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Ellopia Press NY - April 2015 Issue 94
BEHIND THE NEWS
In The Name of God Read us online www.ellopiatv.com
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Monthly magazine, publishe by Ellopia Media Group in New York City Established 2002 Publisher ATHINA KRIKELI Chief Editor ANASTASIA KASIMATIS
Tι θα γινόταν αν ο Θεός ήταν παρόν με ανθρώπινη μορφή και γλώσσα. Αν ο ίδιος χωρίς αναλυτές και γνώστες του Λόγου του άγγιζε τις ψυχές των πιστών του. Σε κάθε μέρος του πλανήτη σε κάθε θρησκεία? Να στεκόταν αμίλητος εμπρός σε αυτούς που στο όνομά του διαπράττουν τα πιο αποτρόπαια εγκλήματα. Που στο όνομά του αυτοσυγχωρούνται και αυτοθαυμάζονται από τους πρώτους χρόνους της “ανακάλυψής” του από το ανθρώπινο γένος. Η Θεία παρουσία είναι αναπόσπαστο κομμάτι του εγώ μας όμως σταματά το “έργο της” μέχρι εκεί που εμείς το επιτρέπουμε. Αναλύουμε τον Λόγο του Θεού – του κάθε Θεού κάθε θρησκείας όπως εμάς συμφέρει, τον παίρνουμε παραμάσχαλα
και τον κάνουμε συνεργό μπροστάρη στις σφαγές μας στα λάθη μας στην ύπαρξή μας. Γιατί στο όνομά του συγχωρούμε τους δολοφόνους, βουτάμε στην λήθη και κάνουμε τον σταυρό μας ή ευχαριστούμε τον Αλλάχ, τον Βούδα... που δεν συνέβει σε μάς. Οπως τότε και τώρα, τίποτα δεν έχει αλλάξει. Μόνο ο ρουχισμός και ο χρόνος... Οι σφαγές της Γενοκτονίας των Ποντίων Αρμενίων, Ελλήνων Εβραίων συνεχίζονται στο σήμερα. Αν ο Θεός ήταν παρόν με σάρκα και οστά θα έφευγε από αυτόν τον τόπο. Αξιοι της μοίρας μας που επαναλαμβάνουμε τα ίδια λάθη τα ίδια έκτροπα! Αν ο Θεός ήταν παρόν ….
“IN THE NAME OF GOD”. “In the name of the bible”, phrases that gives me pause and leads me to despair and sorrow, as I don’t have answers when people ask WHY? Referring of course to the atrocious crimes that are being committed in the name of God, Allah, Brahma, Buddha, Christ and so forth. What do I say to them? I have no answers as I don’t understand myself why are innocent people are been murdered, torched and beheaded. Why so many wars since biblical times. It is so confusing, since childhood I was taught to believe in a kind, loving, forgiving and merciful God,
what happened to Him I wonder. In closing this brief summary of the article above I am thinking of the commonly known question I was asked, when being unkind; “ Would you have done that if God was sitting in our table”? The child in me still asks the same after reading the morning paper. Would you? If God were present and incarnate right now and hearing the misuse of his name, he would desert this place. We deserve what we bring upon us if we repeatedly continue this heinous behavior. If only God were present…. HAPPY GREEK EASTER
Καλή Ανάσταση
eli
A
Krik a n i h t
Contributors S. Papathemelis (Greece), Arkas (Greece) G. Kalaras, (Chicago) Titos Christodoulou, (England) Writers G. Skabardonis (Greece) Costas Krikelis (Greece) Anita Diamantopoulou (USA) Kostas Mpliatkas (Hellas) Nick Christophers Senior Editor (English) Music Editors NIKOS TATASOPOULOS CHRISTOS ALEXANDROU PETROS HATJOPOULOS
Business Consultant Maria Papapetros Fashion Consultant Nikos Eftaxias Creative Art Director Hellas kostas Krikeli Anna Papakonstantinou Advertising Director LIA DELKOTZAKI Ellopia Media Group Ltd. USA KAUFMAN ASTORIA STUDIOS 141 East 55 str New York NY 10022 Tel: (718) 720 4522 infoellopia@aol.com
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In early 1915, a fatwa was issued against non-Muslims in the Ottoman Empire. Muslims were called to fight the Christian minorities with whom they had been living as neighbours, albeit not on equal or necessarily peaceful terms. Many refused to take part, but those who did inflicted colossal suffering and destruction on the Armenian, Greek and Assyrian Christians. It is thought that over 1.5 million Armenians, up to 750,000 Assyrians and up to 1.5 million Greeks -- men, women and children -- were killed in the state-sanctioned genocide over a 30-year period; yet their tragic loss is barely remembered today. The Armenians' Golgotha and the Assyrians' Seyfo ("sword") is a forgotten genocide against forgotten peoples.
