1EffectivenessofPeacekeepinginPostColonialStates by IDIA

The Institute for Domestic and International Affairs

Special Political and Decolonization Committee Effectiveness of Peacekeeping in Post-Colonial States Rutgers Model United Nations 16-19 November 2006

Director: Sean Hemmings

ÂŠ 2006 Institute for Domestic & International Affairs, Inc. (IDIA) This document is solely for use in preparation for Rutgers Model United Nations 2006. Use for other purposes is not permitted without the express written consent of IDIA. For more information, please write us at idiainfo@idia.net

Introduction _________________________________________________________________ 1 Background _________________________________________________________________ 3 Colonialism ______________________________________________________________________ 4 Decolonization and the Colonial Legacy_______________________________________________ 7 Economic Obstacles ______________________________________________________________________8 Political Obstacles_______________________________________________________________________11 Social Obstacles ________________________________________________________________________13

Three Periods of UN Peacekeeping __________________________________________________ 15 Egypt_________________________________________________________________________________15 Lebanon_______________________________________________________________________________16

Peacekeeping during the 1980s _____________________________________________________ 17 Afghanistan and Pakistan _________________________________________________________________18 Angola________________________________________________________________________________19

Peacekeeping after the Soviet Union_________________________________________________ 20 UNAVEM II ___________________________________________________________________________20 Kuwait________________________________________________________________________________20

Current Status ______________________________________________________________ 21 Africa __________________________________________________________________________ 21 Sudan ________________________________________________________________________________22 Burundi _______________________________________________________________________________23 C么te d'Ivoire ___________________________________________________________________________23 Democratic Republic of the Congo__________________________________________________________26 Ethiopia and Eritrea _____________________________________________________________________27 Western Sahara _________________________________________________________________________27

The Americas ___________________________________________________________________ 28 Haiti _________________________________________________________________________________28

Eastern Europe __________________________________________________________________ 29 Cyprus ________________________________________________________________________________30 Georgia _______________________________________________________________________________30

Key Positions _______________________________________________________________ 31 Regional Positions________________________________________________________________ 32 Western States__________________________________________________________________________32 Eastern Europe _________________________________________________________________________32 Asia __________________________________________________________________________________32

Africa __________________________________________________________________________ 33 South and Central America ________________________________________________________ 33 States Where Troops are Deployed__________________________________________________ 34 Non-Governmental Organizations __________________________________________________ 34 Business ________________________________________________________________________ 34

Summary___________________________________________________________________ 36 Works Cited ________________________________________________________________ 38

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Introduction Post-colonial states are those that were at one time ruled by another nation. The United States, for example, is a post-colonial state, as it was ruled by Great Britain until it declared independence in 1776.

Post-colonial states often follow two paths after

achieving independence: successful reign or civil unrest. When a post-colonial state is able to quickly establish an effective government, peace soon follows and development is possible. When a post-colonial state struggles to establish a government, factions arise and the struggle for power begins. Such is the case throughout most of Africa and in Eastern Europe, and arguably in the United States before the American Civil War. States which were once ruled by other nations were often thrust into independence without an effective transition, as colonial masters often abandoned colonial outposts at the onset of strife or discord. In recent years, the United Nations has deployed peacekeeping troops in these states in an effort to separate warring parties, and to instill stability and legitimate rule of law. Peacekeeping operations, by definition, have formed during the very first outbreak of conflict when governments were established long ago. In order to resolve conflict, states have taken to sending military units to quell uprisings and to start the process of negotiating for a peaceful settlement. The purpose of peacekeeping operations is to establish stability by protecting the safety of the innocents, quelling internal conflict, and establishing a legitimate government to preside over the region. Almost as soon as it was founded after the Second World War, the United Nations began to deploy peacekeeping missions throughout the world in order to promote development and stability. Once the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, peacekeeping operations increased significantly within the Member States of the United Nations. While much of the West saw the United Nations as an opportunity to proactively promote peacekeeping operations, however the Soviet Union often used to veto such operations, for fear that Western troops would be deployed into states in a manner that could limit Soviet influence.

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The fall of the Soviet Union caused the establishment of fifteen independent states in Eastern Europe.1 These new states had no previous governmental experience besides communism and struggled to keep the peace and prevent internal strife. For most of these states, it was the growing call for democracy that caused the sudden contraction of the Soviet Union. When they achieved their independence, many of these states learned through difficulty that the process of transforming into a democracy is neither smooth, nor easy. Africa, previously the home to European colonialism, is made up of states ridden with internal conflict due to tribal divisions and the lack of government resources. Africa is currently home to seven of the sixteen UN peacekeeping missions. Notably, Eastern Europe has three.2 South America is also home to many post-colonial states, and Haiti is at the center of post-colonial government failure. All of these post-colonial states are in need of assistance and are receiving aid through peacekeeping operations sponsored by the United Nations. The United Nations has peacekeeping missions in effect throughout the world, all following the same basic guidelines, and intended to ensure the safety of the innocents, to promote either the establishment or reform of a government, and to enforce ceasefire agreements within the region.

Peacekeeping operations in post-colonial states are

important to further the development of these transitional states, but are often criticized by the international community for ineffectiveness.

The operation in Cyprus, for

example, has been in effect since 4 March 1964, and despite millions of dollars being spent trying to promote the peace, the island remains divided between the Turks and the Greeks, and while Cyprus is an independent state, this ongoing struggle has developed friction between Turkey and Greece.3 The United Nations needs to plan proper deployment and exit strategies for peacekeeping missions with reasonable timelines and goals. It also needs to realize its failures, as in the case of Cyprus, and adjust its mission 1

Map of the Soviet Union, http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/commonwealth/soviet_union_admin_1989.jpg, accessed 24 February 2006 2 United Nations, “United Nations Peacekeeping”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/dpko/index.asp, accessed 30 January 2006. 3 United Nations, “Cyprus – UNFICYP – Background”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/unficyp/background.html, accessed 30 January 2006

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in order to effectively address shortcomings and alter its strategies. Taking too long to solve a problem is as much a failure as not recognizing the problem in the first place. While failed peacekeeping missions occupy the minds of UN delegates, the number of successful peacekeeping missions outnumbers failed operations.

Peacekeeping

operations are vital to the establishment of stable governments, the protection of people who are not capable of protecting themselves, the maintenance of human rights, and the promotion of peace and security throughout the world.

Background World powers often relied on colonialism as a source of wealth. States would claim new territories in order to improve their military and economic status. Colonial powers like Great Britain, France, and Spain ruled much of the world and were responsible for maintaining

colonialism began to decay

Colony: â&#x20AC;&#x153;A settlement in a new country; a body of people who settle in a new locality, forming a community subject to or connected with their parent state; the community so formed, consisting of the original settlers and their descendants and successors, as long as the connection with the parent state is kept up.â&#x20AC;?

after the First World War,

Source: www.vcdh.virginia.edu/teaching/jamestown/leadership_2.html

these colonies.

Despite its

widespread use, the trend of

and came to a veritable end in the years following the Second World War. While states like Canada and the United States have evolved into powerful governments, others struggled to establish credible leadership structures and to maintain the peace. In the event of a successful revolution, a new government immediately assumes power and has the military to govern the state; however, there is no guarantee that it will be successful. When the colonial power abandoned their far away outposts, they typically left an immature government structure that had little experience in managing the affairs of government, no less the maintenance of peace among a frustrated population. The United States, Canada, Vietnam, Cuba, Mexico, the Philippines, India, South Africa, Ireland, Brazil and Argentina were all at one point colonies. While Mexico and the United States are examples of successful revolutions, Canada and India are states that

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established governments after being granted independence by their colonial masters. That is not to say, however, that no blood was spilled during the quest for independence. Throughout the final years of Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s status as a colony of the United Kingdom, successive struggles and skirmishes took place, resulting in the deaths of Indians and English citizens, alike. Not all states, however, had an easy time establishing a new government. Vietnam was split after France was forced out, and an extensive war between North and South Vietnam resulted in the establishment of a unified Vietnamese government. The Philippines was awarded to the United States in 1898 as a result of the Spanish-American War, and became a self-governing commonwealth in 1935. After being occupied by the Japanese during the Second World War, the Philippines gained true independence in 1946, however the last American military base did not close on the islands, signifying true independence, until 1992. Despite this independence, the United States and the Philippines have maintained a close friendship, and the U.S. has offered the Philippine government stability and guidance to become a prosperous state.

