Vol 2 no 1 march 2015

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IJHSS.NET

Vol. 2, No. 1

March 2015

International Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences

e-ISSN: p-ISSN:

1694-2639 1694-2620

AAJHSS.ORG Vol 2, No 1 – March 2015 Table of Contents Transgenic and Organic Food – A Brief Review of the Literature about Concepts and Consumer Perception in Brazil Camilla Barbosa, Dr. Elizama Aguiar-Oliveira, Msc. Daniela Soares de Oliveira and Dr. Rafael Resende Maldonado

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Côte d’Ivoire: The Unattainable Disarmament of Rebel Groups Dr. Bertin G. Kadet

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Faith and Reason Expressed: The Case of Ghana George Anderson Jnr. (M. Phil.) and Joseph Oppong (PhD.)

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Situating Ghana’s Policy Making and Reform Strategies on Basic Education in the MDG2 and EFA Strategies; what is the Interplay between National and International in Policy Making?

Moses Ackah Anlimachie

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Improving Online Communication for Students in Higher Education Contexts Dr. Sarah Ohi and Dr. Brian Doig

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Stakeholder views about participating in paediatric biobanks: a narrative review Cynthia A. Ochieng, Joel T. Minion, Andrew Turner and Madeleine J. Murtagh

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A reading of Mathew 20:20-28 and implications for local governments in Ghana Alice Matilda Nsiah

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Action research as a research method Shiyun Wang

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International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences p-ISSN: 1694-2620 e-ISSN: 1694-2639 Volume 2, No 1, pp. 1-10, ©IJHSS

Transgenic and Organic Food – A Brief Review of the Literature about Concepts and Consumer Perception in Brazil Camilla Barbosa Municipal College Professor Franco Montoro, Mogi Guaçu, BR Dr. Elizama Aguiar-Oliveira Multidisciplinary Institute on Health, Federal University of Bahia, Campus Anísio Teixeira,Vitória da Conquista, BR Msc. Daniela Soares de Oliveira Municipal College Professor Franco Montoro, Mogi Guaçu, BR Dr. Rafael Resende Maldonado Municipal College Professor Franco Montoro, Mogi Guaçu, BR Food Department, Technical College of Campinas, University of Campinas Campus Barão Geraldo, Campinas, BR. Abstract Genetically modified food (GMF) and organic food (OF) are two different forms of food production that are becoming more popular and drawing more interest worldwide in recent decades. The aim of the present article was to provide a brief review of the literature about concepts and consumer´s perception aspects in Brazil related to GMF and OF. Scientific database such as PubMed, Scielo and ScienceDirect were consulted and a total of 33 references were identified as informative and relevant for this study. While large industrial groups sponsor the production of transgenic, the production of organic food is counterpoint, valuing the local issues and the preservation of the environment. However, far from being complete opposites, these two forms of production have strengths and gaps still to be filled to the full understanding of what they are and what they can offer to the consumer. So far, there is incongruous information about effects and/or benefits from consuming GMF and OF and, in response, it is observed a wide lack of knowledge from consumers.

Keywords: Transgenic Food, Organic Food, health, environment, consumer.

Introduction The production of safe and quality food is a major challenge for modernity. The growing number of consumers, the depletion of natural resources, increasing competitiveness among

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nations, changes in the population lifestyle, problems related to food shortages and hunger are great demands nowadays.

In this context, a discussion that is placed is to compare different ways to obtain food, what are its potential benefits and risks and how the consumer stands in relation to these different forms.

Genetically modified food (GMF) and organic food (OF) are two possibilities in relation to conventional cultivation of food that have been gaining strength in recent decades. On a more superficial analysis, one can say that these two forms of production are in many different directions but further analysis is needed for correct understanding of these two forms of production.

The use of genetically modified organisms (GMO) for the production of food appears with the potential of producing healthier food; resistant crops to adverse weather, lower production cost and higher productivity, on the other hand, the risk of genetic alterations on health of individuals and on environmental relations have not been well elucidated.

As for organic foods, they advertise an environmentally responsible manufacturing and food production without pesticides and potentially more nutritious, on the other hand, low production and distribution structure and higher cost to the consumer are the main obstacles.

In the center of all these discussions there is the consumer, who often does not have sufficient evidence to choose with certainty the best option of food to place on the table and to ensure health and well-being. The discussion of concepts related to these different forms of food production and the perception of them is essential to give more guarantees to consumers.

The aim of this brief review was to analyze the consumers’ perception in Brazil related to GM and organic foods, in addition, presenting some important concepts related to these two types of food based on what has been published about these subjects.

Methodology Scientific database such as: PubMed, Scielo, and ScienceDirect were consulted from June to November of 2014 using the conjunction of keywords “genetically modified food”, “transgenic food”, “organic food” “benefits”, “effects”, “consumption” and “consumers”. The articles related to the consumer’s perception were restrictedly selected as the ones conducted with Brazilian consumers. In total, for the preparation of this review, 33 studies were selected and analyzed in relation to concepts and in relation to the consumer’s perception.

Results Transgenic Food (GM Food) Techniques of production The World Health Organization (WHO) defines genetically modified organisms (GMO) such as those organisms in which the genetic material has been altered in a way that does not occur naturally (Domingo, 2007).

GMF or transgenic foods are those produced through genetic and biotechnological changes. In recent decades, there have been significant advances in the use of these tools, which led to an increase in the number of GMF in the world market. GMF may have different characteristics compared to conventional, such as foods with higher nutritional value; sweeter or pitted fruit, longer lasting foods, etc. There are also changes to food producers, with the development of more resistant plants to pests and the force of nature (rain or prolonged drought, for example), which leads to an increased agricultural productivity (Menasche, 2003).

Production of GMF occurs through various techniques such as recombinant DNA technology, infection by Agrobacterium tumefasciens, bombardment and protoplast electroporation.

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Recombinant DNA technology cuts DNA fragments at specific points using cleavage enzymes.

After cleavage, selective isolation of a segment of interest (cloning) also occurs, by joining this segment to other DNA that serves as a carrier or vector, and finally introducing the modified DNA molecule into other organism. Thus, it is possible to introduce characteristics of interest via insertion of one or more genes into the plant genome (Vieira & Vieira JĂşnior, 2006).

The second technique is to plant infection using the bacterium Agrobacterium tumefasciens, which has intrinsic ability to transfer genes from its cell to plant cells. In this technique, changes are made to the DNA of the bacterium by insertion of the gene of interest. Then, the modified bacterium is placed in contact with the plant so that there is a transfer of genes from one species to other. This technique has been applied to the production genetically modified of tobacco, tomato and canola. (Guerrante, 2003).

Other technique is bombardment, also known as biobalistic, which uses micro projectiles that accelerate the rate of introduction of DNA into cells in vivo. The accelerated micro particles pass through the cell wall and the plasma membrane in a non-lethal way. Then the DNA is dissociated from the micro particles by the action of the cytoplasm and the process of integrating of foreign genes occurs into the genome of the organism to be modified. This technique is applied to produce genetically modified crops of soybeans, corn and wheat (Guerrante, 2003).

Other possibility is the protoplast electroporation using a high voltage electric field for a short period of time. Cells modified by this technique are plant cells or fungi called protoplasts. They do not have the cell wall to facilitate the entry of DNA of interest (Guerrante, 2003).

The production of GMF varies in type of technology used and type of food produced. In the USA, the most produced GMF are corn, cotton and potatoes. They have longer shelf life and the culture is resistant to insects. The change produced is called 'bt'. Upon insertion of genetic material from one type of bacteria found in soil (Bacillus thuringiensis) these foods start to produce proteins that are able to protect the plant from insect attacks. These proteins act destroying the intestinal follicle of the insects, causing insect death. This is the general mechanism of action, but there are variations, depending on the inserted gene. An example of corn with a 'bt' alteration is called “StarLink" in which a gene called Cry9 (c) is inserted, which generates a protein that is toxic to corn borer and other insects (Leite, 2000; Guerrante, 2003).

Other example of GMF is FlavrSavr tomato, which was approved for consumption in the USA in 1994. It features a differential more vigorous maturity. This feature is due to the introduction of a DNA sequence encoding polygalacturonase, an enzyme responsible for hydrolysis of cell wall components of tomato, which operates during ripening (Guerrante, 2003).

Transgenic foods in Brazil In Brazil, the cultivation of GMO plants began in the late 1990s. The transgenic soybean was planted illegally in Brazil; mainly in Rio Grande do Sul, through smuggling from Argentina, where this type of soybean was cultivated in large scale. In 2005, an interim measure allowed the cultivation of transgenic soybeans in the Brazilian regions in which it had been imported illegally since the late 1990s. In the same year it was enacted The New Biosafety Law, n°11,105 of March 24, 2005, which definitely regularized the planting of GM foods in Brazil (Ribeiro& Marin, 2012).At that time, according to Allain et al. (2009), the Brazilian press demonstrated major interest in introducing the transgenics based only on the economic aspects and not in educating the population.

In terms of protection of plant species, Brazil adopted the sui generis protection system (European model) instead of patents (USA model). In 1999 Brazil joined the UPOV Convention 3

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(International Union for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants) which opts for the unique system that takes into account criteria of protection of plant species such as: novelty, distinctness, uniformity, stability and prohibits the establishment of patents. The patent system, unlike the one adopted in Brazil, considers innovation, invention, and not just mere discoveries.

The model chosen by Brazil is the best option for agricultural biotechnology from the point of view of researchers, farmers and consumers. However, although there is no patent system in Brazil, what is observed in the practice is that a small group of companies owns the market of both transgenic seeds and pesticides. Monsanto has almost a monopoly of the Brazilian market in this area (Leite & Munhoz, 2013).

The role of Monsanto has always been controversial regarding the legalization of GMOs in Brazil. The company's relationship with regulators certainly goes beyond the technological regulatory affairs. Not coincidentally, company representatives have eventually taken prominent positions in the committees responsible for the commercial release of GM crops, influencing decision-making due to their high degree of knowledge and by spreading a positive outlook on the quality and benefits of GMOs, even with lack of research that might prove otherwise. In addition, Monsanto also serves on the scientific environment, with financial incentives for research in genetic engineering branch in order to subsequently use opinions of these scientific groups to give credibility to sues products and facilitate the argument for the commercial release of the company's technology. In Brazil, however, despite the action of the company to release the transgenic soybean there was a reaction from various sectors of society leading to a negative image of both the company and the transgenic soybean (Schioschet & Paula, 2008).

Regarding labeling, the Brazilian legislation imposes the obligation of identifying GMF or foods formulated from GM raw materials. According to the Brazilian Consumer Protection Code, consumers have the right to know what the characteristics are found in the product and its composition. Companies that produce GM food are against mandatory labeling in this type of food claiming that the statement could create some kind of prejudice against these foods by consumers, which would be detrimental to businesses (Câmara et al., 2008).

GMF when used well can benefit for the population, as in the case of genetically modified foods to control the ripening fruits, foods with increased nutritional value, such as oils with a lower content of fatty acids, etc. The mere ingestion of additional fragments of DNA/RNA itself is not dangerous, since these fragments are usually ingested through the diet. However, the changes produced in GM can lead to the formation of different proteins in foods, which can present toxicity, allergenicity or antinutritional characteristics. There is also the possibility of formation of undesirable substances (Lajollo &Nutti, 2003).

There is a possibility of increase in the resistance to antibiotics after insertion of new gene in the product. In the development of GM food, marker genes of bacteria resistant to antibiotics are inserted to see if the desired change is according to the plan. The insertion of these genes can increase resistance to antibiotics in humans consuming such products. For this reason, WHO and FAO do not recommend the use of these foods (IDEC, 2014).

Consumers' perceptions of GM food in Brazil Whether positive or negative, there is still a major lack of further studies on GMOs. The impacts that it can cause in human health and acceptance of the consumers about GMF are the most important aspect to be discussed.

A study on the degree of knowledge of GMF held in ParanĂĄ (Brazil) with the last year of high school students revealed some interesting information. Students were divided into two groups 4

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(students from private and public schools). About 97% of students said they know GMF and about 95% expressed support for research with this type of food. However, the perception of action of this food was distinct in both groups. For students in private schools, 73% said that such food would not compromise the health and 78% that do not affect the environment. While in the group of public school students the perception was reversed, with 62% stating that GMF may compromise the health and 65% that can compromise the environment. This result is interesting because it shows that the type of training received by students may strongly influence the perception in the GMF acceptance (Canossa et al., 2006).

In other study, 60 consumers in a supermarket of a noble district of Fortaleza (Ceará/Brazil) answered similar questions. In the evaluated group (of which 50% had higher education) it was found that 63% claimed to know what GMF was, 53% checked the label to check the indication of GMF, and of these 77% have never seen GM mention in labels evaluated. About a third of respondents said they believed only that GM would present risks to health, but 73% said they were in favor of the release of GMOs by the government after more research. Half of consumers said no mind consuming GMOs, but most of them had no knowledge of the application of GMF in processed food (Calvasina et al., 2004).

A third study evaluated the intention to purchase GMF food. A sample of 390 college students were interviewed and it was found that 50% favored the use of GMOs, but only 34% of them were informed about it. Regarding the intention to purchase, more than 50% expressed a preference for non-GM fruit, even if they present a higher cost (Siqueira et al., 2010).

Recent studies show that even with almost ten years of planting release transgenic crops in Brazil that the degree of informing in general public on the subject remains low. The study carried out

by Souza (2013) with 400 respondents in the Federal District (Brazil) identified a high degree of ignorance in the population about GMF, especially among consumers of lower income and education, 46% of respondents had never heard of GMF and 76% had read little or no information about this type of food. In other study, Farias et al. (2014) also assessed the level of knowledge about transgenic among university students in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), the authors classified the knowledge of this group as incipient. In this analyzed group, 69% said they did not know about possible benefits from the GMF and the same percentage ignores the possible impact of these foods on human health.

Organic Food in Brazil Definition and production of organic food (OF) The theme of healthy eating has gained importance in the daily lives of consumers, who increasingly are looking for foods free from harmful substances to health, such as pesticides.

This trend has stimulated the market of organic food (OF). The production of this type of food began in the 1920s, however, the organic system in technological bases only started on a small scale in the late 1970s and gained ground in world agriculture from the 1980s. Nowadays, in Brazil, organic farming provides direct consumer products, especially dairy, chatting and fresh horticultural, with production concentrated in the states of São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Espírito Santo, Paraná and Rio Grande do Sul (dos Santos et al., 2013). The Brazilian government has even created the Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar (PNAE, National School Food Program) which determines that at least 30% of its resources should be, preferably, use for buying OF (de Andrade Silveiro & de Sousa, 2014).

According to the MAPA (Brazilian Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Supply) for a food to be classified as organic it must be free of substances that may endanger human health and also the environment. The use of synthetic fertilizers, genetically modified seeds or any type of 5

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pesticide is not allowed.According to the MAPA’s Normative Instruction n° 07/99 (Brazil, 1999), an organic farming shall be defined as: “[...] Agricultural system which adopts specific techniques by optimizing the use of natural and socioeconomic resources available and respects cultural integrity of rural communities, with the objective of economic and ecological sustainability, the maximization of social benefits, minimization of non-renewable energy dependence using wherever possible cultural, biological and mechanical methods, in contrast to the use of synthetic materials, eliminating the use of genetically modified organisms and ionizing radiation at any stage of the production process, processing, storage, distribution and marketing, and the protection of the environment [...]”

More recently, organic farming was defined as a set of management practices that can help to keep people in the countryside, as well as to reduce the use of pesticides, meaning, it is an ecologically sustainable and economically viable activity at all scales of production (dos Santos et al., 2013).

Organic food market is growing throughout the world, including Brazil. In 2013 this market increased above 20% compared to the previous year. Currently there are over 7,000 producers of OF in the country and the potential of growth in this market is high (Ipd Orgânicos, 2014).

In Brazil, organic food has identification symbol in the labels and the producer must be registered to receive a certification seal. Borguini & Torres (2006) estimated that 90% of OF produces in the country are provided from small producers linked to associations and social movement groups while only 10% are linked to large producers of private enterprises.

Despite potential benefits of OF consuming, as the absence of harmful substances to health, there are still problems related to scale of production and hence the selling price. About 70% of the national organic production is done by family farms, which hinders the expansion of production scale. Thus, the price of organic food is in average 40% higher than the conventional product. Nevertheless, there is a class of consumers willing to pay more for these foods. These consumers believe that to purchase healthier food is an investment in health.

Much information has been reported about quality and benefits of OF, but there is still no consensus and more studies are needed. Sousa et al. (2012) performed a comprehensive literature review on different databases, with studies since 1990. These authors found that there is controversy on various aspects related to OF such as: impact on human health, the existence of chemical contaminants, quality of organic food compared to conventional and about the price of organic food. The authors indicated emphasis on low toxicity, shelf of life and increased content of some nutrients; however more comparative studies are needed to confirm the superiority of the nutritional value and health promotion. They also cited that OF production means should be better discussed within broader social context.

Same examples of controversy about OF can be cited in two relatively recent studies. In the study conducted by Nascimento, Silva & Oliveira (2012) a comparison was made of iron and copper concentrations between organic and conventional vegetables sold in Maranhão (Brazil).

The two minerals were analyzed in samples of lettuce, cabbage, watercress and okra. Firstly, the iron content was found suitable in all evaluated vegetables; however, there was an excessive amount of copper in the samples of kale and watercress from organic farming. In other study, Arbos et al. (2010) evaluated the antioxidant activity and total phenolic content in samples of organic and conventional lettuce, arugula and watercress planted in the same garden. The results indicated a higher antioxidant activity in organic compared to conventional crop. The 6

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comparison of these two studies, as an illustration, shows that different results may be obtained on organic and conventional farming food, so further investigation and broader approaches are needed to confirm the potential benefits related to organic cultivation of food ensuring their safety and quality for human consumption.

Despite the controversies, the cultivation of OF acquires a particular importance regarding to family farming. In a context linked to sustainability increasingly present on the global stage, organic production may represent an alternative for family agriculture in relation to social, environmental and economic aspects, adding value to this type of production (Neto et al., 2010).

Portilho & CastaĂąeda (2008) highlighted another important aspect about OF in recent years that is a challenge for this market - building trust between consumers and organic products. This relationship has been widely changed, since more and more OF is no longer only sold in organic fairs (in which there is direct contact between producer and consumer) and are becoming more common in supermarket chains, in which guarantee origin given no tonly by the producerconsumer confidence, but also certification systems.

The relationship of consumers with OF A behavioral study conducted among consumers of organic food in the city of Belo Horizonte draws an interesting profile of consumer of OF. Through the theory of means-end chain, the authors found that consumers of these foods have an ego-trip type behavior, that is, they value autonomy, pleasure, wellness, healthy living and closer relationship with nature. Values such as longevity, quality of life, tranquility and happiness (terminal values), and inner harmony with nature, responsible consumption, live well life, caring for the health and economy of time and money (instrumental values) are striking characteristics of this group. However, there was more desire for individual values than the collective in the evaluated group. (Boas, de Souza &Brito, 2011).

Other study evaluated the profile of consumers of OF in the countryside of ParanĂĄ (Brazil) and it was found that 27% of respondents do not know OF; 11% know, but do not consume; and 8% consume, but do not want to pay more for OF. According to the same study, 39% of people consume OF for selfish reasons, while only 15% for more altruistic reasons. The study also found a lack of knowledge about OF especially among housewives, young and low-income consumers (Constanty et al., 2013).

Andrade and Bertoldi (2012) evaluated the consumer market for OF in Belo Horizonte (Minas Gerais/Brazil), both socioeconomic and behavioral points of view of consumers in a sample of 400 people. Most respondents were female (76%), aged over 30 years old (90.3%), in a stable relationship (81.3%) and graduate (81.5%). In this group, 69.7% defined OF as pesticide residue free products; 82% considered that OF is nutritionally richer than conventional; 75% believe that these foods are GMO free and 86% believe that OF is synthetic free. Regarding behavior, the majority seeks to maintain healthy lifestyles and 98.8% cited improvements in health after incorporation of OF in the diet. However, only 16.3% consumed other OF different of vegetables and fruits. The authors indicate that the majority of respondents had only superficial knowledge of the subject; they also detected a strong demand and interest in OF. The high price and low quality were the main factors that limit the consumption of these products.

Barbosa et al. (2011) included the problem of OF prices in their study. It was found that among consumers from Goiania (GoiĂĄs/Brazil) the main difficulties in relation to OF consumption were related to the high price and low availability. It was found that organic products like pumpkin, eggplant, sugar beet, carrot, and cucumber presented more price changes over the conventional ones.

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Despite the examples cited above, it is interesting to note that even with a growing interest in OF in Brazil, the number of studies exploring this theme is still relatively small. An interesting study published in 2013 made a survey of the literature in organic products in Brazil. It evaluated papers published in journals (with rating from A1 to B2 in the Qualis System) and in Brazilian scientific events of the business administration area from January 1997 to March 2011 and they found 54 articles published in journals and 63 in scientific events. In this total, only 4 journal articles and 10 scientific events evaluated the consumer behavior. The main conclusions were that the majority of published studies are from the South and Southeast regions of Brazil, exploratory and preferably adopt the primary data collection and empirical studies. These figures also show the low level of exploration of this theme in Brazil (Sampaio et al., 2013).

Conclusion From this brief literature review, it is possible to draw some important conclusions about GM and organic foods. On the first group it is possible to note that there are different techniques to obtain GMF and many possibilities of use. However, so far from the commercial point of view, few varieties have been produced and in general these varieties presented different characteristics in relation to aspects of culture (such as increased resistance to pests), the nutrition or consumer health aspects. There are still relatively a small number of studies with consistent data on the impact of GMF on human health and the environment. There is also a high degree of lack of knowledge in the population about what it is and what are the implications of the consumption of GMF. The second group arouses interest due to the lower risk of contamination by pesticides and higher nutritional potential. However, some issues need to be further explored such as: degree of knowledge of consumers, the high price and small-scale production. It is possible to note that consumers have unclear concepts about OF. The studies found in the literature are also inconclusive on the two main attractions of these foods - no residues of pesticides and greater amount of nutrients. Moreover, the price is one of the biggest barriers to OF, both for access by the consumer as well as to the development of larger scale production.

References Allain, J. M., Nascimento-Schulze, C.M., Camargo, B.V. (2009). As representações sociais de transgênicos nos jornais brasileiros. Estudos em Psicologia, 14(1), 21-30.

Andrade, L.M.S. & Bertoldi, M.C. (2012) Atitudes e motivações em relação ao consumo de alimentos orgânicos em Belo Horizonte-MG. Brazilian Journal of Food Technology, IV SSA, 31-40.

Arbos, K.A., Freitas, R.J.S.D., Stertz, S.C., Dornas, M.F. (2010). Atividade antioxidante e teor de fenólicos totais em hortaliças orgânicas e convencionais. Ciência e Tecnologia de Alimentos, 30(2),501-506.

Barbosa, S.C., Matteucci, M.B.A., Leandro, W.M., Leite, A.F., Cavalcante, E.L.S., Almeida, G.Q.E. (2011). Perfil do consumidor e oscilações de preços de produtos agroecológicos. Pesquisa Agropecuária Tropical, 41(4), 602-609.

Boas, L.H.D.B.V., de Souza Sette, R. & Brito, M.J. (2011). Comportamento do consumidor de produtos orgânicos: uma aplicação da teoria da cadeia de meios e fins. Organizações Rurais & Agroindustriais, 8(1), 1-24.

Borguini, R.G. & Torres, E.A.F.S. (2006). Alimentos orgânicos: qualidade nutritiva e segurança do alimento. Segurança alimentar e nutricional,13(2), 64-75.

Brasil (1999). Ministério da Agricultura, Pecuária e Abastecimento. Instrução Normativa n.7, 17 de maio de 1999. Dispõe sobre normas para a produção de produtos orgânicos vegetais e animais. Disponível em http://www.agricultura.gov.br

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Calvasina, P., Silva, C.M., Aguiar, G., Aguiar, M., Sampaio, H.A. (2004). Conhecimento sobre alimentos geneticamente modificados: Um estudo com clientes em um supermercado situado em área nobre no município de Fortaleza. Revista Brasileira em Promoção da Saúde, 17(2), 79-85.

Câmara, M.C.C., Marinho, C.L.C., Guilam, M.C., Braga, A.M.C.B. (2008). A produção acadêmica sobre a rotulagem de alimentos no Brasil. Revista Panamericana Salud Publica, 23(1), 52-58.

Canossa, R.S., Souza, A.O., Tiguman, M.L., Rocha, C.L.M.S.C., Pamphile, J.A. (2006). Avaliação do conhecimento de uma amostra dos alunos de Palotina-PR a respeito dos organismos transgênicos. Arquivos do Museu Dinâmico Interdisciplinar, 10(2), 10-16.

Constanty, H.F.P.H, Darlot, M.R., Silva, N.L.S., Cunha, E.C., Riedner, L.N. (2013). Indicador de conscientização de consumidores sobre alimentos orgânicos no oeste do Paraná. In Caderno de Resumos VII Congresso Brasileiro de Agroecologia, Porto Alegre, Brazil. de Andrade Silverio, G. & de Sousa, A.A. (2014). Alimentos orgânicos da agricultura familiar no Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar: perspectivas de atores sociais em municípios de Santa Catarina. Revista de Nutrição, 27(3), 289-300.

Domingo, J.L. (2007) Toxicity studies of genetically modified plants: a review of the published literature. Critical reviews in food science and nutrition, 46(8), 721-733. dos Santos, J. O., de Sousa Santos, R. M., Borges, M. D. G. B., Ferreira, R. T. F. V., Salgado, A. B., & dos Santos Segundo, O. A. (2013). A evolução da agricultura orgânica. Revista Brasileira de Gestão Ambiental ISSN 2317-3122, 6(1), 35-41.

Farias, S.C.G.D., Thode Filho, S., Ribeiro, C.R.D.R., Araújo, M.P., Viana, V.J., Farias, O.L.M. (2014). Percepção dos Alunos da Universidade do Rio de Janeiro sobre Produção e o Consumo de Transgênicos no Brasil. REDE- Revista Eletrônica do PRODEMA, 8(1), 84-94.

Guerrante, R.S. (2003). Transgênicos: uma visão estratégica. Editora Interciência.

IDEC – Instituto de Defesa do Consumidor (2014). Transgênicos: feche a boca e abra os olhos.

Disponível em www.idec.org.br/uploads/publicacoes/cartilha-transgenico.pdf IPD ORGÂNICOS – Instituto de Promoção do Desenvolvimento. (2014). Pesquisa: o mercado brasileiro de alimentos orgânicos.

Disponível em www.ipd.org.br/upload/tiny_mce/Pesquisa_de_Mercado_Interno_de_Produtos_Organicos.pdf Lajollo, F.M. & Nutti, M.R. (2003). Transgênicos: Bases científicas de sua segurança. Seminário Brasileiro de Alimentação e Nutrição, São Paulo, Brazil.

Leite, D.S. & Munhoz, L.L. (2013). Biotecnologia e melhoramento das variedades vegetais: cultivares e transgênicos. Veredas do Direito, 10(19), 23-44.

Leite, M. (2000). Biotecnologias, clones e quimeras sob controle social: missão urgente para a divulgação científica. São Paulo em perspectiva, 14(3), 40-46.

Nascimento, B.L.M., Silva, L.D., Oliveira, J.D. (2012). Quantificação de ferro e cobre em olerícolas oriundas de sistema orgânico e convencional. Agropecuária Científica no Semi-Árido, 8(4), 49-54.

Neto, N.C., Denuzi, V.S.S., Rinaldi, R.N., Staduto, J.R. (2010). Produção orgânica: uma potencialidade estratégica para a agricultura familiar. Revista Percurso, 2(2), 73-95.

Portilho, F. & Castañeda, M. (2008). Certificação e confiança face-a-face na feira de produtos orgânicos. IV Encontro Nacional ANPPAS, 1-15.

Santos, J.O.D., Santos, R.M.D.S., Borges, M.D.G.B., Ferreira, R.T.F.V., Salgado, A.B., Schischet, T. & de Paula, N. (2008). Soja transgênica no Brasil: os limites do processo de difusão tecnológica. Estudos sociais agrícolas, 16(1), 27-53.

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Siqueira, R., Araújo, A.D., Siqueira, R., Marcellini, A.D.B., Deliza, R., Marcellini, P, Jaeger, S. (2010). Percepção dos riscos e benefícios dos alimentos geneticamente modificados: efeitos e na intenção de compra. Brazilian Journal of Food Technology, 6º. SENSIBER, 19-21.

Menasche, R. (2003). Os grãos da discórdia e o risco à mesa: um estudo antropológico das representações sociais sobre cultivos e alimentos transgênicos no Rio Grande do Sul. Tese de Doutorado. Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil.

Ribeiro, I.G. & Marin, V.A. (2012). A falta de informação sobre os organismos geneticamente modificados no Brasil. Ciência e Saúde Coletiva, 17(2), 359-368.

Sampaio, D.O., Gosling, M., Fagundes, A.F.A., Sousa, C.V. (2013). Uma análise da produção acadêmica brasileira sobre o comportamento do consumidor de alimento orgânico entre 1997 e 2011. Read, 76 (3), 620-645.

Sousa, A.A., Azevedo, E., Lima, E.E., Silva, A.P.F. (2012). Alimentos orgânicos e saúde humana: estudo sobre as controvérsias. Revista Panamericana de Salud Publica, 31(6), 513-517.

Souza, J.F.S. (2013) Percepção dos consumidores do Distrito Federal sobre alimentos transgênicos. Dissertação de Mestrado. Universidade de Brasília, Brazil.

Vieira, A.C. & Vieira Júnior, P. A. (2006). Debates atuais sobre a segurança dos alimentos transgênicos e os direitos dos consumidores. Direito do consumidor, 5, 25-47.

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International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences p-ISSN: 1694-2620 e-ISSN: 1694-2639 Volume 2, No 1, pp. 11-28, ©IJHSS

Côte d’Ivoire: The Unattainable Disarmament of Rebel Groups Dr. Bertin G. Kadet Researcher/Lecturer Ecole Normale Supérieure d’Abidjan, RCI Email : bertinkadet@yahoo.fr Address: CP 8220, Com. 7 Tema, GHANA Phone Number: +233 264 271 407 Abstract The just-ended Ivorian socio-political crisis (2002-2011) calls on the need to put into perspective the obstacles facing the country in its efforts to get out of a security deadlock. The dynamic that governed the settlement of the conflict failed to lead to the disarmament of the rebel groups who took up weapons against the democratic institutions of the country. This stems from an interpretation of the international management devices of this crisis. As a matter of fact, since the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement is perceived as institutional procedures towards a validation of the armed violence in Côte d'Ivoire (West Africa), it remains the symbol of a biased political compromise. In fact, Ivorian rebel groups never proved able to disarm until a military solution was found to the crisis, thus turning the former aggressors into new leaders of the country.

Keywords: Côte d’Ivoire, crisis, rebellion, agreement, disarmament, security, peace.

Résumé La récente crise socio-politique ivoirienne (2002-2011) interpelle sur la nécessaire mise en perspective des difficultés de ce pays à sortir de l’impasse sécuritaire. La logique ayant présidé au règlement du conflit n’a pas milité en faveur du désarmement des groupes rebelles ayant pris les armes contre les institutions démocratiques de ce pays. Cette situation découle d’une interprétation des dispositifs internationaux de gestion de cette crise. En effet, perçus comme des procédures institutionnelles de validation de la violence armée en Côte d’Ivoire (Afrique de l’Ouest), l’Accord de Linas-Marcoussis demeure le symbole d’un compromis politique biaisé. De fait, les groupes rebelles ivoiriens n’ont jamais pu désarmer jusqu’à ce qu’une issue militaire soit trouvée à la crise, faisant des anciens agresseurs les nouveaux dirigeants du pays.

Mots clés : Côte d’Ivoire, crise, rébellion, accord, désarmement, sécurité, paix.

Introduction On the night of September 18 to 19, 2002, a coup is attempted against the regime of President Laurent Gbagbo in Côte d’Ivoire (West Africa) while on official visit to Italy. Insurgents attack military targets (barracks, armories, gendarmerie and police academies), strategic sites (prefecture buildings, town halls, State television and radio) and the homes of important figures in the country as well as civilians. This procedure suggests that it is not simply a mutiny or spontaneous 11

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actions, but rather « an attempt to change the nature of the regime, a coup d’état »1. Following their failure to take up Abidjan, the insurgents fall back to the center and north of the country. The attempted coup turns into a rebellion and plunges Côte d’Ivoire in an armed conflict with a North-South division of the country. To solve this crisis, the international community chooses to conduct negotiations between the legal government and armed gangs. Several peace agreements along with twenty UN resolutions are then signed between the actors in the crisis, but fail to bring peace to the country.

In reality, despite efforts by the international community, rebel groups refuse to be disarmed.

Finally in April 2011, those who took up arms against their country succeed in achieving their coup with support from international forces and become the new leaders of Côte d’Ivoire.

The research question is to find out the policy mechanisms through which informal armed bands succeed in not being disarmed, and finally seize the state power in the country, while the peace process is ongoing with backing from international political agreements including those of the United Nations. This interrogation is all the more crucial as the international community, including the UN is against armed violence and promotes peace in the world.

Methodologically, the study uses various documentary sources on this long military and political crisis. This includes political agreements and resolutions from institutions, government decisions, books, study reports or reports by international or military experts. Given the poisoning and demonization campaigns carried out against the political regime of that period, some comments are biased and subjective. Whenever possible, we take a close look at the content of official crisis management arrangements, including the political agreements signed by the parties to the conflict. Our analysis is also based on our personal experience as attentive observer of those events, and especially as political player who sat in the inner state power during this period (Kadet, 2011: 193-237). The facts reported here therefore also stand out as our testimony to those events. We will however try to confront our views with those of other authors.

This paper intends to show the complexity of the crisis in three parts. The first part analyzes the logic in the resolution of the Ivorian crisis, particularly through a consideration of the LinasMarcoussis Agreement which is an international management device of this conflict, and subsequent political agreements in order to show the challenges of the rebel war. This part also tries to determine whether disputants implement the agreements in order to restore peace. The second part examines the role of the United Nations as a major player in the management of the crisis. Eventually, the third part highlights the issue of disarmament, a process that experienced multiple twists and turns, but which determines peace and security in the country.

I- The dynamics of the political settlement of the Ivorian crisis and the question of disarmament of the rebel groups The resolution of the Ivorian socio-political crisis is supported by various peace agreements.

While recognizing the importance of agreements negotiated under the auspices of the African political and economic organizations including the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union (AU), the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement negotiated under the auspices of France and the UN Security Council resolutions (UN) remain the ones having a real impact on the security situation in the country, particularly in the disarmament process.

Therefore, analyzing these devices deserve the attention of the researcher in order to grasp the momentum and understand the real issues of the Ivorian rebellion. This is the purpose of the following developments.

