4-12-2020
DISSERTATION 2020
Boundaries: A Social and Behavioral Determinant COORDINATOR: PROF JAYA KUMAR GUIDE : AR. TANIYA SANYAL
JAHANVI NAHATA A/2925/2016 VB2 SPA DELHI
ABSTRACT
Boundaries are often perceived as passive entities in space that segregate within from without, but this research studies boundary as a phenomenon with social and behavioral implications. We are surrounded with boundaries at a psychological to physical scale that order our space, give us identity, and determine our social behavior. The study aims to analyze the effects of boundary transformations on traditional Newari settlements' social and behavioral dynamics, taking case examples of Kirtipur and Bungamati.
This qualitative study was carried out using hermeneutic phenomenology as the method, where historical data was collected through secondary sources like books and articles, and primary data through semi-structured interviews of the residents of the neighborhoods. The data were correlated over time and between the two neighborhoods, at three scales: Macro, meso and micro to arrive at comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon.
The results further confirm boundary as the determinant as well as consequence of social structure and ordering. The results also confirm that overtime the significance of most of the traditional boundaries have declined as they have gotten dilapidated or internalized. Following which, the settlement has acquired new boundaries that are mostly physical with little socio-cultural association. Moreover, the results also emphasize on the behavioral implications associated with each type of boundary studied, which can lead to boundary design specific to the need and desired human interaction.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Page Abstract and Keywords Table of Contents List of Figures Declaration of original ownership Certification Acknowledgments
1. Introduction 1.1. 1.2. 1.3. 1.4. 1.5. 1.6. 1.7. 1.8. 1.9. 1.10.
Introduction Background to the research Justification for the research Research Question Aim Objectives Scope Limitations Broad Methodology Overview Summary
2. Boundary: A social interface 2.1. 2.2. 2.3. 2.4. 2.5. 2.6. 2.7.
Meaning of Boundaries Scales of Boundaries Materiality of Boundaries Forms of Boundaries Sociological impacts of Boundary Behavioral and Psychological implications of Boundaries Summary
3. Detailed Methodology 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. 3.6. 3.7. 3.8.
Introduction Justification Of Methodology Selected Hermeneutic Phenomenology Method The Researcher The Research Participants Methods Of Data Collection Methods Of Analysis Ethical Considerations
4. Case Studies 4.1. Case Study Framework 4.2. Introduction to traditional Newari Settlements 4.3. Case Study Location Mapping 4.4. Kirtipur Old Town 4.4.1. Introduction to Kirtipur 4.4.2. Brief History 4.4.3. Geography 4.4.4. Evolution overtime 4.5. Bungamati Settlement 4.5.1. Introduction to Bungamati 4.5.2. Brief History 4.5.3. Geography 4.5.4. Evolution overtime
5. Data Analysis 5.1. Macro Scale: Urban Setting – Settlement Edge as Boundary 5.1.1. Topography 5.1.2. Town Walls And Gates 5.1.3. Water Bodies 5.1.4. Patis 5.1.5. Boundary Deities 5.2. Meso Scale: Neighborhood Level – Building Façade as Boundary 5.2.1. Ganesh 5.2.2. Hiti 5.2.3. Caste 5.2.4. Chhwasah 5.2.5. Facade
5.3. Micro Scale: Residential Unit – Threshold design as boundary 5.3.1. Pikhalakhu 5.3.2. Threshold 5.4. Threshold Of Anxiety