Colonialism While some scholars consider ancient empires the earliest forms of colonialism, most generally agree that the roots of early colonialism are found in the voyages of Portuguese and Spanish explorers in the late 15th and early 16th Centuries.4 Thus marked the commencement of colonialism in Latin America, where it would remain for centuries. Soon, other European powers followed in acquiring foreign possessions on which they could capitalize.

Based on the theory of

mercantilism, most early colonial holdings were solely for the benefit of the parent nation, usually functioning to provide a favorable balance of trade. Often, European powers utilized the myriad resources theretofore undiscovered in the colonial lands, and once it became too expensive, or the 4

Ibid. 3

Mercantilism: A school of thought which was dominant in Europe (roughly in the 16th century through the 18th century). Mercantilism advocates trade restrictions through restriction of imports and expansion of exports so as to accumulate gold and foreign exchange. Source: highered.mcgraw-hill.com/sites/ 0072487488/student_view0/glossary.html

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commodities had been depleted, the colonial powers often abandoned their outposts. Such policies were implemented successfully throughout the 17th and 18th Centuries, and the strongest colonial empires became Great Britain, France, Portugal, and Spain. Areas including North America, the Caribbean, and parts of the Pacific were colonized during this period. Yet the last and most striking wave of colonialism came in the late 19th Century as Western powers scrambled to gain land in Africa and Southeast Asia. The entirety of modern Africa excluding Liberia, which was purchased and settled by free African Americans in the 1800s through the American Colonization Society, and Ethiopia, were colonial possessions of France and Portugal, while states such as India, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Burma, Vietnam, and Malaya were acquired through peace treaties and annexations.5 The colonial powers also brought significant influence over areas in the Middle East â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Great Britain had long considered the region to be a valuable source of oil and other resources, and effectively colonized a majority of the western Middle East. The peak of colonialism varies in different parts of the world, affecting the manner in which different colonies progressed and developed. The mercantilist strategy lasted for over three centuries in Latin America and compared to just one in India, while areas of Africa and the Middle East were colonized for less than seventy years.6 Furthermore, the colonial experience was also shaped by the nature of the mother country. Great Britain did not make a concerted effort to assimilate natives into western culture whereas the French usually had the objective of spreading what they perceived to be a more civilized lifestyle. This philosophy of governing is reflected in the relationship a colony has with the mother state and the manner in which decolonization eventually occurs. For example, the French were brutal in the manner in which they controlled Vietnam which ultimately led to a bloody revolution to overthrow colonial authority of France within the state. Conversely, the British were less restrictive toward possessions such as Malaysia, thus natives were less hostile toward colonial rule and even opted to remain within the 5

Goldthorpe, J.E. The Sociology of Post-colonial Societies: Economic Disparity, Cultural Diversity, and Development. Cambridge: The Cambridge University Press, 1996. 45. 6 Goldthorpe. 47.

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Commonwealth

upon

peaceful

process unfolds. Areas previously unoccupied by

British Commonwealth: an association of nations consisting of the United Kingdom and its dependencies and many former British colonies that are now sovereign states but owe allegiance to the British Crown.

global powers, such as the United States, Canada,

Source: wordnet.princeton.edu/perl/webwn

independence in 1957.7

The region being

colonized also shapes the manner in which the

Australia, New Zealand, and the Falkland Islands became settler colonies where the entire population was initially wholly of European descent.8 Usually, settler colonies do not fall victim to the same problems that non-settler colonies face, as from the beginning, this form of colonial possession has some level of governing responsibilities over their own affairs. This factor can also be attributed to the concept that states were hesitant to exploit their own peoples who were seen as racially or socially equal, but were willing to abuse foreign people perceived as savages. Moreover, colonies in which the population is comprised of both European and indigenous populations confront unique challenges as ethnic conflict often arises wherein one race attempts to suppress the other. An example of unsuccessful cohabitation between settlers and non-settler is South Africa, where race and ethnic relations have historically been strained and continue to be an issue today. In non-settler colonies, the degree of complexity and the longevity of an established national identity found in the native populace affected the style which colonizing powers used to govern.9

Therefore, societies that were relatively well-

developed in terms of government and laws were given more autocracy than those that showed few indicators of development.

Janet Mathews Information Services. Quest Economics Database. Asia & Pacific World of Information. October 6, 2003. <http://web.lexis-nexis.com/universe/document?_m=40c94fef28fe8a05e5ed9cc4722f124e& _docnum=2&wchp=dGLbVzb-zSkVb&_md5=5f5e1913c1b8869bd8736488e967306b> 8 Schwarz, Henry and Ray Sangeeta, ed. A Companion to Postcolonial Studies. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers Inc., 2000. page 362 9 Randall, Vicky and Robin Theobald. Political Change and Underdevelopment: A Critical Introduction into Third World Politics. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998. page 12.

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Decolonization and the Colonial Legacy Decolonization occurred in areas during different periods; however the process seemed to be contagious as it progressed in each region. Colonial revolution began in the North American colonies in the late 18th Century and rapidly spread. South America soon gained independence as the majority of the continent was liberated during the 1820s.

While Portugal peacefully granted Brazilian independence in 1822, Spain

struggled to retain many of its colonies in a series of bloody wars which were ultimately lost.10 The early 20th Century witnessed an Indian independence movement led by Mahatma Gandhi that eventually realized success in 1950 when India, along with Pakistan, became a republic.

Shortly thereafter, other Southeast Asian territories

followed suit and either fought for, or were granted independence.

While British

colonies were usually relinquished peacefully, the French struggled to retain control resulting in bloodshed and suffering for both colony and protector. In Africa, violence ensued in Algeria as the French desperately clung to colonial control rather than granting independence. Just as in Southeast Asia, the mid-20th Century also proved to be an era of liberation in Africa as the 1950s and 1960s marked the independence almost the entire continent. The correlation between the decolonization of Africa and the conclusion of World War II is notable because many European powers relinquished their colonial holding as a result of the conflict. There is a practical theory which asserts that in the face of such domestic hardship, many western states could not concern themselves with colonial management, and perhaps more compellingly, could no longer afford the considerable expense of holding on to these faraway possessions.

Sentimentalists

forward a view which purports that after fighting for freedom and making the world safe for democracy, conscience could not allow the policy of colonialism to persist regardless the justification; Africa stormed to independence in the 1960s, and in most cases, was unprepared for what was to come.11 10

Chamberlain, M.E. Decolonization: The Fall of the European Empires. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers Inc, 1999. page 90. 11 Ibid.

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Upon achieving self-determination, many new states were unable to develop or maintain stability because the colonial legacy left them unable to function economically and politically. Colonial governance often quelled unrest through the use or implied use of force. Once this military control was gone, social difference surfaced, and there was no longer a benevolent force to maintain the peace.

Economic Obstacles While economic prosperity was not the sole factor behind colonization, it was certainly a predominant consideration.

It was necessary that colonies be worth, in

monetary terms, the attention and resources they demanded from a parent state. The era of colonial was not, after all, an altruistic period in which empires sought to enhance the livelihoods of their subjects. Understandably, economic vitality was desired within a colony to serve as a tax base from which colonial powers could derive revenue. Because the quality and availability of many African products were uncertain, colonizers began to depend on the plantation system by which a single crop could be mass-produced. The plantation, which was undoubtedly owned by European interests, was seen as an extension of a company found within the mother country. Profits generated by such plantations were used to pay the salaries of plantation managers or were used to purchase foreign products.

