon mór saighdiúirí teacht i dtír ó long chogaidh – HMS Gloucester – Déardaoin, an 27 Aibreán.
I
N the immediate aftermath, the Rising was widely condemned. At a public meeting in Galway’s Town Hall, a resolution ‘to crush by every possible means the efforts of the disaffected fanatics and mischief makers’ was passed ‘with enthusiasm’. Galway County Council passed a motion expressing ‘condemnation of the recent disturbances of social order brought about by irresponsible persons’. Despite mounting protests and calls for leniency, 15 rebels were executed. They included the seven signatories of the Proclamation, seven others thought to be leaders, and Thomas Kent who was shot in Cork. Almost 100 other individuals were also sentenced to death but had their sentences reduced to various terms of imprisonment. The executions provoked a backlash against the British government and generated widespread sympathy for the rebels. Anti-British sentiment escalated further after the arrest of more than 3,100 people, of whom 2,500 were deported to Britain in May 1916. Of the 1,800 or so rebels who were interned at Frongoch in Wales in early June, 322 were from Galway. More than 1,100 prisoners were released from the camp in August, with the rest remaining interned until shortly before Christmas. Although the Rising was a military failure, the British mishandling of the event resulted in a shift in Irish public opinion towards independence.
D
ÍREACH i ndiaidh Sheachtain na Cásca, cáineadh an tÉirí Amach go forleathan. Ag cruinniú poiblí i Halla an Bhaile i nGaillimh, ritheadh rún go dúthrachtach chun iarrachtaí na bhfanaiceach míshásta agus an lucht déanta díobhála a threascairt ar bhealach ar bith is féidir. Rith Comhairle Contae na Gaillimhe rún inar cáineadh na daoine mífhreagracha a chuir isteach ar an ord sóisialta le déanaí. In ainneoin agóidí a bhí ag dul i méid agus impíocha trócaire, cuireadh 15 reibiliúnach chun báis. Orthu sin bhí an seachtar a shínigh an Forógra, seachtar eile ar creideadh gur cheannairí iad agus Tomás Ceannt a scaoileadh i gCorcaigh. Daoradh beagnach 100 duine eile chun báis freisin ach laghdaíodh a gcuid pianbhreitheanna anuas go tréimhsí éagsúla príosúnachta. Chuathas in éadan Rialtas na Breataine de thoradh na mbásuithe agus bhíothas báúil leo siúd a throid agus a fuair bás ar son shaoirse na hÉireann. D’ardaigh na tuairimí in éadan na Breataine a thuilleadh nuair a gabhadh os cionn 3,100 duine; díbríodh 2,500 acu sin go dtí an Bhreatain i mBealtaine 1916. Den 1,800 nó mar sin reibiliúnach Éireannach a cuireadh sa phríosún in Frongoch sa Bhreatain Bheag ag tús mhí an Mheithimh, b’fhir as Contae na Gaillimhe 322 díobh. Saoradh níos mó ná 1,100 príosúnach ón gcampa i mí Lúnasa, agus coinníodh an chuid eile díobh ann go dtí go gairid roimh an Nollaig. Cé gur theip ar an Éirí Amach ó thaobh cúrsaí míleata de, ba é an cor cinniúnach é i dtóraíocht an neamhspleáchais.
A
LTHOUGH widely referred to as the ‘Sinn Féin Rebellion’, the Rising was in fact organised by the IRB through the Irish Volunteers. However, Sinn Féin now benefited from increased hostility towards British rule in Ireland. As they were released from British prisons, returning rebels swelled the membership of Sinn Féin to continue the struggle for independence. In 1918, Sinn Féin further benefited from British government proposals to extend conscription (compulsory military service) into Ireland, which was strongly opposed by republicans, nationalists and the Church. In Galway, between May 1916 and December 1918, the membership of Sinn Féin expanded from 200 members to 7,500 members. With the conclusion of the Great War in November 1918 a general election was held in the UK, including Ireland. Sinn Féin declared that they would run and, if elected, its members would not take their seats in the British parliament but would instead establish an independent parliament in Dublin. Running many veterans of the Rising, Sinn Féin won 73 of 105 seats nationally, including four seats out of four in Galway, and established Dáil Éireann (‘Assembly of Ireland’) in January 1919. Their comprehensive victory signalled the end of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) and Home Rule which had dominated Irish politics for two generations.