Remembering the Forgotten Genocide
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Remembering the Forgotten Genocide As the Ottoman Empire began to crumble in the late 1800s, the Sultan introduced new reforms to try to prevent the Empire's non-Muslim minorities from seceding; the reforms supposedly provided religious equality, thus appeasing religious minorities. However, the Turks lost lands in the Balkans after Russia intervened to protect Slavic Christians from Ottoman brutality in Europe in the 1877-78 Russo-Turkish war. This loss of territory led to a change in Ottoman tactics: violent suppression of the non-Muslim subjects they feared were wanting to secede. Armenians, Assyrians and Greek Christians had been treated as second-class citizens for centuries, in accordance with Islamic sharia law, but they had also suffered, unprotected, from Turkish and Kurdish raids. As they began to campaign for their rights, Sultan Abdul Hamid II dealt with them "not by reform but by blood."1 In 1894-1896 organised massacres against Christians took place, during which as many as 300,000 Armenians died. Many Christians believed their best chance of escaping Ottoman dominion was by appealing
to "Christian" powers in the West and Russia. Bar sending warnings - which went unheeded - and some aid provided by Western Christian missionaries, no help came. By 1913, the Young Turks had come to power and begun adopting a new policy whereby the Ottoman Empire no longer accepted multiple ethnicities and religions; the militaristic leadership opted to force "Turkish", subsequently Muslim, homogeneity on all its subjects. The "Armenian Question" The former Christian kingdom of Armenia had become part of the Ottoman Empire in the 16th century, located in its north-eastern corner. Armenian people were a significant minority and lived throughout the Empire, making them a perceived threat. In late 1914, extermination became the authorities' extreme answer to the so-called "Armenian question". Though many Armenians fought for the Empire in the First World War, the government chose to systematically disarm and kill Armenian soldiers. Some were murdered in public squares or by using the Is-
lamic method for slaughtering animals: tied-up, put on their backs and throats slit. On 24 April 1915 authorities arrested and later executed Armenian intellectuals and leaders. Christians were freighted by train or forced to walk hundreds of miles without provisions to concentration camps in the Syrian Desert for "manual labour". Only one quarter of all deportees survived the exposure, starvation, violent attacks and other abuses to reach their destinations, whereupon many were murdered in organised killings. Those who tried to protect Armenians often met the same end. Killing units in Deir al-Zor smashed children against rocks, mutilated adults with swords, and burned people alive. Some 200,000 Armenians converted to Islam in order to be spared. In 1915 alone, approximately 800,000 Armenians were killed. The Assyrian Seyfo Assyrians, a much smaller minority in the Ottoman Empire, comprising Assyrian, Syriac and Chaldean Christians, suffered the same experiences as the Armenians. In Van and Diyarbakir provinces, over 140,000 Assyrians were killed.
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Remembering the Forgotten Genocide The attacks against the Assyrians began on a relatively small scale, but after the Assyrians had joined with the Russians in 1915 to try to help liberate the Armenians in Van, they were subjected to a level of violence that almost annihilated them. Many Assyrians fled to Persia (Iran) but were persecuted by both Persians and Kurds, obliging them to move again to Hamadan, northern Persia, in 1918; this retreat led to the deaths and kidnappings of one third of their people. Their road became littered with the bodies of those who were starved, exhausted, diseased, or slaughtered by Turks, Persians and Kurds en route. We have lost by death and murder more than 12,000 souls... Unspeakably shameful acts were done to fiveyear-old girls by Persians. We have collected from Moslem villages more than 100 women who have been changed to Mahomedans and their husbands murdered in their sight. (Letter from the Rev. Gabriel Alexander, dated 6 August 1915, published in The Times, 9 October 1915 2)
Greek Genocide
Ottoman Greeks have been described as the "first victims of the nationalising idea."3 They lived in Anatolia, espe-
cially near the Black Sea. In 1914 plans were made to relocate them to Greece in exchange for Muslims from the Balkans. The outbreak of World War One prevented this so, instead, communities were forced on death marches to central Anatolia under the guise of strategic military manoeuvring or made to perform manual labour. Muslim boycotts of Greek businesses were authorised by officials, and Christian properties were given to Muslims. An Australian newspaper reported: Several Greeks at Marsivan were compelled to dig a trench as a grave before they were shot. Greek women were given the alternatives of embracing the Islam religion or death. They refused to change their religion. Their lives were spared, but they were left to the mercy of the soldiers and compelled to accompany the troops on a long march. Some fell exhausted, and were abandoned with their babies. (Published in The Argus, Melbourne, 3 August 1915 4) Unlike most men, women and children were often given the option of converting to Islam. Those that refused were treated very harshly or killed. PEOPLES APPROXIMATE POPULATION IN TURKEY 1914 APPROXIMATE POPULATION IN TURKEY 1922-3
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Greece is a far more willing ‘reformer’ than it is given credit for (ANGELOS TZORTZINIS/AFP/Getty Images)
Although debt restructuring and austerity have defined the debate on Greece and the Eurozone crisis, the role of structural reforms has been less well-understood. Nauro Campos and Fabrizio Coricelli write that this is partly because analysing structural reforms is only possible through a re-examination of the relationship between the EU and Greece, which requires robust ‘counterfactuals’. Presenting evidence from a detailed study of the effect of EU accession on current member states, they write that Greece is the only country that has experienced negative growth as a result of its EU membership, but that this negative effect also shrank after 1995. They argue that structural reforms may offer one explanation for this successful shift. There is an interesting imbalance in the current debate about Greece and the Eurozone crisis. On the one hand, regarding debt and austerity, there are strong theoretical foundations and a broad empirical consensus within academia. On the other, there are structural reforms. We are far from a full understanding of how reforms evolve, fit, and can hopefully help solving the crisis and, in the case of Greece, this task starts with a re-examination of the EU-Greece relationship that requires counterfactuals. Did Greece benefit from joining the EEC?