These plantations

did exceptionally little to support or develop a local economy, and in may ways hurt local efforts at development, as

the

proceeds

from

plantation

Plantation: a large farm that typically raises one or two large cash crops like sugar cane or tobacco. Often, the term is applied to farms using forced labor, although sometimes it is applied to any farm, or even a settlement, such as Plymouth Plantation. Source: www.fasttrackteaching.com/termsdiscovery.html

operations were almost immediately repatriated to the colonial masters.

A European

manager oversaw the operation of the plantation which almost unerringly insured that non-native workers, skilled and unskilled alike, received better pay than those indigenous laborers.

Workers would often be brought from other countries, contributing to

unemployment among native populations, or worse, local laborers were enslaved to work on lands that were stolen from them by their colonial lords. While the plantation system

Rutgers Model United Nations 2006 Land Reform: a restructuring of the system of land ownership and agricultural production with a reduction of the amount of land concentrated in large landholdings in a few hands for production of cash crops and the return of the land to the people in smaller farms for the production of food Source: www.naiadonline.ca/book/01Glossary.htm Indentured Servant: An Indentured servant is an unfree laborer under contract to work (for a specified amount of time) for another person, often without any pay, but in exchange for accommodation, food, other essentials and/or free passage to a new country. After working for a number of years they were free to farm or take up trade of their own. Source: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indentured_servant

did yield prosperous results, raising the average income for a few select natives, it was generally ineffective in fostering lasting prosperity within a region.12 Moreover, it left a lasting detrimental affect on the regions, as the process of land reform that became necessary after independence often contributed to violence and social unrest. The plantation system, coupled with mining practices, also robbed natives of access to land and resources that had

previously been relied upon for sustenance. With no means of sustaining themselves, natives were thus forced to accept low-wage positions or placement as indentured servants. While it is true that the plantation system was the most efficient use of land in many instances, European practices led to exploitation of workers.

Also, because

plantations often produced only a single export, newly independent states likewise only have the ability to cultivate a single crop making them dependent upon a solitary product. While the economic interests of European powers did lead to the development of some infrastructure, as it was necessary to have port and other transport facilities, such growth was not conducive to promoting stability in independent colonial states. While railways, roads, and bridges were built by European powers, these transportation methods were designed to carry products from plantations to ports for export to European markets, and not necessarily to achieve regional integration. Former colonies thus lack means to transfer products to local or regional markets which would be more within the scope of the current economic ability.

Also, most western governments forbade economic

competition from colonial possessions limiting the economies of colonies.13

12 13

Goldthorpe. page 54 Ibid. page 66

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The disastrous results of colonial holdings being designed to produce a single product to profit the mother state is seen throughout the globe as post-colonial economies struggle, often times despite exporting profitable commodities. This can be seen in Middle Eastern and North African states such as Iraq, Nigeria, Iran, or Algeria where the economy is dependent upon petroleum for export. Gambia, long a British colony, relies almost entirely on the cultivation of groundnuts, better known as peanuts. When this crop suffers from a small harvest, the economic stability of the state is precarious. This phenomenon is also seen in areas of South America that rely on peasant cash crops. In Caribbean post-colonial states, tourism is often the most profitable area of the economy, as there was not enough in terms of natural resources to sustain an economy no longer able to participate in the slave trade. An additional economic problem related to previously established infrastructure within a post-colonial state is that many locales were maintained for defense purposes, especially strategic islands used as military bases. These economies are then centered around a huge military complex making transitioning to a regularly functioning economy challenging. This shift proved difficult for the former British colony of Malta which had previously been used as a military fortress in the Mediterranean Sea.14 The importance of village life in post-colonial societies creates an “informal” sector of the economy which is comprised of small-scale private enterprise in contrast to the formal state sector or more traditional private corporations. A “black market” sector which consists of the illegal economic activity such as smuggling, laundering, tax evasion, drug dealing, can often be found in such areas, resulting in an unregulated economy, unable to be effectively managed by the state. Also, within underdeveloped states there exists a difference between cash and subsistence 14

Mayall. 129.

Cottage Industry: A cottage industry (also called the Domestic system) is an industry – primarily manufacturing – which includes many producers, working from their homes, typically part time. The term originally referred to homeworkers who were engaged in a task such as sewing or lace-making. Some industries which are usually operated from large centralized factories were cottage industries before the Industrial Revolution. Source: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cottage_industry

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sectors. Cash sectors, or cottage industries, involves transactions concerning monetary exchange whereas subsistence sectors involve services rendered in the form of bartering, goodwill, sentiment, or honor. As a result, a significant proportion of labor is performed without monetary compensation, often by members of the household. This practice, although important, is becoming increasingly antiquated as large-scale economic development requires monetary transactions.15

Political Obstacles Governance in post-colonial states is also a considerable challenge. Political volatility is prevalent in post-colonial states as a power vacuum is created upon the exit of the colonial master. Often, the colonial government was mostly administrative and small in nature, thus the transition to a broad federal system is an overwhelming adjustment. Many colonies win their independence through violence and upon victory are left with many factions competing for power in an atmosphere of turmoil. In the case of the Congo, Belgian authorities abandoned the territory without making any provisions for a successor government. The populace, unaccustomed to self rule, waged a violently brutal civil war to determine which competing power would control the government. Although there have been periods of relative peace over time, the Congo remains in a state of civil war.

Post-colonial states are vulnerable in the periods after their

independence, and are not capable of meeting the demands of their new populations. The government typically lacks stable forms of finance, and there is typically little in terms of social infrastructure to accommodate the needs of the citizenry. As the transition to independence is a difficult one, it is not uncommon for continued unrest and frustration as the new leadership learns how to govern. As such, it is difficult for leaders to establish a political foundation with a popular mandate from the public and many times a government will resort to undemocratic practices to achieve their aims. Moreover, this

Goldthorpe. page 78

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amalgam of difficult situations allows for opposition parties to form and gain traction, quite often at the expense of the group in power.16 The need for strong government in post-colonial societies often led to the rise of military governments.

While most countries that won their liberty in the mid-20th

Century initially were democratic multiparty systems, this form of government could not be maintained.

“By 1970, half the independent countries in Africa had military

governments.”17 Such governments are usually associated with violence and have little respect for human rights. To assert their legitimacy, military governments resort to displays of power over those who oppose them and use fear as a mechanism by which they rule. They will dispense their resources, often food and shelter to those who support them, and deny necessities to those truly in need, further consolidating their power, and alienating opposition. Military governments develop from one-party systems in which the population is given limited choice as to who can govern them.18 Many post-colonial states have been unable to install legitimate governments. Haiti, the poorest state in the Western Hemisphere, has seen political turmoil throughout nearly all of its history. After finally gaining independence in the mid-20th Century, an oppressive dictator came to power followed by a military government. Free elections occurred in 1990 however the candidate who won the office was ousted in a coup d’etat. Most recently in Haiti, the popularly elected president Jean Bertrand Aristide was forced to flee the island, and a leader of the rebellion has come to power.19 Haiti is a unique case in that it first achieved independence in 1804 after Toussaint L’Ouverture led a slave revolt against France. Since that time, the island state has been in a virtually perpetual state of rebellion, and has been occupied by American military forces seeking to keep the peace multiple times. In 2004, the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti was sent

Randall. “Politics and Government in Post-Colonial Africa.” Exploring Africa: African Politics and Government. 27 January 2005. <http://exploringafrica.matrix.msu.edu/curriculum/lm10/student/stuactfour.html> 18 Goldthorpe. 19 Country Review: Haiti. 2005. Houston, Texas: CountryWatch Publications, 2003. Accessed 14 September 2005. Country Review: Haiti. Online. Available URL: <http://www.countrywatch.com/cw_country.aspx?vcountry=73> 17

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to restore order and to assist in the development of a democratic government. Despite these efforts, Haiti remains in turmoil.