I
N ainneoin gur thosaigh na húdaráis, an preas agus an pobal ag tabhairt ‘Éirí Amach Shinn Féin’ ar ar tharla, ba iad Bráithreachas Phoblacht na hÉireann (IRB) trí Óglaigh na hÉireann a d’eagraigh an tÉirí Amach i ndáiríre. Bhain Sinn Féin tairbhe as an naimhdeas méadaitheach i leith riail na Breataine. Nuair a scaoileadh saor iad ó phríosúin sa Bhreatain, chuir na reibiliúnaigh sin a d’fhill ar Éirinn le ballraíocht Shinn Féin agus iad ag iarraidh leanúint leis an gcomhrac ar son na saoirse. I 1918, bhain Sinn Féin tairbhe breise as moltaí Rialtas na Breataine chun an coinscríobh (seirbhís mhíleata éigeantach) a chur i bhfeidhm in Éirinn. Chuir poblachtaigh, náisiúnaithe agus an Eaglais go mór i gcoinne na moltaí sin. Tháinig méadú ar bhallraíocht Shinn Féin i nGaillimh idir Bealtaine 1916 agus Nollaig 1918 ó 200 duine go 7,500 duine. Reáchtáladh olltoghchán sa Ríocht Aontaithe, Éire san áireamh, nuair a tháinig deireadh leis an gCogadh Mór i mí na Samhna, 1918. D’fhógair Sinn Féin go seasfaidís sa toghchán agus, dá mba rud é go dtoghfaí iad, nach nglacfadh na baill lena suíochán i bparlaimint na Breataine ach go gcuirfidís parlaimint neamhspleách ar bun i mBaile Átha Cliath. Go leor de na daoine a sheas do Shinn Féin, throid siad san Éirí Amach agus d’éirigh leis an bpáirtí 73 shuíochán i measc 105 shuíochán ar fud na tíre a bhuachan, lenar áiríodh na ceithre shuíochán a bhí i nGaillimh. Leis an mandáid sin, chuir siad Dáil Éireann ar bun in Eanáir 1919. Ba chomhartha é an bua cuimsitheach sin go raibh deireadh le Páirtí Parlaim inteach na hÉireann agus leis an Rialtas Dúchais, an dá ghné ba mhó i bpolaitíocht na hÉireann le dhá ghlúin roimhe sin.
T
HE War of Independence, or Anglo-Irish War, was fought on two fronts. Politically, Dáil Éireann sought to undermine the British Government and Dublin Castle, the centre of the British Administration in Ireland. They set up a parallel government, police force and legal system. At the same time, the Irish Volunteers, now increasingly known as the Irish Republican Army (IRA), mounted a military campaign against British forces in Ireland. As the RIC were seen as ‘the eyes and ears of Dublin Castle’, its members were intimidated and attacked throughout the country. As a result, the RIC lost men to retirements and resignations, and had fewer new recruits. To help maintain control, the British Government recruited for the RIC in Britain. These new recruits, known as the ‘Black and Tans’, arrived in Galway from February 1920 onwards. Later that year, they were joined by a new Auxiliary force, the ‘Auxiliaries’ or ‘Auxies’. Many of the new recruits were veterans of the Great War. Both the ‘Tans’ and the ‘Auxies’ earned a notorious reputation for indiscriminate violence. From the summer of 1920 onwards, violence between republican and British forces escalated throughout Ireland. By the summer of 1921 with neither side sensing an immediate victory, a ceasefire was agreed between Sinn Féin and the British Government, which took effect on 11 July 1921.