Declaration of Pascal Affi NGuessan, Prime Minister of Côte d’Ivoire relating to the attack of September 19, 2002, Ivorian Broadcasting Television, Abidjan.

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1- The Round Table and the Linas-Marcoussis Ageement and the challenges of the rebel war After two unsuccessful attempts to solve the conflict at the subregional level (Accra I Agreement, 2002; Lomé Agreement, 2003), the French government convenes the Ivorian parties in conflict for a round table in Paris for solutions. As far as its organization, resolutions and implementation are concerned, the Linas-Marcoussis Round Table raises more concerns than hope for peace.

Concerning the way the conference was organized, analytical elements support the assertion that the Linas-Marcoussis conference was site for the expression of a balance of power between actors involved in the Ivorian conflict and also the opportunity to obtain an agreement aimed at weakening the Gbagbo regime. As a matter of fact, the French Government convenes the Ivorian political parties and rebel groups for negotiations from 15 to 24 January 2003. However, they do not to invite the Ivorian President into such discussions that should lead to decisionmaking, while those who attacked the country he is leading are taking part into that conference.

Then, the Agreement aiming at finding a solution to the crisis is endorsed on January 25, 2003 in Paris, Centre Kléber. At this stage, the meeting is extended to African Heads of State including President Laurent Gbagbo, France, the UN, the International Monetary Fund and the European Union. One will note that the Ivorian President is just invited on January 24, 2003 towards endorsing the will of the real aggressors of his country. Besides, this is even the content of the statement made on the eve of the meeting by French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin on January 14 in France Parliament House: « The Government is the instigator of a conference between the parties. Our goal is clear, even if it is ambitious: peace, reconciliation and reconstruction for Côte d'Ivoire. For us to succeed, we must address the problems undermining Côte d’Ivoire since the death of President Houphouet Boigny: the Ivoirité, the Land Law and the status of foreigners ».

Through this statement, the French government knows in advance what they are expecting from the Round Table without having heard the parties in conflict. Another element of analysis is that the number of delegations taking part in the Round Table is in favor of the opponents of the Ivorian regime. Indeed, the ten invited delegations include political parties and the rebels group.

Political parties’ delegations are as follows: the Ivorian Popular Front (FPI): 5 people; the Rally of Republicans (RDR): 5 persons; the Democratic Party of Côte d'Ivoire-African Democratic Rally (PDCI-RDA): 5 persons; the Union for Democracy and Peace in Côte d'Ivoire (UDPCI): 5 persons; the Ivorian Labour Party (PIT): 1 person; the Movement of Future Forces (MFA): 1 person; the Democratic Union and Citizens (UDCY): 1 person; the Rebel groups: 9 people divided between the Ivorian Great West Popular Movement (MPIGO), the Movement for Justice and Peace (MJP), the Patriotic Movement of Côte d'Ivoire (MPCI). Those three movements were baptized by the organizers of the conference as « the New Forces » speaking with a single voice. Their delegation includes political and military leaders of the rebellion while the military leaders of the opposing party, the National Armed Forces of Côte d'Ivoire (FANCI) are not taking part in the meeting. Another fact is that one of the moderators in the Round Table discussions in the person of Seydou Diarra will be appointed Prime Minister of Côte d'Ivoire at the end of the meeting. Finally it should be noted that through the game of the alliances created, the RDR, the PDCI-RDA, the UDPCI, the MFA and the three rebel movements (MPCI, MPIGO, MJP) form the Group of 7 (G7) united by one ideology known as the Houphouetism, name given after the first Ivorian head of state Felix Houphouet-Boigny whose long term in office (1960-1993) exerted political governance favoring France, the former colonial power. The Houphouetist group has 25 members out of the 32 persons around the table. The PIT and 13

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UDCY are two small parties; they mainly focus on their own recognition. The FPI which is a party created by President Gbagbo calls for a new vision of Côte d'Ivoire through a political, economic and social reconstruction of the country, as well as the diversification of the country's partners. This party has 5 representatives. This number will get narrowed down to four when one of its representatives decides to leave the room as a way of challenging the attempt of « constitutional coup » by the French moderator and chairman of the Round Table, the Magistrate Pierre Mazeaud 2.

As can be noticed, the participation of the Ivorian Government in the Round Table is discarded.

In the same trend, the power imbalance governing discussions favors the opposition. This reflects a desire to weaken the regime of President Gbagbo and minimize the number of those who are able to defend that regime. In addition, the rebels are members of a coalition actively supported by the main organizer of the conference. This suggests a predominance of the views of the Group of 7 in the debates and means that the rebels are placed in the best conditions to request for more, not to disarm.

In its content, the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement reveals contradictions. Certainly the Agreement reaffirms the need to « preserve the territorial sovereignty of Côte d'Ivoire, respect for institutions and the restoration of the authority of the State »; it also reaffirms « its commitment to the principle of accessing to power and exercising same in a democratic way ». Meanwhile at the same time, the agreement calls for the immediate release of all those who introduced armed violence by attacking the country and its institutions (Linas-Marcoussis, 2003). Furthermore, the Agreement calls for the establishment of a « national reconciliation government » led by an irremovable Prime Minister until the next presidential election, Prime Minister having « the executive power. » However, the Ivorian political system is a presidential system, not a parliamentary system. The Prime Minister is just the first of the Ministers; he is appointed by the President of the Republic; the only powers he has are those assigned him by his principal. Having recognized and proclaimed respect for Ivorian institutions (Linas-Marcoussis), is it normal to request that the Prime Minister have all the powers of the one who appoints him?

Concerning disarmament, the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement obliges the government of President Laurent Gbagbo to dismiss the Ivorian youth recruited into the army since 19 September 2002 (Linas-Marcoussis Agreement, 2003, Chapter VII). However, the rebels change their name in a bid to be acceptable, becoming the « new forces ». The Agreement even recommends an amnesty law to absolve them of their crimes. In other words, the Linas Marcoussis Agreement demands impunity for aggressors.

Based on such facts, the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement reveals that part of the international community stands in favor of a rebellion at the expense a State and its elected government contrary to the UN principles, the Charters of the African Union and ECOWAS. This agreement wants the government of President Laurent Gbagbo to give way to a National Reconciliation Government by the end of the conference holding at Centre Kléber in Paris on 24 January 2003.

This National Reconciliation Government must have the prerogatives of the Head of State, in particular as regards the defense and the restructuring of the army. By forcing the Ivorian Head of State to accept rebels in his government, by stripping him of his key powers, the LinasMarcoussis acknowledges and validates the coup of the rebels. The above observations indicate that the Linas-Marcoussis Round Table is a constitutional coup against President Laurent Gbagbo. In this respect, the organizers of the Linas-Marcoussis Round Table and the Agreement it led to are not encouraging the rebel groups to engage in a disarmament process.

Pierre Mazeaud has been a member of French Constitutional Council from 1998 to 2004, and he was named as President of this institution on February 27, 2004 by President Jacques Chirac.

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This is the main reason why there are challenges in implementing this agreement. In practice, the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement enables the formation of a National Reconciliation Government on 13 March 2003. Progress is also achieved on the militarily front including the signing of a comprehensive agreement on cessation of belligerence acts on May 3, 2003 between the FANCI and the « New Forces »; a halt to the fighting on May 24 and the designation of cantonment sites for ex-combatants. Between Côte d'Ivoire and neighboring countries, a normalization of relationships emerges through the opening of secured transportation corridors to Mali and Burkina Faso. On 4 July 2003, a declaration of the end of the war is signed.

However, the political situation has kept deteriorating because of the difficulties experienced by the Prime Minister of the Reconciliation Government, Seydou Diarra in implementing some provisions of the Linas-Marcoussis including those empowering him to exercise « the powers of the executive ». Since International laws must apply in the observance of the Ivorian Constitution, it is impossible for the President of the Republic of Côte d'Ivoire, the guarantor of the Basic Law of the country, to have himself evicted by his Prime Minister, especially when he realizes that the purpose of the game is to eject him from power. Faced with this deadlock, adjustments are made to the Linas-Marcoussis agreements through other meetings (Accra II Table Round, March 7, 2003 and Accra III, 30 July 2004, Pretoria Agreement I, 5- 6 April 2005 and Pretoria Agreement II, 29 June 2005).

Through these agreements, the rebels become members of the National Reconciliation Government, but they announce they will not disarm on the scheduled date (15 October 2004).

This certifies that the New Forces remain in the logic of violence and rebellion, denying all legal, moral and political basis to the National Reconciliation Government, which is a way of challenging the international community (Bangré Habibou, 2004). It follows that the disarmament of the rebels, which is central to the peace process, is not performed. In his study on the issue of the security sector in Côte d'Ivoire, Arthur Boutellis (2011) noted that the lack of political will on the part of the government and the lack of trust between conflicting parties are the reasons that are often put forth to justify the reluctance of the rebels in integrating the Ivorian security forces and to allow the revival of the disarmament process: « the lack of political will on the part of the government and the failure to build trust between the parties are often cited as the primary reasons for the failure to integrate security forces and launch a successful DDR ahead of the elections » (Boutellis, 2011: 6)3. Such an assessment is inadequate since, for that political will to be expressed and for there to be trust between people who are shooting at each other, the rules enacted to bring them to order should not be suspected of being bias. Meanwhile, the Linas-Marcoussis process supporting the crisis showcases this as demonstrated in our analysis (supra). The lack of disarmament is primarily attributable to the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement whose political calculations failed to find appropriate solutions to the Ivorian socio-political crisis.

As analysis indicates, the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement and all subsequent agreements are jointly validating a constitutional coup in order to supersede the institutions of the Republic of Côte d'Ivoire. This is the logic for understanding the management of the Ivorian crisis. Armed gangs who attacked a sovereign State are legitimized and promoted to the rank of credible interlocutors. This view is shared by Colonel Georges Peillon, a former spokesman for the French Licorne force in Abidjan. This former senior officer of the French army now turned into an entrepreneur acknowledges: « Marcoussis was a fool's bargain; people who were ourcasts were labelled. » (Aujourd’hui, 2015: 8). Under such conditions, it is appropriate to find an alternative solution to resolve this crisis, hence the direct dialogue with the rebellion initiated by the Ivorian president.

Arthur BOUTELLIS is a Senior Policy Analist at the International Peace Institute focusing on peacekeeping operations. Before joing IPI he worked with the United Nations in Burundi (BINUB) in East Africa, Chad and the Central African Republic (MINURCAT) and Haïti (MINUSTA).

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2- The Ouagadougou Political Agreement (APO) and its tedious enforcement The return to a lasting peace is related to the outcome and success of two complementary processes including the DDR process aiming at the disarmament of former combatants and the electoral process with the goal of electing the President of the Republic in 2005. In order to achieve these goals, and learning from previous peace agreements, President Laurent Gbagbo initiates a process of direct dialogue with the rebellion, which brings about the Ouagadougou Political Agreement (APO) signed on 4 March 2007 in the Burkinabe capital under the mediation of President Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso. Above all, the Ouagadougou agreement signifies a process of appropriation by the Ivorians, a process of management of a crisis that hitherto has remained in the hands of the international community. Did this device of peace meet the expectations of the country?

From a general point of view, the APO addresses the following complementary areas: the general identification of the populations; the electoral process; the defense and security forces; the restoration of State authority throughout Côte d'Ivoire; the institutional framework for implementation; measures to consolidate national reconciliation, peace, security and the free movement of people and goods; monitoring mechanisms and consultation. However, in the context of this study, we need to examine the provisions on security and defense to show how the mechanism put in place helps promote the disarmament of the fighting forces.

Particularly concerning the security sector, Chapter 3 of the APO states that « Parties recognize that the national army should be a reflection of the national unity and cohesion and guarantor of the stability of the republican institutions; they have agreed to restructure and rebuild the two armies towards the development of new defense and security forces committed to the values of integrity and republican morality. » To this end, the Agreement puts forth various concrete measures including the establishment of an Integrated Command Centre (CCI) under the joint command of the Chief of Staff of the FANCI and the Chief of Staff of the FAFN (art.3.1). This new body is responsible for unifying the fighting forces and implementing the restructuring measures of the Ivorian Defense and security Forces (art. 3.1.1.). To reach this goal, the CCI has six core missions (art. 3.1.3.), including the development of a defense and security policy, the implementation of a National Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration programme under the supervision of the Impartial Forces. In addition to the above, other measures were taken in 2007 and 2008 including four complementary agreements in order to accelerate enforcement of that Agreement, including the 27 March 2007 Additional Agreement, the 28 November 2007 second and third Additional agreements, the 22 December 2008 fourth Additional Agreement. These additional agreements set new dates for the grouping and disarmament of former combatants, the storage of weapons and the dismantling of militias by 22 December 2007 (APO III, 2007: Article 1).

Recruitment in the Civic Service is also planned over the same period as well as financial measures for the monthly support of the ex-combatants until their integration or reintegration or reinsertion (International Crisis Group, 2008: 15). The fourth Additional Agreement (2008) sets out procedures for carrying out disarmament-related tasks. The question now is whether the signatories agree to apply the provisions of those agreements.

Regarding the latter concern, President Laurent Gbagbo, the guarantor of the unity of the country, takes various steps towards peace: on 17 October 2002, he signs the first act of peace in this crisis, the cease-fire with the rebels for that matter, thus clearly indicating the way to resolve the Ivorian crisis. Added to this are the negotiations that followed (Lomé, Linas-Marcoussis, Accra, Pretoria and Ouagadougou), the 8 August 2003 Amnesty Act and the enforcement of Article 48 of the Ivorian Constitution authorizing exceptionally Alassane Dramane Ouattara and 16

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Henri Konan Bedié to stand for the presidential election, thus testifying to the will of the Ivorian head of state to favor dialogue and compromise in the search for solution. In such a context, the Ouagadougou Political Agreement consolidates the already existing good spirits. The APO is an extra motivation that drives the Head of State to multiply acts of goodwill in the quest for peace.

Thus, on 12 April 2007, that is a month following the signing of the APO, President Gbagbo passes a second amnesty law to further reassure and strengthen the spirit of appeasement. On the military front, he obtains the voluntary disarmament of the vigilante groups called GreatWest Resistance Front (FRGO) in Guiglo on May 19, 2007. In his presence and in the presence of the representatives of the international community, several hundred of war weapons are laid down by FRGO elements and the first flame of peace is lit from the city of Guiglo. The impetus from Guiglo immediately touches on Bouaké which in turn organizes a flame of peace in late June 2007. Other individual measures concerning rank promotion or advancement are then taken towards easing the election environment.

April 2009 is a decisive step in resolving issues on the security of elections. In a statement broadcast on both radio and television on Thursday April 30, 2009, the President of the Republic announces the deployment of 8,000 security officers to secure the presidential election. This quota will be made up of equal number of elements from both the New Forces and the Defense and Security Forces. In deciding to deploy this unit, the Ivorian Head of State only applies Article 3 of the APO Additional Agreement IV pursuant to which three thousand and four hundred (3,400), then six hundred (600) FAFN elements trained to uphold security as part of the Pretoria Agreement be committed to said tasks, alongside the Côte d’Ivoire National Armed Forces (FANCI). In addition, pursuant to Articles 3 and 4 of the fourth APO Additional Agreement, President Gbagbo enables the establishment of Composite Companies for the Security of Election (CMSEs) throughout the national territory (RCI Minidef, 2009). Such composite companies are made up of elements from the « New Forces », gendarmes and policemen from the regular forces. They are tasked to secure rallies and political meetings, to secure and protect sites, polls and electoral rights of way, to maintain order, to protect individuals and authorities. On the inauguration day of President-elect, the mission of the CMSEs ends. Willing to build trust between the former rebels and the government of Côte d'Ivoire, the Ivorian Head of State grants (RCI, 2009) admission of 300 elements from the « Armed Forces of the New Forces, FAFN » in the National Police School as of the academic year 2010. This unusual step is made pursuant to Article 6 of the Pretoria Agreement recommending the recruitment of FAFN trainee non-commissioned officers in the National Gendarmerie. In the same vein and enforcing the fourth Ouagadougou Additional Agreement, the President of the Republic takes a decree (RCI, 2009) granting three thousand four hundred (3,400) elements of the « Armed Forces of the New Forces, FAFN » the status of volunteer in the National Gendarmerie and Police forces. Six hundred (600) other elements (Pretoria Agreement) participate in election security missions. This quota receives a flat monthly allowance of 50,000 francs CFA (about $ 100).

Complementing security measures, mixed brigades of gendarmerie and mixed police stations made up of officers from both forces were deployed in various localities in the country. It should be recalled that as part of its operations, the Integrated Command Centre (CCI) is theoretically made up of eight thousand (8,000) men. In compliance with Article 3 of Additional Agreement IV, half of this total number is to be provided by the « New Forces ». Shortly before the election, 13 mixed gendarmerie brigades are activated, with a staff of 315 agents over 390 planned. For mixed police stations, 12 are activated with a total workforce of 613 staff over 840 planned.

Alongside the establishment of such mixed units, other important units of the National Police are deployed in areas at risk including the cities of Abengourou, Agboville, Bouna, Daloa, Divo, Duékoué, Gagnoa, San Pedro, Soubré which often experience tensions between populations under normal circumstances. In an often overheated electoral context, the risks are even greater.

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It is then necessary to provide a safety tool that can contain possible clashes. Therefore, specialized police units are set up in some regions. This is the case in Divo where a Republican Security Company (CRS) is inaugurated on August 23, 2010. This National Police unit specializing in keeping public order is limited in number in the country. Emergency units including Fire Brigade are already activated in San Pedro, Gagnoa and in the Northern Highway in the town of Nzianouan. Establishing such bodies aims at securing the October 31 presidential election and other upcoming elections.

In view of the above, it should be noted that contrary to the argument that there is a lack of political will and confidence in the management of the crisis (Boutellis 2011, op.cit), President Gbagbo got fully committed in implementing his share of the Ouagadougou Political Agreement. However, despite efforts towards ensuring a peaceful environment, there are still concerns about the election as rebel groups have still not disarmed two months into elections.

This finding is also shared by Boutellis who points out that « Disarmament had always been a contentious issue. Weapons are often considered an insurance policy by former rebel movements, and in negotiations the Force Nouvelles conditioned their disarmament on both the identification of the population as well as the integration (numbers and ranks) of forces (Boutellis, 2011: 10).

In reality, disarming rebel groups is a recurrent concern with no real solution. On the eve of the presidential election, update of the disarmament as claimed by the « new forces » is as follows: in 32,777 profiled or registered ex-combatants, 17,119 are demobilized, 5,000 are Volunteers for the National Army (VAN) 4,000 are planned or engaged in mixed security forces. Thus, the demobilized, the VAN and the elements of mixed security forces represent a total of 26,119 men who have theoretically disarmed. In reality, this is much less because in 5,000 VAN, only 2,560 are real and in 4,000 security officers, half of them are neither operational nor deployed. It is therefore 21,679 (17,119 + 2,560 + 2,000) ex-combatants that have been disarmed (CCI, August 2010). ». These figures show that we are off the mark because one remembers that in the midst of the crisis, the leaders of the rebellion announced a staff of 35,000 to 40,000 men in their ranks. With what we are witnessing, one can assess the extent of the overstatement as the Integrated Command Centre cannot meet the required quota to be sent to brigades and mixed police stations as demanded to « new forces », to be assigned to mixed Gendarmerie brigade and police stations. Furthermore, the scheduled deadlines of the premium or direct assistance amounting to 500,000 CFA francs ($ 1,000) that should be paid to the demobilized in full settlement fail to be met.

Finally, the process of disarming ex-combatants of the « New Forces » did not yield the expected results. Right from the symbolic « Flame of Peace » operation in Bouaké (July 2007) to the first round of the presidential election in October 2010, theoretically 11,098 (32,777 - 21,679) excombatants were yet to be disarmed, which represents a significant war force. In light of such an achievement, one may rightly question the involvement of the UN whose special representative present in the country is handling the crisis.

II-

The involvement of the United Nations Organization and its impact on disarmament The United Nations intervene in the Ivorian crisis through resolutions, declarations and especially through a country-based operational body: the United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI). The UN has expressed support and solidarity to Côte d'Ivoire under other circumstances; however, in the context of the 2002 crisis, 4 February 2003 Resolution 1464 marks the starting point of its intervention. A consideration of UN resolutions on the Ivorian crisis, however, confirms that beyond the hope it raised, the supranational organization adopted measures that legitimized the rebellion, weakened Ivorian institutions and subsequently brought

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about the downfall of President Laurent Gbagbo’s regime and its replacement by the houphouetist coalition (April 2011).

1- Legitimating rebel groups Since its creation at the end of World War II, the UN have been playing a role in maintaining peace and security in the world. In Africa where crises are recurrent, the supranational organization is very active on all armed or unarmed conflict fronts in order to restore peace. In the Ivorian dispute, the UN have not deviated from their mission. But for a long time, its intervention in Côte d’Ivoire will continue to be questioned. Authors from various specialties have examined the UN’s role in the Ivorian crisis through books or articles. The contribution of the Côte d’Ivoire national Jean-Jacques Konadjé is one of the most recent ones (2014) on this subject. In his approach, the author places the UN intervention in Côte d’Ivoire within the context of its international mission, recalling the UN's response procedures in conflicts. Then, he presents the Ivorian crisis through its historical foundations lying in the ruling of the first head of state Felix Houphouet-Boigny. He makes reference to the contradictions of the Houphouetist system. He describes the military and political crisis the country faced from 2002 to 2010 as an intrastate crisis. For this researcher, « unlike the interstate conflict between the armies of two states, the Ivorian crisis pitted the Ivorian citizens », hence its peculiar nature (Konadjé, 2014: 92). He continues by stating that the UN intervened in the Ivorian conflict because « the ability of France which is a country involved in the conflict as a neutral country, was limited, especially if the crisis persists. » He then adds that an anti-French sentiment was growing among the Ivorian people, especially after the signing of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. These antiFrench demonstrations were seen as a desire for emancipation vis-à-vis the former colonial power (Konadjé, 2014: 93). The author also claims that the UN intervention slowed down the escalation of violence in the country.

Beyond this point and also beyond the documentary and educational interest of the work by this researcher, the way he describes the war in Côte d’Ivoire raises questions. Indeed, is the fact that Ivorian armed groups are firing at each other on the national territory enough to describe the conflict in the country as an « intra-state » conflict? The Ivorian conflict remains all the more complex as one wonders who provided weapons to armed groups for them to attack a sovereign State. Where and how did those armed groups get formed? Who are their financial, political or diplomatic supports? For us, answering these interrogations will help qualify the Ivorian conflict.

In addition, the media hype orchestrated by the international media to tarnish the image of the Ivorian regime and direct pronouncements by leaders from some African and Western countries show that the direct exchanges of Kalashnikov gunshots between soldiers on a physical military theater are not sufficient to restrict this conflict in the sphere of the Ivorian territory alone.

As far as we are concerned, Jean-Jacques Konadjé published his book three years following the post-electoral phase of the Ivorian conflict. Given the abundance of available sources on the Ivorian crisis, he knows the facts as they truly occurred in Côte d’Ivoire. In addition, the real sponsors of the Ivorian drama now appear openly since the fall of the Gbagbo regime.

Therefore, a number of parameters need to be taken into account while processing conflictrelated facts. Certainly military oppositions took place on the Ivorian territory and some civilian or military officials of the rebellion are Côte d’Ivoire nationals. However, reports of all nongovernmental organizations on the conflict, those of the UN itself prove that Burkina Faso served as a rear base for rebels and war weapons were provided to those rebels from Burkina Faso. In addition, support from some European countries to the rebels and the Houphouetists (the Group of 7 or G7) is also proven as evidenced by the designing, conduct and findings (supra) of the Linas-Marcoussis conference as well as « the very controversial position of France in the 19

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conflict » (Konadjé, ditto: 95). Ivorians expressed discontent through demonstrations when they realized that France which is the principal ally of their country was not so neutral in this unique conflict, which is far from a desire of emancipation vis-à-vis any former colonial power.

Besides, during the post electoral phase of the conflict, the French army got committed to the « New Forces » for the fall of Preident Gbagbo’s regime based on Resolution 1975 by the UN Security Council of 30 March 2011. Aside this, all « New Forces » political leaders, without exception, became leading members of the RDR, Alassane Ouattara’s party. In the December 2011 parliamentary elections, former rebels Guillaume Soro, Moussa Dosso, Alain Lobognon and many others ran under the banner of the RDR and not as representatives of the « New Forces ». The sudden disappearance of the « New Forces » and subsequent merging into the RDR right after the fall of Gbagbo’s regime mean that those armed groups were actually on a destabilization mission on behalf of that party. In February 2012, on the occasion of the first visit of Alassane Ouattara to France, President Nicolas Sarkozy of the French Republic welcomes the return of the Houphouetist governance system in Côte d’Ivoire in a vibrant tribute to his friend, the new Ivorian head of State. These are indications that the Ivorian conflict was not a concern to Ivorian citizens alone. Although external states involved are not theaters of armed clashes, they were actually involved in the conflict. And because those invisible actors operated under shadows, the role of the UN remained complex during the crisis.

It should be noted that the decisions taken by the Security Council contributed to legitimizing the rebellion. By the time the UN gets involved in the Ivorian crisis in 2003, the first Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) summit on the issue was held in Accra (29 September 2002); in the same trend, the Linas-Marcoussis conference (24 January 2003) made findings known. The UN then endorses the findings of these two meetings. In all its resolutions, the supranational organization affirms its commitment to the sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of Côte d'Ivoire; yet it fails to take a consistent stance against the armed groups that attacked a sovereign State. On the contrary, those informal armed groups are called « political forces » (Res.1527 of February 4, 2004), meaning they are granted the same legal consideration as are Ivorian legally constituted political parties. Furthermore, instead of requiring the restoration of the State authority throughout the Ivorian territory, the UN makes mention of a transition period in Côte d'Ivoire (rés.1479 7). In this spirit, the Security Council decides to establish a political liaison office in Côte d’Ivoire, the United Nations Mission in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI) complementing the French forces in order to facilitate the implementation of the Linas Marcoussis Agreement (Rés.1479, 2, 3, 5) and to prepare ahead of that political transition in the country. In 2004 the MINUCI is replaced by the United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI) staffing 6,240 soldiers as well as 350 civilian police force (Res. 1528 of 27 February 2004). The UN presence comforts rebel groups who have already been enjoying unspoken support from French authorities (Linas-Marcoussis, 2003).

From our point of view, the difficulty experienced by the UN lies in the fact that all Security Council resolutions on the Ivorian crisis are initiated by France (Boutellis, op. Cit). How could the then French government, visibly backing the rebels Group, objectively defend the positions of that side in this conflict? We believe that UN Security Council resolutions which are supposed to reflect the required neutrality rather reflect the French position throughout the management of this crisis. This is the rationale behind the fact that despite condemnations for form’s sake by the Security Council and the UNOCI military build-up, the Ivorian rebellion is convinced of support from the international community. Therefore, the Ivorian rebellion’s attitude never wavered in the direction of disarmament. Its members kept maintaining the country divided into two and multiplying acts of violence. This results in a weakening of the country’s institutions.

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2- The weakening of institutions and the subsequent fall of the regime UN resolutions also contributed to the weakening of state institutions. These include resolution 1572 of 15 November 2004 imposing an embargo on Côte d'Ivoire following a military operation launched by loyalist forces targeting the city of Bouaké, the stronghold of the rebellion from 4 to 6 November 2004 and resolution 1633 of 21 October 2005 establishing an international Working Group (IWG) responsible for legislating on behalf of the Ivorian Parliament and for organizing presidential elections in October 31, 2006. In a context in which the international community is expected to actually disarm rebels and restore the authority of that State, the Ivorian populations failed to warmly welcome such resolutions. Certainly Resolution 1633 also requires the disarmament of the New Forces, which was never done.

In addition, the fall of the Ivorian regime occurs on April 11, 2011 following intense bombing of the regular forces and the official residence of the Ivorian Head of State by a military coalition made up of the rebel army, the French forces and the forces of the United Nations Operations in Côte d'Ivoire (rés.1975 March 30, 2011. What gave way to this situation is the second round of the presidential election (28 November 2010) meant to restore peace. The outcomes are contested by both candidates Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara. On the one hand, the Constitutional Council which is the highest court legally empowered to proclaim the final results of the election in the country, proclaims Gbagbo victorious and inaugurates him in accordance with the law. On the other, the president of the Independent Electoral Commission responsible for proclaiming the provisional results of the election experienced a foreclosure; but he was against all odds seen on the state television at the campaign headquarters of the candidate who lost the election and there, he calls on not the national media, but only the international press, and announces figures according to which Alassane Ouattara is the actual winner of that election. The controversy takes on another dimension when the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General in Côte d'Ivoire, You Jin Choi who admits the victory of the candidate proclaimed as a looser by the Constitutional Council which is the highest court in the land.

Immediately, the Western media relay the information to their various networks. This new situation plunges the country back into uncertainty.

Facing the imbroglio, President Laurent Gbagbo offers a peaceful solution in a broadcast message to the nation on December 31, 2010 as follows: « We need to understand how the year 2010 which was announced as the year of election, the year that ends the crisis is ending in perplexity. While Ivorians are suffering the violence of an armed rebellion internally, they are the subject of an international hostility since the announcement of the results of the presidential election on 28 November 2010. This is unfair! We question the attitude of the international community towards us; an attitude never experienced anywhere else during an internal political crisis within a State ... Therefore, I am proposing an evaluation committee in charge of establishing the facts and the truth about the elections in Côte d'Ivoire. I am confident the truth will triumph. We have the right and the truth with us. » President Gbagbo’s call is rejected by the international community. The UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-Moon even states publicly that the recounting of the votes as proposed by President Gbagbo is an « injustice done to Ouattara »; meanwhile the UN had just accepted a recount of votes in Haiti.

Finally, the international community chooses a military approach as a solution to the problem.

One notices that it took ten years (2002-2011) to the coalition of Houphouetists to achieve the longest coup in the Ivorian political history. Meanwhile, this outcome is as a result of Resolution 1975 of 30 March 2011 being used as the official umbrella to trigger the final assault against the army and the Ivorian regime. In the end, the rebel groups that do not disarm are promoted from 21

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the rebellion to the state power. This is apparent from the testimony by French Colonel Georges Peillon « until the 2010 events and the arrest (of Gbagbo), I admit that I was amazed; I told myself the bandits are in Abidjan ... But obviously, they had the consent of that famous international community to take power in Abidjan. » (Peillon, 2015: ditto). This situation made the politologist Vincent-Sosthène Fouda saying: "UNO, the organization which speaks in the name of the international Community did not play the role that Ivorians and the public opinion waited from it. The disarmament of the rebels and the introduction of peace in the one of its Member States which is Côte d'Ivoire were not assured. In that, the UN organization with its representation which is the ONUCI is responsible for all the potential skids "(Fouda, 2015: 55).

III- Between ambitions and realities, what solutions for disarmament?

After taking power in April 2011 with military support from the « New Forces » the new Ivorian Head of State, Alassane Ouattara appoints (RCI, 2012) a new administrative and technical body to handle disarmament: the Authority for Disarmament, Demobilization, Reintegration, socioeconomic reintegration (ADDR). The purpose of this body is to restore security, to consolidate peace and national reconciliation. The success of this operation will depend on the lasting peace and security in the country.

1- Ambitions and realities ADDR is the body in charge of disarmament since the signing of the Linas Marcoussis Agreement (2003); it comes after the National Disarmament, Demobilization, Reintegration and Community Rehabilitation (PNDDR / RC) programme established before the Ouagadougou Peace Agreement (March 2007) and the National Reintegration and Community Rehabilitation Programme, PNRRC (ROI 2007: No. 140). Since the authorities who established this new disarmament body were more or less the main rebellion leaders from 2002 to 2010, it's logical for us to expect an acceleration of the process (Kadet, 2014). Pursuant to the DDR policy letter of the Ivorian government (RCI, 2012: ditto), the operation aims at getting back 64,777 excombatants into the Ivorian socio-professional circuit from 2013 to 2014 after their disarmament. Before the electoral dispute-related events in December 2010, 32,777 former rebels were eligible to DDR; 9,000 of those former rebels were directly integrated into the army and the paramilitary forces in accordance with the Ouagadougou Peace Agreement. 23,777 armed ex-combatants are remaining. During the same period, 22,898 elements from self-defense militia groups were taken into account by the DDR program, making a total workforce of 46,675 eligible former combatants between 2007 and 2010, with another group of 18,102 post-election fighters. These two figures bring the number to 64,777 eligible ex-combatants to DDR in 2013 and 2014.

To achieve this objective, the aim of operational areas are summarized in the following concrete actions: to prepare ex-combatants to return to civilian life; to group, to disarm and to demobilize former combatants; to repatriate exiled ex-combatants and alien ex-combatants non-residents in Ivory Coast; to reintegrate ex-combatants in the socio-economic fabric; to rehabilitate the social and economic infrastructure of the ex-combatants’ host communities.

The operation targets ex-combatants who participated under various groups into the consecutive armed conflicts as a result of the September 2002 events or those of the post-electoral crisis from December 2010 to April 2011. This includes the ex- fighters from the rebel « New Forces », who are not included in the new Ivorian army now called « Côte d’Ivoire Republican Forces or FRCI » (RCI, 2011); soldiers from the Ivorian regular army, the National Armed Forces of Côte d'Ivoire or FANCI who are not members of the FRCI; ex-combatant members of traditional 22

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armed groups; persons associated with FRCI; ex-combatants from self-defense groups; alien excombatants living in Côte d’Ivoire; non-resident alien ex-combatants in Côte d’Ivoire that must be repatriated; exiled Ivorian ex-combatants that must be repatriated.

In reviewing the list of targets involved in the disarmament, we can deduce that the concern of Ouattara’s government is to cast a wide net, taking into account all the forces that, at one time or the other, played a role in the armed conflicts that destabilized Côte d’Ivoire over the past decade.

For the year 2013, a first batch of 30,000 ex-combatants is offered socio-professional integration opportunities. When ex-combatants are grouped in a reception center then disarmed, those who meet the criteria for recruitment in the army, the police or the gendarmerie integrate those institutions. The others receive specialized training leading to jobs in various industries including pastoralist jobs, prison guards, craft workers, private security officers, customs officers, Water Resources and Forestry Service employees, drivers in public or private transport. Finally, other former combatants simply go back to school to resume their studies. All those integration projects are funded by UN agencies including UNDP and UNOCI. In fact and although disarmament operations cover the entire country, the northern part is the place where the first committed projects yield measurable results. In the Savannah District (Korhogo) for instance, 1,930 ex-combatants are reintegrated into the various vocational courses, being 49.55% of the target in that administrative district (Doumbia, 2013: 6). In addition, as part of the 10,065 craft workers’ project, 789 ex-combatants are currently undergoing training in Bouaké on behalf of this district and that of Denguelé (Odienné). In the other Ivorian conflictprone regions, the DDR is still in the process of informing and raising the awareness of the excombatants involved. According to Alassane Ouattara, Ivorian Head of State, 10,000 excombatants have been effectively demobilized at the current stage of project implementation, being 15.43% of the total workforce. On the disarmament and reintegration of the remaining 55,000 former combatants, an investment of 90 billion CFA francs or $ 150 million is required (Soir Info No. 5706, 2013: 2; Inter No. 4597, 2013: 2). Rather than looking at the financial difficulties of the State, what if the disarmament problem was to be found in the very behavior of the rebellion?