Greece joined the European Communities in 1981. The EU-Greece relationship is one of the most politically charged in the history of European integration. In 1974, Turkey invaded Cyprus and the Greek military dictatorship collapsed. One of the main ideas of the Karamanlis Premiership (1974-1980) was to diplomatically convince Europe to allow the “cradle of democracy” to join as soon as possible. Karamanlis succeeded, but barely. In 1976 the Council of Ministers (unusually) rejected the European Commission’s Opinion which favoured delaying entry until Greek producers were able to compete in the Common Market. This shows awareness of the competitiveness problem facing Greek firms. Yet it was not deemed strong enough a reason to delay membership. The diplomatic lobbying was highly effective and Greece joined five years ahead of Spain and Portugal. It joined despite French worries (agriculture) and German concerns (migration). Considering the few agreed “transition periods”, it is fair to say Germany played a key role in Greece’s early entry. Did Greece benefit from joining early? This is an important yet difficult question. One way to address it is to conjure counterfactual scenarios. If we could agree on what would have happened if Greece had not joined,
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then we can compare and contrast it with what actually happened. The direction (sign) and size of the eventual difference would provide valuable information. We, along with our co-author Luigi Moretti, have previously assessed the level of per capita GDP and productivity that would have existed in Greece if it had not joined the EEC in 1981. We estimated similar counterfactuals for all countries that joined the EU in the 1973, 1980s and 1995 enlargements, and for 8 of the 10 that joined in 2004. The statistical methodology adopted (the “synthetic control method”) selects the optimal weighted combination of countries from a “donor pool” that better mimic the behaviour of the target country (Greece) in the pre-shock period (in this case, the period before joining, that is, before 1981). This hypothetical or synthetic Greece is constructed as being 49 per cent Japan, 28 per cent Australia, 14 per cent Brazil and 9 per cent Tunisia (the percentages are the estimated weights, the four countries are those statistically selected from the broader donor pool). The results of this calculation are shown in the figure below. Figure: Estimated per capita GDP of Greece if it had not entered the European Economic Community in 1981
line marks 1981: the year in which Greece joined the EEC. The effects from EU membership this analysis uncovers for all EU countries are large, significant and almost unanimously positive. EU membership caused an increase in per capita incomes in EU states of about 12 per cent in the first ten years after accession. Yet, for only one country (out of 17) there is a negative effect of EU membership. That country is Greece. The analysis suggests that Greece’s per capita GDP would have been higher if it had not become a full-fledged EU member in 1981. The figure shows how the behaviour of these net benefits changes over time. There seem to be two different regimes. Regime 1 lasts from 1981 until approximately 1995. During this period the gap between the actual and hypothetical Greek per capita GDP increased. This means that Greece until 1995 would have increasingly benefited more and more from not joining. Regime 2 starts in 1995. The gap decreases and is on its way to closing until the 2007 crisis. After 1995 the Greek economy progressively benefited from joining, thus making non-membership increasingly unattractive. Does this imply Greece would have been better off leaving the euro and the EU? Surely not. It suggests inNote: The estimate for Greece if it had not entered the stead that the broadening and deepening of structural EEC is indicated by the dotted line (‘synthetic Greece’), reforms was delayed until about 1995. while the solid black line indicates the actual per capita From 1981 to 1995 growth rates in the EU were relaGDP that Greece experienced. The vertical blue dotted tively high and Greece experienced divergence. Yet, our
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results are deeper: in this regime, Greece lost by joining. The opening up of uncompetitive industry was too early and the Commission’s Opinion about Greek traditional agriculture and highly protected manufacturing seems to have been vindicated. In this period, unchecked regulation was allowed to flourish and take root. It extended to various industries and professions making Greece one of the most expensive and cumbersome countries in which “to do business” in Europe. Yet things change around 1995. The entry process into the economic and monetary union prompted growth rates faster than in the EU for 19952010, but the results show a deeper causal effect: now, Greece seemed increasingly better off inside. The main explanations for this turnaround are competitiveness improvements in selected industries (such as tourism and telecommunications, both non-tradables) and reforms in the financial sector. The effects of such limited financial reforms were amplified by growing financial (and political) integration in Europe, which ultimately may have helped shore up this convergence process.
With the onset of the
debt crisis, many observers jumped to the conclusion that the crisis revealed Greece was “living beyond its means” and that the pre-crisis growth was nothing but an unsustainable boom. Notwithstanding the data corrections, the OECD “Going for Growth 2015” estimates that during 20002012 Greece was one of the countries that benefited the most from structural reforms. This is consistent with Regime 2 above, the period of accession to the euro. The same report indicates that in the crisis years (2007-2014) Greece was a frontrunner in structural reforms.
Yet the subject of structural reforms in Greece requires two further caveats. One is that restricted financial reform is intertwined with “partial democracy” and state capture, thus explaining the persistence of (elites’) rent-seeking behaviour. The second
is that we still know much less about the causes and consequences of reforms than about debt or stabilisation. The limited lessons from the greatest experiment in this regard (the transition from communism) should encourage analysts to be more humble. In short, Greece was always exceptional in Europe. Its entry in the EU owes more to political lobbying than to economic preparedness. A period of relative stagnation lasted until the conditionality for euro membership was laid bare. The oft-heard notion that “Greece was bad for the euro” has much less empirical support than the idea that the euro was good for Greece. By prompting structural reforms it may have helped open the way for a Greek turning point in Europe. That is, at least until the crisis hit. Please read our comments policy before commenting. Note: This article gives the views of the authors, and not the position of EUROPP – European Politics and Policy, nor of the London School of Economics. Featured image credit: Wayne Lam (CC-BY-SA-3.0) Shortened URL for this post: http:// bit.ly/1C1gTK0