6. Conclusion and way forward 6.1. 6.2.
Conclusion Future Scope Of Work
Abbreviations References Bibliography Appendices
List of Figures Figure 1: Overall Research Methodology................................................................................... 14 Figure 2: Data Collection and Analysis Framework ................................................................... 31 Figure 3: Case Study Framework................................................................................................ 35 Figure 4: Social and Physical Boundaries in a traditional Newari Settlement .......................... 37 Figure 5: Map Locating The Case Study Locations in Kathmandu Valley, Nepal ....................... 38 Figure 6: Location Of Kirtipur Settlement selected for Case Study ........................................... 39 Figure 7: Historical Evolution of Kirtipur in plan 1971 – 2019, aerial photographs. .............. 41 Figure 8: Boundary in Newari Settlement, inside and outside town. ........................................ 45 Figure 9: Topography Boundary - Land Usage segregation according to topography .............. 47 Figure 10: Town Walls and Gates of the historic settlement, as a physical boundary. ............. 51 Figure 11: Ring Road of the modern day settlement, as a physical boundary .......................... 51
Figure 12: Gate to enter Bungamati settlement ........................................................................ 52 Figure 13: Water Bodies as boundary markers in Kirtipur ........................................................ 53 Figure 14: Water Bodies as boundary markers in Bungamati ................................................... 55 Figure 15: Water Body conditions in present-day Bungamati................................................... 55 Figure 16: Patis (Public Rest Houses) and their interrelation with settlement boundary ......... 56 Figure 17: Ganes As A Boundary Marker Between Neighbourhoods/Tols historically ............. 60 Figure 18: Ganes as boundary-marker in Bungamati ................................................................ 61 Figure 19: Hiti (Water Spout) as a boundary element ............................................................... 62 Figure 20: Caste division in the settlement ............................................................................... 64 Figure 21: Mapping of Chhwasah, the boundary marker between khalas ............................... 67 Figure 22: Facade Preference in both settlements .................................................................... 68 Figure 23: Evolution of facade overtime in the settlement 17th-20th Century .......................... 69 Figure 24: Facade Development from Malla period to 2019..................................................... 69 Figure 25: Modification Of Window Openings .......................................................................... 69 Figure 26: Changes in Cornices .................................................................................................. 69 Figure 27: Pikhalakhu as a harmonizer between the public and the private ............................ 71 Figure 28: Pikhalakhu-01
Figure 29: Pikhalakhu -02 ...................................... 71
Figure 30: Threshold Usage in settlements ............................................................................... 72 Figure 31: Sunlight Penetration Bungamati ............................................................................... 73 Figure 32: Sunlight Penetration Kirtipur .................................................................................... 74
Declaration of Original Ownership
The research work embodied in this dissertation titled:
“___________Boundaries: A Social And Behavioral Determinant__________”
has been carried out by the undersigned as part of the undergraduate Dissertation programme in the Department of Architecture, School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi, under the supervision of ____________Ar. Taniya Sanyal__________ (name of guide).
The undersigned hereby declares that this is his/her original work and has not been plagiarized in part or full form from any source.
Signature of candidate
Name: Jahanvi Nahata Roll No.: A/2925/2016 Year and Section: 5th Year Section: B Date: 01/12/2020
Certification
This dissertation, titled ‘Boundaries: A Social and Behavioral Determinant’ by
JAHANVI NAHATA, roll no. A/2925/2016, was carried out during the Fifth Year, Ninth
Semester (2020) B.Arch. Program in the Department of Architecture, under our guidance during September - December 2020. On completion of the report in all aspects and based on the declaration by the candidate above, we provisionally accept this dissertation report and forward the same to the Department of Architecture, School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi, India.
Ar. TANIYA SANYAL Research Guide
Prof. JAYA KUMAR Research Coordinator
Acknowledgments
The process of writing this dissertation has been an enlightening one, and it would not have been possible without the support and guidance that I have received throughout. I would firstly like to thank my coordinator Prof. Jaya Kumar and my guide Ar. Taniya Sanyal, whose expertise was invaluable from the initial phase of structuring the research to its completion. Their guidance has helped me expand my boundary of knowledge and the very way of thinking and have thus made this dissertation the standard it is today. I would like to thank my marvelous seniors, Ar. Tryambakesh Kumar Shukla and Ar. Geetika Khatri, who have generously helped me understand the local context, visit sites, meet experts, and source material for study. I would not have understood the locality so well and met so many experts if it was not for them. Further importantly, I would like to thank Ar. Sudarshan Raj Tiwari, for his expertise on Newari settlements that helped me understand their planning and development. And I would also thank Ar. Padma Sundar for guiding me through his rich resource collection, including his recent study on the settlement. Lastly and most importantly, I would like to thank my parents, who have been there as support throughout both emotionally and practically, and without whom site visits during the pandemic would also not have been possible. I am grateful to all mentioned for helping me complete my dissertation successfully.