2- How to overcome challenges ?

Implementing the disarmament of the ex-combatants is facing a two-fold resistance: firstly, the reluctance of former warlords and secondly, the influence of traditional « Dozo4 » hunters who are auxiliaries to the Republican Forces of Côte d'Ivoire, FRCI (Amnesty International, 2013: 16).

The first challenge facing the disarmament process lies in the warlords whose attitude has become vicious since the change of regime in Côte d'Ivoire. The former rebel leaders who were undertaking illegal exploitations in the North of Côte d’Ivoire from 2002 to 2010 are now in Abidjan, the economic capital of the country thanks to the post-electoral crisis from December 2010 to April 2011. Although they have all been promoted to positions of responsibility in the Ivorian administration since the advent of Alassane Ouattara, those warlords have not given up “Dozo” refers to traditional hunters, especially big game and wild beasts hunters. They are an important traditional brotherhood in the Mandingo space covering part of the territories of Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Sierra Leone, Senegal and Côte d’Ivoire. Ivorian rebellion utilized the “Milicia Dozo” as Fode Sankoh’s Kamajors during Sierra Leone Civilian war.

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the illegal exploitation of the country's economic resources particularly the gold and diamond mines in lieu of official State bodies. For this purpose, they establish parallel armies that control the major cities and the whole country as noted by the UN experts group: « At present, within the regular FRCI force, there is a parallel body on which the security system relies for any effective intervention » (United Nations, S / 2013/605: 8). For instance, the city of Korhogo in the north of the country has been under the exclusive control of the immovable warlord Fofié Kouakou since 2002. The Abidjan metropolis in the south is divided between the warlords Issiaka Ouattara alias Wattao (removed from office in August 2014), Cherif Ousmane, Koné Zakaria, Touré Hervé alias Vetcho and Jah Gao. These former rebel leaders have advantageously placed their men at strategic places that they scour for their personal profit in the Abidjan metropolis and within the country. Thus, Hervé Touré alias Vetcho and his men control the south-east of the country starting from the town of Grand-Bassam down to the town of Noé close to the border with Ghana. In the Central West, the town of Issia and its surroundings are the preserve of warlord Losseni Fofana and his men. In the southwest, San Pedro port city is exploited by Bema Ouattara, a henchman of Wattao according to investigations by weekly Jeune Afrique (LNC No. 879, 2013: 2). Warlord Issiaka Ouattara alias Wattao justified the presence of the parallel forces of FRCI saying: «The elements we are telling you about are my best elements. They are ready to do the job. As regards their index numbers, I am in discussion with the Chief of Staff to study the case of those hundreds of elements. What you need to know is that many elements are not serious with work. And I am against this boycott that I rather denounce.

You have to understand once and for all that those soldiers known as soldiers without index numbers are those providing security to millions in Abidjan. We should therefore celebrate and congratulate them. I am proud of them. » (United Nations, S / 2013/605: 52).

Actually, those auxiliaries FRCIs work on behalf of their leaders and not in the interest of the Ivorian state they are expected to serve. Faced with such situations, the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Authority (ADDR) is powerless. The impotence of the body in charge of disarmament raises uncertainties about the future of the very process; this is confirmed by the report of the UN Panel of Experts in item 6, on the situation in Côte d’Ivoire: « As regards the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process, the Panel believes Government may not be able to achieve the goals set out in resolution 2112 (2013) namely the disarmament and reintegration of 30,000 ex-combatants by the end of 2013. From reliable sources, 9,422 soldiers were demobilized on 5 September and 9,600 weapons were collected. The Panel notices that zone commanders continue to exert a strong influence on the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process to the extent that they appoint the soldiers that need to be considered for demobilization and disarmament operations. Those commanders are capable of maintaining control over military networks inside and outside the Republican Forces of Côte d'Ivoire (FRCI) and by so doing, they are serving their own financial, military and political interests. The Panel is concerned about this situation as those bodies influence the handling of security conditions and do not systematically report to the FRCI through the appropriate channels. » (United Nations, S / 2013/605: 4) It is no secret that the current Ivorian regime is indebted to those warlords who form its backbone. But at the same time, this is a kind of organized mafia that illegally exploits the country's resources. Since 2002, the Alassane Ouattara regime has proved unable to fight the predation that has been going on for thirteen years. It is high time the UN whose experts regularly produce reports on the situation in Côte d’Ivoire took concrete measures to deter those warlords and salvage the common resources of the country.

The second difficulty in the implementation of disarmament in Côte d'Ivoire is the influence of the auxiliary « Dozos ». Originally, this term refers to traditional hunters, especially big game and wild beasts hunters. In the Mandingo space covering part of the territories of Mali, Guinea, 24

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Burkina Faso, Sierra Leone, Senegal and Côte d’Ivoire, the « Dozos » are an important traditional brotherhood. Those operating in Côte d'Ivoire hail mainly from Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Sierra Leone. The collective memory recalls Sam Bukari and Fode Sankoh’s Kamajors or Sierra Leoneans « Dozos », notorious fighters during the civil war in that country whose brotherhood members are utilized in the Ivorian rebellion.

The general weakening of regular security forces following the military coup (1999) and the rebel war (2002-2010) revealed the « Dozos » as fighters, first within Guillaume Soro’s rebel troops (New Forces), then as auxiliaries to the pro-Ouattara forces as they enabled him to take power by force in April 2011. Since that date, the « Dozos » numbering 6,000 men to date are the backbone of the new Ivorian army called the Republican Forces of Côte d'Ivoire (2011) with leading figures such as Zakaria Koné, Cherif Ousmane who do not hesitate to claim membership of the brotherhood.

Despite the good image they enjoy, the « Dozos » who are everywhere in Côte d’Ivoire are both a source of public insecurity and an obstacle to the disarmament of armed groups. Claiming that the fact of possessing firearms is a cultural trait of their community, the « Dozos » refuse to disarm. Their position seems all the more reinforced as it is encouraged by the current regime that uses them as militia parallel to regular forces as evidenced by Hamed Bakayoko, the Minister of the Interior of the Ivorian government: « Our country has experienced a war and during that war, the Dozos contributed to the liberation of the country. I would like to thank them. There is no shame in acknowledging and assuming this because this is the truth. So the State of Côte d’Ivoire is not ashamed of admitting this, of assuming and saying thank you ... We count on you, we know that if you are well organized, you can help President Alassane Ouattara succeed in this mission ... » (LNC, 2012: 2).

In all Ivorian cities and most remote villages, members of the « Dozos » brotherhood set up roadblocks on pathways despite calls from government (RCI, PR / MPRCD / MEMI, 2012 : No. 4347). They often do not hesitate to assume the right to disarm elements of the regular forces at some roadblocks (Le Jour Plus, 2013: 8). Although they are indexed in all UN and NGOs reports for serious violation of human rights (Amnesty International, 2013: 15, 39-50), members of that brotherhood are not called to order and this is happening less than one year into the next presidential elections in the country slated for October 2015. Without an aggressive security clean-up policy consisting in taking weapons away from those tribal militias and sending them back to their original home, the Ivorian people will not enjoy serenity. Certainly, one cannot prevent human mobility, and therefore the Dozos have the right to move throughout Côte d'Ivoire; however, every citizen should be able to feel free with the assurance that they will not be assaulted by non conventional parallel forces.

As it stands, the disarmament issue is far from resolved since former rebel members refuse to get rid of their bad habits. Owing to difficulties inherent in the nature of a regime whose highest authorities consist of former warlords, there are serious doubts on the success of this process which is however long awaited by the country. The concern of Ivorians is all the more justified as the head of the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Authority, Fidèle Sarasoro himself was a victim of an assault with heavy weapons perpetrated by those parallel forces in July 2013 on the Ferkessédougou-Kong road in northern Côte d’Ivoire, a stronghold of the former rebels (United Nations, S / 2013/605: 6). Also, during the last quarter of 2015, Côte d’Ivoire will once again be engaged in an electoral process while significant quantities of war weapons are still held by uncontrolled armed gangs. The DDR Authority head seeks assistance from former militia leaders in order to speed up the disarmament of such groups (Inter Abidjan, 2015: 4). The 25

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necessary appeal to these groups, however, should be extended to the Dozo tribal militias which are true destructive weapons and whose disarmament will continue to undermine the security sector.

Conclusion The aim of this study is to show that despite the existence of international peace tools supporting the peace restoration process in Côte d'Ivoire, rebel groups that took up weapons against the country in 2002 have so far not disarmed. In the search for elements justifying this development, our analysis examined political mechanisms for managing the security aspect of the Ivorian conflict so as to identify deadlocks. It also highlighted efforts by protagonists to domesticate those tools before questioning the issue of disarmament. What can we learn from these inventories? Compiling available data reveals that the rationale behind the resolution of the Ivorian conflict failed to bring about the disarmament of rebel groups. In fact, the resolution of this crisis happens to be the disclosure of a game of interests. On the International scene, external actors (ECOWAS, AU, France, the UN) endorsed agreements whose contents fail to tally with the Ivorian institutional realities. In a way, those agreements are perceived by Ivorians as measures to validate what the rebellion failed to have with their weapons. The causes of the crystallization of Ivorians’ frustrations lie in the Linas-Marcoussis Round Table whose resolutions constitute a form of celebration of the armed violence. Due to the complicit silence observed by the international community vis-à-vis the armed groups, national institutions have been discredited throughout this crisis. In April 2011, after a decade of prevarication, the conclusion is that the resolution of the Ivorian crisis confirms that the political and diplomatic dialogue is subordinated to the armed violence. However, a consideration of the acts of peace posed by the conflicting parties in accordance with the various crisis agreements certifies that President Laurent Gbagbo applied his share of the political compromise. However, this was not the case with the rebels who display a defiant posture vis-à-vis national institutions and the international community. Indeed, rebel groups have continued to enjoy political dividends from this crisis by maintaining the country under division since 2002. They have never really agreed to lay down their weapons which serve as a means of political pressure. Comforted by the passivity of the international community during the crisis, rebel groups have led this latter to develop a biased reading of the Ivorian situation. This dynamic is indeed sustained by procedures legitimating the rebellion, procedures that can be perceived through the controversy of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement and subsequent agreements, the weakening of Ivorian institutions and, ultimately, the victory of the coalition of the Houphouetists supported by the France-UN forces in April 2011.

Although they are ultimately on power, rebel groups continue to hold weapons in particular through the tribal militias and warlords. In this process, the presence of France which is a permanent member of the Security Council was instrumental, so much so that one is wondering if the UN that worked on this outcome were not enrolled in an insider trading. Beyond this question, the persistent refusal to disarm by rebel groups and their auxiliaries « Dozo militia » in the country continues to raise concerns among populations. The United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI) and France are still in place. It is their duty to bring those groups to order. In any event, the Ivorian situation raises the broader issue of the management of armed conflicts in Africa. Similar cases are ongoing in Africa especially in Mali, in Central African Republic and in Nigeria. Those are armed conflict-torn states and some of them are engaged in similar processes requiring the involvement of external actors. Should the Ivorian case serve as an example, then the neutrality of external actors as regards the management of the conflict remains an interrogation towards a lasting peace and security on the continent.

References 26

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1- Amnesty International (2013). Côte d’Ivoire : la loi des vainqueurs. La situation des droits humains deux ans après la crise postélectorale, Royaume Uni, Février, pp. 15-16, 39-50.

2- Bangré Habibou (2004) : « Côte d’Ivoire : le processus de paix à la dérive » Journal Afrik, (en ligne), 18 octobre 2004.

3- Blé Kessé A. (2005). La Côte d’Ivoire en guerre. Le sens de l’imposture française, Paris, L’Harmattan, pp. 118-119.

4- Boutellis, A. (2011). The Security Sector in Côte d’Ivoire: A Source of Conflict and a Key to Peace, New York: International Peace Institute, May. 17 p 5- Brou Ph., 2013. Comment les comzones continuent de piller la Côte d’Ivoire, in Le Nouveau Courrier n°879 du lundi 16 Septembre, p.2. Voir aussi Jeune Afrique n°2749, du 15-21 Septembre 2013.

6- Doumbia, Y (2013). Démobilisation et réintégration, 3895 ex-combattants déjà pris en compte dans le district des Savanes. In L’inter d’Abidjan n°4588 du mercredi 18 septembre, p. 6.

7- Fouda V- S (2015). Le procès de Laurent Gbagbo, Côte d’Ivoire, l’Afrique face à son destin, Paris, L’Harmattan, p.55.

8- Gramizzi C., Damian M. (2003). La crise ivoirienne de la tentative de coup d’Etat au Gouvernement de Réconciliation nationale, Rapport du GRIP, 2003, p. 10.

9- International Crisis Group (2007). Côte d’Ivoire : faut-il croire à l’Accord de Ouagadougou ?

Rapport Afrique, n°127, 27 juin 2007, p. 10.

10- (2008) : Côte d’Ivoire : garantir un processus électoral crédible, Rapport Afrique n°139, 22 avril, p.

15.

11- Kadet G.B (2011). La politique de défense et de sécurité de la Côte d’Ivoire. Paris, L’Harmattan, pp. 193-237.

12- Kadet G.B. (2014). Rébellions et sécurité urbaine en Afrique de l’Ouest. Revue Géopolitique Africaine, Paris, n°51 Deuxième trimestre.

13- Konadjé J.- J. (2014). L’ONU et le conflit ivoirien, Les enjeux géopolitiques de l’intervention 2002-2010, Paris, L’Harmattan, pp. 92-93.

14- L’Inter d’Abidjan (2015). Adhésion au processus DDR, Maho Glofiéi lance un appel pressant aux ex-combattants, L’inter N°5016, 28 février -1er mars, p.4.

15- Le Jour Plus (2013). Les dozo veulent désarmer les gendarmes, LJP n°2835 du 17 septembre, p.8 et L’inter d’Abidjan n°4587 du 17 septembre, p.11.

16- Nations Unies (2003). Security Council Resolution 1464, 4 February - (2003). Security Council Resolution 1479, 13 May - (2004). Security Council Resolution 1527, 4 February - (2004). Security Council Resolution 1528, 27 February - (2005). Security Council Resolution 1633, 21 October - (2006). Security Council Resolution 1657, 4 February - (2006). Security Council Resolution 1682, 2 June - (2006). Security Council Resolution 1721, 1 November - (2011). Security Council Resolution 1975, 30 March 17- Nations Unies (2007). Rapport du Secrétaire général des Nations Unies sur la situation en Côte d’Ivoire, en date du 14 mai 2007.

18- Nations Unies, 2013. Rapport de mi-mandat du Groupe d’experts sur la Côte d’Ivoire, établi en application du paragraphe 19 de la résolution 2101 (2013), S/2013/605, pp. 4, 6, 8, 52.

19- Peillon Georges (2015). « Gbagbo, c’est homme d’Etat mais, il était seul ». Dans le film documentaire de Fagiolo N. (2014), le droit à la différence sur Laurent Gbagbo. Propos de l’auteur retranscrit par Séverine Blé, in Aujourd’hui n°850 du 18 mars 2015, pp. 6-8.

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20- République de Côte d’Ivoire (2007). Arrêté N°140 PM/Cab du 18 juin 2007 portant création du Programme National de Réinsertion et de Réhabilitation Communautaire.

(2009). Arrêté ministériel n°0344 du 9 novembre, du Ministre de la défense.

République de Côte d’Ivoire (2009). Décret n°2009-380 du 16 novembre 2009.

(2009). Décret n°2009-381 du 16 novembre 2009.

(2010). Centre de Commandement Intégré : Point sur le désarmement, Document inédit, Yamoussoukro, août 2010.

- (2011). Décret du 17 mars 2011 portant création des Forces Républicaines de Côte d’Ivoire.

- (2012). Circulaire interministérielle N°4347- PR/MPRCD/MEMI du 05 juin relative à la présence de « dozo » aux barrages routiers.

- (2012). Lettre de politique DDR, adoptée par le Conseil National de Sécurité le 02 août, Abidjan, p. 7.

- (2012). Décret N°2012-786 du 08 août 2012 portant création de l’Autorité pour le Désarmement, la Démobilisation, la Réinsertion, la Réintégration socio-économique des ex-combattants.

21- Soir Info (2013). Alassane Ouattara sur BBC, n°5706 du 28 et 29 septembre, p.2. Voir aussi L’inter d’Abidjan n°4597 de la même date, p.2.

22- Toti, F (2012). Mis en cause dans les différents rapports, le régime Ouattara célèbre ses miliciens Dozo : extrait du discours adressé le jeudi 1er novembre 2012 par Hamed Bakayoko, Ministre de l’Intérieur d’Alassane Ouattara, aux différentes confréries Dozo, rassemblées au Centre de Conférence International du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères à Abidjan, commune du Plateau. Le Nouveau Courrier n°644, vendredi 02 novembre, p.2.

23- Union Africaine (2007). Rapport du Président de la Commission de l’Union Africaine sur la situation en Côte d’Ivoire. Conseil de Paix et de Sécurité, 104ème réunion, 19 décembre, AddisAbeba, PSC/PR/2(CIV), p. 6.

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International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences p-ISSN: 1694-2620 e-ISSN: 1694-2639 Volume 2, No 1, pp. 29-39, ŠIJHSS

Faith and Reason Expressed: The Case of Ghana George Anderson Jnr.1 (M. Phil.) & Joseph Oppong2 (PhD.) Department of Religion and Human Values, University of Cape Coast, University Post Office Cape Coast, Ghana, West Africa.

Email: georgeanderson58@yahoo.com Abstract It is sometimes difficult to acquire the right answers in solving the problems of life. In this regard, many people wallow in the quagmire of confusion in their quest to get answers to the problems that confront them in life. Largely, this state of confusion emanates from one making a choice amid two alternatives that are capable of rendering solution. The two alternatives that seem to be capable in this context are faith and reason. Whereas some people advocate for only faith, others advocate for only reason to be the independent approaches to solving human problems respectively. Nevertheless, the question is, can faith or reason alone solve oneâ€&#x;s problems in the midst of the existential factors in the Ghanaian context? By joining this debate, the paper examines the expressions of faith and of reason on separate terminus taking inspirations from the Ghanaian perspective. The paper argues that in finding answers to problems of life, Ghanaians must not depend on only faith or on only reason. Rather, they must blend both faith and reason inasmuch as they are confronted with daily issues of life. This is because issues that operate on the terminus of faith alone (religion) on one side of the coin and that of reason alone on the other side of the coin are complex and delicate to human existence.

Keywords: Faith, Reason, Ghana

Introduction: Faith and reason are both necessary for the human person to understand reality and live properly3 The issue of faith and reason has been a topical one from antiquity to postmodern times.

Traditionally, faith and reason have each been considered by some people to be sources of George Anderson Jnr. is a Senior Research Assistant in the Department of Religion and Human Values, University of Cape Coast in the section of Ethics and Society. His research interests are in the area of Philosophy of Religion, Akan Ethics, Humanistic Ethics, Logic, and Penteco-Charismatic Church Studies.

2 Joseph Oppong is a Lecturer in the area of the study of Ethics and Society in the Department of Religion and Human Values at the University of Cape Coast, Cape Coast, Ghana West Africa.

1

3

See John Paul II, (1998). Fides et Ratio: On the relationship between faith and reason. Washington, DC: United States Catholic Conference.

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justification for religious belief. This is because both (faith and reason) can ostensibly serve the same epistemic function. For this reason, it has been a matter of much interest to philosophers and theologians in view of how the two are related and thus how the rational agent should treat claims derived from either source. Many scientists, theologians and philosophers have argued that religious faith and logical reason are not compatible. Some scientists and humanists have further suggested that natural reason alone is sufficient to provide human beings with answers to questions about the meaning or purpose of human existence4. Notwithstanding the above claims however, in Ghana today, it is obvious that majority of Ghanaians who are faced with difficulties get confused. Their confusion to some degree emanates from the fact that they do not know from which of the two alternatives (faith and reason) the one that will yield them solutions to their problems. At times, when this confusion becomes so acute, the only means one resorts to is faith (religion) forgetting if not, completely about “reason”. Nevertheless, by taking into consideration the general idea that has been espoused above, this paper takes inspirations from the Ghanaian context and examines how faith and reason are expressed. By so doing, the paper suggests how and when faith and reason could be employed in solving problems of life.

Ghana as a Study Area The study area is Ghana. The Republic of Ghana lies almost in the centre of the countries along the Gulf of Guinea (the West African coast). Its southern coast extends between latitudes 4½° North at Cape Three Points and 6½° North in the extreme east and is thus not far from the Equator. From the coast, the country extends inland to about latitude 11° North covering a distance of 672 kilometres from South to North. The distance across the widest part from east to west measures 536 kilometres. The country has a total land area of 239,460 square kilometres.

To the east of Ghana lies the Republic of Togo, beyond which are Benin and Nigeria. On the west is La Côte d'Ivoire and on the north is Burkina Faso. Ghana‟s coastline is 560 kilometres of mainly sandy beaches. According to the year 2010 Population and Housing Census, it was estimated that Ghana has a population of about twenty-four million, six hundred and fifty-eight thousand, eight hundred and twenty three (24,658,823) people. Out of the 24,658,823 people, 71.2% of the population professes the Christian faith, 17.6% are Muslims, 5.2% are adherents of traditional African religion and 5.3% do not belong to any religion5. Inferring from the statistics on the religiosity of Ghanaians, there is reason to examine how Ghanaians apply faith and reason in dealing with issues of life.

A Look at Faith It is difficult to comprehend faith or the notion of religious faith to its fullest terms. Tavani (2008) writes that generally if one were to look up the term “faith” in a dictionary, she (sic) would likely encounter a definition that included terms such as “confidence” or “trust” – for instance, “confidence or trust in a person or thing”6. He adds that a close examination of the notion of religious faith reveals at least two different senses that offer a clearer comprehension of the subject. The two different senses have to do with faith as an act, and, faith in terms of its content. Tavani (2008) posits that primarily, the two aspects of faith might seem to be inseparable.

4

Tavani, H. T. (2008). The classic debate on the relationship between faith and reason: Some contemporary challenges from the perspectives of relativism and postmodernism. InSight: Rivier Academic Journal, 4(1), p. 1.

See, for example, Wilson, E. O. (1998). Consilience: The unity of knowledge. New York: Vintage Books.

5 Land and people of Ghana, see: http://www.ghc-ca.com/frm-e-land-people.html, accessed on 27th February, 2014. See: Ghana Statistical Service (May, 2012). 2010 Population and housing census: Summary report of final results. Accra: Ghana Statistical Service.

6 See, for example, the Random House Dictionary of the English Language (New York: Random House, 1968).

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For example, the content of one‟s faith (i.e., the principles, doctrines, and articles that comprise a certain faith) might well inform an individual‟s act of faith (i.e., one‟s choice, decision, commitment, etc.)7. Faith as an act as mentioned by Tavani (2008) has been interpreted in diverse ways by several scholars. For example, Thomas Aquinas speaks of faith as an “act of the intellect assenting to the truth at the command of the will”8 whereas Paul Tillich defines faith as an “act of the total personality”9. John Locke speaks of faith as an “assent to [a] proposition...”10 and William James describes faith as our “right to adopt a believing attitude in religious matters”11.

Tavani (2008) in using Tillich‟s phrase “dynamics of faith” posits that faith in its dynamic sense, can be understood as an interactive and interpersonal relationship that one has with God. It can also be seen in the form of a commitment that an individual consciously makes to a certain way of living. This way of living includes an individual‟s commitment to a vocational form of religious community life, or following a set of doctrines. For example, when one “professes” his or her faith. For Tavani (2008), religious faith can be viewed in terms of its content – i.e., the content of the beliefs themselves as opposed to an individual‟s act of believing.

Here, the focus on “faith” is in terms of a particular set or system of religious beliefs and doctrines, rather than on one‟s subscription or commitment to those beliefs12. There are some groups of people who are referred to as fideists. A “fideist” is someone who believes that faith is independent of, and superior to reason13. For a fideist, using reason alone to demonstrate and evaluate religions or religious beliefs is always inappropriate. Fideists argue that faith is not the kind of thing which needs rational justification. Fideists maintain that attempting to prove one‟s religious faith may even be an indication of a lack of faith14.

Another term worth mentioning in connection with faith is fideism. The term “fideism” derives from the Latin for faith. It is an epistemological theory that questions the power of reason to reach certainty and argues rather that truth can be attained only through faith. Most forms of fideism conceal a distrust of reason, particularly in the areas of morality and religion.

In this context, therefore, faith can be understood as belief despite the absence of conclusive evidence: it also implies an emotional attitude of trust or reliance towards its object. Fideists consider such faith essential to religious commitment. The strongest exponent of this view was Søren Kierkegaard who rejected objective reasoning outright as a basis for faith. For Kierkegaard, faith is a fundamentally different process from objective reasoning, a matter of passion rather than reflection. He opposed the notion of proof to that of faith, arguing that faith is only possible when faced with uncertainty15. In this paper however, the term faith is understood as an expression of a strong sense of belief in an occurred or yet to occur phenomenon and a particular Christian religious products16.

7

Tavani, H. T. (2008), p. 2.

St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, II (Qu. 4, Art. 5). In A. C. Pegis, (Ed.). Basic Writings of St. Thomas Aquinas, Vol. 2 (New York: Random House, 1945).

9 Tillich, P. (1957). Dynamics of Faith. San Francisco, CA: Harper and Row, p. 4.

10 Locke, J. An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, ed. A. C. Fraser (Oxford: Clarendon Press), Vol. II, p. 416.

11 James, W. (1896). The Will to Believe and Other Essays. New York: Longmans, Green & Co., p. 1.

12 Tavani, H. T. (2008), pp. 2-3. See: Swindal, J. (2001). “Faith and reason”, Internet Encyclopaedia of Philosophy, par. 1, Retrieved from http://www.utm.edu/research/iep/f/faith-re.htm, accessed on 2nd March, 2014.

13 Tavani, H. T. (2008), p. 6.

14 Meister, C. (2009). Introducing philosophy of religion. London and New York: Routledge, p. 154.

15 Faith and Reason, retrieved from http://www.sevenoaksphilosophy.org/religion/faith-andreason.html, accessed on 25th February, 2014.

16 Some notable examples are anointing oil, handkerchiefs, stickers, and holy water.

8

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A Look at Reason “It is wrong always, everywhere, and for anyone, to believe anything upon insufficient evidence”17.

The Latin rendition of the English word “reason” is “ratio”18. Tavani (2008) writes that the term reason is ambiguous and is sometimes used equivocally. For him, in an informal and colloquial sense, reason is sometimes associated with “common sense”19. In general terms, the meaning associated with reason is, the principles for a methodological inquiry, whether intellectual, moral, aesthetic, or religious20. It can be added that reason largely will deal with the critical and effective use of the intellect/mind. According to St. Augustine, reason is the mind‟s capacity of distinguishing and connecting the things that are learned21. Inferring from Augustine, there is reason to posit that using the intellect/mind requires a person‟s ability to employ a grave evaluation of issues in a logical sequence before passing out judgment.

A person who holds that reason is independent of, and superior to, faith is referred to as a rationalist. Rationalists contend that using faith rather than reason to demonstrate or evaluate religions or religious beliefs is always inappropriate. This is because faith stales the moral agent‟s22 sense of reasoning before an action is taken and therefore attributes every failure to superstition. Some genres of rationalists include critical rationalists23 and strong rationalists.

Critical rationalism is the process of rationally criticizing and evaluating religious belief systems while acknowledging that conclusive proof of such a system is impossible. For critical rationalists, in one‟s quest to use reason to solving human problems, one must use reason decisively. In other words, the moral agent is anticipated to weigh the strengths, weaknesses and the consequences of reason before reason is used. The other genre of rationalists are the strong rationalists. For this group of rationalists, they maintain that in order for a religious belief system to be properly and rationally accepted, it must be possible to prove that the belief system is true.

By „prove‟ it is meant that it is possible to show that a belief is true, in a way that is convincing to any intelligent person. It opposes faith and relies on reason. In other words, one should only believe what is reasonable and presented with empirical proofs rather than believing solely because of faith24. Having discussed the terms faith and reason in the context of this paper, the next issues to be dealt with focuses on how faith and reason are expressed in the Ghanaian context.

17

Clifford, W. K. (1877). The ethics of belief. See: www.memelyceum.com/documents/ethics_of_belie f.pdf Accessed on 6th November, 2014.

18 Runes, D. D. (Ed.). (1959). Dictionary of philosophy: Ancient-medieval-modern. USA: Littlefield, Adams & Co., p. 264.

19 Tavani, H. T. (2008), p. 3.

20 Swindal, J. (2001). Accessed on 2nd March, 2014.

21 Runes, D. D. (Ed.). (1959), p. 263. ` 22 Ozumba (2001), writes that to be a moral agent means that moral qualities can be ascribed to a person. For Ozumba, a moral agent must be free and responsible, imbued with certain maturity, rationality and sensitivity. See: Ozumba, G. O. (2001). A course text on ethics. Nigeria: Onosomegbowho Ogbinaka Publishers Limited, p. 3.

23 See: Karl Raimund Popper, Critical Rationalism.

24 Sterne, A. (2012). Faith and reason. Retrieved from http://www.stpetersfireside.org/2012/08/faithand-reason/. Accessed on 6th November, 2014.

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Faith Expressed Much can be and has already been said by renowned scholars about the religiosity of Africans and Ghanaians. By revisiting the assertions made by the scholars, the paper refers to Anderson (2013)25 who recalls some of the notable assertions made by some of the scholars. Anderson (2013) writes, “scholars like Mbiti (1989), Parrinder (1969) and Idowu (1962) have referred to Africans as “notoriously”, “incurably” and “in all things” religious people respectively. The scholars maintain that religion so deeply permeates all the spheres of their (Africans) lives that it cannot be distinguished from non-religious aspects of life. For this reason, in the African traditional life, there are no atheists and that the African cultural heritage is intensely and pervasively religious.

This attribution of religiosity to the African peoples, though a general one, may be said to be true of Ghanaians. Thus, Opoku (1974) observed: “The phenomenon of religion is so pervasive in the life of the Akan, and so inextricably bound up with their culture, that it is not easy to isolate what is purely religious from other aspects of life. It may be said without fear of exaggeration that life in the Akan world is religion and religion is life”26.

Majority of Ghanaians express their faith in diverse ways. Some prefer to lodge at prayer camps to offer prayers to salvage their sicknesses rather than seeking medical attention. In concretising this view, data27 was collected to find out which alternative (lodging at prayer camps and consulting a pastor to get their problems solved as against seeking medical attention) one would choose over the other. The data revealed that a total number of two hundred (200) interviewees out of two-hundred and fifty (250) maintained that prayer camps and pastors are efficient in remedying their situations than resorting to medical care. The interviewees claimed that medicine dispensed by doctors does not cure every disease. For them, most of the doctors operate on the principle of try and error to deliver health care service in majority of Ghana‟s medical centres. More so, the interviewees consider prayers and pastor-patronage services to be less costly as compared to seeking medical attention. A section of the interviewees maintained that they would choose prayers offered by pastors over medical attention. This is because it is time consuming and unprofitable to spend the entire day in long outpatients queues in the hospital only not to have access to the doctor.

In connection with the above findings, some notable prayer camps in Ghana were visited. In Ghana today, it would interest one who visits some popular prayer sites/camps to witness how some Ghanaians express their faith over reason. For example, some prayer camps like “Atwea Mountain”28 and Edumfa Heavenly Ministry29. At these prayer camps, glimpses were 25

Anderson, Jnr. G. (2013). Religion and morality in Ghana: A reflection. Global Journal of Arts Humanities and Social Sciences, 1(3), pp. 162-170. See: Mbiti, J. S. (1989), p. 1, Parrinder, E. G. (1969), pp. 28–29, Idowu, Bolaji, E. (1962), p. 146.

26 Opoku, K. A. (1974), In C. Eric Lincoln (Ed.), p. 286.

27 Data was collected from two hundred and fifty (250) respondents from five towns in Ghana, Cape Coast, Elmina, Ajumako, Mankessim and Kintampo, all in the Central, and Brong Ahafo regions of Ghana respectively. The total sample size included 100 males and 150 females. A total of 100 respondents were age group 35-50 years whereas 150 were age group between 25-34 years.

28 The Abaasua/Atwea Mountain is located at Abaasua a small village between Banko and Nsuta in the Sekyere Central District in the Ashanti Region of Ghana. Oral sources claim that a Methodist Minister, the late Rev. Asibey who was in charge of the Effiduase Circuit of the Methodist Church, Ghana in the 1960s, discovered the Mountain as a place for prayer retreat by the direction of God. On reaching at the foot of the mountain, God instructed him to climb to the top to pray and dedicate the place as a prayer site. From that day, the Abaasua Mountain has been a site for prayer retreat for many

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caught of many people. Some of whom were shedding tears as they prayed, others sang with loud voice, some were clapping their hands and jumping (signifying the act of trampling on the devil). Some of the inmates at the prayer camps were chained, others were receiving spiritual assistance in the form of deliverance and fervent prayers from the priestesses and pastors in charge. Some of the inmates appeared to be physically weak. This was because they had fasted fervently and prayed close to ten days without eating any food. However, the inmates were restricted to only the intake of small quantity of water.

Moving away from the prayer camps to the issue of miracles, there is much reason to posit that the performance of miracles has become a topical issue in Ghana today. This is because almost every Ghanaian Pentecostal-Charismatic Christian church performs miracles.

The miracles that occur are but not limited to the restoration of the sight of the blind, curing the deaf and dumb, and healing the cripples etc. In the midst of the occurrences of these miracles however, there are certain Christian religious products30 that facilitate the occurrences of miracles. Interviewees from five different Ghanaian Pentecostal-Charismatic Christian churches maintained that the religious products contained supernatural powers that readily remedy both spiritual and physical problems. This information gathered from the interviewees ties closely with the research findings of Stiles-Ocran (2004 ). Literature indicates that Stiles-Ocran (2004) conducted research on some Pentecostal-Charismatic Churches in Ghana. He observed that majority of the Ghanaian populace patronise Christian religious products than seeking medical attention.

According to Stiles-Ocran (2004), his interviewees maintained that the Christian religious products are used to administer healing and deliverance. Again, the products serve as a medium that empowers the clients for wealth or prosperity at anointing services and the use of the religious products is very efficacious31. Inferring from the findings of Stiles-Ocran (2004) in connection with the issue under discussion, then there is reason to comprehend the news item that hit the airwaves of Ghana on 19th of May 2013. On that said date, four (4) people were reported dead with thirteen (13) other persons injured at a Nigerian-based Pastor‟s Church in Accra32. This tragedy was as a result of a serious stampede that occurred at the main entrance to the church‟s premises. The report was that thousands of people had flocked the Church in pursuit of healing, spiritual and financial breakthrough. The influx of people to the church in question was in view of an alleged free distribution of bottled holy water (Italics mine) that is claimed to be the panacea to people‟s physical and spiritual afflictions33.