B
HÍ dhá ghné ar leith ag baint le Cogadh na Saoirse. Go polaitiúil, rinne Dáil Éireann iarracht an bonn a bhaint de Rialtas na Breataine agus de Chaisleán Bhaile Átha Cliath, croílár Rialtas na Breataine in Éirinn. Bhunaigh siad rialtas eile, fórsa póilíní eile agus córas dlí eile. Ag an am céanna, bhunaigh Óglaigh na hÉireann nó Arm Phoblacht na hÉireann (IRA) mar thugtaí orthu go minic feachtas míleata i gcoinne fhórsaí na Breataine in Éirinn. Toisc gur measadh go raibh baill an RIC ina súile agus ina gcluasa de Chaisleáin Bhaile Átha Cliath, cuireadh faitíos orthu sin agus ionsaíodh iad, ar fud na tíre. Mar thoradh air sin, tháinig laghdú ar líon an RIC mar d’imigh fir ar scor agus d’éirigh cuid eile as, agus tháinig líon ní ba lú fear isteach ina n-áit. Chun chabhrú leo smacht a choinneáil, chuaigh Rialtas na Breataine i mbun earcaíochta don RIC sa Bhreatain Mhór. Tugadh na Dúchrónaigh ar na hearcaigh nua sin, agus tháinig siad go Gaillimh ó Fheabhra 1920 ar aghaidh. Ní ba dhéanaí an bhliain sin, tháinig fórsa cúnta nua freisin ar a tugadh na Póilíní Cúnta nó ‘Auxies’. Daoine a throid sa Chogadh Mór a bhí in go leor de na hearcaigh nua sin. Bhí droch-cháil an fhoréigin gan ábhar ar na Dúchrónaigh agus ar na Póilíní Cúnta. Ó shamhradh na bliana 1920 ar aghaidh, chuaigh an foréigean in olcas idir fórsaí na poblachta agus fórsaí na Breataine ar fud na hÉireann. Faoi shamhradh na bliana 1921, tráth nach raibh bua láithreach i ndán do cheachtar den dá thaobh, síníodh sos cogaidh idir Sinn Féin agus Rialtas na Breataine a tháinig i bhfeidhm an 11 Iúil 1921.
F
OLLOWING the ceasefire, Éamon de Valera met with British Prime Minister, Lloyd George, in London. The talks were ultimately unsuccessful, but both sides knew that without an agreement the armed conflict would inevitably resume. In October, de Valera, as President of the Irish Republic, appointed a team of delegates for fresh talks in London ‘with a view to ascertaining how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British Empire may best be reconciled with Irish national aspirations’. This time, he did not take part directly in the discussions. After two difficult months of negotiations, Lloyd George delivered an ultimatum to the delegates – either sign the Articles of Agreement for a Treaty or face an ‘immediate and terrible war.’ The Irish party signed at 2.15am on the 6 December 1921. The Treaty essentially gave full independence to the 26 counties of southern Ireland (the Irish Free State or Saorstát Éireann). Controversially, however, it would remain within the British Empire and all elected representatives would be required to swear an oath to ‘be faithful to’ the British monarch. Following a series of intense and emotional debates in Dáil Éireann, the Treaty was approved by 64 to 57 votes on 7 January 1922. A general election followed on 16 June and the majority of Irish voters backed the Treaty.
T
AR éis an tsosa cogaidh, bhuail Éamon de Valera le Príomh-Aire na Breataine, Lloyd George, i Londain. Dhiúltaigh Dáil Éireann do mholtaí na Breataine. B’eol don dá thaobh go n-atosófaí an troid mura dtiocfaí ar réiteach. Cheap de Valera, mar Uachtarán Phoblacht na hÉireann, foireann toscairí i mí Dheireadh Fómhair le haghaidh cainteanna úra i Londain lena fháil amach an tslí is fearr a bhféadfaí ceangal na hÉireann le pobal na náisiún ar a dtugtar Impireacht na Breataine a réiteach le mianta náisiúnta na hÉireann. Níor ghlac de Valera páirt dhíreach sa phlé an uair sin. Tar éis dhá mhí dheacra de chaibidlíocht, thug Lloyd George fógra deiridh do na toscairí – mura síneofaí na hAirteagail Chomhaontaithe le haghaidh Conartha idir an Bhreatain Mhór agus Éire thitfeadh cogadh uafásach láithreach amach. Ar 2.15am an 6 Nollaig 1921, shínigh páirtí na hÉireann. Go bunúsach, tugadh neamhspleáchas iomlán do na 26 contae i ndeisceart na hÉireann (Saorstát Éireann) leis an gConradh. D’fhanfadh sé laistigh d’Impireacht na Breataine, áfach, agus bheadh ar gach ionadaí tofa mionn a thabhairt a bheith ‘dílis’ do mhonarcacht na Breataine. B’údar conspóide é an méid sin. Tar éis líon diandíospóireachtaí mothúchánacha i nDáil Éireann, formheasadh an Conradh le 64 vóta in aghaidh 57 vóta an 7 Eanáir 1922. Ritheadh olltoghchán ina dhiaidh sin an 16 Meitheamh agus thacaigh an chuid ba mhó de vótálaithe na hÉireann leis an gConradh.