Social Obstacles A further challenge to stability, decidedly less tangible than politics and economy, is the impact of social factors in post-colonial states. Often, colonial rule will leave a state with no sense of national identity or cohesiveness. Without this spirit of unity, it is difficult for a state to develop in any sense. In order for a new state to move forward and achieve progress, the citizenry must function as a whole rather than as fragmented and disjointed groups. The period of decolonization proved to be quite difficult for these newly independent states, however, as when colonial powers left, they often drew international borders where they found it convenient, and not necessarily based upon the realities of regional populations. The Middle East was divided up arbitrarily after the Second World War, and multi-ethnic states such as Iraq were drawn without regard for the relationship among rival Sunni, Shiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;a and Kurdish religious groups. Throughout Africa, borders were arbitrarily drawn without concern for ethnic of religious borders. Warring tribes were often placed within the same state and expected to identify with one other as countrymen. The history of Africa shows that this was an ineffective strategy.

Uganda

Idi Amin

systematically killed some 300,000 innocent people under the rule of General Idi Amin who implemented a strict military dictatorship and is accused of summarily executing all those who did not accept him as a legitimate ruler. Civil war in Nigeria was so gruesome and violent as to incite allegations of genocide against one of the tribal groups.

The army in Zimbabwe

massacred citizens living in an area politically opposed to the government Ethnic strife continues to be a difficulty in post-colonial states due to diversity among races and the struggle for superiority among these parties. South Africa is an

Rutgers Model United Nations 2006 Apartheid: a social policy or racial segregation involving political and economic and legal discrimination against people who are not Whites; the former official policy in South Africa. Source: wordnet.princeton.edu/perl/webwn

and social dominance.

example in which parties vying for power sought to subjugate others in a quest for dominance. Upon being liberated from Britain, the Afrikaner National Party gained favor and implemented an apartheid government to consolidate its economic

This program was achieved through racial and territorial

separation as well as repression. The Apartheid Laws called for the legalization and institutionalization of racism banning miscegenation and excluding non-whites from certain jobs. The government then attempted to rescind the citizenship of many Africans. In 1960, violence erupted for 156 days and resulted in the death of 69 people and the injury of 187 more. The government declared a state of emergency which continued sporadically until 1989. During this time many died in custody or prison, while others faced torture.20 Rwanda

The former colony of Rwanda witnessed perhaps the most infamous occurrence of ethnic disaccord since the holocaust.

The Tutsi ethnic

group was traditionally the superior tribe in Rwanda under the colonial rule of Belgium. As the Belgians prepared for their departure from the colony, however,

they

installed

Hutu

dominated

government. The early 1990s witnessed civil war as 500,000 displaced Tutsis invaded their native home under the banner of the Rwandan Patriotic Front. Despite a cease fire, strained relations persisted and in 1994 hostility erupted as the military began killing all Tutsis within the state. In a period of just 100 days, more than 937,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were slaughtered by Hutu guerillas.21 20

Allen, Robert. â&#x20AC;&#x153;100 Days of Slaughter.â&#x20AC;? The Triumph of Evil. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/ evil/etc/slaughter.html.

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Social instability is not limited to ethnic conflict. Lack of healthcare is a social problem facing post-colonial states lacking the financial ability and government coordination to implement effective programs. In Africa, malaria and AIDS persist and governments have been unable to make meaningful progress in combating these illnesses.22 Medication is only limitedly available. Many underdeveloped countries are also wanting for health care facilities as they lack the infrastructure to provide basic necessities such as hospitals. Despite being an easily treated illness, malaria causes more than 1.5 million deaths in children under the age of five per year throughout Africa.23

Three Periods of UN Peacekeeping United Nations peacekeeping efforts can be divided into three general periods: the post-war period of the 1940s until the 1980s, the 1980s until the fall of the Soviet Union, and the post-Cold War period. Each of these eras had unique peacekeeping strategies. After the Second World War, the United Nations participated in peacekeeping missions with a wide variety of troops from states such as Canada, Ireland, Fiji, Austria, Holland and Nepal.24 Participating states sought to establish themselves as important players in the global balance of power.

Early peacekeeping missions were mainly forceful,

impartial, and executed with the approval of the Security Council. The five permanent nations in the Security Council often did not take part in peacekeeping missions in order to promote neutrality and so that peacekeeping operations could not be used as a guise to deploy American or Russian troops in forward regions.

Egypt Conflict in Egypt began in July 1956 when the Egyptian government nationalized the Suez Canal. France and the United Kingdom protested this maneuver, and Israel proceeded to launch an invasion against Egypt. Israel occupied the Gaza Strip and Sinai

Ibelema, Minabere and Ebere Onwudiwe. Afro-Optimism. 143. Ibid. 191. 24 David S. Sorenson and Pia Christina Wood, The Politics of Peacekeeping in the Post-Cold War Era, New York: Frank Cass, 2005. 23

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Peninsula while French and British forces took over the Suez Canal zone.25 This obvious display of force worried the United Nations, and after French and British vetoes in the Security Council, the General Assembly held an emergency session to solve the problem in Egypt. The General Assembly called for a ceasefire in the region and the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Egypt. In order to accomplish these goals, the United Nations created the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) to secure the region and to enforce the ceasefire agreement demanded by the General Assembly. After Great Britain, France, and Israel withdrew troops from the region, the UNEF forces enforced the IsraeliEgyptian border. This presence of international troops discouraged any further offensive actions in the region. In May 1967, Egypt requested the removal of the UNEF troops and by June, all troops had been withdrawn.26 The UNEF mission is a great example of an effective peacekeeping operation. In just over ten years of service, the UNEF forces were an effective buffer between Israel and Egypt, and its presence was considered the reason for peace in Egypt.27 At its height, the UNEF consisted of 6,073 military troops with both international and local members of the supporting staff in the Gaza Strip.28 The United Nations established the UNEF at its first ever emergency session, bypassing the Security Council with the Uniting for Peace resolution in the General Assembly.29

The international collaboration in

conjunction with a short and effective mission makes the UNEF operation a great success.

Lebanon The United Nations Observation Group in Lebanon (UNOGIL), began in May 1958 when an armed rebellion broke out when the president of Lebanon announced his intention to alter the constitution in order to allow himself to run for a second term. The 25

Ibid. United Nations, “Middle East – UNEF I – Background”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/dpko/co_mission/unef1backgr1.html, accessed 24 February 2006. 27 United Nations, “Middle East – UNEF I – Mandate”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/dpko/co_mission/unef1mandate.html, accessed 24 February 2006. 28 Ibid.”. 29 United Nations, “Middle East – UNEF I – Background”. 26

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president, Camille Chamoun, was a Maronite Christian and this abuse of power angered the predominantly Muslim community in Lebanon. Disturbances began in Tripoli and soon spread to Beirut and other areas near the Syrian border. Lebanon accused the United Arab Republic30 of supplying arms to rebels and deploying armed troops to Lebanon through Syria. Lebanon brought these concerns to the United Nations, and the Security Council approved the UNOGIL mission. Unlike UNEF, UNOGIL was purely an observation mission, and the troops were only permitted to use force to defend themselves.31 During the UNOGIL mission, two key events occurred to facilitate the withdrawal of troops, including what were considered fair elections, in which General Fouad Chehab, was accepted by the Moslem community as a legitimate president and fighting within Lebanon quickly reduced to sporadic incidents.