Another area that depicts an expression of faith over reason is how some Ghanaians invite into their homes and businesses some pastors to pray for them to get their problems solved. In this respect, the research conducted a survey in one hundred and fifty homes34. The Christian Churches and Ministries in Ghana and even beyond. (The Mountain is popularly known as Atwea Mountain because it is close to the Atwea village which in terms of population has over shadowed the Abaasua village), See: http://www.pcgatweamountain.com/, accessed on 2nd March, 2014.

29 Edumfa Heavenly Ministries is a spiritual revival and healing centre near Cape Coast, Ghana.

Edumfa is a town in the Abura-Asebu-Kwamankese District of the Central Region. See: http://edumfaheavenlyministry.org/index.html,accessed on 2nd March, 2014.

30 See p. 5, footnote number 17.

31 Stiles-Ocran, D. B. (2004). Prophetism in Ghana: A case study of some charismatic churches, M. Phil thesis, University of Ghana, Legon, Accra, pp. 75-76.

32 The capital town of the Republic of Ghana.

33 See: http://edition.myjoyonline.com/pages/news/201305/106286.php, accessed on 27th February, 2014.

34 Data was collected from four towns in Ghana from February 12th to April 20th, 2014. The four

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survey revealed that ninety-eight (98) out of the one-hundred and fifty (150) homes in one way or another had invited and hosted a pastor to offer prayers for their wellbeing. Another way that illustrates how faith is expressed over reason is evident in the prayer of one renowned pastor of the “Christian Action Faith International Ministries”35 that hit the airwaves of Ghana on Monday February 3, 2014. This pastor is reported to have led his congregation to offer a fervent intercessional prayer for the Cedi36 to bring to a standstill its losses against the American Dollar.

The prayer was in connection with the wake of the galloping inflation of the Cedi by the Commencement of the year 201437. The prayer is captured below verbatim: “I hold up the cedi with prayer and I command the cedi to recover and I declare the cedi will not fall; it will not fall any further. I command the cedi to climb. I command the resurrection of the cedi. I command and release a miracle for the economy”38.

Away from the above instances discussed, the paper recalls an incident that involved the expression of faith over reason. The incident ensued between the medical staff of the Princess Marie Louise Children‟s Hospital and the parents of a nine-year old girl belonging to the Jehovah Witnesses Religious faith on Sunday 19th June, 2011. The confrontation was in connection with blood transfusion. It was reported that the nine-year old girl was rushed to the hospital for medical treatment only to be told that the girl was anemic. This implied that the girl needed blood. In the medical staffs‟ quest to save the life of the dying girl, the parents of the girl vehemently protested against the intended transfusion of blood to their daughter since it was against their faith. Nevertheless, the police intervened and the life of the girl was rescued39. From the instances cited earlier like others that have not been captured in this paper, one begins to question the place of reason in Ghana. Do the above instances give reason to argue that „reason‟ does not play much role in the life and thought of Ghanaians? If it is the case, then there is reason to posit that it is no wonder that Asare-Opoku, Mbiti and other scholars have maintained that religion permeates in all the aspects of the African including Ghanaians that one cannot towns were; Cape Coast, Accra, Winneba and Takoradi. In Cape Coast, fifty homes were visited. Out of the fifty homes, thirty confirmed that they had invited an itinerant pastor who had come to stay with them for about three weeks to organize fervent prayers with them in anticipation of total liberation from demonic spiritual attacks. In Accra, sixty homes were visited. Out of the sixty homes, forty maintained that, they had invited pastors who came to live with them for two months. The pastor‟s stay was to help them develop their spirituality and offer deliverance for the entire family owing to issues pertaining to spiritual marriage and frequent divorce. In Winneba and Takoradi twenty homes each were visited. Fifteen out of the twenty homes in Winneba acknowledged that they had invited a pastor to live with them for three days to pray against witches attack. In Takoradi, only thirteen out of the twenty homes visited confirmed that they had invited a powerful pastor who had come to stay with them for two days to counsel and pray for their twenty-three year old boy who had subscribed to the smoking of Indian hemp.

35 Christian Action Faith International Ministries is one of the Penteco-Charismatic churches in Ghana 36 The Cedi is the national currency of Ghana. It comes in coins and notes.

37 Duncan Williams spiritually „commands the cedi to rise‟, See: http://news.myjoyonline.com/busines s/2014/February-2nd/duncan-williams-spiritually-commands-the-cedi-to-rise.php. Accessed on 7th May, 2014.

38 Asare-Donkoh, F. (2014). Can prayer alone „resurrect‟ the cedi? See: http://graphic.com.gh/feature s/opinion/17257-can-prayer-alone-resurrect-the-cedi.html#sthash.Agr9p9KU.dpuf Accessed on February 10th 2014.

39 GhanaWeb. (Sunday, 19 June 2011). Doctors, police "fight off" Jehovah's Witnesses over blood transfusion. Retrieved from http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/artikel.php?I D=211555 accessed on 29th September, 2014.

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distinguish what is religious from non-religious aspects of their life.

Reason Expressed Like the discussions made on the expression of faith above, one expects to see that of reason.

However, can the above discussion be likewise in the case of reason? In the popular mind of some Ghanaians lingers the impression that there seems to be too much religion (faith) in Ghana. In this regard, excess religion (faith) has mired the efficient use of reason. Though it can be true of the above stance however, there is the need to sound a caveat. This caveat is in view of the fact that one cannot completely deny the place of reason. Else, without fear of exaggeration, there would be enough reason to say of Ghanaians that they do not „reason‟ or rationalize. Nevertheless, it must be categorically established that it is not the case that Ghanaians do not use their reason. Ghanaians express their reason in matters pertaining to the environment. Importantly, issues pertaining to sanitation, environmental degradation and illegal mining. In his bid to tackle the canker of filth in Ghana, the Ghana government has instituted a monthly clean-up exercise schedule. This clean-up is to be observed on every first Saturday of the month. This day is tagged Sanitation Day. This initiative, aims at sensitizing Ghanaians about the need to clean up their environment to reduce filth and the spread of diseases in the nation40.

In this regard, there is reason to maintain that reason is at work instead of it counterpart, faith.

One other way Ghanaians express reason is in the area of Law, basically, legal justice. That is to maintain that in a situation where a person or groups of persons think that someone has infringed upon their rights. In this regard, people turn to the Law Courts and Legal Units41 for justice but not to faith. Corruption is a canker that is bedeviling Ghana and Ghanaians. In the words of Brig. Gen. Nunoo-Mensah (Rtd.), corruption in Ghana like other countries has reached what has been called “epidemic proportions”42. Importantly, Ghanaians do not tackle corruption with faith but rather, their reason.

In the paragraphs that follow, the paper presents data collected from a survey amongst some students and from some communities in Cape Coast. The survey was conducted in three schools43 and five different communities44 all located in the Cape Coast Municipal. In the schools, the students responded to the question of how they express their reason in their world of life and academics. Ninety students of the one hundred and forty sample size population maintained that it would be of no use to rely only on faith in dealing with issues of life and academics. For them, though they reckon the importance of faith, reason must lead faith. Faith should be a compliment to reason. The students advanced that comprehensive reading produces success in one‟s academic life rather than the reliance on “anointed pens” distributed by pastors in church prior to examinations. Away from the students, attention was paid to the five communities noted earlier. The inhabitants responded to the question of how they responded to the issue that threatens their livelihood. For majority of the respondents, they would prefer to seek prayers from their pastor if they have any troubling issue (health, unemployment, divorce, business). If for some days the problem persists, they would find other alternatives that can best 40

Daily Graphic, Thursday October 30, 2014 Cover Page. The government declared Saturday, November 1 and subsequently every first Saturday of the month National Sanitation Day. 41 For example: The Domestic Violence and Victims‟ Support Unit (DOVVSU).

42 This is how Brig. Gen. Nunoo-Mensah (Rtd.), a former Security Advisor who is currently at the forefront of the crusade against corruption, described the issue in a radio interview, cited in an editorial of The Catholic Standard, November 2-8, 2014 Issue, p. 4.

43 Forty students from two different Senior High Schools in Cape Coast were interviewed to find out how they express reason in their world of life and academics to solve their problems. One hundred students were additionally interviewed from the University of Cape Coast.

44 The five communities are; Apewosika, Kokwaado, Kwaprow, Amamoma and Kwesipra, all in the University of Cape Coast environs in the Central Region of Ghana.

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solve such problems. Here one infers from the stance of the respondents that reason becomes the best apparent alternative.

Faith and Reason Expressed: An Evaluation Faith and reason are at work in the Ghanaian society. There is a relationship between faith and reason. There is no contradiction between faith and reason. They complement each other45. That is to say, human reason and experience but not faith alone can be considered as sources of moral wisdom and knowledge for the human person. In assessing the use of faith and reason in Ghana, the paper argues that it would be fallacious for one to maintain that a person‟s level of education determines whether to apply faith or reason in resolving a life crisis. This position, the paper holds because there are some people whom despite their level of education will and have misapplied the best befitting alternative capable of solving a particular life issue. Nevertheless, the caveat the paper alerts is that the afore proposition does not imply that one‟s level of education plays no significant role in choosing between the two options – faith and reason.

Away from the above, one may question why it seems faith is expressed over reason in Ghana. Is it because Ghanaians are noted for their high level of religiosity? The paper posits that it is not necessarily so. However, Ghanaians generally have the conviction that real life issues are to be explored well in our attempts to finding solutions. This gives Ghanaians the urge to become zealous to uphold the autonomy of faith and by so doing, reason becomes depreciated.

The paper proposes an adherence to the ideal of a reasonable faith. That is, a genre of faith which is not indeed purely rational, in the sense that it could be demonstrated by reason but one which “has exposed itself to the scrutiny and testing of critical and corrective reason and has survived46. The paper posits that Ghanaians must first develop their reason before used or expressed. This is because reason is a good tool and source of solution to problems of life.

However, the question remains, must Ghanaians give much prominence to faith in finding solutions to the existential problems because we seem to have failed to develop our reasons? The paper revealed that instances where Ghanaians fall so much on traditions, faith is expressed over reason. For example, Ghanaians situated in rural communities who experience low harvest and pests attack on their crops generally attribute such a fiasco to the handiworks of the gods and spirit beings. In this regard, faith or religion becomes the first resort. By so doing, they placate the gods and the spirit beings for a failure that might possibly not have been inflicted by the gods. Nevertheless, must it be the case that faith be the first to be expressed? Should there not be pragmatic questions like; “was it the appropriate period for planting, were the weather conditions favourable, were the seeds viable for planting? Such reasonable questions are generally left out.

Conclusion Faith and, or reason are dicey and delicate approaches Ghanaians use to solve their problems. In view of this, the outsider must be cautious in passing judgment on how one uses any of the two approaches. Taking on board this background, the paper sought to look at how faith on one hand and reason on the other hand are expressed in the Ghanaian context. The paper discovered that many Ghanaians subscribe to the use of faith in most cases than that of reason.

Nevertheless, it could not be said that the subscription to faith implied a total absence of reason.

This is because there is reason to argue that in Ghana faith does not operate in a vacuum.

Reason could not be the only alternative employed by Ghanaians. In situations where reason was 45

Sokolowski, R. (1995). The God of faith and reason: Foundations of Christian theology.

Washngton, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press. See also: The Catechism of the Catholic Church (1995). New York: Double Day. No. 159, which states that “though faith is above reason, there can never be any real discrepancy between faith and reason”.

46 See: Macquarrie, J. (1996). Principles of Christian theology. London: SMC Press Ltd., p. 40.

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used, it was observed that faith became the complement. From the above perspectives, the paper concludes by referring to Pope John II who writes, “Faith and reason are both necessary for the human person to understand reality and live properly”47. In this respect, the paper admonishes Ghanaians not to allow faith to solely dictate the pace in their lives in their quest to finding answers to problems.

Faith and reason should not be placed on the same pedestal in one‟s pursuit to solving a particular problem. In this regard, reason must be placed over faith so that faith becomes the complement. By so doing, Ghanaians must however blend both faith and reason in their quest to solve problems of life.

References Anderson, Jnr. G. (2013). Religion and morality in Ghana: A reflection. Global Journal of Arts Humanities and Social Sciences, 1(3), pp. 162-170.

Aquinas, St. T. Summa Theologiae, II (Qu. 4, Art. 5). In A. C. Pegis, (Ed.). Basic Writings of St. Thomas Aquinas, Vol. 2 (New York: Random House, 1945).

Asare-Donkoh, F. (2014).

Can prayer alone „resurrect‟ the cedi?

See: http://graphic.com.gh/features/opinion/17257-can-prayer-alone-resurrect-thecedi.html#sthash.Agr9p9KU.dpuf Accessed on February 10th 2014.

Clifford, W. K. (1877). The ethics of belief. Retrieved from www.memelyceum.com/documents/ethics _of_belief.pdf Accessed on 6th November, 2014.

Daily Graphic, (Thursday October 30, 2014). The government declared Saturday, November 1 and subsequently every first Saturday of the month National Sanitation Day. Cover Page 1.

Duncan-Williams spiritually „commands the cedi to rise‟, See: http://news.myjoyonline.com/business/2014/February-2nd/duncan-williamsspiritually-commands-the-cedi-to-rise.php. Accessed on 7th May, 2014.

Faith and Reason, retrieved from http://www.sevenoaksphilosophy.org/religion/faith-andreason.html, accessed on 25th February, 2014.

GhanaWeb. (Sunday, 19 June 2011). Doctors, police "fight off" Jehovah's Witnesses over blood transfusion. Retrieved from http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchiv e/artikel.php?ID=211555 accessed on 29th September, 2014.

Ghana Statistical Service (May, 2012). 2010 Population and housing census: Summary report of final results. Accra: Ghana Statistical Service.

Idowu, Bolaji E. (1962). Olodumare: God in Yoruba belief, London: Longmans Group Ltd. James, W. (1896). The Will to Believe and Other Essays. New York: Longmans, Green & Co., p. 1.

Land and people of Ghana, see: http://www.ghc-ca.com/frm-e-land-people.html, accessed on 27th February, 2014.

Locke, J. An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, ed. A. C. Fraser (Oxford: Clarendon Press), Vol. II, p. 416.

Macquarrie, J. (1996). Principles of Christian theology. London: SMC Press Ltd., p. 40.

Mbiti, J. S. (1989). African religions and philosophy. (2nd rev. ed.). London: Heinemann Educational Books.

Meister, C. (2009). Introducing Philosophy of Religion. London and New York: Routledge, p. 154.

Opoku, K. A. (1974). “Aspects of Akan worship”. In C. Eric Lincoln (Ed.), The black experience in religion (p. 286). New York: Doubleday.

Ozumba, G. O. (2001). A course text on ethics. Nigeria: Onosomegbowho Ogbinaka Publishers Limited, p. 3.

Parrinder, E. G. (1969). Religion in Africa. Harmondsworth: Penguin.

Paul II, J. (1998). Fides et Ratio: On the relationship between faith and reason. Washington, DC: United States Catholic Conference.

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Runes, D. D. (Ed.). (1959). Dictionary of philosophy: Ancient-medieval-modern. USA: Littlefield, Adams & Co., p. 264.

Sokolowski, R. (1995). The God of faith and reason: Foundations of Christian theology. Washngton, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press. See also: The Catechism of the Catholic Church (1995). New York: Double Day. No. 159.

Sterne, A. (2012).

Faith and reason.

Retrieved from http://www.stpetersfireside.org/2012/08/faith-and-reason/.

Accessed on 6th November, 2014.

Stiles-Ocran, D. B. (2004). Prophetism in Ghana: A case study of some charismatic churches, M. Phil thesis, University of Ghana, Legon, Accra, pp. 75-76.

Swindal, J. (2001). “Faith and reason�, Internet Encyclopaedia of Philosophy, par. 1, Retrieved from http://www.utm.edu/research/iep/f/faith-re.htm, accessed on 2nd March, 2014.

Tavani, H. T. (2008). The classic debate on the relationship between faith and reason: Some contemporary challenges from the perspectives of relativism and postmodernism.

InSight: Rivier Academic Journal, 4(1), p. 1.

The Catholic Standard, November 2-8, 2014 Issue, p. 4.

Tillich, P. (1957). Dynamics of Faith. San Francisco, CA: Harper and Row, p. 4.

Urdang, L, & Flexner, S. B. (Eds.). (1968). The random house dictionary of the English language. New York: Random House.

Wilson, E. O. (1998). Consilience: The unity of knowledge. New York: Vintage Books.

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International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences p-ISSN: 1694-2620 e-ISSN: 1694-2639 Volume 2, No 1, pp. 40-54, ©IJHSS

Situating Ghana’s Policy Making and Reform Strategies on Basic Education in the MDG2 and EFA Strategies; what is the Interplay between National and International in Policy Making?

Moses Ackah Anlimachie Department for Educational Research, Faculty of Educational Sciences University of Oslo, Norway Abstract Over the years Ghana has made significant commitments towards achieving universal basic education in line with the MDG 2 and EFA goals. These commitments are reflected in several policy reforms documents, reports and programmes she has implemented since 1951. This article, examines Ghana‟s educational policy making and reforms process particularly, on basic education. Using the MDGs and Education for All (EFA) Framework of Action as benchmarks, and the human rights as a theoretical lens, it tries to explore the intricacies between the global and the local in policy making in education. It concludes that for individual nations like Ghana to benefit sustainably from this interplay, there is the need to strike a balance and two way channels of communications between local and international interests groups in the formulation and implementation of policies on education. This will whip up the needed support to drive the implementation of education policies and programmes to maximize the needed outcome in access, equity, quality and relevance in education. Also, given the inequalities that still exist in her basic education, there is the need for the nation to continue to commit herself to the human rights approach to education.

Keywords: globalization, universal basic education, educational policy, educational strategies Introduction Over the years Ghana has made significant commitments towards achieving universal basic education in line with the MDG 2 and EFA goals. These commitments are reflected in several policy reforms documents and reports. This article examines Ghana‟s educational policy making and reforms processes particularly, on basic education. Using the MDG2 and Education for All (EFA) Framework of Action as benchmarks, and the human rights as a theoretical lens, it tries to explore the intricacies between the global and the local in policy making in education. It seeks to unravel the following questions; how is global policy making paradigm shaping educational policies and reforms strategies on basic education in Ghana? In what ways do Ghana‟s educational policies mimic or contradict that of the Dakar Framework for EFA? And what can be done in order for Ghana to achieve the overall targets of free universal, accessible, exclusive, quality basic completion by her new timeline of 2020.

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This paper, apart from exploring the reciprocity between the national and the international in policy making, also seeks to enrich the debate for human rights approach to basic education policy making. It main hunch is that policies borne out of wider consultations and deliberations of all stakeholders, both at the local and international level, including minority groups, tend to enjoy popular support which is key to successful outcomes. The article is structured into five sections. The first section takes a cursory look at the concept of policy and the interplay between local and international in the policy making process. The second introduces a theoretical framework which views policy making in basic education from the lens of the human rights. It also seeks to draw a linkage between policy making in Ghana and the EFA Framework of Action to the human rights approach. The third highlights background of basic educational policy reforms in Ghana, and how it seeks to address the issue of access, equity and quality which is at the heart of human rights. The fifth leg is a comparative analysis of the policy making process in Ghana vis-a- vis that of the international level. It compares Ghana‟s Education Strategic Plan to the UNESCO EFA strategies to see the similarities or the differences, if any, between international and national policy making processes. The paper concludes by making suggestions on how Ghana could achieve positive outcomes in the policy making on education in the face of intense globalization.

Method This study is theoretically examination of existing education reform and policy making strategies whilst drawing further theoretical linkage with human rights approach to education discourese.

The paper does not claim to challenge the authority and the credibility of their findings, but it tries to consolidate them in the context of Ghana as how to achieve the overall targets of free universal, accessible and equitable quality basic education.

The Concept of Policy Making and Policy Making Processes Haddad & Demsky (1995), defined policy as “an explicit or implicit single decision or group of decisions which may set out directives for guiding future decisions, initiate or retard action, or guide implementation of previous decisions‟‟(Haddad & Demsky, p.8). Haddad & Demsky (1995), therefore, posited that in designing educational policy or initiating successful educational reforms, planners need to be abreast and take into cognizance the dynamism and the complexities between policy formulation, implementation and evaluation procedures and processes. This is also due to the fact that educational policies exhibit constant dynamism in scope, complexity, decision milieu, choices, and decision criteria (Haddad & Demsky, 1995).

Ball (1994), also posits that policy can be a text or discourse. As a text it encodes particular set of arguments and counter arguments and which invariably lead to compromises. As a discourse, however, it embodies the totality of forces, interests, ideas, and perspectives shaping policy production overtime. This suggests that there could be missing links between the intended policies (the text on paper) the implemented policy (what is actually implemented) and even less to the attained policy (the actual targets or goals achieved). Therefore to minimize this possible disconnects demands that the policy making and planning and the implementation processes are holistic, all encompassing, all involving, and well thought out.

Haddad and Demsky (1995), identified seven policy making and planning processes. They include: analysis of existing situation; the generation of policy options; evaluation of policy options; marking the policy decision; planning of policy implementation; policy impact assessment; and subsequent policy cycles. Educational policy making process can therefore be said to be an endless interchange of ideas, interests, strategies, goals, pooling of resources among all stakeholders with the view of achieving a desirable outcomes that are consistent with 41

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the developmental aspirations of the society at any particular time. The education policy making process, therefore, marries and socializes competing and diverse interests groups in education both at the global and the local levels.

The Interplay between National and International in Educational Policy Making Educational policies are shaped at the national level through public consultations, parliamentary debates, governing parties, commissions and councils, trade union representatives, employer organizations, professional associations, sectors of civil society, bilateral cooperation and international organizations (Dale, 2007). At the international level the major players are the UN and its technical and specialized agencies, The World Trade organisation(WTO), The World Bank and the International Monitory Fund, multinational corporations/organizations, regional and professional, organizations, International NGOs, bilateral cooperation, national governments, research institutions, and individuals (Crossley & Watsson, 2003). Comparison of these two levels suggests that there is a reciprocal relationship between the national and the international as each has a stake and interest in the other. However, the global seems to have the upper hands as it can amass resources more than the local. For example being the first UN agency, UNESCO through its long standing in championing the course of universal basic education and functional literacy, has had a profound influence on global educational policies and thinking, especially as a right issue (Crossley & Watsson 2003). Crossly & Watsson (2013), further identified a strong collaboration among donor organizations concerned with educational development. For example the association for the Development of Education in Africa (ADEA), which was founded as Donors to Africa Education, brings together national, international and private donor agencies to formulate policies and these policy directions are then disseminated through several publications. Globalization, therefore, plays important role in national level policy making in term of funding and technical expertise as nations response to the global changes in order to become competitive and also ( in the case of developing countries) to attract more funding from donor agencies (Jacobi 2012; Carnoy, 1999).

Dale (2007), suggests that the national education policy makers and planners interact with the global through two main general policy mechanisms. These are the traditional approach to policy making and planning which includes: Policy borrowing and Policy learning. The second one is externally induced mechanisms such as Policy Harmonization as evident in the EU- Bologna declaration; Policy Dissemination as seen in the OECD indicators- PISA; Policy Standardization as exemplifies in the UNESCO EFA goals; Policy Interdependence as evident in the global commitment in fighting climate change, global warming and terrorism. The last one is Policy Imposition as seen in the IMF and the World Bank‟s structural adjustment policies such as cost sharing, full cost recovery and privatization in education. The mechanisms of influence of the global on the local come in the form of policy advice, technical assistant, common policies and architecture for educational system, indicators, ranking, declarations, recommendations, guidelines, conventions, regional agreements, loans linked to programmes and policies and conditioned aid (Jacobi 2012; Dale, 2007).

Background to Ghana’s Educational Reform and Policy Making Strategies for Achieving Free Universal Quality Basic Education Formal education was introduced in Ghana in the 16th Century by Merchants and Christian Churches. The colonial government- British Crown authorities took control of the education system by financing a number of government schools, including one for girls. Both government and church-funded schools co-existed and were based on the public „monitorial‟ schools system then in England (Foster, 1963). Education then was a reserved of the elites and the overall 42

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demand for education was very low. This was due to the fact that the indigenes were yet to embrace the importance of education. For the period 1911 to 1937, the enrolment of pupils in basic education increased from around 18,000 to 44,000 (Foster, 1993) as a result of public campaign on importance of education. The type of education introduced was not relevant to the context of Ghana as it placed much emphasis on literacy and numeracy at the expense of vocational and technical which was much needed to make use of her vast natural resources (Adu Boahen, 1975). It can therefore be argued that from the genesis, education in Ghana has serious problem equity, access, quality and relevance as public participation of the local people was low (Anlimachie, 2014).

The major education policy dubbed Accelerated Development Plan for Education (ADPE) was introduced just before independence in 1951. It focused on expanding access in all sub-sectors of education, particularly, at the basic education level. The main goal was to expand access through investment in infrastructure and investing in technical education. This was also to make educational relevant to the Ghanaian context. Many schools including basic, secondary teacher training, College of Science and Technology, Polytechnics and Technical were established to trained high technically skilled manpower for industry. In the late 1960 a revamp reform was lunched which promulgated the Education Act of 1960, Act 87 to give legal framework and impetus to the ADPE after independence. This Act guaranteed tuition free compulsory primary schooling with effect from September, 1961. However, the Act places responsibility on parents to foot the other cost such as the provision books, stationary, and other materials needed for academic work. Ghanaâ€&#x;s educational system was one of the shining examples in Africa in the mid-60s. The country achieved enrolment of 75% (for pupils aged 6-14 year) and overall enrolment at the basic level increased by approximately 150% (Kay & Hymer, 1992). These successes can be attributing to the fact that there were a strong participation and ownership in the policy formulation and implementation prices by both local and international stakeholders as well as strong financial and administration couple with good governance practices.

Notwithstanding there were a number of setbacks. First, there were inadequate numbers of teachers to cope with the rapid increase in enrolment in basic schools and the enrolment also outpaced the level of infrastructural expansion this affected the quality of education. Also most of the schools were located in the core towns and places closer to the coast, denying the masses in the hinterland opportunity of education (Foster, 2006). In the late 60s, deliberate efforts were made to improve quality and equity through the training of more teachers, introduction of the „Teacher Trainee Allowance to attract best candidates into teaching and free supply of text books. Others include fair distribution of model secondary schools countrywide, and the introduction of special scholarship for northern Ghana which is more deprived (Kay & Hymer, 1992). All these strategies and programmes were linked to the human rights approach which seeks to create quality education opportunities for all.

In 1966, the first military government (NLC) through the Kwapong Educational Review Committee undertook a reform which attempted to revamp technical and vocational education in order to make education more relevance to the needs of the country. The reform introduced a 2-year pre-vocational continuous vocational education into the Middle School system. The vocational policy was linked to the industrial and the agricultural potentials of the country (Poku, Aawaar , Worae, 2013). It was envisaged to prepare the Middle School leavers for the world of work. However, this policy failed woefully as the students did not embrace the concept. They were keener in pursing secondary academic path education as a conduit for future higher education so as to get white color job rather than the vocational schools. The reasons for the failure have links to the low level of involvements of the stakeholders in the policy making planning and implementations processes. Others include the lack of resources, unstable political atmosphere, and the failure of government to cooperate with the international players. It can also 43

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be linked to the elitist white colour colonial legacy that is embedded in the education system of Ghana (Poku et. al, 2013).

By 1978, Ghana started to introduce structural adjustment policies such as full cost recovery and cost sharing in her education supported by the Bretton Woods institutions. Public funding to education was massively cut and there was an increasing burden on parents to fund education.

The effects were further drops in enrolment and quality. For examples, the 75% enrolment figure for 6-14 years olds and the 91% of trained teachers in basic schools recorded in 1965 dropped to 67% and 72% respectively by 1979 (Poku et. al, 2013). The decline has link to economic crisis the country was plucked into as a result of four different military interventions.

The introduction of cost recovery policies in education between the 70s and 80s increased the inequity and decreased the quality of education in Ghana (Adu Boahen, 1975; Pimpong, 2006).

During this period the type of policy interaction between the country and her foreign partners was that of policy imposition with little consultations and participation of local stakeholders.

In 1986/87 another reform occurred in Ghana. It changed the structure of basic and secondary education from 17 to 12 years. It included a 6-year primary education, a 3-year Junior Secondary School (JSS), and another 3-year o Senior Secondary School (SSS). This means basic education was reduced from eleven (11) to nine (9) years (Poku, et. al, 2013). The main goals of the reforms were to improve the quality of teaching and learning by increasing school hours and teacher professionalism. It was intended to make education planning and management more efficient and effective (Akyeampong, 2005).The reforms therefore focused more strongly on the issues of adaptability or relevance. The reform was to prepare JSS graduate for technical and vocational training, and further education base on self-determined path it was seen as a way of preparing students with varied skills and competencies so as to play a meaningful roles in all sectors of the economy (Ministry of Education, 1996). All JSS where given workshops and technical and vocational courses were included in the curriculum and teacher where trained in these areas. The reform suffered a setback for want of sufficient resources and TLMs for practical work at the JSS level (Ministry of Education, 1996). The level of participation of the communities in the initial stage was fairly good but it plummeted in the course of the implementation process and this may account for the very little impact.

In 1992 a comprehensive programme dubbed Free Compulsory Universal Basic Education (FCUBE) policy was introduced and it has since been the main policy driver of basic education in Ghana. Its main goals are to improve access to quality equitable basic education, especially of girl, and also to improving school management through better planning, monitoring and evaluation; and to promote active participation of communities in school management (Little, 2010). Abolition of tuition fee, school feeding and nutrition, supply of school uniform poor communities and development of teacher professionalism and efficient teaching and learning among, community participation among others are some of the policy implementation strategies of addressing access and quality in basic education (Ministry of Education, 2010). The policy has chalked modest successes. There has been a sustained increase in enrolment rates at the basic level since 1997. For example the GER in primary education prior to the FCUBE was 73% in 1995 and by 2001 it had increased to 80% (Little, 2010). The most unique impetus injected in basic education by the FCUBE is that it has laid a stronger case for participation of stakeholders.

It recognizes the role of the community, and strengthened the role of the School Management Committees (SMCs) and Parent Teachersâ€&#x; Association (PTAs) in the management of the schools. These account for the modest successes chopped by the program.

Notwithstanding, some challenges still persist as regard to accessibility, availability, adaptability and acceptability. For example about 40% of children of school going age were still out of school by 2003. This is because people were still being denied access due to cost since the FCUBE does not mean entirely free education (Little, 2010). Parents were to pay for other levies such as those 44

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for school repairs, cultural and sporting activities. Some parents, particularly, in the rural and urban slums poor could still not afford to pay these levies (Little, 2010). In her quest of achieving universal access in line with the Education for All (EFA) goals, the Capitation Grant Policy was introduce in 2004 with the support of the World Bank. This policy further abolished these other forms of levies. There was an immediate impact as gross enrolment during the 2005/06 academic year increased by 10%, pecking the total primary enrolment at 92%. The overall enrolment in basic school increased by 17% in the 2005/06 academic as compared to of the 2004/05 academic year (Adamu-Issah, et al). The School Feeding Programme was introduced in 2005 as a complementary to the FCUBE and the Capitation Grants with the support of international partners to further boost access and captures the excluded children. It basically targeted poor communities, especially, the rural areas and urban slums. The programme further pushed the enrolment figure up (Ministry of Education, 2010). The FCUBE and its attendance strategies are very much ingrained in the human rights approach to education and also in line with the EFA goals of giving access to quality education to every child and the post 2015 agenda of leaving no one behind.

In 2004, the government instituted the Anamuah Mensah Educational Review Committee which undertook a comprehensive reform the culminated into the Government of Ghana White Paper on Education Reform. The objective of the reform is to link schooling to the job market through forming alliances with private sector. The new reform gave a new the structure of basic education to include a 2- year Kindergarten, a 6- year primary education and three (3) years of Junior High School (JHS) (Ministry of Education, 2004). The innovation of the reform was the inclusion of Kindergarten (KG) Education to the main stream of basic education in Ghana in line of the EFA strategy on improving early childhood education and the use of KG as sustainable tool of addressing the problem of access, equity and quality in Ghana. It is envisage that KG will improve equity, access and quality of education. The reform also proposes that the medium of instructions in Kindergarten (KG) and Lower Primary were to be Ghanaian language complimented by English, where necessary as this is believed to impact on quality and relevance (Ministry of Education, 2005).This is also in line with the EFA action plan and the 2008 Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous people which advocate for the rights of indigenous people and children to be taught in their mother tongue at least in the early stages of their education. The implementation of the 2004 reforms therefore gave birth to the most comprehensive educational policy strategy in recent times in Ghana dubbed the Education Strategic Plan (ESP).

Success and Challenges After decades of reform and policy strategy experimentations, Ghana had made some modest gains in basic education, especially, in access and gender parity. The gross enrolment rate (GER) for primary school increased from 76% in 1987/88, to 95% in 2008 (Ghana Statistical ServiceGSS, 2010). Gender inequities have also reduced as the GER in favour of boys decreased from 10% in 1996/97 to 7% in 2012 (UNICEF, 2013). The literacy rate has also increased from 54% in 2000 to about 72% in 2010 (GSS, 2010). Also the figure of children (aged between 6 to 11 years) how has never attended school before dropped by 46% between 2006 and 2011(Government of Ghana, 2013). The completion rates also increased at both the Primary and the JHS levels with current figures of 112.4 and 70.1 respectively by the end of 2013. Gender parity (GPI) at the primary level stands at 0.99 by the end of 2013. This means that gender parity has been achieved at the Primary level (Government of Ghana, 2013). Overall Ghana has attained the EFA on gender parity in primary education and is on the verge of attaining that of the access by the end of 2015. These improvements are attributed to the strategies adopted in line with the EFA and MDG2 which are rooted in the human rights approach. However, as

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mention earlier there is still problem of access and a huge problem as regard quality and more grievously rural– urban inequity.

With respect to the challenges, Ghana is currently, facing a general problem of access and quality in education. At the basic level, notwithstanding the progress made with regard to access, many children (about 23%) [of the population aged three (3) years and older] have never been to school (Ghana Statistical Service [GSS], 2010). In terms of quality there are problems of resources and infrastructure constraints and availability of teachers, poor monitoring and evaluation, and lack of proper governance. For example, the number of core textbooks per pupil stands at 1.2 and 0.9 for Primary and JHS public schools respectively, far less than government target of three [3] (Ministry of Education, 2013). Also student performance in standard national tests is dwindling. For example, pupils‟ performance in the Basic Certification Examination (BECE dropped from 60% to 47% for the period 2001 to 2011 (Ministry of Education, 2010).