F
ROM April 1922, anti-Treaty IRA occupied the Four Courts in Dublin. The first general election in the Irish Free State was held in June. Pro-Treaty Sinn Féin won 58 of 128 seats and anti-Treaty Sinn Féin took 36. The remaining seats went to other parties which supported the Treaty. When the order to surrender the Four Courts was ignored, the new National Army, under Michael Collins, shelled the building thus signalling the beginning of a civil war. As the conflict spread, casualties mounted and both sides became increasingly bitter and vindictive. When members of the IRA shot Sean Hales a pro-Treaty TD, as a reprisal for the execution of IRA members, the Free State Government then executed four senior republican prisoners without trial, including Liam Mellows. By the end of 1922 it was clear that the IRA was on the verge of defeat but they refused to surrender. Executions were used to break their resolve. In a three week period in January 1923 the Free State Government executed thirtyfour IRA prisoners across the country. These included four Galway men shot in Athlone Barracks: Michael Walsh, Stephen Joyce, Martin Burke and Hubert Collins. In April 1923, the anti-Treaty IRA called a ceasefire, and in May it ordered its fighters to ‘dump arms’, effectively ending the conflict.
Ó
Aibreán 1922, bhí na Ceithre Chúirteanna i lár Bhaile Átha Cliath i seilbh an IRA a bhí in éadan an Chonartha. Reáchtáladh an chéad olltoghchán i Saorstát Éireann i mí an Mheithimh. Thug Sinn Féin a bhí i bhfabhar an Chonartha 58 de na 128 suíochán leo, agus thug Sinn Féin a bhí ina éadan 36 shuíochán leo. Nuair a rinneadh neamhaird ar an ordú na Ceithre Chúirteanna a ghéilleadh, rinne an tArm Náisiúnta faoi Mhicheál Ó Coileáin an foirgneamh a ionsaí le sliogáin. Ba é sin tús an chogaidh chathartha. Tháinig méadú ar an líon daoine a maraíodh agus a gortaíodh de réir mar a leath an choinbhleacht agus de réir mar a d’éirigh an dá thaobh ní ba ghangaidí agus ní ba dhíoltasaí. Nuair a lámhach baill den IRA Sean Hales, TD a bhí i bhfabhar an Chonartha, mar dhíoltas ar chur chun báis roinnt fear den IRA, chuir Rialtas an tSaorstáit ceathrar príosúnach sinsearach poblachtach chun báis gan iad a chur ar a dtriail. Duine acu sin ab ea Liam Ó Maoilíosa. Faoi dheireadh na bliana 1922, ba léir go raibh an tIRA beagnach buailte ach dhiúltaigh siad géilleadh. Cuireadh daoine chun báis chun deireadh a chur lena ndiongbháilteacht. I dtréimhse trí seachtaine in Eanáir 1923, chuir Rialtas an tSaorstáit ceithre phríosúnach is tríocha den IRA chun báis ar fud na tíre. Ina measc siúd, bhí ceathrar fear as Gaillimh a lámhachadh i mBeairic Bhaile Átha Luain: Michael Walsh, Stephen Joyce, Martin Burke agus Hubert Collins. In Aibreán 1923, d’fhógair an tIRA a bhí in éadan an Chonartha sos cogaidh, agus i mí Bealtaine thug siad ordú dá gcuid fear a gcuid arm a leagan síos, rud a chuir deireadh leis an gcogadh go praiticiúil.
Galway City Museum, Spanish Parade, Galway City, Republic of Ireland Músaem Cathrach na Gaillimhe, An Póirse Spáinneach, Gaillimh, Éire Tel: (091) 532 460 | Email: museum@galwaycity.ie www.galwaycitymuseum.ie