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6 TURKISH ELECTORAL MODEL: PRESENTED BY PROFESSOR ALI ÇARKOĞLU, KOÇ UNIVERSITY, ISTANBUL TURKEY
Within the Turkish electoral system, seats in the representative assembly are translated from the population figures, as they are divided based on provinces’ geographical boundaries. Each province has a provincial governor, “vali”, appointed by the central government in Ankara. Each province is also sub-divided into districts with district governors, “kaymakam”, and then into villages and neighbourhoods, each having a headman or “muhtar”. While the central government appoints valis and kaymakams, the muhtars are elected by their local constituencies. In addition, provinces and districts also have an elected executive mayor working with provincial assemblies.
At the national level, the Turkish Grand National Assembly (Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi [TBMM]) is the representative legislative assembly, with a total of 600 seats. Each one of the 81 provinces is first allocated one seat irrespective of its population, thereafter the remaining 519 seats are distributed in accordance with provincial population figures. Such distribution necessarily creates seat allocations with fractions. The integer part of these seat allocations are made, and the fractions of seats are ordered and ranked from the largest to the smallest for all provinces. The integer seat allocation will always leave a certain number of undistributed seats due to the fractions. Consequently, the undistributed seats are then allocated from the largest seat fraction for the corresponding provinces down in the list until all remaining seats are allocated.
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The list system of proportional representation (PR)
As seats are allocated to provinces, each province is comprised of a large electoral district, with a PR system and multiple seats, as determined by the D’Hondt formula, which translates party votes to seats in the TBMM. Furthermore, each political party formulates a list of candidates to occupy the number of available seats in each province or electoral district. For example, if a given district is allocated 10 available seats, then each political party typically forms a list of 10 candidates. According to the system formula, each party sends the top candidates from their list who win, in proportion to their share of the vote.
In an attempt to avoid the formation of coalition parties within the TBMM, the 1980’s military regime in Turkey imposed a threshold of a minimum 10% nationwide electoral support to obtain any seats in the national legislature. Therefore, should a regional party win a substantial majority in several provinces, the party’s total votes must constitute 10% of the valid votes nationwide. If this threshold is not achieved, the party will not gain any seats from those provinces. Thus, this practice served to circumvent the fragmentation of seat distribution in Parliament through small parties voting in coalitions and has also worked to exclude regional minority ethnic parties from Parliament.
Moreover, the arrangement also made it increasingly difficult for minority groups to form new political parties that would realistically be able to obtain this threshold. Consequently, these smaller constituencies grouped along specific issues of ideologies, assembled under larger umbrella parties, effectively introducing coalitions into party organisations. From this, party politics were played out in the shaping of party lists put forth for elections in sizeable multi-member district PR elections.
Independent candidates
As the nationwide electoral threshold is only applicable to parties contesting national elections, independent candidates who run at a district level are only constrained by the D’Hondt formula requirements to win a single seat. If each of these candidates receives a level of support that qualifies for a seat, they can all get elected as independents from a multimember district. However, if an independent candidate receives more votes than necessary to win a seat, those excess votes are, in a sense, “wasted”. Furthermore, parties may support multiple independent candidates. Administering such a system where many independent candidates from a party do not
necessarily pass the national threshold, each running separately in different provinces, requires a great deal of coordination and voter mobilisation.
Political parties have been known to support independent candidates as a means to bypass the 10% national threshold limitations, as seen during the 2007 and 2011 elections when Kurdish parties used this strategy. This has helped the Kurdish parties to grow and nationalise the previously regional bases of support. Additionally, there have also been a few independent candidates who have contested elections in their hometowns based on their name recognition, family, or tribal ties, which renders their election easier.
The importance of district magnitudes
A 2011 decision by the Supreme Election Council (Yüksek Seçim Kurulu, YSK) effectively reduced the district sizes in large metropolitan provinces, which had serious electoral consequences, particularly impacting smaller parties and independent candidates. The decision stated that single provincial election districts will be used for provinces with 1-18 available seats; two election districts will be used for provinces with 19-35 available seats; and three election districts will be used for provinces with 36 or more available seats. Consequently, cities like Istanbul and Ankara would have three election districts.
To illustrate the importance of district magnitudes in the outcome of elections, Istanbul will be used as an example. As Istanbul has 98 seats available, the first election district has 35 seats, the second election district has 28 seats and the third district also has 35 seats. As the D’Hondt formula is applied for a total of 98 seats, the number of votes that would be required to win a seat is lowered considerably when compared to a district where only 35 total seats are available. Therefore, the larger district size increases smaller parties’ and independents’ chances of winning seats in an electoral district. In other words, in a province like Istanbul, where there are nearly 10.5 million voters, an independent candidate with slightly more than 100 000 votes could win a seat if all 98 seats are available in a single district. However, when the province is divided into three electoral districts with about 30 seats each, the minimum level of support for an independent candidate rises by nearly threefold.