More gloomily there are inequalities in access and quality in basic education in Ghana. The urban centres have more schools which are relatively better equipped in terms of infrastructure and teachers than the rural areas (Anlimachie, 2014). Attendance and completion rates are higher in the urban areas than in the rural areas. There is marked difference between males (9.1%) and females (14.3%) who have never attended school.

Theoretical/ Analytical Framework The rights approach to education has become one of the most fashionable development policy paradigms dictating the pace of educational reforms and policy strategies both at the global and the national levels. It generally accepted nature is the fact that it is rooted on the principle of inclusiveness, fairness, and relevance. It seeks to include everybody, especially, the most marginalized and vulnerable who may be excluded from education. The human rights recognize education as the biggest tool of achieving all other rights as it frees the individual from ignorant, hopelessness and marginalization by empowering the person to realize his or her full potentials in life.

The rights perspective to education argues that every person, no matter the race, socio-economic background, or origin has the rights to a decent education (Tomasevski, 2004, 2006).It is premise on the view that education prepares the learner for responsible citizenry position and social, economic and political participation. This enhances social cohesion and socializes the young that rights are naturally and sacredly inherent in the individual and it is the individual greatest (Tomasevski, 2005). The provisions on the rights to equitable accessible quality education, is enshrine in several international treaties such as the 1960 Convention against Discrimination in Education, the 1966 international Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Others include the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNICEF, 2007). The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example, states among other things that: Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages… Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms... (UN, 1948 Article 26) The 1959 Declaration of the Rights of the Child also entitle every child to receive free and compulsory elementary education without discrimination on any ground. More significantly, it advocates for a special provision for venerable children such as those with special needs, ethnic minority, and the poor and rural dwellers to be included in education. In the Africa context, the Lome Convention; and the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights as well as the ECOWAS Protocol on Education and Training are all relevant impetus toward the rights approach to education. The ECOWAS Protocol, for example, seeks to eliminate all forms of 46

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discriminatory against females as it aims at equity and full access to, and achievement in all levels of the educational system among girls.

In Ghana, the rights approach, especially girls education, has been championed by local NGOs like the 31st December Womenâ€&#x;s Movement and Federation of International Women Lawyer (FIDA) - Ghana chapter. Through seminars, workshops, fora, discussions, and lectures these organizations have rallied support from all segment of the society including professional groups, policy makers, local and international NGO's, trades union, religious groups, women's groups, market women, indigenous groups, traditional rulers for the rights approach to education (FIDA- Ghana, 2014). These activities culminated into the 1992 Constitution granting Free Compulsory Basic Education for all.

Tomasevski (2006), argued in her famous four-fold (4-As) schema of the right- based approach to education that any educational policy that espouses human rights principles should capture four key indicators of availability, accessibility, acceptability, and adaptability. These four concepts are interlinked and they form a complex web of intricacy hence any educational policy or reforms must take into consideration these intricate relationships as any policy which focus on one or more of them to the detriment of the other (s) will invariably affect the other(s). The cue from this is that any educational policy strategy must be comprehensive in their approach in other to strike a balance between them.

EFA Framework & the Ghana Education Strategic Plan and the Right - Based Approach to Education Viewing the EFA framework and the Ghana Education Strategic plan from the rights - based lens to education, it clear from their policy objectives, strategies and targets are pivoted on human rights approach to education. The EFA framework take into cognizance the important elements that are necessary, specific, unique and appropriate to the rights - based approach to education. These include assessment and analysis to define claims of human rights in education and the corresponding obligations of governments and the causes of the non-realization of these rights. It also includes assessing the capacity of individuals to claim their rights and the ability of the state to deliver. Others include developing strategies to build capacities to realize these rights and; proper monitoring of the outcomes and the processes. All these should be guided by human rights standards and principle (UNICEF, 2007). Therefore, the EFA framework and Ghana ESP recognize that human rights approach to education become meaninful when there is a deliberate effort on the part of government to empower the citizens, especially the minority groups through equitable education. They seek to rally support at the national and the international levels into achieving these goals.

The World Declaration on Educational for All (Jomtien, 1990 & Daker, 2000), lay a strong policy strategies for achieving universal primary education by 2015 and its new mantra of leaving no one behind in the Post-2015 agenda. The rights-based approach to EFA is holistic and allencompassing. It seeks to holistically improve access, equity quality and relevance in education based on human rights principles (UNICEF, 2007). The EFA movement is geared towards providing access to education for all, especially, traditionally marginalized groups (UNICEF, 2007). The rights-based approach to education plays a key role in overcoming the complex barriers of discrimination on any grounds and all forms of violence that can impede educational for all (UNICEF, 2007). Also Ghana Education Strategic Plan like the EFA framework is an elaborate comprehensive policy and framework for achieving access, equity and quality of education for all, especially expanding early childhood education and free universal basic and inclusive education that hinge on human rights norms and values. The EFA framework and the Ghana ESP are both ingrained in the human rights approach to education in terms of their 47

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policy making process, goals, and objectives, targets and implementation strategies as they are both pivoted on the principle of equity, fairness inclusion and participation.

Discussion of Basic Education Policy Making Process According to (UNESCO& UNICEF, 2007), the rights-based approach to policy making recognizes that the processes of development of policies largely determines the outcome. Hence it advocates for principles of participation and accountability in the planning, design and implementation of policies. The significance values of these principles are that the policy acquires moral, political force and popular support that are essential for the success of the programme. This is important, given that the people who may benefit from the application of these policies are of diverse background including the poor and marginalized. This section is therefore, juxtaposes the Ghana‟s Education Strategic Plan with the MDGs and EFA Framework of Action as it seeks to discover the interplay between the national and the international in policy making in terms of how various interests are married together in the policy making processes.

Policy Option: Setting targets and Adopting Strategies The Dakar (2000) Framework of Action and the Johannesburg (1999) Regional Conference on EFA reaffirmed the objectives of the declaration of education for all (Jomtiem, 1990). The globally agreed educational goals of EFA aim at meeting the learning needs of all children through strategies and programmes that seeks to: widen and improve early childhood care and development, especially for the most vulnerable; ensure at least every child everywhere, especially, the disadvantaged will have access and complete the full cycle of free compulsory quality basic education by 2015; eliminate gender disparities in primary education by 2005; and achieve gender equality in basic and secondary education by 2015. (UNESCO, 2000).

Comparatively, Ghana educational policy and reform goals are greatly influenced by international and sub regional policy frameworks and declarations. The country‟s participation in and signatory to several international treaties like the EFA declaration, the Declaration on the Right of the Child, the Beijing Declaration on Women‟s Rights; the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and; the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the ECOWAS protocols on Education and Training have greatly shaped her educational policy strategies and goals. This means that the government tries to draw a balance between local interests and bilateral and multinational negotiations she had participated in, as a guide to her policy making. The broad policy goals of Ghana‟s ESP laid strong emphasis with regard to access, equity, quality and relevance in education. The specific strategic goals relating to basic education include: to provide equitable, accessible quality child-centered universal basic education. It seeks improve educational opportunities for all children in at least basic education (Government of Ghana, 2010). The specific targets stated in the ESP 2003-2015 include the following; that all children

irrespective of background , gender and region will be able to complete a full course of primary schooling by 2015; to eliminate ender disparities in primary and secondary education by

2015(Government of Ghana, 2003). From the above, we can say that education is viewed by both the global and Ghana‟s policy makers as welfare and human right issues as they are premises on expanding access, equity and quality and hooking everybody into the educational process.

In term of strategies the Ghana‟s ESP and the EFA share similar guiding principles. The UN seeks to achieve the MDG2 & EFA targets through promoting EFA policies within a sustainable integrated broad sectorial framework link to poverty elimination strategies by ensuring the following: constant engagement and participation of civil society and other stakeholders in the formulation, implementation and monitoring of educational programmes; developing responsive, participatory and accountable systems of educational governance and management; implementing an integrated strategies for gender equality in education and; 48

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enhancing the status, morale and professionalism of teachers in order to achieve the MDGs (UNESCO, 2000). Similarly, in the Ghana‟s Education Strategic Plan the guiding participles and strategies on basic education include; uprooting all kinds of gender and other and exclusion from education; improve the quality of teaching and learning, and to promote lifelong learning at all levels and for all ages. Others include the development of effective and rewarding teaching profession; devolution of the delivery and fiscal systems of 1st and 2nd cycle of education to Local Government to ensure accountability and local participation. It also seeks to strengthen monitoring, accountability management and planning in the education sector (Government of Ghana, 2010).

Decision Making: Consensus Building among Diverse Interests International policy making is a complex process that seeks to include regional interests and views of all major stakeholders in international education, including businesses and private institutions (Verger, 2014).It involves several underground preparation and consultations. As evident by the delibrations of the UN Secretary-Generals‟s High-Level Panel of Eminent Persons who are working on the Post-2015 Development Agenda: The deliberations of the Panel were informed by the broad consultative process … This includes national and global thematic consultations under the aegis of the United Nations Development Group (UNDG), regional consultations undertaken by the Regional Commissions, consultations with businesses around the world under the guidance of the UN Global Compact, and the views of the scientific and academic community as conveyed through the Sustainable Development Solutions Network …more than 5000 civil society organizations and 250 chief executive officers of major corporations who shared their valuable ideas and views during a series of consultations, both in person and online (UN, 2013) Also, the Dakar Framework of Action (2000) was birth out of amalgam of ideas and reaffirmation of international stakeholders to commit themselves to the ten (10) EFA goals.

Likewise in Ghana, base on her democratic decentralization participatory system, the policy making process is underpinned by high level of consultations and consensus building. Major policy making and reform process starts with initiation of policy by Government (Ministry of Education). This is followed by District and Regional consultations to gather inputs from the local people. This is followed by national forum where all stakeholders including international players converge to discuss and make inputs. An improved draft is then approved by cabinet.

The president laid it in parliament. The Speaker then refers it to Parliament Special Committee on Education for their suggestions. The document goes back to cabinet for their final inputs before a white paper is issued for it to become the final document. According to Government of Ghana: The two volumes of the ESP are the outcome of year-long discussions and consultations between numerous stakeholders in the education sector, particularly those in District education offices, those in NGOs and our development partners. This interaction has provided assurance and confidence in the strength and probity of the plan (Government Ghana, 2010: ESP 2010-2020, p.6).

Further, in 1999 there was a National Educational Forum. This forum identified the major challenges of education in Ghana and recommended the need to carry out a new reform in education. This culminated into the institution of President Education Review Committee in 2002 and the subsequent drawing up of the ESP (Government of Ghana, 2004). Therefore, as Haddad (1995) observes education policy making process in Ghana like that of the international level takes into account the interests and inputs of the various stakeholders in education both at the local and the international level. Hence the policies tend to enjoy high level of popular support which is key to its successful implementation.

Policy implementation Process and funding

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At the International level, UN specialize agencies like UNESCO and UNICEF and other international NGOs play a complementary roles in supporting the implementation of educational programmes globally. UNESCO, for example, provides support to national governments to develop and implement comprehensive educational policies and programmes that are relevant to local context. The support includes the provision of technical assistance in policy analysis and design of education sector development plans. The supports also include the facilitation of mobilization of donor supports for national educational plans implementation.

The support can include building the institutional capacity of national agencies in educational planning policy dialogue and monitoring and of educational programes (UNESCO, 2014). The UN specialized agencies fund their programmes through the receipt of compulsory and voluntary contributions from member countries as well business and individuals. They also impress upon developed nations to increase their aid to education. In Ghana, the implementation of educational policies are highly supported and dependent on aid and technical support from the UN specislised agencies, donor countries and the IMF and the World Bank.

They therefore dictate the direction of the policy making in Ghana. Perhaps one of the positive impacts of globalization on education in Ghana has been the inflows of funds and technical assistant into the education sector (Anlimachie, 2014). However, there seem to be overreliance on external support at the expense of prudent local initiative in raising the needed resources to fund education in Ghana. The evidence is that any time there is a delay or a withdrawal of such funds it triggers a stunt in the implementation of educational programmes in Ghana. As noted

by Samoff and Carrol (2013) perhaps there is an internalisation within Africa countries, including Ghana that improvement and change can only flourish on external support. This does not sustain make the outcome of policy implementation sustainable. The donor organizations and countries therefore have vested interest and expectations. For example, the over liberalization of the Ghanaian economy through Structural Adjustment Programmes(SAPs) was as a result of conditionality attached to grants and aid accessed by the country (Pimpong, 2006). This has led to the influx of foreign goods and the gradual the collapse of local industries due to unfair competition from the West, as well as privatization of key state- own industries most of whom are now controlled by foreign and multinational companies. One of the effects is the current problem of graduate unemployment in Ghana due to the shrinking of the industrial sector.

Another concern as observed by Pimpong (2006) is that most often the country use the funds from aids and loans in such a way that fulfil goals agreed by the loaning agency or donor countries. These goals may not be aligned with the goals of the nation. The impact of the global on education policy in Ghana is therefore very real when it comes to funding of education, even to the extent that donor partners have to make inputs into the national budget of the country. As observed by Meyer, J. W. et al. (1997), the local is indeed gradually ceding its power and sovereignty to the global.

Policy Evaluation, Impact Assessment and Recycling of Ideas One of the seven processes of policy making and planning identified by (Haddad and Demsky 1995) includes analysis of existing situation so as to guide the current the future. For example, The Dakar Framework of Action for EFA was influenced by previous experiences and revolves around several UN declarations such UN Declaration on the Rights of the Child, the Beijing Declaration on Womenâ€&#x;s Rights s among others. Dakar (2000) is a follow up to Jomtien (1990) Declaration of Education for All. Similarly, the Ghanaâ€&#x;s ESP (2010-2020) builds upon its four predecessors, especially, the ESP (2003-2015) and upon earlier visionary strategies such the FCUBE, Education Sector Review Report (2002); 2002 Education Sector Review (ESR) and; Meeting the Challenges of Education in the 21st Century (The report of the President's Committee on Review of Education Reforms in Ghana, October 2002) which covers a long period up to 2010 (Government of Ghana, 2010).

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According to (Haddad & Demsky, 995), policy making processes also include policy impact assessment and subsequent policy cycle. This means that strategic planning is continuous developmental process which link past challenges, current situations to future projections.

Comparatively both the global and Ghana have similarities as regard to policy adjustments base on identified pitfalls. Although significant successes have been chalked globally with regard to the attainment of the MDGs within the EFA strategies, the UN likewise Ghana missed the specific targets on education. The target on UPC was first scheduled by the UN to be attained by 1980, but this never materialised. A new deadline of 2000 was fixed by Jomtei 1990. This target was further reviewed to 2015. Available data so far indicate that the target has been missed. The UN Secretary-General‟s High-Level Panel of Eminent Persons on the post-2015 Development Agenda has proposed a more flexible timeline of by 2030. With respect to Ghana, the ESP 20032015 sets 2015 as the target year for UPC, but this deadline has been revised to 2020 by the ESP (2010-2020).

As regard to impact assessment for possible adjustment into existing policy in the policy making process as identified by (Haddad and Demsky, 1995), the Ghanaian experience mimic that of the international community. Example, having recognize the challenges of the EFA strategies of attaining the MDGs by the given deadlines, the international community, although not reinventing the wheel is seeking to strengthen its strategies toward 2030 in his new propose post2015 agenda. The new strategy is „Leave No One Behind‟ through the formation of stronger global partnership for sustainable Development (UN, 2013). The focus is to provide fair equitable inclusive quality education and life-long learning opportunities for all (UN, 2013). The UN High-Level Panel on the Post-2015 Development Agenda opined that the amalgam and consolidation of the goals, targets, strategies and indicators under the MDGs was a powerful instrument for the mobilization of resources and motivation led action and must be maintained and strengthened toward 2030. They recommended that going forward the new goals and targets must be pivoted on the respect for universally accepted human rights , in order to fully complete the mission started by the MDGs which is eradicating extreme poverty from the face of the earth by 2030 (UN, 2013). The Panel identified and recommends a multi- stakeholder partnership as exemplify by the composition, the structure and the practice of the Global Partnership for Education (GPE) as the way forward in delivering quality education (UN, 2013).Comparatively, in Ghana the way forward toward her 2020 vision of achieving free compulsory basic education and life-long learning for all as outlined in the ESP(2010-2020) is to increase capacity and accountability and participation through; decentralised planning, financial management in the implementation of policies and programmes; promoting public-private partnerships in an integrated school programs; develop an open mutual-accountability scheme for parents, teachers, schools, community and Districts ; and developing an effective operational School Management Committees in Basic Schools, while forming a stronger partnerships at the international level (Government of Ghana, 2010).

Discussion of Findings From the background account and discussions, Ghana policy can be said to be undergoing continuous transformation mostly motivated by international education policy paradigms, change in governments, and donors‟ influences. These forces interact and compromise their original discourses and intentions into constructing a policy document that is acceptable to all interested parties. Another feature is that policy making and reforms in Ghana are ingrained in the human rights approach as most of her policies seek to widen the frontier of education by hooking the marginalized, into at least basic formal education. The Accelerated Education Plan of the 60s and the FCUBE show that even before Jomtiem (2000), Ghana had committed herself to universal access to equitable quality education. However, the issues of equity, quality and relevance/adaptability which are also pertinent to the rights approach to education have not been sufficiently addressed for want of sufficient resources, efficient monitoring and evaluation 51

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mechanism and governance in education. In order to address equity , quality and relevance issues in education in Ghana requires the need for increasing government expenditure on education by adopting appropriate revenue generation strategies such as efficient tax mechanisms and ceding a percentage of the new oil revenue on education. These will injected the needed funds for funding quality education in Ghana. The paper also recommends Private Public Partnership in the monitoring and evaluation part in basic and secondary education in Ghana as a way to inject efficiency and discipline needed for increasing performance. Also, curriculum reforms that response to individual, local and national needs; refurbishment of school facilities, efficient school governance, and management systems as well as the development of teacher professional will all contribute to quality and make education more relevance to the need of the individuals and the country at large.

Another issue that also emerged from the historical account and the discussions is that policy making and reform process in Ghana in the past was greatly influenced by global stakeholders through policy imposition and borrowing. However, in recent times, policy dissemination from the UN and it specialize agencies and other bilateral and multinational partnerâ€&#x;s base on wide sectorial approach seems to be the main driver. Hence Ghana education policy making and implementation process mimic that of UN specialized agencies on education in terms of objective, target setting, strategies hence her policy implementation tend to attract a lot of funding and technical support from donor countries and agencies. However, this seems to be a contributory factor for the unsustainability of most of the gains. This is because whenever there are a withdrawal of aid or grants for certain education projects or programmes they suffer setbacks. In order to ensure the sustainability of such programmes require a long term plan, commitment and financial sustainability mechanisms to ensure a lasting impacts of such programs and policies.

The policy making process in Ghana is found to be underpinned by wider consultation of international and local stakeholders. Base on her participatory democratic and freedom and justice principles. However, the balance of power is tilted more to the global as the global tend to hold the power of the purse. Her history points to the fact that there are likelihood of greater successes in policies that were based on wider consultations and inclusion of all interest groups at the grassroots level. This suggests that the government must struck balance of two channels of relationships between the global one hand and the grassroots on another hand. This will help to whip the necessary funds and popular support for the success in the implementation of educational policies and programmes.

Conclusion In conclusion, policy making is not an event but process which links the past to the present whilst charting a new path toward the future. This article has highlighted that successful policies are outcomes of deliberate and relatively long deliberations encompassing all stakeholders both at the national and the international level where a compromises are reached between all competing interests. Policy making process on education is therefore seen as a human rights issue as it has far reaching effects on all segments of the society, including minority groups.

Further, the article recognizes that globalization has fueled that need for new global partnerships in policy making process on basic education due to the increasing interconnectedness of global challenges. As exemplify by the Ghanaian experiences on policy making vis-Ă -vis EFA Framework of Action there is indeed an intricate, but perhaps reciprocal relationship between the goal and the local when it come to policy making. However, the balance of power seems to be tilted towards the global as it holds the power of the purse (Crossley and Watsson, 2003). The implication is that for individual nations like Ghana to benefit sustainably from this interplay, there is the need to strike a balance and two way channels of communication between local and 52

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international interests groups in the formulation and implementation of policies on basic education. Also, given the inequalities that still exist in her basic education, there is the need for the nation to continue with human rights approach to education. This paper call for further studies into how educational policy making and strategies can be made more appropriate to the rural-urban contexts of Ghana in order to reduce rural-urban inequities in access, quality and also make education more relevant to these two milieu.

References Adamu-Issah, M., Elden, L. , Forson,M. & Schrofer, T. (2007), Achieving Universal Primary Education in Ghana by 2015: A Reality or Dream? Working Paper, United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) DPP, New York, 2007 Anlimachie, A. (2015). Viewing the influences of „the globalâ€&#x; on education in Ghana from the Lens of Human Rights Approach. International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, p-ISSN: 1694-2620, e-ISSN: 1694-2639, Volume 1, No 1, pp. 10-26. Retrieved from: http://aajhss.org/index.php/ijhss/issue/view/2 Carnoy M. (1999). Globalization and educational reform: What planners need to know?

UNESCO: IIEP. Fundamentals of Educational Planning Crossley, M. and K. Watson (2003), Educational research, global agendas and international development cooperation. In: Crossley, M. and K. Watson. Comparative and international research in education: globalization, context and difference. London: Routledge Falmer, 84-115 Dale, R. (2007), Specif ying Globalization Effects on National Policy. In: Lingard, Bob and J. Ozga, The Routledge Falmer Reader in Education Policy and Practice. London: Routledge, (pp.48-64) Declaration of Rights of the Child (1959). Retrieved from http://www.unicef.org/malaysia/1959 Declaration-of-the-Rights-of-the-Child.pdf ECOWAS Protocol on Education and Training (2003). Retrieved from http://documentation.ecowas.int/download/en/legal_documents/protocols/Protocol% 20on%20Education%20and%20Training.pdf Ghana Statistical Service (2014), Ghana Living Standard Survey (GLSS) 6 Reports. Retrieved from: www.statsghana.gov.gh/glss6.html Government of Ghana, Education Performance Sector Report, August, 2013. Retrieved from: www.moe.gov.gh/docs/ESPR%202013%20Final%20August.pdfGovernment of Ghana (2003), Education Strategic Plan, 2003 to 2015, VOLUME 1.

Policies, Targets and Strategies, Ministry of Education, Accra. May, 2003.

Retrieved from: ttp://planipolis.iiep.unesco.org/upload/Ghana/Ghana%20Education%20Strategic%20P lan.pdf Government of Ghana (2010), Education Strategic Plan 2010 to 2020, VOLUME 1. Policies, Strategies, Delivery and Finance. Ministry of Education. December, 2010. Retrieved from :http://www.moe.gov.gh/docs/ESP%202010-2020%20Vol%201%20Final.

Ghana Statistical Service (2010), 2010 Population & Housing Census- Summary Report of the Final Result. Accra; Sakoa Press Limited. Retrieved from: http://www.statsghana.gov.gh/docfiles/2010phc/Census2010_Summary_report_of_fin al_results.pdf Government of Ghana (1992) Constitution for the Fourth Republic of Ghana. Accra, Ghana Retrieve from: http://www.politicsresources.net/d ocs/ghanaconst.pdf Haddad and Demsky (1995), Educational policy-planning Process: and applied framework; Paris, 1995 UNESCO: IIEP. Retrieved from: http://www.unesco.org/education/pdf/11_200.pdf on 15.11.2014 Jacobi, A. P. (2012). Implementing global policies in African countries: Conceiving lifelong

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learning as basic education. In: Verger, A., M. Novelli and H. K. Altinyelken Global education policy and international development: New agendas, issues and policies. London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 119-136 (17pp) Poku, J. Godfred, M. Aawaar, T., & Worae A. (2013). Educational Sector Reforms in Ghana: A Review: Global Research Journal of Education Vol.3 (2) pp. 20 – 31 June. Retrieved from: ttp://www.globalresearchjournals.org/journal/grje Ministry of Education, Science and Sports, Ghana, “Linking ESP and the White Paper Reform”, November 2005 Samoff, J. with B. Carrol. 2013. Education for All in Africa: Not Catching Up, but Setting the Pace. in: Arnove, R. F., C. A. Torres & S. Franz (Eds) Comparative Education. The Dialectic of the Global and the Local. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers UNESCO & UNICEF (2007), A Human Rights-Based Approach to Education For All:

A framework for the realization of children‟s right to education and rights within education. New York, Paris: UNESCO/UNICEF, 2007 .Retrieve from: http://www.unicef.org/publications/files/A_Human_Rights_Based_Approach_to_Edu cation_for_All.pdf Universal Declaration on Human Rights (1948): Retrieved from ttp://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/ UNESCO (2013/14), EFA Global Monitoring Report 2013/4.Teaching and Learning: Achieving Quality education for all. Paris: UNESCO, Chapter 2, pp. 111-139 (28 pp) UNESCO (2000), World Education Forum: The Daker Framework of Action Education for All: Meeting our Collective Commitments, France. ED-2000/WS/27. Retrieved from: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001211/121147e.pdf United Nations (2013), A New Global Partnership: Eradicate Poverty and Transform Economies Through Sustainable Development. The Report of the High-Level Panel of Eminent Persons on the Post-2015 Development Agenda, 1-69 (27pp). Retrieve from: htpp://www.post2015hlp.org Pimpong, E. (2006). Interactions between education, economy and politics: a case of Ghana’s Educational system from a historical perspective. (Master‟s thesis, University of Bergen.

Retrieved from: http://brage.bibsys.no/xmlui/handle/11250/167511 Tomasevski, K. (2005). Girls‟ education through a human rights lens: What can be done differently? What can be made better? : Right Action. www.odi.org.uk/rights Retrieved from http://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinionfiles/4349.pd Tomasevski, K. (2006). Human Rights Obligations in Education. The 4-A Scheme. Nijmegen, Wolf Legal Publishers Tomasevski, K (2004).Manual on rights-based education: global human rights requirements made simple.

Bangkok: UNESCO, Bangkok. Retrieved from: unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0013/001351/135168e.pdf Verger, A.( 2014). Why do policy-makers adopt global education policies? Toward a research framework on the varying role of ideas in educational reform. Current Issues in Comparative Education, 2014 (17pp).

All Internet sources are retrieved between September 24, 2014, and March 31, 2015.

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International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences p-ISSN: 1694-2620 e-ISSN: 1694-2639 Volume 2, No 1, pp. 55-69, ©IJHSS

Improving Online Communication for Students in Higher Education Contexts Dr. Sarah Ohi Dr. Brian Doig Deakin University, Faculty of Arts & Education, School of Education. Victoria, Australia.

Abstract The study reported here sought to identify Higher Education students’ preferred modes of online communication whilst studying a wholly online research subject at University. The teacher education student participants from an Australian university were required to collaboratively conduct inquiry research projects in groups whilst relying upon computermediated communication. How do students communicate as a collaborative research group whilst only meeting online? The data were collected via the use of online pre-test and post-test surveys conducted ‘prior to’ and ‘post’ involvement in the unit of study and descriptive statistical analysis was applied. The findings revealed that important influences affecting students’ choice of communication mode included their own views on the capacity of online communication, their prior experience and the availability and accessibility of the modes. Furthermore, it was found that when given a choice, students preferred the use of asynchronous forms of digital communication to synchronous forms. Recommendations for improving online teaching, learning and research contexts in Universities are provided and the importance of considering blended mode delivery for wholly online units is argued.

Keywords Higher education, information communication, online, research, distance education, educational technology, early childhood, teacher education.

Introduction In a short space of time digital technologies have become an integral part of many people’s lives, with the immediate access provided by mobile technologies blurring the boundaries between work, education and personal and social spaces in their lives. This ‘emerging technology landscape’ (Hanewald & Ng 2011p.1) commonly known as the ‘Digital Age’ is characterized by an increase in the development, use and reliance upon digital technologies on a global scale. As western society becomes increasingly dependent upon the use of online technologies, so too does the University that aspires to cater for students in the 21st Century. It is not surprising that the application of technologies is increasingly prevalent in the University sector as a form of communication, a pedagogical tool, a resource, and now even as a means of communicating in order to conduct research. Universities and an array of other educational institutions world-wide are confronted with the issue of how to engage students in communication within online

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learning contexts. This study was conducted in order to better understand how Higher Education students prefer to communicate in online environments. The main focus of the study was to identify and understand the students’ reasons behind the technological choices made in relation to communication and digital presentation mediums.

Utilising Online Technologies in Higher Education Universities are attempting to capitalize on the affordances offered by technologies and have been exploring the use of electronic learning environments and the study of on-line Units, (Williams 2002) which have now become an essential part of the University’s course offerings.

Much of the attraction to the expansion of online modes of learning and research in Universities relates to their ability to provide increased flexibility for students who are unable to attend faceto-face sessions. Online course modes provide access and allow students the opportunity undertake university study regardless of whether they work business hours, reside long distances from the campus location or overseas and also enables participation by overcoming of other limiting factors such as illness, incarceration and unforeseen circumstances.

There is a growing body of research that is concerned with the role, application and effect of utilizing digital technologies in Education and the University sector. On-line teaching has made notable changes to University teaching pedagogies (Greenwood 2000, Williams 2002, Warren & Holloman 2005). Although learning and teaching in online spaces has benefits for students and teachers it is not without a number of associated problems. Williams (2002) identified three main issues that commonly arise and need to be addressed when designing and implementing online courses: pedagogy, participation and access. Vonderwell & Zachariah’s (2005) review of research on ‘e-learning’ also highlighted the importance of ‘participation’ and how it is conceptualised and defined in online learning contexts. They argue that participation must go beyond measures of frequency alone and probe more deeply to understand how the participants feel about their participation and their level of engagement in the participation. Alexander’s work (2001) identified on-line students as valuing clear course expectations, rich feedback from educators and high levels of on-line activity. Earlier research purports that the on-line learning experience is positively enhanced by the development of a nurturing, communicative culture between students and facilitators (Weller & Mason 2000, Hara & Kling, 1999).

Research concerned with the use of on-line contexts is growing rapidly in Teacher Education with a range of studies focusing upon on-line ‘group work’ and collaboration (An & Kim, 2006) and the use of on-line lectures (Nast, Schafer-Hesterberg, Zielke, Sterry & Rzany 2009, Bassili & Joordens 2008). Much of this research is specifically about ‘teaching’ and ‘learning’, however the current study focused upon students conducting on-line ‘research’ in collaborative groups.

Niemiec, Sikorski & Walberg (1996) and Bassili & Joordens (2008) highlight the importance of ‘learner control’ in on-line learning environments and in this light, this study aimed to give its participants increased control over the technological choices made for communication.

Although the field is rapidly expanding there is general consensus in the literature that there is a need for more research in the area of on-line teaching and learning and how to improve collaboration and communication on-line (Greenwood 2000, Williams 2002, Warren & Holloman 2005, Ohi 2011). Communication via digital modes is often classified as either being ‘synchronous’, simultaneous communication taking place live whilst on-line, or ‘asynchronous’ communication, such as via email or discussion board whereby communication is delayed, taking place over a period of time (Joliffe, Rotter & Stevens 2001). Asynchronous communication is commonly used in distance learning and is considered a cost effective, flexible mode (Williams 2002). Scagnelli ‘s (2006) review of literature on asynchronous learning in Higher Education argued that there is a need to conduct further research in the area in an attempt to identify

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guidelines for the design of effective asynchronous online instruction that enhances interaction and engagement with learners.

The significance of the study reported here is that it addresses a gap in the research literature that addresses online research experiences. In order to better understand on-line research, teaching and learning this project provided opportunities for students and staff to select from an array of synchronous and asynchronous communication technologies. Also of importance was the identification of the reasons underpinning the digital decisions that they made. This project importantly explored aspects of the student’s experience in relation to their views, skills, choices and expectations of the course.

Methodology The Context and the Participants This study was conducted with adult students from an Australian University in the South Eastern suburbs of Melbourne, Victoria. Sixty-six students were invited to participate in the project and a cohort of 39 volunteered for the pre-test survey and 17 for the post-test. The student participants held a Diploma of Children’s Services (or similar) and had entered a university pathway to upgrade their qualifications. They were undertaking their second and final year of a Bachelor of Early Childhood Education. The core subject that they were studying required them to undertake an Independent Research Project whilst working solely on-line whereas their prior subjects were conducted either face-to-face or in blended mode. The project involved them working in collaborative groups to undertake an inquiry research project under the supervision of an Academic Supervisor over a 12-week period. The students were given the opportunity to identify an area of interest in the area of Early Childhood and to put together a proposal for a project of inquiry that would be undertaken during the trimester.

The participating students and staff were located across the state of Victoria with some residing hundreds of kilometres away from one another. Some were based at one of the University’s three campuses, whilst others studied in distance mode from rural and overseas settings.

Seventeen research groups were comprised from a cohort of 66 students, overseen by 13 assigned Academic research supervisors. One group was comprised of two students whilst all others had four group members. Each group was required to collaborate online to negotiate a research topic, identify research questions and develop a research plan and a literature review.

The students were assessed on their research proposal (topic & questions), the literature review, the key findings and their final presentation reporting their research findings in digital mode. The research findings were to provide implications for the field of Early Childhood and to describe their direct application to practice. The presentation was to be in a form that could be shared online with their cohort as an on-line conference and that could be used in the future to present to professionals and colleagues once in the field.

The Research Questions The purpose of this study was to investigate the experiences of undergraduate University students in Education (across multiple campuses) as they collaborated through the use of on-line technologies to engage in research processes via distance mode. The aims were to: 1. Investigate the attitudes and opinions that the participants had towards the use of ICT and its potential use within this Unit as a mode of communication and research.

2. Identify their preferred modes of online communication and to establish what influenced their choices.

Essentially, the project explored collaborative approaches of communication education during team-based learning that took place during an investigative project. As such the following questions were posed:

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1. How do students view the effect of ICTs as the main form of communication during the research process?

2. When an array of technologies and related resources and training are made available to University students, what are the key influences that effect their uptake and application of the selected mediums?

The Methods Given that the study participants were working in an online environment it was considered practical and essential that the data collection also be made in that same environment. Data was collected from the participants via the use of on-line surveys, valued for their potential to enable a quick return of data and minimal time and effort required on the part of the participants (Gillham 2000). The pre-test survey sought information about the students’ pre-conceptions and expectations of on-line communication and their confidence levels and previous experience in using various aspects of technology. The post-test survey was designed to elicit specific feedback about the usefulness and effectiveness or in-effectiveness of the technologies used and the reasons behind the technological communication choices made and to receive general feedback about the structure and content of the on-line Unit.

The format of the survey questions varied and included a collection of multiple choice, Likert ratings and short answer questions. The surveys were initially trailed by the University’s Education Development Unit and feedback provided to inform the development of the final survey tools. Descriptive statistics were used for analytical purposes and in most cases presented visually.