Also, the newly establish Iraqi

revolutionary government was established and accepted by both the United States and the United Kingdom. These two events led the United Nations to an emergency assembly which established that the threat in Lebanon had disappeared and the use of peacekeeping forces was no longer necessary. This mission took only five months and is a prime example of the quick success possible when the United Nations can effectively use peacekeeping operations.32

Peacekeeping during the 1980s The 1980s brought about peacekeeping missions that were more coercive than forceful which related to the waning intensity of the Cold War. These efforts were designed to bring peace to regions not through UN-mandated police forces, but instead through working with floundering governments and assisting them in developing legitimate processes. It was during this time period that the United Nations established peacekeeping operations in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Angola and Namibia. 30

Between 1958 and 1961, the present-day states of Egypt and Syria acted as one state, known as the United Arab Republic (UAR). Egypt maintained the UAR moniker until 1971. 31 United Nations, “Lebanon – UNOGIL – Background”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/dpko/co_mission/unogilbackgr.html, accessed 24 February 2006. 32 Ibid.

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Afghanistan and Pakistan The Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan on 27 December 1979 in an effort that can be compared to the American actions in Vietnam, in that the technologically superior Soviet forces were unable to defeat Afghan guerillas. The United Nations first discussed this invasion in 1980, but it took another eight years for the United Nations, through exhaustive negations, to convince the Soviets to leave the region. The Security Council established the United Nations Good Offices Mission in Afghanistan and Pakistan (UNGOMAP) in order to oversee the withdrawal of Soviet troops and oversee the transfer of power back to Afghan leaders.33 The UNGOMAP mission was a great success, in that it took only two years to accomplish its mandate. The United Nations created the UNGOMAP operation with three key factors in mind. First, the UNGOMAP troops assisted in the voluntary return of refugees from around the region to their respective homes. Second, the peacekeeping troops ensured that the Soviet Union withdrew all of its troops from the region and did so in a timely manner. Finally, the mandate called for the troops of all parties disengage and not interfere with the peacekeeping mission.34 Even though the UNGOMAP mission was fairly small, consisting of only fifty observers, there were no fatalities and the mission’s mandate was enforced perfectly. The use of peacekeeping troops from other missions made sure those involved in UNGOMAP had previous peacekeeping experience and that member states did not have to contribute more troops in order to bring peace to Afghanistan and Pakistan. The final cost of the UNGOMAP mission was a mere USD $14 million, a small price for the United Nations to pay in order to quell conflict in a war-torn region.35

Ibid. United Nations, “Afghanistan/Pakistan – UNGOMAP – Mandate”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/dpko/co_mission/ungomap/mandate.html, accessed 24 February 2006. 35 Ibid., http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/dpko/co_mission/ungomap/facts.html, accessed 24 February 2006. 34

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Angola Conflict in Angola began when the former Portuguese colony broke out in civil war as competing parties vied to fill a power vacuum. Three main factions formed with support from foreign nations, such as the Soviet Union, Cuba, South Africa, and the United States, as violence in Angola became a proxy conflict of the Cold

Proxy Conflict: Throughout the Cold War, while the United States and the Soviet Union never entered direct conflict, there were several examples in which the United States chose one side in a given conflict, while the Russians supported the other side. The two sides battled each other through intermediaries.

War. The three groups involved were the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA) and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA).36 The Soviet Union and Cuba backed the MPLA, while the United States and South Africa supported the FNLA and UNITA. When the MPLA seized power, the FNLA slowly dissolved, leaving only UNITA as the opposing force to the communist power in Angola. South Africa and the United States then focused their efforts solely on UNITA and were determined to oust the communist influence from Angola.37 The Security Council met established the United Nations Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM). On 22 December 1988, the United Nations succeeded in bringing Angola, Cuba and South Africa together on the matter and all three states signed an agreement to bring peace and stability to the region, centered upon the withdrawal of fifty-thousand Cuban troops from Angola. UNAVEM began on 3 January 1989 with just eighteen observers in place to oversee the total withdrawal of Cuban troops. The mission in Angola was a great success in that it quickly established peace in Angola, and reaffirmed the sovereignty of Namibia. On 25 May 1991, UNAVEM was declared a success and the United Nations held a ceremony to mark its completion.38

Ibid. United Nations, “Angola – UNAVEM I – Background”, http://www.un.org/Depts/DPKO/Missions/unavem1/UnavemIB.htm, accessed 24 February 2006. 38 Ibid. 37

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The makeup of UNAVEM forces, especially from within Africa, displayed the United Nations’ intentions of using help from around the world to solve problems within its Member States. UNAVEM is a clear example of the success possible in a postcolonial state when the United Nations is involved.

Peacekeeping after the Soviet Union Peacekeeping missions increased after the fall of the Soviet Union due to the disappearance of the communist bloc, as the permanent members of the Security Council, most notably Great Britain, France, and the United States, offered their own troops to these new peacekeeping operations. These new operations also began to deal with broader interstate conflicts. Furthermore, the Security Council began approving the use of force in accordance with the UN charter as a means of protecting citizens in these conflict regions. The United Nations also began to establish peacekeeping missions for humanitarian purposes, a new concept in the international community.

UNAVEM II Earlier efforts at bringing peace to Angola were short-lived, and the United Nations deployed additional an additional mission under UNAVEM II from 1991 to 1995, and involved the use of military and civilian forces to bring about peace in Angola after the initial peace from UNAVEM I subsided.39 This operation helped establish a new government by verifying election results. Despite the UN verification of the election results, the National Union for Angolan Independence protested the results and began armed conflict.40 UN peacekeeping forces aided in negotiations and brought about a new ceasefire agreement. UNAVEM II lasted only four years and reaffirmed the proper use of UN peacekeeping forces.

Kuwait The UN peacekeeping operation in Kuwait (UNIKOM) also exemplifies the successful use of peacekeeping forces in a post-colonial state. Even though Iraq occupied 39 40

United Nations, “Angola – UNAVEM I – Background”. Ibid.

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Kuwait for a short period of time, Kuwait required assistance to reinforce its borders and to deter further offensive actions.

UNIKOM provided the needed assistance and

protected the people of Kuwait for twelve years.41 While the length of the mission in Kuwait was longer than ideal, the extended period was necessary. Not until 2003, when Saddam Hussein was deposed as Iraq’s leader, did the threat against the Kuwaiti people disappear.

UNIKOM began as an observation mission after operation Desert Storm

and was established to monitor the border between Kuwait and Iraq and also to monitor the disputed Khwar ‘Abd Allah waterway.42 After a series of violent actions on the border, the United Nations increased the power of UNIKOM and approved the use of force to prevent infractions in the demilitarized zone between Iraq and Kuwait.43 UNIKOM was made up of troops from more than thirty states, and such an international coalition reaffirmed the near-universal support for the mission.

Current Status The United Nations currently maintains sixteen peacekeeping operations throughout the world, and fourteen of these missions are in place in post-colonial regions. The mission in Cyprus and Kosovo are actively working to avoid inter-ethnic conflict in the region. As there are so many active missions in progress, it is clear that peacekeeping is an important aspect of trying to maintain international peace and security throughout the

Locations of UN Peacekeeping Operations Post Colonial Areas Côte d'Ivoire Ethiopia/Eritrea Sudan Western Sahara Burundi Haiti Liberia Cyprus DR Congo Liberia Georgia India/Pakistan Golan Heights Lebanon Other Peacekeeping Operations Cyprus Kosovo

world.

Africa Africa is a land filled with post-colonial states, many of which are dealing with intrastate conflict and threats from bordering nations. All seven peacekeeping operations 41

United Nations, “Iraq/Kuwait – UNIKOM – Background”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/unikom/background.html, accessed 24 February 2006. 42 Ibid., http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/unikom/mandate.html, accessed 24 February 2006. 43 Ibid.

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in the region are located in post-colonial states. Missions in Africa all consist of the same basic tenets: enforcement of a negotiated ceasefire, preservation of human rights, and efforts at nation building.