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Greece - thessaloniki
Μνήμες ασπρόμαυρης Θεσσαλονίκης
“Οσα δεν λέει η φωτογραφία”
Stupidity Square
φωτογραφία του Ευάγγελου Χεκίμογλου
Πέρασαν 25 χρόνια. Τα ονόματα έχουν ξεφτίσει, αλλά τα πρόσωπα τα θυμάμαι. Από τη μία πλευρά, κάθονταν Άρχοντες - κυρίως τα δικά τους πρόσωπα είναι που θυμάμαι. Από την άλλη Λαός. Λαός που έλιωσε τα μάτια και το μυαλό του στο διάβασμα, πάντως Λαός. Καμιά σχέση με τους Άρχοντες. Ο Λαός παρακαλούσε τους Άρχοντες να μην κάνουν πάρκινγκ στην πλατεία Διοικητηρίου, διότι θα έπεφταν σε τρεις στρώσεις αρχαιοτήτων, ίσως και τέσσερις. Οι Άρχοντες χαμογελούσαν καθησυχαστικά και στο τέλος ειρωνικά. «Δεν θα βρεθεί τίποτε αξιόλογο» διαβεβαίωναν. «Έναν καφέ να σας κεράσουμε;» Ύστερα, όταν ήρθαν στο φως οι αρχαιότητες, οι Άρχοντες δήλωσαν ότι δεν είχαν ιδιαίτερη αξία και ότι γρήγορα θα «ετακτοποιείτο το
θέμα». Αργότερα, άλλοι Άρχοντες δήλωσαν ότι το πάρκινγκ θα γινόταν ισόγειο και τα αρχαία θα έμεναν από κάτω. Και ύστερα, οι Άρχοντες έπαψαν να κάνουν δηλώσεις, διότι κανείς δεν ενδιαφερόταν πια. Οι μεγαλύτεροι περίοικοι πέθαναν, οι νεότεροι μετακόμισαν και τα γύρω καταστήματα έκλεισαν. Προτείνω να μετονομαστεί η πλατεία Διοικητηρίου σε πλατεία Μωρίας, και να αναγραφούν τα ονόματα των Αρχόντων σε μαρμάρινη πλάκα, κάτω από το όνομα της πλατείας. Ως ορθότερη δε αγγλική απόδοση προτείνω τη Stupidity Square, να έχει και ατραξιόν τουριστική το μέρος. Ποια άλλη πόλη διαθέτει τέτοια πλατεία; Ευάγγελος Χεκίμογλου
NEW YORK Culture
Ο Ντίνος Χριστιανόπουλος και η Κολυμβήθρα του Σιλωάμ “Το γεγονός ότι έχω μία μεγάλη άνεση στιχουργίας θα με βοηθούσε κάθε λίγο και λιγάκι να γράφω στίχους ή να κάνω κάποιες μουσικές. Και ξέρετε πόσοι μουσικοί μου λένε δώσε μας στίχους να τους κάνουμε τραγούδι; Λέω όχι. Όπως ήρθε η έμπνευση σε μένα, έτσι και έφυγε. Μπορώ να στιχουργήσω αλλά δεν το επέτρεψα στον εαυτό μου ποτέ. Όλο αυτό το πράγμα έγινε το 1968 και λίγους μήνες του 1969. Εξαφανίστηκε και δεν επανήλθε και εγώ δεν επιδιώκω να το κάνω να επανέλθει. Έχω μάλιστα και μία ωραία εικόνα, όπως η κολυμβήθρα του Σιλωάμ. Εκεί πρέπει να έρθει ένας άγγελος να ταράξει τα νερά ενώ οι άρρωστοι περιμένουν απ’ έξω. Όποιος προλάβει να μπει μέσα στο νερό, θα σωθεί. Λοιπόν το παράδειγμα είναι εύγλωττο: Δεν σώζεται παρά μόνο όποιος πρώτος πρόλαβε και μπήκε μέσα. Δεύτερον δεν συμβαίνει τίποτα αν δεν έρθει ο άγγελος. Τρίτον δεν συμβαίνει τίποτα αν έρθει ο άγγελος και δεν ταράξει τα νερά. Και τέταρτον δεν συμβαίνει τίποτα και άγγελος να έρθει και να μην έρθει, αν δεν υπάρχουν τα νερά. Λοιπόν καταλαβαίνεις ότι υπάρχουν πολλές παράμετροι αυτού του πολύπλοκου φαινομένου που θα το χαρακτήριζα αυθεντικότητα της έκφρασης ακόμα και εις βάρος αυτών που επιδιώκει ο ίδιος ο καλλιτέχνης". Μιλάει ο Ντίνος Χριστιανόπουλος για τα τραγούδια με τίτλο "Το Αιώνιο Παράπονο", που έγραψε τη διετία 1968-69 και για τον τρόπο που επιλέγει, σύμφωνα με τη γνώμη του, η έμπνευση για να χτυπήσει την πόρτα ενός δημιουργού. (Από το ντοκιμαντέρ "Το Αιώνιο Παράπονο" του Ντίνου Χριστιανόπουλου, που φτιάξαμε με την πολύτιμη συνδρομή του ίδιου). Ο ομότιτλος δίσκος κυκλοφόρησε το 1994 με τραγουδιστές τον Δημήτρη Νικολούδη και τον Παναγιώτη Καραδημήτρη. Στη φωτογραφία ο Ντίνος Χριστιανόπουλος το 1968.
Φωτογραφία του Κώστα Μπλιάτκα
Κώστας Δ. Μπλιάτκας
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Terror attack over, 147 dead
at Kenya university Tonny Onyulo, Special for USA TODAY NAIROBI, Kenya — Armed terrorists stormed a university in northern Kenya on Thursday, killing 147 people, wounding dozens and taking hostages during a 15-hour siege until four militants were killed by security forces. Christians and converts to Islam appeared to have been the targets. More than 550 students were evacuated and 79 were injured in the standoff on the Garissa University campus, about 90 miles from the Somali border. The Somali-based Islamic terrorist group al-Shabab claimed responsibility for the attack — the al-Qaeda-linked organization's deadliest in Kenya. Students said the gunmen separated Christians from Muslims and held hostages in a dormitory, where they placed explosives around the Christian hostages, according to Kenya's National Police Service. Kenyan Interior Cabinet Secretary Joseph Nkaissery said some students were killed during morning prayers at the mosque. Jackson Kamau, a student at the university, said the militants killed those who were likely converts to Islam. Locals can differentiate between Somali Muslims born into Islam and those who have converted because they come from different ethnic groups. "We'll not allow terrorists to divide our country on religious lines," said Aden Duale, majority leader in Kenya's National Assembly. Most of the 147 dead were students. Two security guards, one policeman and one soldier also were killed in the attack, Nkaissery said. One suspected extremist was arrested as he tried to flee,
Nkaissery told a news conference in Nairobi. Heavy gunfire erupted at the college as the Kenyan military worked to end the siege. Police Inspector General Joseph Boinett said a dusk-to-dawn curfew will be in place in Garissa and three neighboring counties starting Friday through April 16. The White House strongly condemned the attack and said the United States was providing assistance to the Kenyan government. "We extend our deep condolences to the families and loved ones of all those killed in this heinous attack, which reportedly included the targeting of Christian students," White House spokesman Josh Earnest said in a statement. Kenyan police offered a $220,000 bounty for Mohammed Mohamud, also known as Dulyadin and Gamadhere, who they suspect planned the attack. Students who were able to escape said gunmen stormed the university, setting off explosives and shooting people on the campus just after 5 a.m. local time. "Most of us were asleep when the incident happened," said Nicholas Ntulu, a student at the university. "We heard heavy gunfire and explosions. Every person ran for dear life as we passed the gunmen. Several (students) were shot dead. "There was nobody to help us at the time of the attack," he said. "The police officers took more than an hour to arrive at the scene." President Uhuru Kenyatta urged Kenyans to stay calm. "This is a moment for everyone throughout the country to be vigilant as we continue to confront and defeat our
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Terror attack over, 147 dead at Kenya university "The government has not learned anything from the Westgate attack," he said. "How do you allow terrorists to take students hostage for more 10 hours? I think our security forces need to learn from the past." enemies," he said. Kenyatta ordered the inspector general of police to accelerate the applications of 10,000 recruits for the Kenya Police College. "We have suffered unnecessarily due to shortage of security personnel," he said. "Kenya badly needs additional officers, and I will not keep the nation waiting." Frightened students rescued from the university gathered at a military camp near the Garissa airstrip. "The sounds of gunfire was all over — we couldn't tell what was the right direction to go to be safe," said Ann Musyoka, a second-year student. "We had to face the gunmen — they shot several people as we escaped towards the gate."