Students were invited to participate in the pre-test and post-test surveys at the beginning and end of the academic trimester via the University’s online learning space and again via email. Although the research was developed and led by the students’ Education Lecturer who taught, coordinated and chaired the online unit being studied, the invitation to participate was sent under the guise of the University’s Education Development Unit for ethical reasons. This was to ensure that the students that volunteered did not feel coerced or obliged to participate in the research project.

Also for ethical purposes, the responses to the surveys were entirely anonymous. The Education Development Unit therefore acted as a neutral third-party that sought voluntary participants.

The surveys clearly stated that the purpose of the research was to improve the structure and design of this core unit of study and to understand a range of issues associated with engaging in research processes via on-line communication. Also stated was the fact that the anonymous data would be invaluable in improving this and other on-line units and that the findings could contribute to the body of knowledge about online pedagogies.

Throughout the semester, a range of ICT communication modes offering the choice of asynchronous and synchronous on-line communication were made available to each student research group. Supported by the University’s Blackboard Learning Management System, each group was provided with their own online space in which to utilise any of the following interactive e-tools and the surveys would identify if any other modes of communication were used by students (see figure 1.)

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Asynchronous Communication

Discussion Board This space allows people to communicate via digital messaging within the University’s on-line system.

Email Enables people to communicate via digital messaging and to share attachable documents.

Synchronous Communication

E-Live This space allows people to communicate ‘live’, in ‘real time’, via on-line chat (text), microphone (audio) or via the use of web cameras (visual).

Other?

Wiki’s Enables people to communicate via digital messaging as they create and design a website that allows them to insert audio, visual, audiovisual files, documents and hyperlinks. NB: All groups were required to build a wiki together.

Other?

Figure 1. The E-Tools made available to the online research groups.

It must be noted that using the use of a Wiki was a focal point in this unit of study as students were required to create a group wiki containing separate wiki pages for recording and organizing aspects of their research. A template of a wiki was provided which had the following headings (Research Questions, Literature Review, Design, Findings, Analysis, Recommendations) under which students could insert and share their information. It was the first time for the students to engage in formal research processes and so the template was structured in this rigid form, as it was believed that they would benefit from this support. The wiki was selected in light of its capacity to serve as a group meeting place for sharing, structuring and storing information.

Furthermore multiple members can edit a wiki and records of all changes are viewable.

Results The findings elicited from the pre-test and post-test surveys are reported in this section.

Descriptive statistics were employed.

Students’ technological capabilities prior to the semester It was important from the outset to gain an understanding of the participants’ initial views and their perception of themselves as technology users, so they were asked to rate their level of confidence in approaching new technologies in the pre-test survey. The total number of respondents to the pre-test was 39, although not everyone responded to all survey questions. All participants responded to the question: How would you describe yourself in terms of your capabilities with Information Communication Technology (ICT)? Some claimed to be novice users of technology 12 (31%), whilst others claimed reasonable familiarity 26(66%), and the remaining 1(3%) cast themselves as an expert user. Those who claimed to be technological novices, 12 participants, 4 agreed that they were experienced and confident, while two of this group, disagreed that they were experienced and claimed to lack confidence too. However, when asked if they considered themselves experienced in using a range of computer and on-line technologies, 24 (63%) agreed

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or strongly agreed this to be true, and only 14 (37%) disagreed. This would suggest that even novices have had experience with a range of technologies. One participant failed to respond to this question.

With respect to feeling confident to try new technologies, the participants were divided between agreeing 25 (65%) and disagreeing 14 (35%). On closer inspection of these data, it was found that of the 26 participants reasonably familiar with technology, 13 maintained that they were both experienced and confident, and 6 claimed that they were neither experienced nor confident.

The remaining 7 were mixed in their responses to these two questions.

The participants were asked to provide a statement about how they felt about beginning a Research Unit of study, which utilized a totally on-line environment. As expected, there was a wide range of responses, which fell into two broad categories: positive and negative feelings. In the negative category were statements like ‘a little nervous’ and ‘I am very scared’. However, some participants, while nervous or apprehensive, also suggested that this could change, ‘apprehensive but enthusiastic to learn’. Figure 2. shows the distribution of participants’ feelings about studying wholly on-line for the 38 who made a response.

e Fi n

us Cu rio

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Ne rv ou s

Co nf us ed

Ch al le ng ed Co nc er ne d

Ap pr eh en siv e

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Figure 2. Students’ initial feelings about commencing research and communication in a wholly online environment As expected, the majority of participants were suggesting nervousness or apprehension at the thought of researching and studying in an online environment whereby communication was is wholly online. They expressed this in a variety of ways, not all fearful.

‘I am scared and hoping that I am able to understand what is written and use it to the best of my ability. I also feel some sort of accomplishment, as this will be a challenge for me. I look forward to the challenges and the "not so good" moments. This will be all new to me!’

Interestingly, those who felt positive included one who was ‘curious’. Several participants (6) said at this initial stage, that they would prefer face-to-face classes.

The participants enrolled in the ICT-based university unit were also asked whether they believed that ICT could be used effectively as the main form of communication during the research process the semester. The participants were over-whelming positive about this prospect. Thirty of the 39 participants agreed, or strongly agreed, that ICT could be used effectively. Seven participants disagreed, and two did not give a response. The main reasons underpinning these views were that they believed online communication has benefits in terms of accessibility, ease of and flexibility of timing; all viewed as important as the modern world uses ICT and they need to become ICT capable. ‘It is more convenient as you can work on the assignments without having to physically meet with other team members or teachers’.

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Interestingly, in the pre-test three participants who were not native speakers of English seemed anxious and raised their concerns about communicating in a wholly online environment. One of the comments made was, I feel … ‘a bit unconfident because of me English skills. I need some face-to-face communication to clarify my doubts’. It is possible that these participants were competent oral English language users, but were concerned about their English proficiency in utilising other forms of English language such as writing.

The 39 participants were asked to indicate any of the technological items listed (Wiki, Discussion Board, e-Live, Email, Live Chat) of which they had heard. The following table shows the participant responses.

Table 1.

Wiki Discussion Board e-Live Email Live chat 9 17 15 26 22 Unremarkably, email and live chat are the best known of the technological tools, as they are in the public domain. The Wiki was the least known, which was not unexpected.

Participants were asked to indicate the technology items, as above, of which they had a working knowledge. The results are shown in the table below.

Table 2.

Wiki 6

Discussion Board 15

e-Live 6

Email 25

Live chat 17

As expected, the pattern of responses in the second table closely follows the pattern in the first table. The most interesting difference is the responses for e-Live, where working knowledge responses are very much fewer than those for having heard of e-Live.

At the end of the 12 weeks of study the student cohort were invited to participate in the online post –survey. The 17 participants that volunteered were asked to reflect on their experiences in the Unit. Figure 3. shows their responses to four questions that focussed on this aspect of the survey.

Question 10 asked for a reaction to: It was important for me to have a choice to use a range of technologies in this Unit. The majority of participants (14) agreed it was important, with 2 responding that they strongly agreed. A similar pattern can be seen for Question 11, where participants were asked to respond to: Ideally, under different circumstances, I would have engaged in the use of other technologies to improve my research. For this question, 14 responses were either agree or strongly agree. However, 3 participants responded in a different way to these two questions. These included two who strongly agreed to Question 10, but simply agreed to Question 11.

14 12 10 SD D A SA

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Figure 3: Outcomes of the Unit with respect to technology.

Question 15, which asked for a response to: I believe that ICT can be used effectively as the main form of communication during the research process, was agreed to by slightly more than half the participants (9 out of 17). This is an improvement over the responses to the pre-Unit survey, where face-to-face communication figured strongly as the preferred communication medium. In addition to this change, there was an obvious change shown by responses to Question 17, I am more confident now, than I was before this Unit, about trying out new technologies. Apparently, using the new technologies was a positive experience, and raised confidence levels in the participants. The proportion, 12 out of 17, of positive responses to this question is a very positive outcome from a single semester Unit.

When asked why they felt this way about the effectiveness of online communication six (35%) of the 17 participants did not respond, whilst seven (41%) agreed ICTs could be used effectively to communicate because it’s easy to use, effective, efficient and fast.

Communicating within Research Groups In terms of communication technology, the students chose to use a number of modes. The most frequently used technology was email, followed by asynchronous communication via the Discussion Board, then the Wiki. These were followed closely by telephone, e-Live, and Facebook, in that order. The least popular modes were the synchronous modes of the Live Chat and, not unexpectedly for an on-line Unit, Face-to-face (see Figure 4, below).

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16 14 12 Once or twice a week Three to six times a week Seven or more times a week Not at all

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Figure 4: Communication within Research groups.

An important question arises from Figure 4 above: Why did students choose to use particular modes for communication in preference to others? This study offered the students the following seven reasons: availability of resources, familiarity with the technology, ease of communication, joint decision making, suitability of the technology and their eagerness to trial a new technology, and other (see Figure 5).

6 5 Availability of Resources Familiarity with the technology Ease of communication Group decision Suitability of technology Keen to trial a new technology

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Figure 5: Reasons for selecting a communication technology.

The clear reasons for using the Wiki were the availability of resources and eagerness to try a new technology, whereas the reasons for using email were availability, familiarity, ease of use, and a group decision (for two groups). Other modes of communication that scored highly on familiarity were Discussion Boards, Facebook, and Telephone, while ease of communication was cited often as another reason for using Discussion Boards.

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Although a range of reasons were cited for each of the modes of communication, it is noteworthy that the Wiki, e-Live, and Live Chat were the only modes to receive mentions for the category ‘Keen to trial a new technologies’. A Group decision was cited as a reason for using all the technologies except Live Chat and Telephone.

In the post-test surveys students were asked also to identify how important it was to them that they had a choice to use a range of technologies in this unit. They were asked whether, under different circumstances, they would have engaged in the use of other technologies to improve their research. The majority of the 17 students (14) indicated that having a choice amongst an array of technologies was important and that they would consider using other forms of technology next time, while only three indicated that this was not important to them (see Figure 6).

14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 SA

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Figure 6: Student agreement with having a choice of technologies.

An important part of this research was also to gauge whether research processes could be undertaken wholly on-line and to evaluate and improve the Unit content and its organization as it was the first iteration of this newly developed approach. When asked to reflect upon whether the Unit was well planned and organized (Question 18), and if it was valuable in allowing them to expand their knowledge and engage in the research process in an area of interest (Question 19). As is clear from Table 3, the overwheling view (83%) of the 17 students was that the ‘On the whole, this Unit was well planned and organized’ (Question 18) and they responded similarly to Question 19: This Unit was valuable in allowing me to expand my knowledge and engage in the research process in an area of interest (77%). From these figures we contend that the Unit was a success, and provides guidance as to how to construct and conduct future Units.

Table 3* SD D A

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18%

18%

* All percentages rounded up As mentioned earlier, in the pre-test data some participants were clearly afraid and nervous about working collaboratively in groups to conduct research. Despite this initial hesitance, comments provided in the post-test as final reflections associated with engaging in on-line research processes via on-line communication were much more positive, “I developed my research skills” “Assignments were challenging and interesting to complete” “Great to be able to research an area of interest” “Team-based learning can be rewarding, but challenging!”

“Mastering the use of new technologies takes time” “Research processes can be engaged in, via on-line communication.”

These results indicate that the online Unit of study was valuable in allowing students to expand their knowledge in an area of interest and to engage in research processes whilst studying via distance mode in an online context.

The participants were asked, Were there any barriers that prevented you from trialling any of the technologies made available to you within this unit? If so, what were they? Seven (41%) participants reported no barriers at all, 5 (34%) felt lack of sufficient time to do their study and learn about ICTs was limiting and 4 (24%) found their own lack of knowledge to be a hindrance. One student who was studying abroad identified poor internet service as a barrier.

When asked to describe ideal circumstances that would improve their research in this unit, nine (53%) of the 17 students wanted some face-to-face interaction with either or all of the following: the lecturer, their research supervisor, other students or to engage in ICT instructional workshops. The participants were asked to indicate if they would make the time to engage in a free online professional learning workshop about ways of communicating online. Most of them (27 people) said they would as it had benefits for them for the future and it would help them use ICT more effectively. Five said ‘Yes’, but time permitting and four were adamant that they lacked the time to engage in such things.

When asked what kind of strategies they used to receive help when using the selected technologies 9 out of 17 people indicated that they did either or all of the following: persisted and tried again, asked a colleague or asked their Supervisor or Lecturer. Other sources of support were family and friends (4) outside of the university, Google (1) and a Guide document.

Interestingly none of the participants contacted the university’s ICT specialists who could be contacted during extended business hours by telephone.

Discussion The findings identified key aspects of the unit of study that hindered online communication and others that supported effective online communication. These aspects and core issues that arose whilst engaging in research processes in an on-line environment are discussed below.

Learning by doing This study revealed that the participant’s capabilities and levels of confidence in using unfamiliar technologies were raised by their involvement in the Unit of study and the online research context. The results revealed that participants highly valued the opportunity to exercise choice over which digital modes of communication they would master and utilize. They grew in confidence and competence in using online modes for communication purposes over the

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semester period. Furthermore, when given a choice, they preferred the use of asynchronous forms of digital communication to synchronous forms for a range of reasons.

Barriers hindering effective online research and communication Most of the participants agreed that online communication could work effectively for research and communication purposes. They also largely agreed that the University Unit Chair and Research Supervisors were approachable, very helpful and supportive, however, when asked how to improve the Unit a prominent theme that arose was that they nonetheless desired more contact and support from University staff (Supervisors & Lecturer). Their recommendations included that the Unit could involve further support by the provision of some level of face-toface contact. This contact could be at planned intervals throughout the semester, either in person or via videoconference so that students could receive further guidance and support. The introduction of online instructional workshops or videos was also suggested as a possible form for this support, for example, a session on how to build and use a wiki.

More than a third of the students felt there were no barriers preventing them from trialling any of the available, new technologies for their online research and communication, whilst a third felt they lacked the time needed to learn about the ICTs to be used. One quarter of the participants identified their own lack of knowledge of ICTs as a barrier preventing them from exploring unfamiliar ICTs and one person had issues with internet connectivity and reliability.

In summary, some of the barriers experienced are dependent upon the lecturer/teacher in terms of curriculum design and pedagogy ie. modes of delivery, time needed to learn about new ICT’s and requirements to use particular ICTs. Other barriers however are more reliant on factors that are in the student’ control such as time management and a willingness to increase their knowledge.

Suggested improvements to enhance communication for online research and study A strong theme that was prominent in both the pre-test and post-test data was that many students, particularly, those who hadn’t engaged in online study before believed that they would have benefited from a mix of both face-to-face, live classroom learning and online modes of learning and communication. The suggestions were largely that the unit be taught partly online and partly face-to-face with opportunities to work with their research group, lecturer and research supervisor. Some felt that face-to-face interactions could be replaced or supplemented with the use of E-live and online explanatory or instructional workshops.

This particular mixed method mode of delivery is renowned as blended learning. There is a growing body of knowledge about blended learning (Ginns & Ellis 2007, Picciano, Bonk & Graham 2012, Ziuban & Graham, 2013). Lim, Morris & Kupritz (2014) recently conducted a comparative study of students taught in blended versus wholly online modes. They reported that although student-learning outcomes were similar, students studying in blended mode reported less problems in relation to interpreting instructions, gaining understanding and difficulties with workload. It must be noted however, that they view their research findings as limited and identify the area worthy of further research.

Choice of Digital Communication Modes The evidence suggested that as students engaged in collaborative online research, they made use of an array of provided online communication methods and additionally also made use of Facebook and mobile telephones which were part of their existing communicative repertoires outside of the university context. The students agreed it was effective and important for them to be provided with the freedom to choose the digital communication modes by which they would

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communicate throughout the study period. Research groups collectively made decisions about preferred communication modes. They favoured asynchronous modes of online communication (email and group online discussion board) to engage with their student peers, largely because of their familiarity and the ease of its use, whilst preferring to largely communicate with their academic Research Supervisors via email. The results showed that students grew in confidence and competence in using online modes for communication purposes over the trimester period.

Valuing the right to make technological decisions This study highlighted the importance of providing online students (in this case at University) with the opportunity to exercise some level of choice in relation to the digital tools and resources adopted for communication and presentation purposes. The participants valued the fact that apart from the requirement to use a wiki, they had control over what would be used, The study also found that the main factors affecting their choices included group decisionmaking, existing familiarity with the technology, their perception of the suitability of particular technologies to suit their purpose and also the availability and accessibility of the technology.

Most students and Supervisors indicated that ICT can be used effectively as the main form of communication during the research process, but that having autonomy and choice over which digital modes would be used was both satisfying and effective in supporting their engagement in the online research process.

Conclusion This research investigated how pre-service teachers (Education students) viewed the effect of Information Communication Technologies (ICT) as the main form of communication during the research process and also identified the influencing factors that affected their choice of Etools for communication and presentation purposes. The survey data elicited core issues that arise for students working in an entirely on-line research environment.

Students generally preferred the use of asynchronous forms of digital communication to synchronous forms and this choice of E-tools for communication purposes were related to their perception of their capacity to use ICTs, their previous experience and the availability and accessibility of these modes. They largely believed that it was important to become ICT capable and perceived communication via ICT to be valued for its ease, accessibility and time flexibility.

In contrast however, most notable was the participants’ desire for greater support and a hunger for face-to-face interaction via live or video-conference facilities; the preference for a blended mode of delivery and interaction.

These research findings have application to organisations conducting online research, teaching and learning. Leaders of learning and research in online spaces are reminded of the importance of providing opportunities for participants to exercise choice about the digital tools and repertoires that they will need to master, adopt and utilise. Furthermore, the argument is made that a ‘blended learning’ learning approach, where possible, may well be more effective than wholly on-line approaches and that further research is warranted in this area.

Acknowledgements We are grateful to the Faculty of Arts and Education, Deakin University for supporting this research project through the provision of funds via the competitive Teaching and Learning Grant scheme. We also acknowledge the support of The Melbourne Group from the School of Education at Deakin University. We acknowledge the Educational Development Unit at Deakin University and Dr. Brad Warren for his support with the initial data. Furthermore, we would like

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to thank the Academic Supervisors and Education students that chose to participate in this study and thereby made the project possible.

References Archambault, L. (2011). The Practitioner’s Perspective on Teacher Education: Preparing for the K-12 Online Classroom. Journal of Technology and Teacher Education, 19(1), 73-91.

Chesapeake, VA: AACE. Retrieved from http://www.editlib.org/p/31410.

An, H. & Kim, S. (2006). The Benefits and Limitations of Online Group Work in a Teacher Education Program, Technology and Teacher Education Annual, Vol.4. pp.2465.

Bassili, J. & Joordens, S. (2008) ‘Media Player Tool Use, Satisfaction with Online lectures and Examination Performance, Journal of Distance Education, Vol. 22 (2) pp.93-107.

Bonk, C. & Graham, C. (eds.)(2012), The Handbook of Blended Learning, Global Perspectives, Wiley & Sons, San Francisco.

Ginns, P. & Ellis, R. (2007). Quality in blended learning: Exploring the relationships between online and face-to-face teaching and learning. Internet and Higher Education 10. p.53-64.

Gillham, B. (2000). Developing a questionnaire. London: Continuum.

Greenwood, T. M. (2000). E-Class: Creating a guide to online course development for distance education: An examination and analysis of change. Dissertations Abstract International, 61 (7A), 2576.

Hanewald, R., Ng, W. (2011), The Digital Revolution: Netizenship and Multi-Literacy of Mobile Technology Users in Mobile Technologies and handheld Devices for Ubiquitous Learning: Research and Pedagogy.

Jolliffe, A., Ritter, J., Stevens, D. (2001), The On-line Learning Handbook, € “ Developing and Learning Web Based Learning. Kogan Page Maddux, C., Sprague, D., Ferdig, R. & Albion, P. (2007), Editorial: Online Education: Issues and Research Questions, Journal of Technology and Teacher Education, Vol. 15, (2), April 2007, pp.

157-166 Naismith, L., Lonsdale,P., Vavoula, G. (2004), Literature Review in Mobile Technologies and Learning, A report for NESTA FutureLab, University of Birmingham, united Kingdom.

Nast, A., Schafer-Hesterberg, G., Zielke, H., Sterry, W. & Rzany, B. (2009), Online Lectures for Students in Dermatalogy? A Replacement for Traditional teaching or a valuable addition?

Journal of the European Academy of Dermataolgy and Venerology, Vol. 23 (9), 10391043.

Niemiec, R., Sikorski, C. & Walberg, H. (1996), Learner-Control effects: A Review of Reviews of Meta-Analysis. Journal of Educational Computing research, 15(2), 157-174.

Ohi, S. (2011) Investigating Ways of Enhancing Online Research, International Journal of Instructional Technology and Distance Learning, vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 1-6, TEIR Center, Duquesne University, Pittsburgh, Pa. Packham, G., Jones, P., Miller, C., Thomas, B. (2004), Perceptions of Effective E-moderation: A Tutors' Viewpoint, Networked Learning 4th International Conference, Lancaster University, 5-7 April. Pp.504-11.

Picciano,A., Ziuban, C. & Graham, C. (eds)(2014), Blended Learning: Research Perspectives, Routledge, New York.

Vonderwell,S. & Zachariah, S. (2005), Factors that influence Participation in Online Learning, Journal of Research on Technology in Education, Vol. 38 (2), pp. 213-230.

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Warren, L., Holloman, H. (2005). On-Line Instruction: Are the Outcomes the Same? Journal of Instructional Psychology, Vol. 32.

Williams, C. (2002) Learning On-line: a review of recent literature in a rapidly expanding field, Journal of Further and Higher Education, 26 (3), pp. 263 - 272 Wilson, J.C. (2010). Through Firewalls and Beyond: A Focus on What Pre-service Teachers Learned in an Online Book Club. Journal of Technology and Teacher Education, 18(4), 671-691.

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International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences p-ISSN: 1694-2620 e-ISSN: 1694-2639 Volume 2, No 1, pp. 70-85, ©IJHSS

Stakeholder views about participating in paediatric biobanks: a narrative review Cynthia A. Ochieng, Joel T. Minion, Andrew Turner and Madeleine J. Murtagh* D2K Research Group, School of Social and Community Medicine, University of Bristol, BS8 2BN UK Abstract Scientific and medical research with children is essential to the development of therapies for younger patients. Paediatric biobanking uses samples from minors to provide a critical and expanding resource for such research. It also raises important ethical, legal and social implications (ELSI) and highlights the need for appropriate frameworks for practice developed through stakeholder consultation. This paper reviews the current literature on stakeholder views of paediatric biobanking. A narrative review was conducted of empirical studies in this area, the majority of which did not involve actual biobanks or include the views of children. Key themes were identified: parental consent; childrens‘ assent; the return of results; and risks, benefits and burdens of participation. The resultant analysis highlights how children involved in paediatric biobanks are not only capable of understanding and assenting to their participation but also of contributing their voices to the development of future paediatric biobanking policy.

Keywords: paediatric biobank, children, ethics, narrative review, genetic, social.

1. Introduction The use of human samples in biomedical research has resulted in unprecedented scientific breakthroughs (Wolf, Bouley et al. 2010). Biobanking technology today offers a rich resource for studying many aspects of human health and disease. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development defines biobanks as ―a collection of biological material and the associated data and information stored in an organised system, for a population or a large subset of a population‖ (Sampogna 2006). Paediatric biobanking promises greater understanding of the causes, prevention and treatment of childhood disease (Brisson, Matsui et al. 2012). The ongoing dearth of knowledge of preventive measures and appropriate treatment for children at different stages of their development is internationally recognised (Gill 2004). This limitation results in part from stringent child protection restrictions placed on research involving children (Avard, Silverstein et al. 2009). But alongside the need for child protection in research is an equal and growing need for the inclusion of child participants in order to generate age-specific findings (Field and Behrman 2004). Paediatric biobanks continue to be developed as a basis for facilitating medical and scientific research with samples from child populations (Samuël, Knoppers et al. 2012). Their development has been accompanied by a corresponding interest in the ethics of children‘s participation in research and a need for sociological inquiry into practices connected to it (Avard, Sénécal et al. 2011). Future understandings can be expected to aid in

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policy development and the implementation of culturally appropriate paediatric biobanking practices.

Paediatric biobanking is governed by myriad restrictions and regulations, an unsurprising situation given the historical injustices in bioscience perpetrated on vulnerable populations (Avard, Silverstein et al. 2009) and the controversial discovery of unconsented bio-repositories such as those at Alder Hey hospital and Bristol Royal Infirmary in the UK (Boden, Epstein et al.

2009, Avard, Sénécal et al. 2011). There is also ongoing limited guidance on promoting good biobanking practices involving samples from children (Samuël, Knoppers et al. 2012). In paediatric biobanking, participants are in a state of growing maturity requiring researchers to address issues of privacy, autonomy and concepts of risk that all change with age. Some argue that research on children should only be undertaken if it involves no more than minimal risks, namely those no higher than what a child would encounter in daily life (Hens, Nys et al. 2009). A dynamic approach to paediatric biobanking has also been put forward (Avard, Silverstein et al.

2009), one founded on continued communication among all stakeholders (for example, the model proposed by (Kaye, Whitley et al. 2014)).

Children are key stakeholders and have demonstrable knowledge of the benefits and challenges of biobank participation (Anderson, Stackhouse et al. 2011). Considering their views in research recognizes their worth as human beings (Roberts 2008) and potentially improves the protection of children while fostering trust in biobanking (Lemke, Wolf et al. 2010). Such consultation may also help highlight pitfalls in research design and provide opportunities for improving research (Godard, Marshall et al. 2004). The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child states that children capable of forming their own views should be assured their right to express these views on matters concerning them (Morrow and Richards 1996). The Children’s Act of 1989 in England and Wales stipulates that courts shall regard the wishes and feelings of the child, while professional bodies such as the British Psychological Association and the British Sociological Association as well as research organisations such as the Medical Research Council encourage active consultation and engagement with children involved in research.

Little is known, however, about children‘s understandings of their social positioning within health research (Mayall 1998). Children are increasingly seen as competent social actors worthy of study in their own right (James and James 2001), and that understanding childhood requires revealing the experiences of children (Shanahan 2007). But giving voice to children entails more than simply letting children speak; it necessitates a deeper exploration of their experiences and how adults theorise these (James 2007). Understanding social order from a child‘s standpoint requires studying not only a child‘s perceptions but also the development of the concepts that underpin such knowledge (Mayall 1998). Social studies of paediatric biobanking is therefore needed to inform more fully policies affecting the study of health and disease in children (Grover 2004).

While paediatric research must always be finely balanced against child protection (Mumford 1999), overweighting in favor of protectionism can result in ‗therapeutic orphans‘ and a limited number therapies tested for safety and efficacy in children (Samuël, Ries et al. 2008). The construction of children‘s vulnerability may also lead some researchers to view child participants as ‗out-of-bounds‘ with the result that their voices are silenced (Moran-Ellis 2010). Past efforts to advance research while maintaining effective child protection have rested on the principle of subsidiarity; that is, permitting research on children only if it cannot be done on adults (Hens, Van El et al. 2012). Research with children has also generally been based on the precautionary principle that adequate measures must be taken to avoid potentially harmful outcomes when there is an expectation based on empirical evidence or causal hypotheses that damage could

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occur (Jarosinska and Gee 2007). This approach demands full consideration be given to any physical and emotional harm to the child, such as avoiding venipuncture by using residual blood from diagnostic testing, or conducting data collection at home or a familiar setting rather than in a hospital (Avard, Silverstein et al. 2009). Risks specifically associated with biobank participation include breaches of privacy, the disclosure of information to third parties, and possible stigmatisation of participants based on genetic results (Avard, Silverstein et al. 2009).

The objective of this paper is, therefore, to identify and critically review existing empirical research into the views and perspectives of principal stakeholders involved in paediatric biobanking – namely children, parents and researchers. The authors aim to summarise not only key findings emerging from this literature, but also to critically examine higher level ethical, legal and social implications (ELSI) issues cross cutting the existing evidence base. The authors assume from the outset that children's voices are essential to future development of paediatric biobanking policies and best practice.

2. Methods A narrative approach was used to review the literature. The aim was to identify empirical research involving stakeholders and/or participants in paediatric biobanks. A narrative rather than systematic review was undertaken for reasons outlined in the literature (Petticrew and Roberts 2008, Bryman 2012), namely: that the focus of the review was broad rather than specific; the studies under consideration were largely qualitative or mixed methods; and the objective was to assess individual studies rather conduct a meta-analysis. A literature search was conducted by the lead author (CO) to identify all articles published in English prior to May 2014 using multiple bibliographic databases. The search process was iterative and continued until no new articles were found (Petticrew and Roberts 2008). The overall strategy was additionally reviewed for quality and output by a second author (JM), who is a professional librarian.

In order to pinpoint search terms most applicable in the field of paediatric biobanking, an initial pilot search was conducted using the Web of Knowledge (WoK) bibliographic database. An analysis of the results from exploratory searching determined that virtually all relevant papers included keywords on two themes: children and genetic databases. There was, however, considerable variation in terminology use. The terms relating to children were child/children, minor, youth, young people, adolescent and paediatric; while those relating to genetic databases were biobank(s), gene bank(s), gene repository/ies, genetic database(s), stored DNA and genomic database(s). Based on these pilot efforts, an initial search was conducted in WoK using the terms identified above for children and genetic databases. The final search used was: TOPIC: (child* OR minor OR youth OR young people OR adolescent OR paediatric) AND TOPIC: (biobank* OR gene bank* OR gene repositor* OR genetic database* OR stored DNA OR genetic repository* OR genomic database*) The search (along with all subsequent updating searches) was conducted without date restrictions because paediatric biobanking remains a relatively new practice whose documented evidence base is small. Initially we focused on general population biobanks that either included mainly or only children. As these efforts yielded few papers, it was decided that disease-specific tissue banks should also be included to elicit a range of views about children‘s participation in biobanking more broadly.

The final WoK search (May 2014) produced 311 unique hits. These were assessed by reviewing each paper‘s keywords and abstract using predefined inclusion and exclusion criteria. Papers were included for review if they reported findings from empirical studies into people‘s opinions, views, perceptions or experiences with a paediatric biobank, paediatric tissue bank, or any

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biobank and tissue bank including or intended to include samples from children. Papers excluded from review were those of a medical laboratory nature, those detailing the structures of biobanks, any papers based on blood spots or Guthrie cards, those focusing on predictive genetic screening, and publications not based on empirical studies (e.g. theoretical papers, systematic reviews, legal document reviews). Papers were also excluded from review if they were not published in English or if full-text versions could not be obtained. Some papers included for review sought participants‘ views on the idea of paediatric biobanking rather than actual paediatric biobanks. For the purposes of this paper these were categorised as being ―hypothetical‖ biobanks owing to the fact that the biobanks either did not exist or were being established but not yet operational.

The WoK search was then repeated in PubMed (119 hits) and Scopus (195 hits). A total of 11 articles met the inclusion criteria. Following all three searches, a similar and final search was conducted using Google Scholar (GS). Because GS offers a less precise search interface, the search strategy incorporated additional terms relating to research methods and study type. Of the terms used, the first was ‗paediatric biobank‘, the second focused on research methodology (e.g. qualitative, empirical, thoughts, views, experiences) and the third related to study type (e.g. birth cohort, longitudinal). Within GS the final search used was: paediatric biobank AND qualitative OR empirical OR thoughts OR views OR experiences AND longitudinal birth cohort Two further articles were identified using GS. To ensure a comprehensive literature review, a ‗pearl growing‘ (Bryman 2012) assessment of the references cited in all 13 articles was carried out. This produced two further articles that met the inclusion criteria, for a total of 15.

When conducting a narrative review, Bryman (Bryman 2012) also recommends reviewing key authors‘ publications. Based on papers assessed for inclusion, several researchers were identified as prominent in the broader field of paediatric biobanking through their involvement in either empirical or theoretical research. A search for each was conducted in WoK and PubMed, identifying one further paper. Corresponding authors of all 16 papers were contacted by CO to inquire if further work had been completed or published. This yielded six papers for a total of 22. Emails were also sent to 70 paediatric biobanks and biobanks involving families requesting references, though no new articles meeting the inclusion criteria were identified.

3. Results The results section first provides a brief overview of the papers and the different types of research undertaken. Secondly we identify four main themes emerging from the findings and considers their implication for future research and practice in paediatric biobanking.

3.1. Summary of papers reviewed All papers reviewed are summarised in Table 1. Four key characteristics were identified among them. First, the 22 papers reported only 17 empirical studies (papers reporting on single underlying studies were: Study A (Halverson and Ross 2012, Lemke, Halverson et al. 2012); Study B (Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2003, Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2004, Williamson, Goodenough et al. 2004); and Study C (Hens and Dierickx 2010, Hens, Nys et al. 2010). Second, only one study sought solely children‘s views about their experience of participating in biobank research (Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2003, Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2004). Two others (Dixon-Woods, Wilson et al. 2008, Harris, Ziniel et al. 2012) included both children and adults, though these were based on tissue bank research (i.e. disease specific biobanks); in these papers the contribution of children was not made explicit in the findings. One study included adolescents (i.e. children in their teens) as well as adults (Hens and Dierickx 2010, Hens, Nys et al. 2010). Third, a clear majority of the papers (n=13) involved what we have termed

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hypothetical paediatric biobanks (i.e. biobanks that did not exist at the time of the study). Finally, almost all authors referred to children, minors or adolescents without specifying age ranges (for this paper, we use child or children to refer to any individual under 18 unless specified otherwise by an author).

3.2. Themes arising from the review Four main themes emerged from the literature reviewed on paediatric biobanks. These were: (1) parental consent; (2) children‘s assent; (3) return of genetic results; and (4) risks, burdens and benefits of participation. Each is discussed in turn, after which we briefly compare the perspectives of the range of stakeholders involved in the reviewed studies.

3.2.1. Parental consent Parental consent was a recurrent theme in many of the papers. Although never defined explicitly, parental consent was understood as parents‘ agreement that samples, medical records and other information about their children would come to be included in biobanks as well as agreement to their child‘s ongoing participation. Consent was portrayed as a legally binding agreement given by a parent or a child who had reached the age of majority (usually age 16 years). Overall there was a general preference for involvement in biobanks that used broad consent and simple consent forms (Lemke, Halverson et al. 2012). While seeking views of women about a hypothetical paediatric biobank Neidich et. al. (2008) found that women supported the use of samples for a wide array of paediatric conditions, either to help their own children or medical science more generally. There was some variability regarding temporal restrictions on broad consent, with some studies suggesting parents preferred re-contact about future research (Lemke, Halverson et al. 2012), while others indicated a more general willingness to sanction future research without being re-contacted (McMurter, Parker et al. 2011).