Peacekeeping operations in Africa bring stability to the

continent, but more missions may be required in the future as it remains politically unstable.

Sudan The conflict in the Sudan is between the two major military parties in the region, the government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A).44 The SPLM/A began a civil war with the government of Sudan in 1983 in a struggle for power in the state. This civil war in Sudan lasted for 21 years, causing the deaths of two-million people and 600,000 refugees to flee the country and seek protection elsewhere in Africa. The conflict in the Sudan devastated both the people and the land while at the same time endangering the peace and stability of other states within Africa. The United Nations began peace talks with the two parties in 1993, yet it took longer than a decade before an initial ceasefire could be established.45 The Sudan is a recent example of the grave nature of ethnic strife in former colonies. The Darfur region of the Sudan is occupied by both non-Arab Blacks and Arabs. The non-Arabs claim that the government provided preferential treatment to Arabs in the area and in early 2003 local non-Arab rebel groups revolted, attacking government forces. In the course of the fighting, myriad humanitarian abuses occurred such as rape and mass murder, and more than 300,000 people have died since the beginning of the conflict.

Furthermore, more than 1.8 million people have been

displaced, many of whom traveled to Chad, a state widely believed to be on the brink of civil war.46

United Nations Mission in Sudan, “Mission Background”, http://www.unmis.org/english/background.htm, accessed 25 February 2006. 45 Ibid. 46 GenocideWatch.org.

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The United Nations Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) was established in March 2005, and the primary purposes of UNMIS are to enforce the ceasefire agreement, monitor armed factions in the Sudan, aid in the return of refugees and displaced persons, protect human rights and investigate violations of human rights in the Sudan.47 While it is still early in the deployment cycle for this mission, the UNMIS mission has had only limited positive affects in the region. Regardless, the region remains one of instability, and claims of genocide are becoming louder and more consistent.

Burundi Since its independence, Burundi has been plagued by genocide, violence, and constant transfer of power. The constant conflict in Burundi stems from a political power struggle and ethnic divisions within the state leading to instability within the Burundi government and violence between the factions in the state.48 Although Burundi is small compared to many other African states, an unstable government in Burundi can lead to rebellions and violence in other countries. The United Nations Operation in Burundi (ONUB) is a recent effort, established in May 2004, whose mandate includes the enforcement of a ceasefire agreement, dismantling of militias, monitoring the illegal trafficking of arms, protecting civilians from violence, returning refugees and protecting humanitarian aid in the region.49 The ONUB is working in collaboration with the transitional government of Burundi and was authorized until 31 December 2006 at which time the operations of ONUB will be transferred to BINUB, a follow-on mission designed to oversee the resumption of stability.50

Côte d'Ivoire

United Nations, “Sudan – UNMIS – Mandate”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/unmis/mandate.html, accessed 30 January 2006. 48 United States Institute of Peace, “Peace Agreements Digital Collection: Burundi”, http://www.usip.org/library/pa/burundi/pa_burundi_08282000_toc.html, accessed 24 February 2006. 49 United Nations, “Burundi – ONUB – Mandate”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/onub/mandate.html, accessed 29 January 2006. 50 Ibid., http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/onub/facts.html, accessed 29 January 2006.

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The current peacekeeping operation in Côte d'Ivoire stemmed from the earlier United Nations Mission in Côte d'Ivoire. MINUCI was established after a revolution overthrew President Henri Konan Bédié in December 1999.51 Trouble in the state began in 1993 when President Houphouët-Boigny died. The founding president of the Côte d’Ivoire, Boigny led it through thirty-three years of peace and prosperity. As a result of this effective governance, the state became an attractive destination point for migrants from Burkina Faso and other neighboring states.

President Bédié was not able to

suppress racial tensions with the same success as his predecessor and led what was known to be a corrupt administration. After his

Côte d'Ivoire

government was overthrown by Robert Guél, the United Nations concluded that the state was in need of a peacekeeping mission to restore order. Elections were held in October 2000, but the results were inconclusive.

The Supreme

Court of Burundi, in an effort to settle a growing conflict in a neighboring state, declared Laurent Gbagbo the president and he assumed power, pushing for municipal and provincial elections, as well as a nationalized security force. He advocated for the demobilization of the national militia, prompting a rebellion by these soldiers and attacks on the cities of Abidjan and Bouake. These attacks were perceived as an attempt to overthrow the government.

The United Nations

responded by establishing another peacekeeping operation in Côte d'Ivoire in order to stabilize the state and bring peace.52 The United Nations mission in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI) is similar to other operations in Africa, in that its mandate includes the enforcement of a ceasefire 51

United Nations, “Côte d'Ivoire - MINUCI – Background”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/minuci/background.html, accessed 25 February 2006. 52 United Nations, “Côte d'Ivoire - MINUCI – Background”.

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agreement, monitoring the illegal arms trade, protection of civilians, protection of humanitarian efforts, and providing military support to the developing government.53 The UNOCI is only authorized until 15 December 2006.54 Liberia

Violence in Liberia began in 1989, when the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) waged war on the Liberian government, and this civil war raged until the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) brokered a peace agreement between the NPFL and the Liberian government in 1993. ECOWAS looked to the Security Council for help enforcing the peace agreement between the two parties, and the United Nations authorized the United Nations Observer Mission in Liberia (UNOMIL) to work in conjunction with ECOWAS to keep peace between the warring parties. Fighting in the region delayed elections until 1997, and the final task of UNOMIL was to oversee these elections and ensure their legitimacy. After the completion of the UNOMIL mandate, the Security Council established the United Nations Peace-building Support Office in Liberia (UNOL), which worked with the Liberian government to improve human rights and to establish an impartial election process.

UNOL experienced

difficulties in promoting peace, since political parties in Liberia would not put aside their differences in the interest of peace. Human rights abuses continued, and it was not until 1 August 2003 when the Security established the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL).55 UNMIL, unlike other African peacekeeping missions, has experienced considerable resistance and consists of more than double that of any other mission in Africa.56 Its mandate consists of the enforcement of a ceasefire agreement, the protection of civilians, the protection of humanitarian aid missions, and military aid to the developing government.57 The operation in Liberia is authorized until 30 September 53

Ibid., http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/unoci/mandate.html, accessed 25 February 2006. Ibid. 55 United Nations, “Liberia – UNMIL – Background”, http://www.un.org/depts/dpko/missions/unmil/background.html, accessed 25 February 2006. 56 Ibid., http://www.un.org/depts/dpko/missions/unmil/facts.html, accessed 30 January 2006. 57 Ibid., http://www.un.org/depts/dpko/missions/unmil/mandate.html, accessed 30 January 2006. 54

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2006 and its extension will definitely be a topic of debate for the United Nations.58 Fighting in Liberia is a serious problem for the United Nations and peace seems to be difficult to maintain.