Victims were rushed to a hospital, and those critically injured were airlifted to the capital, Nairobi. "I was not at the institution when the incident occurred, but several students phoned me, crying over the attacks," said Jacktone Kweya, the dean of students. "When I tried calling them back, their phones were off. It's very disturbing." Robert Godec, the U.S. ambassador to Kenya, said the United States "strongly condemns" the attack. "We extend our deepest condolences to all who have been affected," he said in a statement. "The attack once again reinforces the need for all countries and communities to unite in the effort to combat violent extremism."
The assault comes in the wake of an intelligence report issued last week by security officials warning that alShabab was planning an attack on major institutions in retaliation for Kenyan military action in Somalia as part of an African Union initiative against the group. Al-Shabab has carried out several attacks in Garissa and across Kenya in the past few years, including an attack in 2013 at the Westgate shopping mall in Nairobi that left 67 people dead, and others on mosques in Mombasa, a coastal city in the east. Nairobi-based security analyst Abdiwahab Sheikh said the incident highlights how the government has failed to shore up security in the country.
new york
Greece Can Teach The World A Needed Lesson
This story appears in the March 23, 2015 issue of Forbes. DEAR PRIME MINISTER Tsipras and Finance Minister Varoufakis: You may have won a four-month reprieve of sorts from your creditors, but your situation is desperate, and everyone knows it, most particularly Europe’s paymasters, the Germans. As you just painfully learned, your ability to blackmail your creditors is a fraction of what it once was. Businesses, banks and others have had plenty of time to prepare for the worst-case scenario: Greece’s exit from the euro zone. Your own citizens have no faith in you, as evidenced by the massive cash withdrawals from Greek banks and the exodus of capital from Greece to supposedly safer havens. You do have something of a case in your objection to raising Greece’s already horrific 23% VAT (a form of national sales tax). And you are right when you say the present program isn’t working. But your ideas–higher taxes on the “rich,” more government bureaucrats, vir-
tually no privatization, higher minimum wages–are worse. If you’re serious about saving your country and rescuing its people from a more dreadful economic catastrophe, there are basic steps you should take that would promptly promote economic growth, while giving you the priceless political opportunity to tell the troika–the IMF , the ECB and the EU (i.e., the Germans)–where to get off. After all, there’s no reason that Greece’s economy can’t expand. Look at neighboring Bulgaria, Albania and, yes, Macedonia. They have troubles aplenty, but their performances are sterling next to yours. Their economies have expanded in recent years, while yours has experienced a terrible contraction. Must Greece perpetually be the runt of the EU litter when it comes to economic growth? No. Here’s how you can put away your beggar’s cup for
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–Privatization. Here’s an easy source of considerable cash that would enormously lighten the pressure on your budget. Prior governments have dragged their feet and have even been unwilling to complete a census of what the government actually owns and how many people work for these entities. This is irresponsible in the extreme. And your government has drastically scaled back what its predecessors were reluctantly going to do. good. –Taxes. Bulgaria and Macedonia each have a flat-tax system of 10% on personal incomes. Adopt your own 10% flat tax. Then go one better and slash your corporate tax rate to 10%. While you’re at it, whack your VAT to 15%, which will demonstrate your commitment to the downtrodden. As for your ridiculously high payroll tax of 45%, knock it down to 10% as well. Of course, the troika and everyone else will scream that you can’t afford to do this. Your answer is that you can’t afford not to. Tax evasion in Greece is endemic. Your hideous tax system is one reason that Greece has
a large informal economy. To annoy the Germans, cite the example of Russia. When Putin took over in 2000, Russia’s tax system was even more convoluted and corruptionridden than that of Greece. Putin swept it all away, instituting a 13% flat tax on personal incomes and slashing other tax rates. Revenues soared immediately because of the ease of enforcement and greater economic growth. (Alas, that was the peak of the Russian presidentfor-life’s statesmanship.) Taxes are a price and a burden. When you raise the price of such good things as productive work, success and risk-taking, the burden
Greece Can Teach The World A Needed Lesson becomes heavier and the less you’ll get of these things. Governments don’t create resources–people do. –Privatization. Here’s an easy source of considerable cash that would enormously lighten the pressure on your budget. Prior governments have dragged their feet and have even been unwilling to complete a census of what the government actually owns and how many people work for these entities. This is irresponsible in the extreme. And your government has drastically scaled back what its predecessors were reluctantly going to do. In 2011 I attended a conference in
New York city
Greece Can Teach The World A Needed Lesson Athens, the purpose of which was to discuss Greece’s economic future. Among those attending were officials from Poland who had conducted numerous sales of government assets and companies, which totaled in the billions of euros. With exasperation these officials noted that George Papandreou’s government wouldn’t even meet with them to discuss the lessons Poland had learned about the right way to privatize. Your creditors can rightfully claim that continuing to bail you out when you refuse to vigorously pursue such an obvious course of reform is ridiculous. –Stop trashing former Greek residents or those of Greek descent who want to help out by investing in Greece. The government should welcome such investors with open arms, not suspicion. Also, you should urge your own citizens not to regard them as unwelcome interlopers. In a book I coauthored with Elizabeth Ames, Money: How the Destruction of the Dollar Threatens the Global Economy–and What We Can Do About It, we recount this anecdote: “When entrepreneur Demetri Politopoulos returned to his native Greece from the U.S. to start a brewery, his products were vandalized, his tires were slashed, and he received taunts and threats.”