Contrary to common practice in consent taking, parents reported a preference for more straightforward and uncomplicated consenting procedures particularly in the nature of the consent forms (Hens and Dierickx 2010). For example, a study proposing a hypothetical biobank (McMurter, Parker et al. 2011) found that parents of paediatric oncology patients would be satisfied to give a simple ‗yes/no‘ consent to future research without the need for complicated consent forms. Another (Hens and Dierickx 2010) found researchers and healthcare professionals in genetic research believed that parents would have less confidence in research and be less likely to participate in paediatric biobanks if presented with long consent forms, suggesting more complex consent forms could possibly deter participation among parents.

Parental consent on behalf of children was seen as potentially problematic. Professionals in the field of genetics felt that proxy consent (consent given by parents on behalf of children) could infringe on the child‘s rights by limiting the scope of the child‘s assent (Hens, Snoeck et al.

2010). Williamson et. al. (2004) postulated that power is negotiated between parents and children in a complex manner and that the position of children changes as they age and acquire more information.

3.2.2. Children’s assent Children‘s assent was seen as the inclusion of a child‘s permission – or more simply, a child‘s agreement – to participate in research, once parental consent had been given on behalf of the child. All papers reported that children‘s views needed to be taken into account as part of paediatric biobanking practices. In particular, this theme identified a debate over how assent was managed empirically. The issues identified included: when to presume consent (age versus maturity) (Hens and Dierickx 2010); how to assent (Jackson, Dixon‐Woods et al. 2009); whether to re-contact children to update consent (Goldenberg, Hull et al. 2009); and whether to make provisions for withdrawal from research (Ries, LeGrandeur et al. 2010). In their study involving parents of paediatric oncology patients, McMurter et. al. ( 2011) found that parents considered

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children capable of consent before the age of 18. Jackson et. al. (2009) affirmed this finding in their study of healthcare professionals but additionally found that strict formal adherence to assessing a child‘s capacity (such as requiring his/her signature or having a particular age set for majority) could interfere with the assessment of the child‘s ability to consent. Hens et. al. (2010) corroborated this finding in their study of professionals involved in paediatric biobanking, although their main departure from Jackson was their suggestion that 16 to 18 is a suitable age for children to consent. Jackson et al (2009) argued that specific age boundaries for consenting were too restrictive. Hens et al (2010) did, however, acknowledged the impracticality of assigning a fixed threshold for consent given the influence of an individual child‘s maturity and social context. Williamson et. al. (2004) reported that child participants viewed consent as a progressive relationship between themselves, their parents and researchers. Hens and Dierickx (2010) postulated that consent forms as used today mainly serve as a document for avoiding prosecution or litigation rather than being a document to improve patient-researcher relationship. Williamson et al. (2004) affirmed in their research with child participants of a biobank that children were cognisant of their changing priorities and opinions and could hence discuss their perceptions of their own development logically. Additionally, in the case of longterm paediatric biobanking, competence and autonomy were thought to develop through direct social experience (Hens and Dierickx 2010).

Kaufman et. al. (2008) demonstrated that adults saw the importance of obtaining children‘s permission before inclusion in a biobank. Using a hypothetical scenario approach, Hens and Dierickx (2010) found that teenagers wanted to be re-contacted when participating in research for reasons of respect and curiosity rather desire to control the research. The issue of re-contact for consent was also reported by Goldenberg et. al. (2009), who surveyed adult cancer patients about a hypothetical paediatric biobank that would include a sample from their childhood; in this case re-consent was seen primarily by respondents as indicative of the researchers‘ respect for participants‘ interest in research decision making. The debate on re-consent was presented as moving in tandem with a participant‘s ability to withdraw from a study (2008). While the right to withdraw upheld an individual‘s autonomy, it also restricted the potential for long term research.

One reported way of avoiding high rates of withdrawal was to design participation in biobanks that allowed participants to waive future consent (Goldenberg, Hull et al. 2009). Williamson et. al. (2004) reported that some children felt pressure against dissenting to research participation in their study among child participants of a biobank.

3.2.3. Return of results to children or families Also identified in the analysis was a desire for the return of research results in paediatric biobanking (McMurter, Parker et al. 2011). There was variation in participants‘ expectations by way of returned results and how these would be communicated. Parents generally wanted some degree of feedback. For example, Harris et. al. (2012) found parents who had enrolled their children (with developmental disorders) in a tissue bank not only wanted to receive results but preferred to receive this information electronically, believing the results would help them understand their child‘s condition more fully. Additionally, Hens and Dierickx (2010) found that even though participants understood there to be a clear distinction between research and diagnosis, return of results was considered a humane act as compensation for research participation.

Although parents generally wanted results returned, this desire led to secondary concerns, especially tensions between a child‘s autonomy and privacy vis-a-vis his/her parents (Hens and Dierickx 2010). The study found there was a need to strike a balance between a parent‘s desire for disclosure and a child‘s autonomy within research participation. This debate was also addressed by Hens et. al. (2010), who argued that communicating genetic results that lacked

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immediate medical value to parents would breach the principle of autonomy and affect the child‘s ability for self-governance. In addition to this, Harris et. al. (2012) postulated that a child‘s future autonomy in controlling their research results may be compromised when such results are disclosed to his/her legal guardian. Similarly, Hens and Dierickx (2010) argued that the rights of a child to know about (potentially treatable) medical conditions superseded the rights of his/her guardians in deciding not to know. Likewise, it was reported that returning genetic results could alter how parents treat their child (Hens, Nys et al. 2010). Such debates speak to ongoing concerns about best practices for upholding the autonomy of a child in paediatric biobanking.

3.2.4. Risks, burdens and benefits of participation The final theme addressed the balance between the risks and burdens of research and the potential benefits that could come from participation. While definition of terms such as risks, burdens and benefits was rarely made explicit in the papers, risks were mainly viewed as potential harms, burdens as excessive demands in time and effort, and benefits as possible gains from participation (including but not limited to financial or therapeutic gains). In the papers reviewed, the specific risks faced by children from biobanking were varied, from physical or emotional harm (a commonly reported example was venepuncture, though whether this meets the minimum risk threshold for child research participation may be debatable), to being uncomfortable socially with certain questions (e.g. questions about alcohol consumption among teenagers) (Hens and Dierickx 2010).

A number of authors reported concern among researchers and the public to avoid risks and burdens for research participants. Others reported a similar finding among parents and children.

Halverson and Ross (2012) specifically noted parents stating they would enrol their children in a biobank on condition of minimal risk to the children. Kaufman et. al. (2008) found parents in their study were not willing to enrol their children in biobanks because participation would be burdensome, especially if the biobank required daily recording of a child‘s life, vis a vis the already long list of activities of their children. Hens et. al. (2010) reported that the possibility of research being distressing or of limited benefit to participants could inhibit enrolment in biobanks. Public opinion, as presented by Kaufman et. al. (2008), revealed an expectation of benefits to individuals such as the child or the child‘s family, or a wider benefit to society through the advancement of medical knowledge. In spite of participants being concerned by the level of burden placed on them by participation, Lemke et. al. (2012) also found that parents believed the benefits of participating in a paediatric biobank outweighed the risks. Although parents wished to protect their children from unwarranted burden and risks, they were aware that certain risks are ubiquitous in society; and reasoned that no research is exempt from risk in the form of breaches (Lemke, Halverson et al. 2012).

4. Multiple stakeholders A range of stakeholder opinions were covered in the papers included in this review. We note the specific patterns of these perspectives here. In papers reporting researchers‘ opinions, the issues resonating most were the need for both parental consent and child‘s assent (Jackson, Dixon‐Woods et al. 2009, Hens and Dierickx 2010), the problematic nature of both blanket consent (Ries, LeGrandeur et al. 2010) and the return of research results (Ries, LeGrandeur et al.

2010), the need for privacy protection, and a concern that research should not be burdensome to the child (Hens, Snoeck et al. 2010). Papers reporting views of parents demonstrated that there was a general desire to receive research results (McMurter, Parker et al. 2011, Harris, Ziniel et al.

2012, Lemke, Halverson et al. 2012) and that children should be re-contacted as they matured (McMurter, Parker et al. 2011) for consent (Klima, Fitzgerald-Butt et al. 2013). Parents supported biobank use for a wide array of paediatric research (Neidich, Joseph et al. 2008) and their enrolment was based on their trust in biobanks (Neidich, Joseph et al. 2008, Brothers and

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Clayton 2012). Parents asserted that children should be given access to their health records (Halverson and Ross 2012). Papers reporting the views of the public had similar themes: the need for re-consenting after the child reaches majority (Kaufman, Geller et al. 2008, Goldenberg, Hull et al. 2009), the need for minimising a child‘s pain and burden in participation (Kaufman, Geller et al. 2008), a desire to receive research results (Halverson and Ross 2012), and the importance of trust in research participation (Halverson and Ross 2012). Papers involving both adolescents and adults (who were not participants in biobanks) reported similar findings, (though it is not clear which responses were from the adults and which ones were from the adolescents): that research should not be burdensome (Hens and Dierickx 2010); a trust in parents ability to consent to the right research as well as trust in biobanking (Hens, Nys et al. 2010); the importance of informed consent and growth toward autonomy (Hens and Dierickx 2010, Hens, Nys et al. 2010); the need for confidentiality; and, wanting meaningful research results communicated (Hens, Nys et al. 2010). Papers reporting the views of children alone or children and parents (actual biobank participants) expressed the need for both child‘s assent and parental consent (Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2004, Williamson, Goodenough et al. 2004) the need for anonymity (Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2004) and the growing autonomy of children (Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2004).

Discussion This review highlighted four main areas of interest in paediatric biobanking. First, parents preferred simple consenting procedures, though it was noted that broad parental consent can be problematic if it impairs a child‘s future autonomy and control over their participation in research. Second, children‘s assent was considered important in research. The few children interviewed in these empirical studies viewed their role in assent as a progressive relationship between themselves, their parents, the researchers. Child participants expected that with increasing age they would have more control over their research participation. There was, however, varied opinion as to the correct age for children to assume consenting responsibilities for research. Many child respondents held the view that children might find it difficult to exercise their right to dissent to research consented by their parents. Third, the return of research results is a particularly important issue. Parents generally wanted to receive results, viewing them as a possible benefit of participation in a biobank. Some authors however understood this activity as having the capacity to infringe upon a child‘s autonomy. Finally, concern about risks, burdens and benefits of research participation was evident in the literature. Respondents in all studies wanted research to involve minimal risks and to not be burdensome. Parents supported biobank participation on condition that the associated benefits outweighed the risks.

That consent and assent continue to be debated in paediatric research literature is unsurprising.

While assent as defined by Alderson (2007) comprises a non-refusal or simple agreement without the understanding, discretion and legal validity associated with consent, consent invokes protection of one‘s integrity of body, mind and personal information (Miller and Boulton 2007).

The latter is a concept with a dual ethical and legal nature (Brothers 2011). The consenting process in a paediatric research setting is ideally fashioned as a tripartite relationship between parents, children and researchers, though more probably involves value judgments by the parent or child‘s guardian rather than risk assessment or acceptance by the child. This is especially true where children are very young (e.g. in a birth cohort study) and parents give proxy consent based on a substituted judgment (i.e. the presumed judgment of child if he or she was competent) (Samuël, Knoppers et al. 2012). There is, of course, no guarantee that the guardian‘s decision is the same as the child‘s will. As children age it is necessary to examine their views on the consenting process to unlock pragmatic and ethical ways of handling this necessarily dynamic and changing relationship. Indeed, there are numerous examples in the field of paediatric

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biobanking of potentially good practice, though these are not often documented or verified by or with child participants themselves.

Understandable concerns about the potential risks of research participation in this literature raise issues about definitions and perceptions of risk. Framing potential dis-benefits of research as risks may be itself problematic: absence of risk is not commensurate with the absence of cost (Williams 2012). There may, for example, be relational or power impacts or costs. In as much as dissent is available for children – they are able to interpret social behaviour and develop social expectations of themselves (Davis 1998) – such dissent may be difficult in practical and emotional terms. A child‘s dissent may be treated as non-cooperation; and could bear a cost in the relational dynamic within the tripartite relationship, a relationship involving important power negotiations. Arguably, inequalities of power will always exist for children involved in research (Harden, Scott et al. 2000). While children are active social agents, their lives are in many ways determined for them (Neale and Smart 1998). The aim of including children in research and in debates about research is to avoid the situation whereby ‗children have a voice but adults control the conversation‘ (Shanahan 2007). Irwin (2006) proposed handling this power imbalance in research through the use of an emancipatory model; one having the capacity to increase the children‘s influence over research without necessarily suggesting that the children should take over the research as is the case with participatory action research (Alderson 2007). Emancipatory research within paediatric biobanking addresses issues of power and respect and has the potential to inform its practice by taking into account the children‘s‘ perspectives on the research.

The return of research results is keenly debated in the broader literature about biobanking.

Guidelines for return of results routinely recommend that results should only be returned if they have analytic validity, clinical validity, and action-ability, and that the results themselves meet criteria related to severity of outcome (Hens, Van El et al. 2012, Knoppers, Zawati et al. 2012, Wolf, Crock et al. 2012). The return of results is sometimes viewed as a way of benefit sharing in research and by extension is an incentive for participation (Tabor, Brazg et al. 2011). In the papers reviewed here, parents in tissue banks expressed a belief that research participation lead to the development of new medications that could benefit them and their children. This perspective may propagate the expectation and misconception of therapeutic gain from research with a primarily scientific and non-therapeutic aim (Halverson and Ross 2012). In population biobanks, the equivalent misconception may be of the potential diagnostic benefits of research participation (Clayton and Ross 2006). Brothers (2011) argues that biobanks, especially those with de-identifiable resources, are not designed with the aim of, or capacity for, returning healthrelated results; also referred to as incidental findings.

The studies in this review presented parental and adult perspectives that positioned children as lacking (if only in part) the capacity to make decisions about themselves and how they interact in the world. Historically, children have been viewed in contrast to adults, typically framed as victims or deviants when their views or performance differ from those of adults (Hood, Kelley et al. 1996). Paediatric research has been known to ascribe incompetence to children in a similar fashion, with the result that it is typically easier to prove a child‘s incompetence than it is for them to display their competence. And yet by the age of 5 years, a child has already developed a lifelong understanding of self, others, relationships and time (Alderson 2007, Uprichard 2008).

Alderson (2007) argues children not only value interpersonal relationships, but they also have the ability to act responsibly and maintain these relationships. Children display sensitivity about differences in age and are generally eager to grow older due to their anticipation of a change in status (Bühler-Niederberger 2010). Ageing throughout childhood involves a relationship between body, self and society (Uprichard 2008). The creation and reproduction of youth sub-cultures selectively adopt and reject adult rules and interpretations (Shanahan 2007). Children appropriate

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information from the adult world and use it to constitute their own realities (Shanahan 2007).

Although children borrow their parents‘ constructions (e.g. risk), they ultimately negotiate their own understandings (Hood, Kelley et al. 1996). Swartling et. al. (2011) have argued that the development of appropriate frameworks for research with children will only occur when adequate opportunities are available for adults to consult with children and consider as valid children‘s experiences and views. On this basis, the current literature on participant experience in paediatric biobanking is very much still in its infancy.

5. Conclusion In as much as the papers under review identified key themes in the views of stakeholders‘ participating in paediatric biobanks, very little of the evidence came from or could clearly be identified as coming from children. Moreover, much of the literature involving children and scientific and medical research is more generally contextualised within ethical debates (Harden, Scott et al. 2000) and assumes a largely protectionist perspective (Shanahan 2007). This social construction of children‘s vulnerability gives rise to the perception that children as research subjects are ‗out-of-bounds‘, with the result that their voices are silenced (Moran-Ellis 2010).

This situations propagates a dependency model and undermines the status of children as individuals in their own rights (Shanahan 2007). While there remains a need to balance inclusion of children in research with their protection (Avard, Silverstein et al. 2009), it is important to consider how efforts made to protect children may unintentionally protect the power of adults.

But the role of children in research is evolving and the shift from their being silent and obedient subjects to autonomous and articulate participants (Alderson 2007) means appropriate biobanking practices involving children will occur as this stakeholder group is actively consulted (Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2004). Children have sophisticated understanding of concepts and issues surrounding genetics (Anderson, Stackhouse et al. 2011) and can contribute to complex policy debates on the topic (Grover 2004). Their virtual absence from empirical research at present is a critical omission to future development of paediatric biobanking policy.

Limitations of the study This paper examined stakeholders‘ perceptions of paediatric biobanks by aggregating studies of general population biobanks involving mainly or only children with studies of disease-specific tissue banks of the same age group. Although this aggregation helped overcome the limited evidence base, our analysis was in turn unable to distinguish between possible differences in attitudes among stakeholders in biobanks and those among stakeholders in disease-specific tissues banks. Our findings suggested attitudes between the two groups converge towards similar themes, though this finding could be challenged as more studies emerge. Our analysis was also limited in that the majority of the studies included were based stakeholders‘ hypothetical ideas rather than direct experience, and by the fact that the research designs of some studies suggested additional unpublished findings which could not be identified.

Acknowledgments The research leading to these results, the Biobank Standardisation and Harmonisation for Research Excellence in the European Union (BioSHaRE-eu) program, has received funding from the European Union Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013) under grant agreement No. 261433.

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TABLE 1 SUMMARISING PAPERS REVIEWED Authors

Type of Biobank  actual vs hypothetical  population biobank vs tissue bank Participants Hypothetical, Population biobank Parents (n=65)

Methodology

Country

Key Findings

Interviews

USA

Actual , Population biobank Parents (n=237)

Interviews

USA

Dixon-Woods, Wilson et al.

(2008)

Actual, Tissue bank Children and parents (n=72)

Interviews

UK

Goldenberg, Hull et al.

(2009)

Hypothetical, Tissue bank Adults (n=1186)

Survey (telephone)

USA

Goodenough, Williamson et al. (2003)

Actual, Population biobank Children (n=23)

Focus groups

UK

Goodenough, Williamson et al. (2004)

Actual, Population biobank Children (n=40)

Interviews + focus groups

UK

Halverson and Ross (2012), (Halverson and Ross 2012)

Hypothetical, Population biobank Parents (n=45)

Deliberative engagement + survey

USA

Halverson and Ross (2012), (Halverson and Ross 2012)

Hypothetical, Population biobank Parents (n=45)

Deliberative engagement + survey

USA

Harris, Ziniel et al. (2012)

Actual, Tissue bank Parents (n=19)

Focus groups

USA

Hens and Dierickx (2010), (Hens, Nys et al. 2010)

Hypothetical, Population biobank Teenagers and adults (n=76)

Focus groups

Belgium

Hens and Dierickx (2010)

Hypothetical, Population biobank Researchers (n=10)

Interviews

Belgium, UK, SaudiArabia

(Hens and Dierickx 2010), Hens, Nys et al. (2010)

Hypothetical, Population Biobank Teenagers and adults (n=76)

Focus groups

Belgium

Hens, Snoeck et al. (2010)

Hypothetical, Population biobank Researchers (n=64)

Survey (Questionnaire)

Belgium

Jackson, DIXON‐WOODS et al. (2009)

Hypothetical, Tissue bank Researchers (n=331)

Survey (Questionnaires)

UK

Kaufman, (2008)

Hypothetical, Population biobank Adults (n=141)

Focus groups

USA

Actual, Tissue bank Children (n=378)

Survey (Consent assessment form)

USA

Parents supported an opt-out model biobank in children and would allow their own child's sample to be included.

32.9% of participants were familiar with opt-out biorepository, while 92.4% approve of it based on a brief description.

Participants considered themselves to be members of a trusted community where values and interests were shared.

67% would not be concerned about the use of childhood samples upon reaching adulthood. Concerned respondents were more likely to be more private about their medical records, less trusting of medical researchers, or African-American.

Children aged 8-10 years had valuable contributions to offer on their perceptions of participation in non-therapeutic longitudinal research.

Children have concerns over activities they are asked to take part in as research participants.

Research participation fostered a feeling of ‗being special‘ among children.

There was strong interest in receiving results, which was a main motivator for participation. The trust they had on the research would determine their enrolment.

Most participants stated they would enrol themselves and their children in a biobank.

Some opposed enrolling children, particularly children unable to consent.

Parents hoped to receive research results that would help them better understand their children‘s conditions or contribute to scientific knowledge.

There was a willingness to contribute tissue to research. Participants thought there was need for confidentiality protections. People expected to receive results that could be relevant to them.

Long consent forms weren‘t preferred.

Proper privacy and data protection was a need. Good communication considered important. Research on children needed to be for pediatric conditions.

Research had to benefit and not burden children. Parents needed to engage their children in the decision-making. There was a need for re-contact upon maturity.

76.5% thought children should assent when they can comprehend; 51% estimated this to be aged16-18 years.

100% were in favour of using tissue samples from children with cancer for research. 90% said both parent and child should consent. 94% supported ‗generic‘ rather than ‗specific‘ consent.

Respondents were concerned with: minimizing children's fear, pain, and burdens; whether to include young children; and how to obtain children's assent.

Parents understood consent for participation, purpose of study, and lack of direct benefit. Conversely, they least understood the indefinite storage of DNA, possible risks of participation, and that study was not for therapy.

Brothers and Clayton (2012), (Brothers, Westbrook et al. 2013) Brothers, Westbrook et al.

(2013)

Geller

et

al.

Klima, Fitzgerald-Butt et al.

(2013)

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Lemke, Halverson et al.

(2012)

Hypothetical, Population biobank Parents (n=45)

Deliberative engagement + survey

USA

McMurter, Parker et al.

(2011)

Hypothetical, Tissue banking Parents (n=100)

Survey (Questionnaire)

Canada

Neidich, Joseph et al. (2008)

Hypothetical. Population biobank Parents (n=239)

Survey (oral)

USA

Papaz, Safi et al. (2012)

Actual, Tissue bank Children and adults (n=3278)

Consent forms

Canada

Ries, LeGrandeur et al.

(2010)

Actual, Population biobank Researchers (n=14)

Interviews

Williamson, Goodenough et al. (2004)

Actual, Paediatric biobank Children (n=167)

Interviews + focus groups

Canada, Denmark, England, France, Netherlan ds, USA UK

Focus group themes were: interest in biobank participation, broad consent and re-contact; trust in biobanking; and receiving research results. Survey data indicated same degree of interest in receiving results about themselves and their children.

89% agreed to have tissue sent anywhere for paediatric aims. 76% would permit genetic research even if no impact was anticipated. 41% would not allow painful, research procedures, while 15% would allow regardless of the child's dissent.

Caucasians were the most willing to enroll their children into a pediatric biobank.

Most respondents expressed optimism the results would yield significant benefits that would be distributed fairly.

Leading causes for refusal of consent were lack of interest in research 43%, feeling overwhelmed clinically 14%, and discomfort with genetics 11%.

None adopted blanket consent for future use of samples/data. Ethics review of new studies a common requirement. Studies following children past early childhood sought assent/consent as the child matured.

Children‘s views are important in research and yet they underestimate the amount of control they have in it. Questioned parental rights to long-term use of children‘s samples.

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International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences p-ISSN: 1694-2620 e-ISSN: 1694-2639 Volume 2, No 1, pp. 86-97, ŠIJHSS

A reading of Mathew 20:20-28 and implications for local governments in Ghana Alice Matilda Nsiah Department of Religion and Human Values University of Cape Coast Cape Coast, Ghana

Abstract This study examined the functions of the Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief Executives (MMDCEs) in the 1992 Constitutions of the Republic of Ghana in the light of Mt. 20:20-28 in an attempt to throw light on their duties from a Christian perspective. The researcher is interested to examine why many of the people nominated for the position of MMDCEs are later sacked by their respective government for unsatisfactory work done and what account for the protest and agitations against them from the assembly people who elected them. The philosophy behind the research is that public officers are to be selected on merit not on any political affiliations. Moreover, the Ghanaian is very religious and religion is said to permeate every facet of their life. Consequently, any Ghanaian of good will, irrespective of their religious denominations, their belief in God and their conscience should impact on their civic duty of contributing to the development of Ghana. The research concludes that MMDCEs appointed on partisan basis without the requisite qualification and working experience are among the possible results of their rejection. Among other things, their orientation and preparation for duty once appointed should include their religious responsibilities to the people.

Keywords: Constitution, local government, assembly, decentralization, administration.

Introduction The appointment and the functions of the Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief Executives (MMDCEs) in Ghana is often a matter of concern to many Ghanaians. This is due to the fact that many of them are either sacked by the government that appointed them or receive protest and agitations from the assembly members that elected them. The 1992 constitution of Ghana mandates the president to appoint MMDCEs, to represent him at the local level. This makes them chief representatives of the central government in their various areas of jurisdiction.

The research examines the appointments and functions of the MMDCEs in the constitution in the light of Mt. 20:20-28 and its implication for MMDCEs in Ghana. The researcher is interested to find out what goes into the nomination, election and appointment of a candidate, what are his/her functions and what account for their rejection and elimination.

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Methodology The work is divided into two parts; the first part examines the appointment and functions of the MMDCEs in accordance with the constitution of Ghana as part of the process of decentralization in Ghana. It also looks at some reports and reactions on the work of MMDCEs. The second part examines Mt. 20:20-28 and draws conclusion and makes recommendations.

The primary data was mainly collected through semi-structured interviews, reports from the media, analyses of a section of the constitution, exegesis of Mt 20:20-28 and observation by the researcher.

Due to the qualitative nature and the interdisciplinary methodological approach to the study, the purposive sampling technique was used to interview ten people, though many informal interactions with other members of the assembly and the general public also took place to crosscheck some of the responses from the informants.

A section of the constitution that concerns local government shall be briefly discussed below.

Part I: The Decentralization in Ghana Chapter twenty of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana, talks about Decentralization and Local Government. Decentralization is the process of sharing authority and responsibility from the Central government to the local level. Joseph R.A. Ayee (2008, 233), suggests that Decentralization has been the preoccupation of Ghanaian governments from the beginning. This is due to the fact that the successive governments see decentralization as a viable condition for socio-economic development and also as a way of achieving their political objective. Crawford Gordon (2004, 6), thinks that even under the military regime of Jerry Rawlings, a form of decentralization was introduced in Ghana in 1983. Ayee adds that, attempts to decentralize have not been without problems as most of the time they end up recentralizing power and legitimacy.

He noted that in 1988, there was a decentralization policy in Ghana that combined political administration and fiscal decentralization. This is the policy that has been endorsed in Ghanaâ€&#x;s Multy-Party system and is enshrined in the 1992 constitution.

Many Ghanaian politicians and scholars believe that the purpose of decentralization is to ensure mass participation of the decision making process at the local governance, and help restructure government institutions for effective delivery. However, it seems that the local government act of 1993, and the decentralization policy in the 1992 constitution, and other by-laws contain contradictory policies and so do not provide a clear and distinctive guidelines for effective and smooth implementation of those policies. Kuusi (2009, 13) for example, observes two competing decentralization concepts operating in Ghana. One works by divulging power to local government structures that is closer to the people while the other shares power by delegation.

Kwamena Ahwoi (2010, 1) confirms that the constitutional mandate and subsequent legislations convey different meanings on decentralization and this is making actual practice very difficult.

Kwame Badu Antwi-Boasiako (2010), argues that the concept of decentralization is either not well defined or not well understood in Ghana which makes government skeptical in sharing power with their subordinates. Moreover, since some regime changes have been through military coups, constitutionally elected governments are suspicious of influence of their opponents on the military to plan coup and so are careful on who they appoint to certain positions like the local government. This impedes a smooth process of power sharing as governments do not trust people who are not in their party.

It is clear then that the concept of decentralization is not clear in the constitutions and by-laws in Ghana to guarantee effective and result-oriented practice of their implementation. This is 87

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because there is no consistent policy to be followed. Moreover, the Ghanaian terrain appears not wholly conducive and comfortable for power sharing due to lack of trust and insecurity. The next portion of this paper takes a look at how the system works is Ghana.

Local government The first part of the chapter on decentralization is dedicated to local government. The idea of local government is to enhance the decentralization process and ensure the participation of the citizenry in governance at the local level. The basic semi-autonomous administrative organ at the local level is the District Assembly (DA). For the purposes of effective administration, Ghana is divided into two hundred and sixteen districts and each district has its own district assembly.

The assembly constitutes the highest political authority in the district and possesses deliberative, legislative and executive powers (241#3). There are three types of districts, they are Metropolitan (population over 250,000), Municipal (population over 95,000) or District (population over 75,000). Each MMD constitutes its executive committee and this is headed by the District Chief Executive (Frederic Der Bebelleh and Amatus Sonviele Nababumah, 2013,15). We may now turn attention to how the MMDCE functions.

Functions of the MMDCE Article 243 of the 1992 Constitution and Act 462 of 1993 delineate the function of the MMDCE as follows: (a) presides at meetings of the executive Committee of the Assembly, (b) serves as the chief representative of the central government in the district; (b) responsible for the day-today administration and exercises executive functions at the MMD levels; (c) supervises the departments within the assembly, and (d) presides over District Security Councils. They add that the MMDCEâ€&#x;s office shall become vacant by a vote of no confidence against the incumbent, supported by two-third majority of all the members of the assembly present and voting or he/she is removed from office by the president, or resigns or dies.

From the foregoing, it is clear that the MMDCE and the assembly perform the same function as the central government at the local level. The MMDCE is responsible for all developmental projects and wellbeing of the people in the juridical area. These range from provision of basic services such as education, health care, sanitation, water supply, public transportation among others. The MMDCE supervises the work of all the administrative bodies, and he/she is also responsible in ensuring security and collection of revenue.

Antwi-Boasiako notes that, the MMDCE as a public officer has the ardious task of marshalling all resources; human and material to cope with the problem facing the district. He goes on to say that to be able to manage all resources requires collective efforts of all supporting structures of the assembly. Bebelleh and Nababumah (15) confirm that MMDCEs are the key players at the district level and they have elaborate administrative structures to ensure public participation in the development process in the districts. They add that participation is an essential ingredient to ensure good governance, consensus building, accountability and transparency. Ayee (245) points out that, to be able to respond to the needs of the people in the district, any planning should be subjected to public hearing before adoption. He continues that most of the time there is a rush by the MMDCE to submit their pplans for acceptance from central administration that they do not have adequate time to submit them for public scrutiny. Again on few occasions that plans have been submitted, they were very unrealistic and so were discouraging. These and other factors have resulted in a general apathy on the part of the public in the activities of districts as most of them are disappointed that their expectations have not been met. Ahwoi notes that sometimes the MMDCE is caught between local autonomy and central control since he has to 88

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satisfy the government and also fulfil local expectations. This will probably become clearer if we examine the process that leads to the appointment of MMDCE. Process of Election and Appointment: The MMDCE is nominated by the government, elected by two-third majority of the members of the assembly present and voting and then appointed by the president. He is elected for a period of four years and is eligible for another term but not for a third consecutive term.

Other representatives in the district are one elected member from each of the electoral areas of the district, the member(s) of parliament (MP) in the district and other persons appointed by the president in consultation with the traditional leaders and other interest groups (Ohene Konadu Gifty, 2001). Kuusi adds that the district assembly consists of 70 per cent of its members elected by the universal adult suffrage and 30 per cent appointed by the president (2009, 18). Fifty per cent of the members appointed must be women, and 30 per cent from the traditional authorities.

This is to ensure among others, the non-partisan nature of the appointment of MMDCEs. A person to be appointed must be 18 years and above. That person must represent him/herself and should not represent any political party. The candidate must be a resident and committed member of the district, who pays taxes and is a registered voter (Local Government Act No 462 of 1993, section 79-80). The election is organized by the electoral commission. The election is to take place six months after presidential and parliamentary elections so that incumbent president always has the chance to work with existing MMDCEs before fresh elections are done. The election is supposed to be free with no campaign cost and candidates do not have to pay any deposit to qualify (Ahwoi, 4).

From the above, a number of issues must be discussed further. The first is that the MMDCE is appointed by the government and the government has the power to appoint 30% of the total assembly members.

In the first place, Ahwoi notes that, Ghana had always appointed MMDCEs or its equivalent from the First Republic up to the Fourth Republic. It was the 1992 constitution of the fourth Republic that mandated the district assembly to approve government nominee through election before one is formally appointed. It is to be observed that how the MMDCE emerges in a decentralized system like Ghana with a unitary political structure where the executive holds power of nominating leaders is very crucial. Sometimes the citizens have no choice but to accept the selection of the executive (Antwi-boasiako). Ahwoi observed again that probably the criterial for one to become MMDCE need to be looked at. It appears that academically, one needs only to be literate in English so that perhaps one can understand proceedings. Since there is also no cost involved officially, the position appeared to be hijacked by the urban elite and not necessarily one who is resident in the local area. It was therefore anticipated that the quality of the assembly will not be the best, hence, government was given the power to inject some expert and experienced personnel into the system by the appointment mechanism. He also points out that even by the election mechanism no matter how much one tries, one will not be able to cater for all representations in the minority groups.

Moreover, traditionally, local government had revolved round chieftaincy institutions that had played important role in offering counsel and mobilizing people for development. The chieftaincy institution is perceived to be neutral in the political landscape, and since they are still very much revered it was considered important for the institution to be represented by the appointment mechanism. Again the constitution was gender sensitive in requesting the government to consider a good representation of women in his appointment.

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In practice however, Ahwoi notes that district appointees have become representatives of the political party in power. He adds that from 1994 onward, appointments have not been based on expertise and experience but on party affiliations. According to him, whenever there is a change in government, the contracts of the appointed members of the district are terminated, because they were perceived to be party members of the government that appointed them, so that the new government will bring their own people (5). He cited 2006 as example when the government sacked all government appointees who did not approved of the DCEs that were nominated. Ayee confirms this by saying that MMDCEs are not free and some of them appear to be sponsored by political parties in their high campaigning cost for the post but unofficially.

This impedes progress and continuity in developmental projects.

Antwi-Boasiako (2010, 172) states that sometimes, the government appoints a person who has been rejected by the people or is a party favorite. This creates a contradiction and defeats democracy. He thinks that citizens should be allowed to elect their political leader with no interference from the central government. Ayisi (2008) notes that, decentralization has not succeeded in Ghana and appears to have some negative implications, since some districts have resisted the appointments and nominations of the DCEs over the years. Ayee points out that most of the candidates nominated, spend lots of money to campaign from house to house and it appears that those who win are those who are able to campaign (239). It is strongly suggested that assembly members are to be empowered to elect their own leaders without government intervention.

Another issue for discussion is the non-partisan local government in a partisan central government. Ayee suggests that the non-partisan element was to eliminate conflict of interest of incumbent government, in using local government institutions for political advantage. It is also to ensure consensus formation so that candidates are chosen on merit and that decisions come from the grassroots (237). Thirdly, some political parties may not have the resources to sponsor district level elections if it is politicized. Ahwoi points out that there are arguments for and against the non-partisanship of the local government system. Some of the arguments for the system is that it provides a platform for the government to build partnership with civil society organizations to accelerate development and thereby deepen democracy. Its more importantly, prevent ethnic rivalries in a multi-ethnic communities. Some of the argument against the system is that, political parties are sponsoring the candidates anyway so why not make the system partisan.

