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Papua New Guinea

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ENDNOTES

ENDNOTES

Box 8: Honduras snapshot

Population

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Languages

Legal system

Women, Peace and Security Index ranking (2021/22)

Social Institutions and Gender Index ranking (2019)

Prevalence of physical or sexual IPV over last 12 months 8.95 million

Tok Pisin, English, Hiri Motu, and approximately 839 indigenous languages spoken

Mixed legal system based on English common law and customary law

145 out of 170

N/A

47.6% of women (DHS, 2016–2018)

Prevalence of physical or sexual IPV over lifetime 58% of women aged 15 to 49 years (DHS, 2016–2018)

Sorcery accusation related violence (SARV) Of 1,553 sorcery accusations in four PNG hotspot provinces, 298 (29%) involved physical violence, leading to 86 victims suffering permanent injury, 141 suffering serious harm, and 65 deaths149

Papua New Guinea is one of the most culturally and linguistically diverse countries globally, with over 1,000 tribes and over 800 languages. PNG consists of four regions divided into 22 provinces, including the National Capital District (NCD) and the Autonomous Region of Bougainville (ARB), which has been affected by civil war (1988–1999), locally referred to as “the Crisis”. Most of the population lives in rural and very remote areas, with only 15 per cent of the population living in urban areas.150 PNG faces the complex challenge of delivering services to a diverse, dispersed, mostly rural population spread over 600 islands, with limited access to many parts of the country, high logistical costs, and supply management complications.151 In the past few years, a process of greater decentralization of the Government has taken place. Although funded largely from the national budget, this decentralized system is complex, with multiple tiers of government and administration, leading to variations in provinces concerning their approach to GBV.

PNG’s ranking on the UNDP Human Development Index and the Gender Inequality Index reflect high inequalities in women’s reproductive health, education, political participation and labour force participation. Women are largely absent from political and administrative governance. Historically, only seven women have ever been elected to Parliament, and there are currently no women in Parliament.152 Cultural and structural factors limit women’s ability to participate in politics and hold office. Other decision-making structures, including customary, religious and private arenas, are also male-dominated.

Levels of GBV in PNG are of epidemic proportions and considered among the highest in the world. Although there has been no national GBV prevalence survey conducted in PNG to date, numerous studies provide insight into the high rates of violence women and girls in PNG experience throughout their lifetime. Results from the Demographic Health Survey (DHS) 2016–18 revealed that 58 per cent of all women aged 15–49 experienced physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner in their lifetime.153 In another survey, two out of three women surveyed in four provinces reported experiencing domestic violence.154 In ARB, a post-conflict setting, a population-based study showed that at least 68 per cent of women experienced physical and/or sexual IPV in their lifetime.155 This is double the global average.156 The World Bank also ranks PNG as one of the worst countries in the world for sexual violence157 with 28 per cent of women aged 15–49 having experienced sexual violence by anyone in their lifetime.158 Sorcery accusation related violence is an extreme form of violence with little to no avenues for support or justice for survivors. SARV is a serious problem in PNG that affects people of all genders, ages, locations and education levels. While the rate and magnitude of SARV is difficult to quantify due to the secrecy and fear surrounding it, a multi-year mixedmethods research project recorded 1,553 sorcery accusations in four PNG hotspot provinces between January 2016 and June 2020. Of these, 298 (29 per cent) involved physical violence, leading to 86 victims suffering permanent injury, 141 suffering serious harm, and 65 deaths.159 Those accused of SARV suffer harm ranging from stigmatization, discrimination and expulsion from families and communities, to extreme violence, including beatings, cutting of body parts, torture and killings. Most of these incidents occur in public, are perpetrated by large groups, and have the support of the community behind them, which makes stopping the escalation of violence extremely difficult once it has begun. COVID-19 has compounded the complexities associated with SARV accusations because unusual kinds of deaths and illnesses, such as those caused by COVID-19 and HIV/AIDS, are major triggers of sorcery accusations.160

While SARV in and of itself is not GBV, there are clear gendered differences in the types of violence endured by women and men. Women survivors are more likely to be stripped of their clothing, sexually violated and tortured, while men survivors are more likely to be cut up or killed with a bush knife. The gendered aspect of SARV also varies greatly by geographical location. For example, in Bougainville, men (84 per cent) are mainly accused of sorcery, while in Enga, women (93 per cent) are primarily

accused of sorcery.161 In addition to having a history of SARV, during the Crisis, the Bougainville Revolution Army made a call to identify and harm sorcerers. This belief has persisted postconflict and SARV remains prevalent in certain parts of Bougainville. Given the geographical and gender variation of SARV, it is important to look at the issue not only from a gender lens but also from an intersectionality lens that takes into account the various interlocking social positions at the root of SARV.

In PNG, GBV is deeply rooted in harmful social and gender norms, such as bride price and polygamy, which occur in the context of the complex kinship system. Within this system, GBV is fuelled by social norms around communal rather than individual accountability alongside a culture of retribution between different tribal groups. People are hesitant to report violence because it is seen as a family matter that must be resolved within the accepted customary system. This becomes particularly salient in marriages where the husband’s family pays a bride price to the bride’s family. Bride price is an important cultural tradition seen as a way of joining families through gifts such as pigs, shells, fruits and vegetables. However, with exposure to Western, consumer culture, increasingly large amounts of cash and manufactured goods are being exchanged. Furthermore, since bride price is paid through communal contributions, women are sometimes considered to belong not only to their husband but to his entire family.162 Violence is considered to be an inevitable part of life for many women and girls in PNG. Accessing justice in this complex cultural, geographical and structural context can be highly challenging for survivors of violence. However, emerging evidence shows that access to justice and support services for women are increasing in PNG and that violence can be prevented, even in these challenging circumstances.

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