1.0. INTRODUCTION
1.1. Introduction
We often tend to think of boundaries as lines; however, it is essential to recognize and understand boundaries as entities and zones in themselves that have effects of their own on their adjoining areas. We live in a world full of boundaries, like masonry walls, fences, facades, windows, partitions, gates, and screens, among many others. Boundaries can also be abstract and formed by systems like the caste hierarchy in traditional settlements or the economic hierarchy in the modern one. This research shall evaluate each of these different types of boundaries' social and behavioral impacts and explore their potentials in architecture. Boundaries are everywhere, and they play a critical role in determining our behavior, our interaction with the built environment, and our perception of the space. Boundaries are the beginning points of interaction with space and thus determine the majority of our behavior and interaction that follows. Hence it is crucial to understand the nature and effects of boundaries, to understand the interrelation of the built with the public at all levels, psychological to social.
1.2. Background to the Research
The concept of boundary encompasses physical entities like walls to social ideologies like caste, each to establish territory. Humans are territorial beings, and they tend to express their territoriality in the physical, social, and psychological space. This research understands this articulation and its effects on those who interact with it. The concept of boundary and its manifestation being temporal cannot be articulated under a single definition. It changes with time, people, social constructs, ideologies, technology,
amongst many other factors. Thus a similar evolution has taken place in the traditional settlements of Newari people in Nepal. With rapid urbanization and unplanned development, the boundary systems, once very definite and based on the social construct, have little consequence today. Little emphasis is given to boundary design and articulation at a social level, as globalization and urbanization merge social entities. The study explores the extent to which architecture functions as a physical and cultural boundary creator in these settlements overtime. Apart from being mainly from an architectural perspective, this study incorporates concepts from social sciences and psychology to interpret human interactions. The two settlements, Kirtipur and Bungamati, are sampled from the 53 Newari settlements that exist in Kathmandu Valley and are of great socio-cultural importance to the city.
1.3. Justification of Research The research was conducted to understand the evolution of the concept of boundary, both physical and metaphysical, and its translation as an architectural artifact. Further, it will also inform us of the social and behavioral implications of such architectural evolutions. International studies on behavioral impacts of boundaries have been carried out, yet none is specific to Nepal. It is crucial to understand that, socially, culturally, and historically, Nepal has a very different context than its western counterparts. Thus, the outcomes of international studies cannot be generalized here. As there has been limited research conducted analyzing the behavioral implications of these transformations in Nepal's traditional neighborhoods, this research shall open up a new lens for critiquing the urban developments and their relation to community life. Nepal has abundant riches in culture, tradition, and heritage that remain partly intact despite rapid urbanization and modernization. As rapid unplanned urbanization occurs, transforming the urban fabric, the community's cultural and social values diminish. Boundaries are critical elements that determine the social and behavioral dynamics of a community through their articulation. This research, through the study of traditional
neighborhoods in transition, will help comprehend how the developments have changed the dynamics of the community or vice versa, which will, in turn, make us aware of the impacts of these architectural translations and guide us so that new development can be integrated with the social and cultural norms to foster a stronger sense of community and belonging. The research is based on a qualitative, phenomenological approach to decode human behavior and social pattern as a consequence of boundary design. Human behavior is a multi-dimensional, flexible, and complex arena that has to be looked at subjectively to prevent the restrictive binaries resulting as outcomes.
1.4. Main Research Question How has the “Boundary” in an urban setting transformed overtime at a neighborhood level, and what are the social and behavioral impacts it has resulted in?