A third issue is the presence of MP in the district. Ahwoi notes that the presence of the MP in the district creates some sort of competition between the MMDCE and the MP as who can best respond to the developmental needs of the district. This is because, the impression is created that the MP is also a development agent instead of a clear distinction of his duty as a legislator.

Unhealthy rivalry can result from this competition resulting in serious animosity. Sometimes this rancor is carried so far that MPs are suspected to be in the fore front agitating for the removal of the MMDCE and vice versa. It is recommended that MPs are not to be members of the district assembly.

A fourth issue is the idea that the government has the mandate to remove the MMDCE from office. The MMDCE has a maximum of two terms of four years each. It does not matter how well one performs, a government can decide to dismiss him/her without reason and the assembly can also pass a vote of no confidence in him/her This made the MMDCE office a very insecure one which makes long term planning and implementation difficult.

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In view of these challenges, it is safe for one to conclude that, there is tension between a partisan central government and non-partisan local government. Government and people do not agree on candidates for local government especially in opposition territories. The candidates are not free, do not represent themselves, are un-officially sponsored by political parties especially those of the government in power. For the reasons that the president has power to hire and fire MMDCEs, the MMDCE is often tied to the apron strings of the government. This sometimes brings conflict between the MMDCE and the local people regarding priorities at the local level.

Some reactions from the Ghanaian populace are produced below. It is strongly recommended that the assembly is to be given the mandate to elect their leaders through voting without interference from the government. Moreover district election is to be carried out at the same time as the parliamentary and presidential elections so that their tenure of office ends at the same time. This will give no room for a new government to dismissed legitimately appointed MMDCEs. Reports and Reactions on the work of MMDCEs Governments, the people and the media complain and argue over the non-performance of some MMDCEs. In a release signed by the Chief of Staff and Minister of Presidential Affairs Mr. Kwadwo Mpiani in 2008 and reported by mordernghana.com in 27th December, 2013, President John Agyekum Kufour dismissed twelve (12) MMDCEs in the last lap of his administration. It was believed that his move could foster meaningful development for the people as nonperforming MMDCEs would give way to industrious ones.

During the late President John Evans Atta Mills‟ administration, it was reported in the Chronicle Newspaper that he dismissed thirteen and ten MMDCEs in January and March respectively in 2011. His action was commended by the Regent of Tolon in the Northern Region. The Regent accused MMDCEs of performing far below expectation and described them as “sychophants” and “opportunists”. He also urged the president not to spare the rod on the MMDCEs whose misconduct seeks to soil his integrity and affect the implementation of his policies.

In the current presidency of John Dramani Mahama, the Daily Graphic on the 5th July, 2013, reported that in the Agotime Ziofe District, the chiefs and people kicked against the President‟s re-nomination of their DCE Mr. Michael Kobla Adzaho. The reasons for the rejection include poor pace of development, nepotism, autocracy and stiffness on vital suggestions from the people. Similar incident was reported in the Daily Democrat on 2nd September, 2013, that the Adenta MCE, Hon. Nubly Kakara Van-Lare was rejected. Out of the nineteen (19) members of the assembly, she got seven (7) votes which represent 38.85%. The reasons assigned for it are: she has been disrespectful to the assembly members and lost touch with the assembly, chiefs and the people. This resulted in division in the municipality which has impeded development. On another instance, the Minister of Local Government and Rural Development, Mr. Akwasi OponFosu is reported to have signed a statement in which thirty three (33) MMDCEs lost their jobs.

The minister also asked regional ministers to deal with protests over confirmation of MMDCEs across the country. However, on the 7th September, 2013 the Daily Guide reported in Nkwanta North District that the president re-nominated Mr. Paul Gyato to continue as DCE for the area.

Unfortunately he was rejected and in the course of the protest five official vehicles of the assembly and that of the Bureau of National Investigation (BNI) were burnt and some properties were destroyed.

This is an indication that the local people are not happy with candidates appointed by government and they agitate against them and the government is not satisfied with the MMDCEs and so removed them from office. What are not clear are the government and the people‟s reasons and whether the rejections are politically motivated.

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It is possible that the government is implying that the candidates are in fact in-effective in public administration at the local level by the use of the phrase “non-performance�. It is also possible that these candidates were not their party members and so could not advance the agenda of the party in power at the local level or that a new central government would like to bring their own people to eliminate all suspicion and insecurity at the local level. It is to be noted however that, there is only six months interval between the presidential and parliamentary elections and that of the district. The late President John Evans Atta Mills for example became the president of Ghana by the Election of 7th December, 2008. He was sworn in on the 7th January, 2009. This means that as a president he either confirmed existing MMDCEs or appointed new once by June 2009. If he dismissed 40 MMDCEs by 2011, it means that he is dismissing the people that he himself appointed. In a similar manner, former President Kufour was a president for two terms in Ghana from December 2000 to 2008. If Kufour dismissed 12 MMDCEs in 2008, it means that he dismissed candidates that he had appointed. It is therefore possible that the government appointed his own members who could not perform to expectation and had to be sacked.

On the other hand, the peopleâ€&#x;s agitation may be a sign that a candidate is in- effective in meeting the expectations and needs of the local area, or that, one group of the assembly members such as the MP, the traditional authorities or other interest groups are not satisfied for various reasons. These reasons may range from partisan, bureaucratic to personal grudges against the MMDCE. It is also possible that the people did not get the candidate they voted for, and the government appointed the candidate they have rejected and so they stage protests. However, John Dramani Mahama was voted to power on the 7th December, 2012, and was sworn in amid controversies on 7th January 2013. From the media reports above, some of the people he renominated were rejected by the people. Even though the previous appointment was made by a president of the same party, the re-nominations were rejected. It is possible that the areas were those of the opposition territories or that the president nominees actually lack the experience and technical expertise needed for the office and so were rejected by the people.

Response to these challenges Consequently, press released on 20th May, 2013 by the Director of Centre for Policy Research {CPR}, Gloria Edusei encourages the president to make public, the basic criteria for decisions regarding qualification and appointment of MMDCEs, in the interest of good governance, accountability and transparency. She continues that the CPR wishes to urge the President to go beyond party loyalty, and ensure that professional qualities, proven track record, demonstrable competence are the cardinal principles and necessary conditions that will shape his appointment of MMDCEs. She said that CPR is also of the view that, if MMDCEs are chosen on the basis of a minimum academic qualification of first degree in any field, with a working experience in the public, private or the voluntary sectors, a proof of leadership and organizational skills, and some knowledge of public procurement and administrative procedures relating to local governance, he/she would be more confident in his/her professional dealings with his/her subordinates and the technocrats, than those chosen purely based on partisan considerations. Similarly, directors of departments will also be comfortable reporting to a MMDCE generally perceived as qualified and competent. She goes on to add that CPR urges Ghanaians to take active interest in, and monitor the processes that result in the appointment of MMDCEs. This would ensure that such appointments reflect competence and the desires of opinion leaders and the citizenry who constitute our Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies in reality.

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Analysis of data Responses obtained from members of the assembly and the general public were largely produced through semi structured interviews and informal interactions. The Interviews were transcribed and collated and analysed as follows. With regard to the question on knowledge and acquaintance with the MMDEC, 8 people out of 10 representing 80% of the people know and have interacted with their MMDCE. One person know the MMDCE from a distance and one person does not know the MMDCE, only the assembly member of his area bring information to him from the assembly from time to time. Question on the academic qualification of the MMDCE, 5 people representing 50% said first degree holders, 3 persons representing 30% after high school, 2 persons representing 20% do not know. Question on attendance of the assembly meetings, 7 people representing 70% of the members attend meetings regularly, 2 people representing 20% attended the assembly meetings once and 1person representing 10% has never attended the assembly meetings. The question on the political affiliation of the MMDCE, all the 10 people representing 100% of interviewees confirm that the MMDCE is in the same political party of incumbent government. Question on whether any development project is going on in the area, 7 people representing 70% said yes, 2 people representing 20% said no and 1 person representing 10% does not know of any development project going on. Question on whether the selection of projects were discussed in an open forum for the participation of the citizenry. 5 people representing 50% said yes, 3 people representing 30% said no, and 2 people representing 20% have no idea of any open forum. The question on whether members follow the progress of the development projects. 4 people representing 40% are actively following the progress of the projects with other assembly members, 3 persons representing 30% have seen some projects and are very happy about them but have not followed its progress. 2 persons have not seen or heard of any development project, and one person representing 10% has heard of a project but has not seen it. The question as to whether the MMDCE is accountable, transparent and good governor.

3people representing 30% said yes, 4 persons representing 40% said no, and 3 persons representing 30% do not know. The question on the experience and expertise of the MMDCE, 40% of the respondent think the MMDCE is experienced, 40% think the MMDCE follows instruction from the central government and not the people, 20% of respondent did not know.

Members were asked to give general comment, some of our informants suggested that, what the DECs do is to amass wealth rather than serve the people. Another informant said that their candidate does not listen to them; he is always insulting the people who go to him. Two people from the same area, commended the MCE for helping to build a library and a bore-hole for the people, but were not happy about the fact that his life style has changed in a short time that raises some concerns. Most of the informants disclosed that all the MMDCEs they have had were based on partisan lines. Through the informal interactions, it was discovered that some people expect the MMDCEs to pay their wards school fees or pay their medical bills with the common fund. Some informant also disclosed that they were promised by their candidate to give them jobs during the campaign which did not happen. A few others were satisfied with the work of their MMDCE and commended them for the good work done.

It was observed that the position of the MMDCE is very delicate. He/she must have good and diplomatic working relations with the central government, the traditional leaders, the assembly members and the general public. He/she must have some training in public administration in order to be effective. He/she must be transparent, accountable with good track records for effective delivery.

The examination of Matthew 20:20-28 The examination of the text takes the form of analysis of the imageries used in the relevant portions of the passage. The passage consists of two main sections; the first part is the dialogue 93

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section which is verses 20-24 and its consequence of the second part which is verses 25-28 that deals with the teaching section.

In the first part of the pericope, a mother requested a favour from Jesus for her two sons. In doing so, the mother knelt before Jesus, did him reverence and asked for good positions in Jesus‟ kingdom for her sons. Donald A Hagner (1995) suggests that the mother is a relative to Jesus.

Her name is given elsewhere as Salome (Mk.15:40; Mt. 27:26). Again in Mark, it is the two disciples who made the request and not their mother. Substitution of the mother is suggested to be a way to tone down the ambition of the apostles, it is also suggested that the two apostles only used their mother to get what they wanted. Some scholars suggest that the action of the mother (a relative) in kneeling and paying homage to Jesus before asking for the favour is tantamount to lobbying. The lobby by the mother suggests that her sons should be the immediate co-rulers with Jesus in his kingdom. This echoes what Jesus says in Matthew 19:28 that the apostles who followed him will sit on twelve thrones and judge the twelve tribes of Israel. It can be deduced that the mother and her two sons were still depending on Jesus‟ promise, hence the mother‟s sense of urgency for the lobby of the strategic positions in the kingdom.

The response of Jesus in verse 22 indicates that he did not subscribe to the lobby. He uses metaphor of “drink the cup” to indicate the suffering and death that await him in Jerusalem and anyone to be identified with Jesus‟ future glory means that such a person has to partake in a kind of voluntary sacrifice for the sake of mankind. Hagner said he was not sure whether at this time if the two disciples understood the phrase “drinking the cup of Jesus” to mean their own martyrdom. Even though the two disciples responded in the affirmative and Jesus confirmed their response, he could not allocate the position of honor in the kingdom them.

The word “indignant” in verse 24 is indicative of the displeasure the ten other apostles have shown against „the lobby‟ for the two brothers. They were not happy about the lobby of the two.

This leads to the teaching of Jesus on greatness in the kingdom in the second part. Here Jesus took the opportunity to talk first about greatness among the gentiles in verse 25. He describes Gentile leader as archon which means ruler, lord, chief, authority and prince. Delling (1964) indicates that the archon, in the first instance in the passage refers to a high official who exercises authority because of his prominent position. Such an archon (ruler) dictates the pace of social or community development which eventually affects individual wellbeing. The word archon is used with Katakurieuo which means “Lord it (over), rule, be master” (Bauer, Arndt, Gingrich & Danker, 1979, 412). This portrays a negative effect of the Gentile rulers‟ attitude on the subjects.

The choice and the use of these words seem to paint a picture where the voice and the needs of the ruled are not always heard and met. This shows the autonomy of the Gentile rulers over their subjects. Foerster (1964, 575) thinks the word Katexousiazo “to exercise power over them”, “implies the tendency towards compulsion or oppression which is imminent in all earthly power”. If it is so, then earthly or worldly, power is like a precious mantle that one would like to possess in order to hold the ruled in subjection and master them by applying power to his or her own advantage.

When Jesus comes to the teaching of greatness in the kingdom, he makes use of the imagery of diakonos and doulos which mean servant and slave respectively (vv26-27). H.W. Beyer (1964, 88), calls attention to the fact that Diakonos portrays the idea of a servant of a master. In Isaiah, chapter 52 the “servant of Yahweh” was also identified with the Messiah who became the suffering servant. In the New Testament, Jesus connected himself with the tradition of servant leaders and the suffering servant of Yahweh (Luke 4:18-19). In Mark 9:33-35, Jesus prescribed for the leaders of his Church the same quality: “Those who want to be first must be the very last 94

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and servant (diakonos) of all. And in John 13 he dramatically demonstrated this prescription by washing the feet of the apostles, an outstanding gesture of servanthood. The use of „servant‟ in this context does not condemn the ambition for greatness; however, it throws light on its true parameters with regard to ones‟ commitment to Jesus. It implies that in Jesus‟ Kingdom, leadership calls for servanthood. Here, diakonos suggests various personal helps, service and support. This service presupposes humility on the part of the one who serves.

Another imagery is doulos. According to Bauer, Arndt, Gingrich and Danker (1979, 205), it refers to one who is a “slave to a master” in a situation where the master owns the slave depicting “a service which is not a matter of choice for the one who renders it, but something he has to perform whether he likes it or not. This is because a slave does not do what he wants but that of his master (Rengstorf, 1964, 261). This portrays the abrogation of one‟s own autonomy and the subordination of one‟s will to that of another. Here the emphasis on the service of the diakonos is that of a slave. In this light, the distinctive feature of doulos points to the subordination and responsible nature one exhibits in rendering his or her service to fellow human beings. The meanings of diakonos and doulos show that greatness in the kingdom of God does not involve the use of power or authority but rather service of a master.

The use of the verb “serve” in relation to the phrase ho hois tou anthropou specifically concerns Jesus. It identifies his own servant nature for humanity: it signifies the highest manifestation of his total life of service to both God and man (G.E. Ladd, 1974, 187). Here, the first part of verse 28 shows the practical truth in terms of who is the greatest. Looking at the phrase “and to give his life” shows a price to be paid. It portrays a spiritual greatness to be performed as a humble service for anybody.

We can infer from the text that: lobbying to a responsible position is discouraged, authoritative leadership is discouraged and servant leadership is encouraged. Moreover, one can aspire to greatness through selfless service. Again, true service involves humility and sacrifice in which the needs of the people are considered. Lastly, one in authority does not do his/her will but the will of the one who sent him.

Application of the text to the Office of MMDCE This passage is relevant with regards to the challenges that confront some MMDCEs. We can infer from the text that: lobbying to the position of MMDCE is discouraged. One can aspire to greatness through selfless service. Again, true service involves humility and sacrifice in which the needs of the people are considered. Lastly, one in authority does not do his/her will but the will of the one who sent him; in this case the needs of the people and the government. However, good Christian character alone is not enough, The government should appoint people with integral maturity, who are experienced with some form of training in public administration who can do the work. Moreover, authoritative leadership is discouraged and servant leadership is encouraged.

Again, the functions of the MMDCEs need to be streamlined, so that a clear cut policy will guide them to be accountable, transparent, result oriented and effective stewards of the people.

Conclusion Although Matthew 20:25-28 is not specifically addressed to Ghanaians, the values it expresses with regard to servant leadership has implications for people in leadership positions in general and MMDCEs in Ghana in particular. From the above discussions, it is clear that the appointment of MMDCE is not transparent and may be politically motivated for the following reasons: some of the candidates lobby for the position, they are supported by political parties 95

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especially government in power, they may not be the experienced and expert persons needed and they are sometimes imposed on the people. The concept of decentralization is not clear. There are no clear policy guidelines to be followed by MMDCEs, and some MMDCEs are in-effective because they lack the requisite technique for the post. These and other reasons account for the constant protests against them.

Recommendation In view of the challenges and problems that confront the MMDCEs with regard to their functions and the servant leadership model seen in the text, the study comes out with the following recommendation: MMDCEs should be chosen on the basis of at least a good first degree, with some working experience in public administration, knowledge in public procurement procedures and administrative and leadership skills. It is important that the assembly is fully empowered to elect their own leaders to deepen democracy. Moreover, MPs are not to be members of the assembly to allow the MMDCEs to do their work. Again the Constitutions mandate for the government to remove the MMDCE from office is to be reviewed. It is also important that MMDCEs (a) set priorities right in accordance to the needs of the people (b) judicial use of public funds to complete prioritized projects (c) annual mobilization of people to start and complete self-help projects that the central government cannot afford (d) annual forum to educate and deliberate on co-operate and individual business avenues that can generate into self-employment. Selfless commitment to the mission and vision by the MMDCEs to the area of their Jurisdiction will help them to be focused. A good orientation or training program for the newly appointed MMDCE will be beneficial. It is also important to educate the people in the district and get them involved in the activities of the assembly to ensure accountability and good governance.

References Ahwoi Kwamena. (2010). Constitutional Review Series 6: Rethinking Decentralization and Local Government in Ghana- Proposals for Amendment. Ghana: Institute of Economic Affairs.

Antwi-Boasiako B. Kwame. (2010). Public Administration: Local government and Decentralization in Ghana. Journal of African Studies and Development. Vol 2(7), pp166-175, oct. 2010 retrieve online http Ayee, Joseph R.A. (2008). The Balance sheet of Decentralization in Ghana. Foundation for Local Governance: Decentralization in Comparative Perspective. Edited by Fumihiko Saito.

Heideiberg: Physica-Verlag, 223-258.

Baah et al (2005). Participation of women in Local Governance in Ghana: A case Study of Ashanti Region. Journal of Science and Technology, vol. 25, no 1.

Bauer,W., W. F. Arndt, Gingrich, F.W., Danker, F.W. (1979). A Greek –English lexicon of the New Testament and other early church literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Bebelleh, Der Fredrick and Nobabumah Amatus Sonviele. (2013). Political Decentralization and Local Participation in Ghana: Perspective from the Upper West Region. Public Policy and Administration Research. ISSN 2224-0972 (online) vol. 3, no. 11. www.iister.org Beyer, H. W. (1964). Diakonos. Theological dictionary of the New Testament, Vol. 11(Ed. G. Kittel & Ed. Trans. G. W. Bromiley) Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing Company.

Crawford, Gordon. (2004). “Democratic Decentralisation in Ghana: issues and prospects”, POLIS Working Paper No. 9, University of Leeds Cullman, O. (1959). The Chistology of the New Testament (Revised Ed.). Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press.

Delling, G. (1964). Archon, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. Vol. 1 (pp488-489). G. Kittel (Ed) and G. W. Bromiley (Ed. & Trans). Grand Rapids, Ml:Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing company.

Ferrazzi, Gabriele. (2006). Ghana Local Government Act 1993: A Comparative Analysis in the Context of the Review of the Act. October 2006. Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Environment of Ghana and Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Tachnische Zusammenabeit.

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Forester, W. (1964). Kataxousiazo. Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. Vol. 11 (pp488-489). G. Kittel (Ed) and G. W. Bromiley (Ed. &Trans), Grand Rapids: Ml: Wm. B Eerdmans Publishing Company.

Hagner, Donald A. Word Biblical Commentary vol. 33b Matthew 14-28, ed. Ralph Martins Texas: Word Books Publisher, 1995.

Kuusi, Suvi. (2009). Aspect of Local Self-Government: Ghana North-South Local Government Cooperation Program, The Association of Finnish Local and Regional Authorities.

Ladd, G. E. (1974). A theology of the New Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing Company.

Local Government Act No. 462 of 1993 Local Government Act No, 656 0f 2003 Nkruma, Stephen A. (2000). Decentralization for Good Government and Development: The Ghana Experience. Regional Development Dialogue, vol. 21, No. 1 Offei-Aboagye, E. (2004). Promoting Gender Sensitivity in Local Governance in Ghana, Development in Practice.

Carfax publishing, vol. 14, November 2004.

Ohene-Konadu, Gifty. (2001). Gender Analysis and Interpretation of Barriers to Women‟s Participation in Ghana‟s Decentralised Local System, A paper Presented at African Gender Institute, University of Cape Town, South Africa.

Omoteye, Rotimi (2004). Charisma and Leadership Crisis: An Examination of the Christ Apostolic Church in Nigeria. Religion, Leadership and Society: Focus on Nigeria. Ade P. Dopanu and others eds Nigeria: Free Enterprise Publishers.

Oquaye, Mike. Ed. (1995). Democracy and Conflict Resolution in Ghana, Accra: Gold Type Publication Rengstorf, K. H. (1964). Doulos. In Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. Vol. l. G. Kitel (Ed) and G. W. Bromiley (Ed. & Trans) Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company.

Tonah, Steve ed. (2007). Ethnicity, Conflicts and Consensus in Ghana. Accra: Woeli Publishing Services.

USAID. Citizen Participation in Local Government survey: 2013 Research Report of LOGODEP (Ghana Local Governance and Decentralization Program).

Internet and Media Sources http://www.ghanadistrict.com. http://the chronicle.com.gh/?p=1626, accessed on 27th December, 2013. www.mordernghana.com, accessed on 27th December, 2013.

Daily Democrat, 2nd September, 2013.

Daily Graphic, Tuesday, July 30, 2013.

Daily Graphic, 5th July, 2013.

Daily Guide, 7th September, 2013.

Appendix INTERVIEW QUESTIONS 1. Who is the MMDCE in your area and how well do you know him/her?

2. Any knowledge of his/her academic background?

3. Is there any opportunity to participate or attend assembly meetings or public fora?

4. Do you know whether your MMDCE belong to any political party?

5. Is there any development projects going on in your area?

6. How were the projects selected?

7. Do you have the chance and interest to monitor the progress of developmental projects in your area?

8. Will you be able to say that your MMDCE is accountable, transparent and a good governor?

9. Does he/she have the “Technical know how” for the office 10. Give a general comment on you MMDCE.

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International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences p-ISSN: 1694-2620 e-ISSN: 1694-2639 Volume 2, No 1, pp. 98-103, ©IJHSS

Action research as a research method Shiyun Wang Hebei University, Hebei Province, P.R.China Continuing Education College, Hebei University, 54 Road, Baoding City, Hebei Province, P.R.China.

Abstract There are various kinds of approaches in carrying out a research. Most of these approaches aim at providing a better comprehension about things we are interested in by producing books to readers. However, it is inadequate that only understand and interpret the world (Levin, 1948, cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.226). More importantly, as Marx (cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.226) points out in his Theses on Feuerbach, it is necessary to change the world. Action research, which combines “action” and “research” together, is widely adopted in the educational field in order to help people understand as well as make improvement of this world. It is just like what Cohen, Manion and Morrison (p.226) put forward “action research is a powerful tool for change and improvement at the local level”.

This essay will analyze and discuss action research in detail. First of all, it will address the question “what is action research’’ and this definition about action research will be described from its scope and situation including an analysis of different perspectives provided by different people. Secondly, the main characteristics of action research will be discussed. In this section, I will discuss the advantages as well as disadvantages of action research from different aspects. By doing this, the quality of action research will be discovered. Then, I will analyze the procedure of conducting an action research. Some strategies for data analysis in action research will be put forward in this section and a consideration of ethical implication will be also taken into account.

Finally, the main ideas of this article will be concluded plus a view of my own understanding on action research.From this article, it understands that action research methods are extremely important to us in educational area. They can help educators to improve their investigation as well as develop education itself. To Chinese education, action research can be widely used in order to improve its own situation.

Keywords: action research; research method; exploit The definition of action research Action research is a widely used approach in educational area. It has an extensive scope when researchers adopt this approach. That is to say people can use this approach in any situation such as teaching methods, learning strategies as well as other educational fields in order to solve

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problems people are confronted with. Furthermore, a large range of people from individual teacher to other interested parties can undertake this approach. (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.226) However, different people hold different opinions when they think about the meaning of action research. Hopkins and Ebbutt(1985, p.32, cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.226) suggest that “the combination of action and research renders that action a form of disciplined inquiry, in which a personal attempt is made to understand, improve and reform practice”. This view concludes the purpose of action research very well. There is a commonsense that “action research is designed to bridge the gap between research and practice” (Somekh, 1995, p.340, cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.227). Stenhouse (1979, cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000) also points out that not only practices but also a theory of education and teaching can benefit a lot from action research.

To sum up these opinions together, “action research is a form of collective self-reflective enquiry undertaken by participants in social situations in order to improve the rationality and justice of their own social or educational practices, as well as their understanding of these practices are carried out.(Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.5). In my opinion, this definition provides a clear description about the meaning of action research. The emphasis of self- reflective and improvement of social and educational practice makes action research distinguish from other research methods. Action research provides a way of working which links theory and practice into the one whole: ideas-in-action (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.6). Action research is not just a simple activity like everyday action. It is a process of “plan, act, observe and reflect through a careful, systematic and rigorous way.”(Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000) Characteristics of action research Action research contributes a lot to educational development. In order to make a better comprehension of this approach, it is necessary to think about characteristics of action research in detail. There are many characteristics of action research. Here I would like to discuss some particular aspects of this approach that are different from other approaches. In my opinion there are four main features for action research which are significant in thinking about this approach.

First of all action research is a collaborative activity. “Action research is the way groups of people can organize the conditions under which they can learn from their own experience” (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, pp.8-9). It is more systematic and collaborative. It is said “the approach is only action research when it is collaborative” (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.5).

Hill and Kerber also emphasis this opinion by saying that action research is a co-operative, collaborative activity. (Cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000). “Collaboration, in enquiry and critical reflection, through the creative and emancipatory model of action research, offers considerable possibilities for improving the quality of education for our pupils” (Lomax, 1989, p.28). For those people who support this opinion, they insist on the view that action research can only be achieved by group activity. “To lapse into individualism is to destroy the critical dynamic of the group.” (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.226) However, in my opinion, althoug group work is very important in action research, the contribution of individual cannot be neglect.

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Group work comes from the action of individual group members. It is too limited to say that action research is just group activity not individualistic. It is possible for action research to be an individualistic as well. (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.230). This point of view can be also testified by Whitehead (1985, cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000) as he argues that an individual teacher can also ask questions such as how to solve the problems. I agree with his opinion because I think an individual can also complete an action research.

Secondly, action research aims at solving the problems of people’s own work not the work of the others. In my opinion, this is representative feature of action research. Kemmis and Mc Taggart (1988, p.22) points out that action research is not done on other people. It is “research by particular people on their own work, to help them improve what they do, including how they work with and for others.” That is to say, action research can make change and improvement of peoples’ own life. I think this point is worthwhile as it makes action research as a participatory activity that encourages researchers to change their own work. This is good for the researchers as they can be more actively in the whole process of the action research and well participate in the activity than just as a researcher of other peoples’ work.

Thirdly, action research is a spiral process. That is to say action research complies with a process of loop that includes: planning, acting, observing and reflecting. (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.22). This view is also put forward by Sanford (1970, p.4, cited in Mc Taggart, 1991, p.7) as he shows process of action research which is similar to Kemmis and Mc Taggart’s “spiral process” view. It develops through the self-reflective spiral. This spiral process makes action research much better because in the process of this circulation the issues will be improved constantly and finally the purpose of the problem will be solved.

Finally, action research creates its self-critical communities. (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.5).

I think this is good for people to know their own situation. “It aims to build communities of people committed to enlightening themselves about the relationship between circumstance, action and consequence in their own situation, and emancipating themselves from the institutional and personal constraints which limit their power to live their own legitimate educational and social values” (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.23). From my point of view to create a self-critical community can lead people aware their situation and accomplish works more effectively.

In spite of the features analyzing above, there are also some other characteristics for action research such as its contribution to a science of education and its improvement to the quality of human actions (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988). These features as well as the other features analyzing above are significant for people to better understand action research. Action research contributes a lot to teachers. “It lays claim to the professional development of teachers”, (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988). Action research is the most effective research for improving staff development (Lomax, 1990, p.10).

The characteristic analyzing above can be seen as the strengths of action research. However, there is also some weakness for action research. For one thing, since action research allow

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researchers to make assumptions during the whole spiral process of the research, it is possible to lead the researchers “lose the essential evaluative cutting edge of this approach” (Banister., Burman, Parker, Taylor and Tindall, 1994, p.118). For another, as action always takes place accompanied by research, sometimes it cannot predict the results of the action. Sapsford and Abbott (1992, p.103, cited in Banister, Burman, Parker, Taylor and Tindall,1994, p.118) realize this weakness by saying that “you can never be completely sure exactly what action produced what results.”

Nevertheless, as a widely use approach in educational field, action research has its own value. It is a qualitative approach that contributes a lot to the improvement and development of this world.

Procedures for action research There are many ways to analyze the steps of action research. Since action research is “a blend of practical and theoretical concerns, it is action and research” (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.237). It is necessary to think about this “action and research” process. Although there are many ways to analyze the procedures of action research, I choose Lewin’s four-stage opinion on action research as my target of discussion. Levin puts forward a four-stage procedure for action research: planning, acting, observing and reflecting (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p234).

To follow by Lewin’s four-stage opinion, I will analyze the procedures for action research.

The planning phase of the action research cycle is the phase in which “you orient yourself, with your collaborators for action” (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988). That is to say, when researchers begin to do a research, they have to think about what the target for improvement is and what kind of conditions they are going to face. In this stage, one must take a lot of things into account. To begin an action research, researchers have to think about the problems they are confronted with. (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988). For example, they have to decide what they will do in order to improve education in their setting. That is to say, planning of an action research must be forward looking (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.11) Follow by this instruction; we can begin our action research properly.

The next stage is action. It is “accompanied by ongoing fact-finding to monitor and evaluate the intervention, i. e. to act as a formative evaluation” (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.234) Action is guided by planning. In this stage, researcher may confront with some difficulties because sometimes there are some circumstances that our plan cannot envisage. That is to say, thing may change before we are properly underway. At this time, we have to modify the plan as soon as possible.( Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988) In my opinion, this stage is very important as it is a practical stage of the action research. Futhermore, as Banister, Burman,., Parker, Taylor, and Tindall (1994) points out action research is a “multimethod research”, in this stage the plans will bring into effect and the participants of the research can adopt a lot of instruments in order to collect data. Questionnaires, diaries, experimental design, interviews, case studies and rating scales, all of these instruments can be used in the action research. (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.237). Thus action research is a widely used method includes a large scale of techniques.

The third stage is observing stage. Since sometimes action will be limited by constraints of reality, it is necessary to have an observation. The researchers in action research have to observe the

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process of action, its influence, the situation that constrains on action as well as some other issues arising in the process of action research (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988). I think observing stage is necessary because it also provide a base for reflection.

The last stage is reflection. In fact, reflection can be occurred in every stage of action research (Hall1996, p.29). “Reflection has an evaluative aspect-it asks action researchers to weigh their experience-to judge whether effects were desirable, and suggest ways of proceeding” (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.13). Cohen, Manion and Morrison, (2000, p239) pointed out that “reflexivity is an integral element and epistemological basis of action research.” Through such a spiral process, action research continues to development and it purpose for change or make improvement of the world can be undertake successfully.

There are two kinds of techniques when applying action research. One is Norminal Group Technique (Morrison, 1993, cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.237). it is a process that a group member puts forward question with a four-stage disscussion. It is very useful in gathering data from individuals and putting them into some order which is shared by the group.

(Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.238). Another one is Delphi technique. It is a written partner to the Nominal Group Technique. The advantage of this technique is that it does not require participants to meet together as a whole group. In doing so it “engages the issues of confidentiality, anonymity and disclosure of relevant information whilst protecting participants”.

However, it also has disadvantages such as the leader has much more work to do in collecting and synthesizing data (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.238).As participatory techniques both the Norminal Group Technique and Delphi techniques are valuable for data collection and analysis in action research ( Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p238).

When people apply action research, it is necessary to take ethical issues into account as well.

“The ethical guidelines for research have to be stringently applied in action research. There has to be respect for the whole life of the person, not just as a research subject” (Banister., Burman, Parker, Taylor and Tindall, 1994, p.112). I agree with this opinion because in the executive process of action research researchers have to work collaboratively in order to make improvement of existing problem. Thus it is quite necessary to take this issue into account. As a high school teacher, I think action research can be widely used in school. For example, research activity between teachers in order to improve their teaching quality can be seen as an effective practice of action research.

Conclusion As a widely used approach in educational area, action research is very important for people who want to make improvement about their problems. It is also designed to improve the quality of human relationships (Lomax, 1991). It is necessary for people to have a comprehension on the definition of action research as well as its characteristics. The four main stages: planning, acting, observing and reflecting must be taken into account carefully in thinking about research method.

As far as it is concerned, it is quite necessary to choose an appropriate method in order to complete a research effectively in educational area. At the same time, many former researchers have emphasized the importance of ethical issues in the research processes. Ethical issues are

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very significant for the research processes. Joseph, M., Barbara, S., &Roger, G. (2015) stated, “Ethical issues may stem from the kinds of problems investigated by researchers and the methods they use to obtain valid and reliable data” (p.461-462). All action research involves people, hence must involve some ethical issues (Erickson, C., Jennifer, A., 2014). It needs to be considered in the further research.

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Creswell, J. W. (1994). Research design: Qualitative and quantitative approach. California: Sage.

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Lomax, L. (1989). The management of change. Great Britain: Short run press Ltd. Lomax, L. (1990). Managing staff development in schools: An action research approach. Great Britain: Bookcraft(Bath) Ltd. Lomax, L. (1991). Managing better schools & colleges: an action research way. Great Britain: Longdunn Press.

McTaggart, R. (1991). Action research: a short modern history. Victoria: Deakin University Press.

Morgan, W. (1997). Critical literary in the classroom: The art of the possible. London: Routledge.

Mutch, C. (2005). Doing educational research: A practitioner’s guide to getting started. Wellington: NZCER Press.

Osuala, E. C. (2005). Introduction to research methodology, (3rd Ed.). Nigeria: Africana-First Publishers Limited.

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Authors: Shi-yun Wang, was born at Baoding city, in 1981. He received Master degree of education from Education College of Waikato University, Hamilton City, New Zealand in 2007.

Doctoral Candidate from College of Journalism and Communication, Hebei University, Baoding city, P.R.China. His mainly research area are education management and journalism education.

He works for Continuing Education College of Hebei University as LECTURER at Baoding city.

He still works for Journal of Adult Education College of Hebei University as peer reviewer.

Address of Correspondence: 180. 54 road, Hebei University, Baoding City, Hebei Province, P.R.China.

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