–Make the process of setting up a business in Greece easy. Greece has made some progress in enabling people to set up legal enterprises, but the process still takes too long and offers opportunities for bureaucrats to demand that palms be greased. Use New Zealand as your model: It takes only a few keystrokes online to apply to open a new business there. Along the same vein, and crucial to a properly functioning economy, is the enforcement of contracts. In this category the World Bank ranks Greece as one of the worst countries in the world. –Change labor laws that kill job creation. Suffocating laws that ostensibly preserve jobs by making it expensive and difficult to fire employees end up making businesses reluctant to hire or, just as likely, encouraging businesses to hire workers off the books. Some progress had been made on this issue, which you, perversely, want to undo. Unions will howl, but a collapsed economy with soaring unemployment isn’t a pleasant prospect. –Don’t even think of abandoning the euro. Your drachmas wouldn’t, as the cliche goes, be worth the paper they’re printed on. Greeks would shun them, which would leave the euro (and the dollar) as the de facto currency. Such a move would wreck
what’s left of Greece’s banking system, and the economy would crater, making recent hard times look like paradise. And, for goodness’ sake, don’t pull a Cyprus and confiscate bank deposits. As for capital controls, if you carry out the above true growth reforms, capital will pour into your depressed economy. Alas, it’s not likely that you’ll undertake these economy-saving–indeed, economy-boosting–measures, especially the tax changes. Neither you nor your creditors seem to understand what enables an economy to prosper. You’re not alone–the confusion is global. When the U.S. elects a new President in two years, this will change, but it’ll be too late to spare Greece more unnecessary suffering. Please prove us skeptics wrong by resolutely putting your country on the road to becoming the Hong Kong/Singapore/Switzerland of the Mediterranean. Success would be your best revenge.
Sincerely, Steve Forbes (See Steve Forbes’ new book, Money: How the Destruction of the Dollar Threatens the Global Economy— And What We Can Do About It.)
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ΓΕΝΟΚΤΟΝΙΑ ΑΡΜΕΝΙΩΝ 1915-1918 Η πρώτη γενοκτονία του 20ου αιώνα, με τη συστηματική εξόντωση ενάμισυ εκατομμυρίου ανθρώπων από τις Οθωμανικές αρχές την τριετία 1915-1918. Υπήρξε ο προάγγελος του Εβραϊκού Ολοκαυτώματος, κατά τη διάρκεια του Β' Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου. Στα τέλη του 19ου αιώνα, οι Αρμένιοι, ένας πανάρχαιος χριστιανικός λαός της Εγγύς Ανατολής, μοιράζονταν μεταξύ της Ρωσίας και της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας. Στην τσαρική Ρωσία ζούσαν κάτω από ένα σχετικά ανεκτικό καθεστώς (αν και δεν έλειπαν μαζικοί εκρωσισμοί), αλλά στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία υφίσταντο παντός είδους διωγμούς, όπως και οι άλλοι χριστιανικοί λαοί της αυτοκρατορίας (Έλληνες, Ασσύριοι κλπ). Με την ανάδυση των εθνικισμών, ο Σουλτάνος τούς υποπτευόταν για αποσχιστικές τάσεις, ενώ και οι Ρώσοι, που εποφθαλμιούσαν εδάφη του «μεγάλου ασθενούς», υπέθαλπαν τις όποιες φιλοδοξίες τους. Έτσι, ο Αβδούλ Χαμίτ Β' δεν δίστασε να προβεί σε άγριους διωγμούς εναντίον των Αρμενίων της επικράτειάς του, με αποκορύφωμα τις σφαγές στο Σασούν (1894), τις μαζικές εκτελέσεις της διετίας 18951896, που στοίχισαν τη ζωή σε 300.000 Αρμενίους. Η επικράτηση των Νεοτούρκων τον Ιούλιο του 1908, παρά τις αρχικές ελπίδες που γέννησε, δεν άλλαξε την κατάσταση για τους χριστιανούς της αυτοκρατορίας. Αντί για τον σεβασμό των συνθηκών και την πραγμάτωση των μεταρρυθμίσεων, όπως είχε υποσχεθεί, το νέο καθεστώς προέβη σε νέους διωγμούς των Αρμενίων τον Απρίλιο του 1909 στα Άδανα και την ευρύτερη περιοχή της Κιλικίας. Η συστηματική, όμως, εξόντωση των Αρμενίων της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας έγινε κατά τη διάρκεια του Α' Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου, όταν ο σουλτάνος και ο τσάρος βρέθηκαν σε διαφορετικά στρατόπεδα. Το σχέδιο του Υπουργού Εσωτερικών, Ταλαάτ Πασά, μπήκε σε εφαρμογή στις 24 Απριλίου του 1915, με τη σύλληψη 250 επιφανών Αρμενίων στην Κωνσταντινούπολη, οι οποίοι εκτελέστηκαν το ίδιο βράδυ. Η 24η Απριλίου έχει καθιερωθεί ως Ημέρα Μνήμης για την Αρμενική Γενοκτονία και τιμάται κάθε χρόνο από την Αρμενική διασπορά. ΠΗΓΗ: articles/765#ixzz3WivdQzc9
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THE WORLD New Apple TV Will Not Support 4K Video Streaming And you probably won’t care.