Democratic Republic of the Congo Problems in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) occur for the same reasons as the rest of Africa: power struggles amongst factions, unstable governments and lack of national unity. Violence in the DRC stemmed from two internal rebel groups, the Movement for the Liberation of the Congo and Congolese Rally for Democracy, who opposed the Congolese government.59 Despite several attempts at peace negotiations, the United Nations eventually authorized a peacekeeping mission to be established in the DRC in order to bring an end to the civil war. The United Nations Observation Mission in the Congo (MONUC) is similar to the operation in Liberia in that it is of considerable size and is older than most missions. Established on 30 November 1999, MONUC consists of 16,791 soldiers.60 Like other peacekeeping operations, MONUC is responsible for the enforcement of a ceasefire agreement, protection of civilians, protection of humanitarian personnel, supervision of the movement of armed groups, and monitoring of illegal arms trafficking.61 MONUC is also working towards the release of prisoners of war and to protect the establishment of a new government through elections.62

The mission is approved until 30 September

2006.63

United Nations, “Liberia – UNMIL – Facts and Figures”. United Nations, “Democratic Republic of the Congo – MONUC – Background”, http://www.un.org/depts/dpko/missions/monuc/background.html, accessed 25 February 2006. 60 Ibid., http://www.un.org/depts/dpko/missions/monuc/facts.html, accessed 30 January 2006. 61 Ibid., http://www.un.org/depts/dpko/missions/monuc/mandate.html, accessed 30 January 2006 62 Ibid. 63 United Nations, “Democratic Republic of the Congo – MONUC – Facts and Figures”. 59

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Ethiopia and Eritrea Violence between Ethiopia and Eritrea has been longstanding, but recent violence began in 1998 when a border dispute erupted between the two nations.64 Seeing a potential for war throughout Africa, the United Nations immediately offered advice and worked with Ethiopia and Eritrea to solve their differences peacefully. After several conventions and discussions, the Security Council authorized a peacekeeping mission be sent Ethiopia and Eritrea in 2000, and that mission is still in effect.65 Although relatively uneventful, the hostilities between Ethiopia and Eritrea remain and the peacekeeping forces in the region play an important part in preventing a large scale war from breaking out within Africa. The UN mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) is unique in that it is operating in two separate states within Africa. Established on 31 July 2000, UNMEE is comprised of 3,332 military personnel and is authorized until 30 September 2006.66 The UNMEE deals with monitoring the position of redeployed Ethiopian and Eritrean forces in order to maintain a distance of twenty-five kilometers from Ethiopian forces and to ensure the implementation of the security agreement signed by both sides.67 Unlike other African conflicts, this mission deals with interstate threats and is meant to establish peace between bordering nations and to ensure the sovereignty of the two states.

Western Sahara The Western Sahara is located in the northwest Africa, and is a region whose sovereignty has been in question since 1976. Morocco laid a political claim to the region, however Polisario, a group fighting for the independence of the Western Sahara, contested that claim. Fighting began in 1976 when Spain withdrew from the region, leaving no government in place and no plan for the transfer of power. Western Sahara was therefore a lawless state, in that there was no legitimate government. It was not until 64

United Nations, “Ethiopia and Eritrea – UNMEE – Background”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/unmee/background.html, accessed 24 February 2006. 65 Ibid. 66 Ibid., http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/unmee/facts.html, accessed 25 February 2006. 67 Ibid., http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/unmee/mandate.html, accessed 30 January 2006.

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Algeria is also involved in the

28 Western Sahara

situation, as its involvement in the Western Sahara is comparable to the French role in the American Revolution. Algerians are actively supporting

the

Polisario

movement

opposition to what it considers Moroccan occupation.68 The

United

Nations

peacekeeping

operation in Western Sahara (MINURSO) mandate includes monitoring the ceasefire agreement, verifying the removal of Moroccan troops in the area, overseeing the release of prisoners of war, verifying and establishing eligible voters and overseeing an election in order to establish a government in the region.69 The Security Council extended MINURSO until 31 October 2006, after which time, many believe the mission will end.70

The Americas Haiti The United Nations’ first attempt at maintaining peace in Haiti came in 1993 when the Security Council established the United Nations Mission in Haiti (UNMIH). The UNMIH, however, was unable to fulfill its mandate due to a lack of cooperation from the Haitian military. In 1994, the United Nations authorized the deployment of 20,000 personnel in Haiti to establish a legitimate Haitian government, and this effort was responsible for the first peaceful transfer of power between presidents and the increased development of a democratic government in Haiti. In 2000, Haiti held presidential and

United Nations, “Western Sahara – MINURSO – Background”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/minurso/background.html, accessed 25 February 2006. 69 Ibid., http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/minurso/mandate.html, accessed 30 January 2006. 70 Ibid., http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/minurso/facts.html, accessed 30 January 2006.

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parliamentary elections, and the results were widely contested throughout the state, as the incumbent president was deemed victorious in an election involving just ten per cent of the voting population in Haiti. This enraged the opposing party, and the Caribbean Community stepped in to mediate compromise between the two parties. Despite lengthy efforts assisted by the United States and the European Union, the Caribbean Community could not get the opposition to reach an agreement and armed conflict resumed in 2004. The United Nations responded by establishing a peacekeeping operation in Haiti to reform the government and to enforce a ceasefire between the two fighting parties.71 The mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) was established on 1 June 2004 and calls for the forces to ensure the establishment of a Haitian government, maintain a stable environment for the constitutional process, oversee the reformation of the Haitian National Police, assist with the restoration of law and order, protect civilians from harm, and assist the transitional government in ensuring a fair and free political process.72 MINUSTAH has suffered thirteen fatalities since its inception and is currently authorized until 15 February 2006.73 A successful mission in Haiti will bring the regions of Central and South America one step closer to establishing legitimate governments and eliminating the illegal trade of arms and drugs in the region.

Eastern Europe The final area of consideration for the use of peacekeeping forces in post-colonial states is Eastern Europe. This region has long been an unstable section of the world, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Eastern Europe, although not as

unstable as Africa, is the home to three peacekeeping operations. The current operations in Cyprus and Georgia are the two most important as they have been in operation for a considerable period of time, and are likely in need of an exit strategy.

United Nations, “Haiti – MINUSTAH – Background”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/minustah/background.html, accessed 26 February 2006. 72 Ibid., http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/minustah/mandate.html, accessed 30 January 2006. 73 United Nations, “Haiti – MINUSTAH – Facts and Figures”.

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Cyprus The use of peacekeeping forces in Cyprus (UNFICYP) is the longest lasting peacekeeping operation ever. Cyprus was inducted into the United Nations in 1960 after gaining its independence from the United Kingdom, and is made up of two groups of people, Greek and Turkish Cypriots. These two groups were recognized in the original draft of the constitution in Cyprus, but difficulties in applying the constitution led to unrest between the two parties. In 1963, armed conflict began in the region and Cyprus came to the Security Council with concerns that Turkey was infringing on Cypriot national sovereignty and meddling in the growing conflict.

The Security Council

established the UNFICYP in 1964 in an effort to bring peace and stability to the region and construct a stable government in Cyprus.74 The mandate of the UNFICYP has been extended to 15 June 2006 in order to preserve peace in the region, and the mandate pertains to the enforcement of a de facto ceasefire agreement between Cyprus and its neighbor Turkey.75

Georgia The mission in Georgia (UNOMIG) was deployed in response to conflict that began in 1992 in the Abkhazia region of Georgia. The Abkhaz leadership had been struggling with the Georgia government and attempted to secede.

The Georgian

government sent 2,000 troops into Abkhazia in order to quash the conflict. The Abkhaz leadership proceeded to retreat from its capitol in Sukhimi and fled to Gudauta. The Russian Federation moderated peace talks between the two groups and established a ceasefire agreement. The ceasefire did not last, however, due to numerous allegations made by both sides of violations of negotiated peace. Armed conflict ensued, and the Abkhaz troops captured eighty percent of the region including Sokhumi, causing 30,000 civilians from within the region to flee to the Russian Federation in seek of help.76 74

United Nations, “Cyprus – UNFICYP – Background”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/unficyp/background.html, accessed 26 February 2006. 75 Ibid. 76 United Nations, “Georgia – UNOMIG – Background”, http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/unomig/background.html, accessed 26 February 2006.

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August 1993, the United Nations Mission

Georgia

Observer in

Georgia

(UNOMIG)

responsible

for

monitoring

the

implementation Agreement

of on

the a

Ceasefire and Separation of Forces, patrolling of the Kodori Valley to monitor the withdrawal of Georgian troops from the region, investigating violations of the ceasefire agreement, observing the operation of the peacekeeping force of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), and cooperating with the CIS in order to facilitate the return of refugees.77

Key Positions Positions on the use of peacekeeping operations in post-colonial states are often similar according to region. Many post-colonial states require peacekeeping assistance in order to establish an effective government and maintain order amongst their people. Established world powers often look to help these states by providing peacekeeping troops, but often worry about overstepping their bounds and stretching their valuable military resources. Non governmental organizations (NGOs) and international businesses also play an important role in post-colonial development. NGOs provide humanitarian relief and businesses provide employment for the citizens in the affected areas.