By John Paczkowski Managing Editor, BuzzFeed San Francisco
When Apple’s next-generation Apple TV finally arrives at market later this year, it will bring a groaning board of new features to the company’s dusty set-top box — as BuzzFeed News first reported. But it will lack one that some Apple watchers had presumed inevitable: 4K video capability. Sources in position to know tell BuzzFeed News that the 4th generation Apple TV will not initially support 4K video — a newer high-definition video resolution that delivers a more detailed, immersive picture. “4K is great, but it’s still in its infancy,” said one source familiar with Apple’s thinking. Enabling 4K video support in Apple’s first major overhaul of Apple TV in three years might seem like a smart bit of future-proofing — particularly given reports that the A8 chip in the guts of the iPhone 6 and 6 Plus is 4K-capable. But it’s arguably an unnecessary one at this point. There simply isn’t much to watch in 4K—while Netflix and Amazon both added 4K streaming to their video services last year, their 4K offerings remain limited. Nor are there many households with 4K-capable televisions needed to watch it. Beyond this is the larger issue of economics: Delivering 4K streaming at scale is expensive. With least four times the pixels as mainstream HD video, 4K video requires a lot of bandwidth and more powerful compression technologies to transmit it expediently. It also requires speedy consumer broadband connections to support its delivery. And right now the number of 4K-capable households is piddling. Akamai’s last State
of the Internet Report estimated that just 19 percent of US connections to its network were at the speeds of 15 Mbps or above needed to handle 4K streaming. That’s connections (IP addresses), not households. “The additional cost to shoot, store, encode and deliver video in 4K, when compared to HD, is huge,” Frost & Sullivan principal analyst Dan Rayburn told BuzzFeed. “No one wants to talk about it, but going from Netflix’s average 3Mbps stream to their 4K stream at 16Mbps is very expensive. That’s why it’s said it will offer “limited” content in 4K for a long time. 4K is many, many years away from being adopted at critical mass.” Avi Greengart, Research Director at Current Analysis, offered a similar take. “Content is a problem,” he said. “There is a fair amount of movie content produced in 4K or better resolution already for commercial cinemas, but there is no easy way to get that content to consumers.” Given all this, it’s not hard to see why Apple might forgo 4K support in its next generation Apple TV. Right now, it’s hardly worth the effort. The market’s far too small and far too nascent. Apple has never been a company that rushes into markets in their infancy. And until we reach a critical mass of adoption for 4K — one that includes not just consumers, but broadband providers and the content guys, as well — the company’s unlikely to enable support for it in Apple TV. Apple declined to comment “on rumor and speculation.”
April 25, 2015, Athens, Greece: Global Ethics Network Conference Democracy and Values: How Democratic Societies Foster Shared Values and Hold Leaders to Account As part of our efforts to foster creative and dynamic new approaches to the study of democratic accountability, Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs, New York, in partnership with Global Thinkers Forum, London, will co-host a high-profile international conference on the topic How Democratic Societies Foster Shared Values and Hold Leaders to Account.
April 25, 2015. As part of the conference, a select delegation of high-profile scholars and ethical visionaries, led by senior Carnegie Council leadership, will participate in an intensive, multi-phased dialogue with 100+ Greek academics, public officials, business leaders, activists, students, and citizens.
They will pursue ethical questions that lie at the heart of the Greek tradition of democracy and develop a new understanding of global citizenship that transcends naThe conference will be held at the Acropolis Museum tional borders. Please email us at info@globalthinkersin Athens, Greece—the birthplace of democracy—on forum.org if you wish to get involved.
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THE WORLD 6 Απριλίου 1914 400 χιλιάδες Θράκες εξοντώνονται
Όλα τα θύματα των ελληνικών λαών της Μικράς Ασίας, της Θράκης και του Πόντου, που υπερβαίνουν το ένα εκατομμύριο, τους πρέπει μια περίλαμπρη θέση στο συναξάρι της Ορθοδοξίας μας.
Σήμερα, Μεγάλη Δευτέρα, 6η Απριλίου (πρέπει να) τιμάμε τη μνήμη των άνω των 400,000 αδερφών Θρακών μας που έπεσαν θύματα των φρικαλέων εξοντώσεων, θύματα του υπέρτατου εγκλήματος κατά της ανθρωπότητας, θύματα του εγκλήματος της γενοκτονίας από του Οθωμανούς, Νεότουρκους και Κεμαλιστές τη περίοδο 19141923. Είναι η 101η επαίτειος από την αποφράδα ημέρα της 6ης Απριλίου του 1914. Έτσι προστέθηκε ένα ακόμη υψηλό τίμημα στον αριθμό των θυμάτων αντίστοιχων θηριωδιών από τους ίδιους εγκληματίες κατά των χριστιανικών λαών της Μικράς Ασίας, της Θράκης και του Πόντου, κυρίως κατά των Αρμενίων, κατά των Ασσυρίων, και κατά των Ελλήνων της Θράκης, της Ιωνίας και του Πόντου. Και οι Θράκες, αντί να δικαιωθούν από την διεθνή κοινότητα και το διεθνές δίκαιο, καταμερίστηκε η ιδιαίτερη πατρίδα τους σε τρία κράτη αφήνοντας το μικρότερο τμήμα στην Ελλάδα από όπου, ως Πελασγοί στο γένος, προέρχονται και ανήκουν. Και ενώ διαχρονικά η Θράκη αποτελούσε ένα από τα μεγαλύτερα και ιστορικότερα έθνη, και ενώ στέγαζε την Βασιλεύουσα, και ενώ ήταν πατρίδα του Ορφέα, του Αίσωπα, του Θεμιστοκλή, του Κίμωνα και του Δημόκριτου, αλλά και των νεοτέρων Δόμνας και Αντώνη Χατζή-Βισβλίζη, του Αγίου Νεκταρίου, του Γεωργίου Βιζυηνού, του Κωνσταντίνου Καραθεοδωρή, του Ευγένιου Ευγενίδη, του Κώστα Βάρναλη, των μακαριστών Αρχιεπισκόπων Αθηνών Χρύσανθου και Χριστόδουλου, του Νικόλαου
Αστρινίδη, του δικού μας ομογενή Νίκου Κεφαλίδη, και άλλων πολλών, την καταντήσαμε «ακριτική» περιοχή και την παραμελήσαμε εναποθέτοντας την στα «εθνικά αζήτητα». Στον ένοπλο αγώνα των Θρακών, το Φθινόπωρο του 1918, κυριαρχούσε το σύνθημα «Η Θράκη ήταν το μεγαλύτερο έθνος, δεν γίνεται πατρίδα του καλύτερα συναλλασσόμενου». Και όμως οι «καλύτερα συναλλασσόμενοι» υπερίσχυσαν και επέβαλλαν το «δίκιο» των συμφερόντων και των σκοπιμοτήτων τους. Ας θυμόμαστε ότι όλα τα θύματα των ελληνικών λαών της Μικράς Ασίας, της Θράκης και του Πόντου εκτελέστηκαν γιατί δεν απαρνήθηκαν την του Χριστού την πίστη την αγία. Αν αλλαξοπιστούσαν θα ζούσαν. Προτίμησαν να κάνουν το υπέρτατο χρέος τους. Προτίμησαν να υπηρετήσουν τις αξίες τους. Και το αντίτιμο ήταν βαρύ. Όλα τα θύματα των ελληνικών λαών της Μικράς Ασίας, της Θράκης και του Πόντου, που υπερβαίνουν το ένα εκατομμύριο, τους πρέπει μια περίλαμπρη θέση στο συναξάρι της Ορθοδοξίας μας. Η αγιοποίηση τους μέσα από τους προβλεπόμενους κανόνες αγιοκατάταξης είναι επιβαλλομένη. Το έπραξαν (επιτέλους) πριν λίγες ημέρες οι Αρμένιοι. Πρέπει (επιτέλους) να ακολουθήσουμε. Θα αποτελέσει μια δικαίωση. Θα αποτελέσει ένα πρότυπο αρχών και αξιών. Θα αποτελέσει μια νίκη πίστης και αφοσίωσης. Καλή Ανάσταση!
Local news
New York City in BLACK & WHITE 3rd Ave El Chatham Square 1940 nycsubway.org 17451 The Bowery or New York English is a street and neighborhood in the southern portion of the New York City borough of Manhattan. In the 17th century, the road branched off Broadway north of Fort Amsterdam at the tip of Manhattan to the homestead of Peter Stuyvesant, Director-General of New Netherland. The street was known as Bowery Lane prior to 1807."Bowery" is an anglicization of the Dutch bouwerij, derived from an antiquated Dutch word for "farm", as in the 17th
century the area contained many large farms.
Η Ιόνιος Πολιτιστική Ομοσπονδία Αμερικής είχε την μεγάλη τιμή και χαρά , να συναντηθεί με την Πρύτανη του Ιονίου Πανεπιστημίου Καθηγήτρια κ. Αναστασία Σαλλή Παπασαλή, στα πλαίσια της επίσκεψης της στην Νέα Υόρκη. Στη συνάντηση παρευρέθηκαν ο Παν κερκυραϊκός Σύλλογος Αμερικής με τον Πρόεδρο κ. Θοδωρή Δουκάκη και την Γραμματέα του Συλλόγου κ. Μαρία Κυρόπουλος, την Πρόεδρος της Επιτροπής Πολιτισμού της Ομοσπονδίας των Ελληνικών Ομογενειακών Οργανώσεων Νέας Υόρκης κ. Αυγερινή Κατέχη και τα μέλη του Δ.Σ. της Ιονίου Πολιτιστικής. Η Πρύτανης του Ιονίου Πανεπιστημίου ενημέρωσε για την ραγδαία ανάπτυξη του Ιονίου Πανεπιστημίου, για την δρομολόγηση λύσεων στο πρόβλημα των κτιριακών υποδομών και για την ιδιαίτερη πολιτισμική και εκπαιδευτική φυσιογνωμία των τμημάτων του Ιονίου όπου μερικά από αυτά είναι μοναδικά στον ελληνικό εκπαιδευτικό χάρτη.
Ο Πρόεδρος της Ιονίου Πολιτιστικής Ομοσπονδίας Αμερικής κ. Νίκος Μπάρδης, ενημέρωσε την Πρύτανη, για τις δράσεις της Ιονίου Ομοσπονδίας , για το πλήθος των Πολιτιστικών Εκδηλώσεων που πραγματοποιεί η Ομοσπονδία στην καρδιά της Νέας Υόρκης με στόχο πάντοτε την προβολή των Ιόνιων Νησιών και τόνισε πως η Ομοσπονδία θα είναι συμπαραστάτης στο έργο του Πανεπιστημίου ενώ συζητήθηκαν τρόποι συνεργασίας μέσω κοινών δράσεων, που θα ωφελήσουν το Ιόνιο Πανεπιστήμιο και θα το προβάλουν στην Ομογένεια και ιδιαίτερα στους νέους ομογενείς.
A New York City Subway station named Bowery, serving the BMT Nassau Street Line (J Z trains), is located close to the Bowery's intersection with Delancey and Kenmare Streets. There is a tunnel under the Bowery once intended for use by proposed but never built New York City Subway services, including the Second Avenue Subway.
Ενημέρωση/Πληροφορίες: Νικόλαος Μπάρδης Πρόεδρος Ιονίου Πολιτιστικης Ομοσπονδίας Αμερικής Επίτιμος Πρόεδρος Πανκερκυραϊκού Συλλόγου Αμερικής
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