Ibid., http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/unomig/mandate.html, accessed 31 January 2006.

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Regional Positions Western States Western powers are looked to most often when peacekeeping operations are needed.

The United States is often willing to provide help to nations in need of

peacekeeping troops. As seen in Kuwait, the United States will step in when the rights of a sovereign nation are being violated, but will most often do so if such violations affect perceived American interests. The policy also prevails in the states of Australia, Canada, Poland, Germany, the United Kingdom, and France. These states are eager to help in the event of unprovoked aggression and strive to maintain peace in hostile areas such as Africa and the Middle East. Member states of the European Union often follow the example of the United Kingdom when it comes to international affairs, and this is also seen with the use of peacekeeping troops. Western Europe, Canada, and the United States are in favor of the use of peacekeeping forces where applicable, but are concerned regarding the overuse of troops and the reception that these troops get from local civilians. These states have experienced poor peacekeeping operations that lower moral and that have had a poor affect on other peacekeeping operations.

Eastern Europe Eastern Europe, especially former Soviet states, has been home to a host of peacekeeping operations, as these states have had difficulty transitioning to democratic governance.

These states look favorably upon peacekeeping missions that aid the

government in building a strong independent nation and bringing economic and political stability to the region. These states are often unable to provide support to other nations and are reluctant to accept help from foreign nations, as their history of occupation concerns them.

Asia China and Japan are the two dominant nations in Asia, however, the largest contributors of troops in the area are Bangladesh, India and Pakistan. These three states are also the three largest contributors of troops in the world. While China contributes just

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over 1,000 troops, Japan contributes only thirty. Despite these small contributions, these nations maintain considerable power within the United Nations, especially China, as a permanent member of the Security Council. China and Japan both support peacekeeping operations within Asia and throughout the world as long as they work to prevent largescale war from breaking out.

Japan has a longstanding tradition of avoiding the

international deployment of its military forces for fear of reminding the world of its occupation efforts during the Second World War.

India and Pakistan provide a

significant number of troops to peacekeeping missions in other areas of the world. North Korea and Vietnam, however, do not contribute troops at all, reflecting their opposition to global intervention and their belief in the preservation of national sovereignty.78

Africa Most African nations support peacekeeping operations and the following nations are among the largest contributors to peacekeeping efforts: Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, South Africa, Senegal, Morocco, Kenya, Namibia, and Egypt.79 These states support peacekeeping operations because they are looking to promote peace within the continent and to maintain stable governments in spite of regional conflicts. Africa is the host of seven peacekeeping operations, more than any other region. States in this region are most likely either involved in contributing peacekeeping forces or are the recipients of aid from peacekeeping missions.

South and Central America South America is identified with widespread conflict, yet the only peacekeeping operation in the region is in Haiti. Uruguay, Brazil, and Argentina are the largest contributors of troops from this region, and these nations are all in favor of peacekeeping missions throughout the world as is reflected by the level of their participation.80 Brazil and Argentina are both trying to gain more influence within the United Nations and aiding with peacekeeping missions is a great way for these states to improve their 78

Ibid. United Nations, â&#x20AC;&#x153;Ranking of Military and Police Contributions to UN Operationsâ&#x20AC;?. 80 Ibid. 79

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international standing. Chile and Peru also participate in peacekeeping operations, but on a much smaller scale. South America has long been associated with the trade of illegal arms and drugs, and other nations question the validity of governments from this region, as peacekeeping missions are designed to be noble efforts in nature. States from South and Central America need to be careful of their current standing as far as human rights violations go, and must therefore be slow to criticize the violations of states currently home to peacekeeping operations.

States Where Troops are Deployed The states receiving aid are the most important when it comes to deciding whether or not to renew the mandates of the peacekeeping operations. These states need to assess the safety of the civilians and the stability of their governments carefully before considering the affect that the removal of peacekeeping troops would have on the situation. While these states often wish to establish themselves and are reluctant to accept help, the United Nations has authorized the use of force in regions where no other option was possible. It is critical to remember that peacekeeping deployments cannot be deployed until such time as the host state approves their presence. National sovereignty is perhaps nowhere more secure than in the use of peacekeeping troops.

Non-Governmental Organizations NGOs play an important role in peacekeeping operations in post-colonial states. The International Committee of the Red Cross, for example, provides humanitarian relief to the citizens in states where conflict is affecting the lives of civilians. This relief consists of shelter, medical attention, food, water, and clothing. Relief efforts involving NGOs are important to post-colonial states because of the help they provide at virtually no cost to the already devastated states.

Business International businesses, like NGOs, provide a great source of aid for post-colonial states as they are developing their economies. Corporations often establish international operations in order to increase their influence and profits, while at the same time

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providing employment for people in these formerly war-torn regions. Businesses like General Motors, Ford Motor Company, Nike, and Coca-Cola all have operations to manufacture their products overseas. These companies must be monitored to ensure the protection of human rights. While American minimum wage and work environment laws do not apply to these post-colonial states, the companies operating in these regions should consider human rights when employing these people.

Proper wages, safe work

environments and benefit plans make for smoother corporate function and ensure a happy and healthy workforce.

Rutgers Model United Nations 2006

Summary Peacekeeping operations are an important part to development in post-colonial states. These efforts, however, must not be pursued to unreasonable lengths and must remain realistic. The overuse of peacekeeping forces dilutes their power and has a poor effect overall on global development. In the view of the global media, successful efforts at peacekeeping are not mentioned, however failed attempts, such as that in Somalia, undo much of the political clout of the United Nations. These peacekeeping operations are a vital part of global relations and are necessary in order for the United Nations to achieve world peace. The use of peacekeeping troops needs to be limited in order to make these missions effective and safe for the troops involved. Throwing a group of soldiers from a foreign nation into a firefight will only lead to unnecessary casualties and increased fighting; moreover, contributing states are unlikely to place their troops in harmâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s way. Peacekeeping operations also need to be timely in order to be effective. The operation in Cyprus is the best example of an overstayed welcome: the United Nations has not been able to fulfill its mandate in Cyprus for more than four decades, and yet work there remains incomplete. Either a new plan must be developed or the withdrawal of troops is necessary. The United Nations is the most influential body in the world where peacekeeping is concerned. Member States can lend help to these struggling nations and assist them wherever possible, promoting healthy relations between Member States as well as promoting peace throughout the world. With the help of its strongest member states, the United Nations can utilize its peacekeeping abilities to their full extent and promote development in troubled regions. Whatever the case may be, peacekeeping operations must not be abused and cannot be started without a realistic exit strategy.

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Discussion Questions

• Keeping exit strategies in mind, how can current peacekeeping operations be improved to increase effectiveness and decrease funding required?

• Which expiring peacekeeping mandates should be renewed? Why is the renewal of these mandates necessary? • Are there any post-colonial states in need of peacekeeping troops that are not currently being aided by the United Nations? • Peacekeeping missions must evolve with the different needs of the hosting state. How can the United Nations ensure the peacekeeping operations are following up to date guidelines and effectively help the people of the state? • How can the United Nations increase participation in peacekeeping operations by member states? • Which of the current peacekeeping operations are outdated and ineffective? Should these operations be cancelled or revamped? • Which states are possible sites of future peacekeeping operations? Why are these states in danger of conflict? • As peacekeeping operations can only be deployed by the Security Council, what role can or should the General Assembly play in the implementation of these initiatives?

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