Sub Research Questions 1. What is a boundary? What constitutes a boundary? 2. What are the different scales into which boundaries can be classified? 3. What are the common forms of a boundary in an urban setting? 4. What are abstract boundaries? And in what forms do they exist in our society? 5. What are the psychological and social reasons behind the creation of boundaries? In what ways is it shaping our society? 6. How has the boundary in an urban setting transformed over the years, comparing traditional Newari settlements in Kathmandu with the new urban communities? 7. In what ways is a boundary itself a space contested for? What are the legal aspects of boundaries?
1.5. Aim This research aims to analyze the effects of boundary transformations on the social and behavioral dynamics of the neighborhood.
1.6. Objectives
To understand the evolution of “the idea of boundary” overtime.
To understand the social dynamics that:
i.
Have led to the creation of boundaries.
ii.
Have resulted from the created boundaries.
To examine the extent to which boundaries, both abstract and physical, create implications on the behavior of the neighborhood residents.
To study the materialization of the idea of the boundary over time by looking at the transformation of a Newari settlement from a traditional to an urban setting.
To identify through a comparative study of two settlements having transformed the elements of boundary design that render a place socially successful.
1.7. Scope
This research's primary focus is to study and analyze the transformation of boundaries in traditional Newari neighborhoods, namely, Kirtipur and Bungamati overtime, and the behavioral implications it has resulted. The research will look into the purely social and behavioral implications of boundary design. The paper does not aspire to study the economic and political aspects of boundary design in these neighborhoods, and any material related to the same is beyond the scope of this study. The research is mainly qualitative and is carried out through a comparative and historical study of two distinct neighborhoods of Kirtipur and Bungamati. The study also incorporates the views of experts who have spent decades studying the traditional settlements in the valley.
1.8. Limitations As a non-resident of the specific neighborhood carried out the study, it is beyond this study's scope to draw any conclusions based on personal experience. Also, being conducted during the Corona pandemic, the study lacks primary first-hand data as interviews with the locals. Even the few observations made on visits might not be consistent with natural conditions due to the pandemic situation. Thus, the research is mainly based on secondary sources and interpretations. Further, the case studies' analysis is undertaken from the viewpoint of an architect. Social or behavioral views are based on published research work and have not been taken in a professional capacity. Moreover, secondary sources used for analysis were in the German language, and as a limitation to understand the script directly, the language was comprehended through translation.
1.9. Broad Methodology Overview
Figure 1: Overall Research Methodology
1.9. Summary
The expression of its boundary largely determines the perception and use of space. Moreover, it is crucial to understand that boundaries are temporal and are under constant transformation. This transformation, along with phenomenological aspects of a boundary, is what the study shall investigate. The area of study, two traditional settlements in the valley, shall help understand these socio-behavioral implications in Nepal's context. The study conducted is majorly a qualitative one.
2.0. LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1. Meaning of Boundaries Boundaries are commonly considered as the edges that separate or divide entities spatially and temporally. Borden (Borden, n.d.) questions this very phenomenon: are boundaries just two-dimensional lines that demarcate, or is it way more than that? As Jane Jacob says, “Often borders are thought of as passive objects, or matter-of-factly just as edges. However, a border exerts an active influence.” (Jacob, 1961). Borden elaborates that boundaries are “zones of negotiation” that play crucial roles in forming the social order, public behavior around, and essentially interactions between the in and out, here and there. According to Simmel, the boundary is the interface between the social structure’s content and the individual’s participation in joint activities. Thus, boundaries are at the same time the product of social constraint and the conditio sine qua non of social interactions (Simmel, 2007). Boundaries are what is first perceived of any space visually at the human eye-level. It is the basis of first impressions and the sequence of behavior that follows in and around it. Boundaries range in degrees of opacity, depending on the level of isolation required. The harder or, the more opaque and brutal a boundary is, the more it is successful in the cessation of any form of interaction with surrounding realms, as Borden points out with the example of the Church of Holy Trinity, in Kingsway, London. So this brings us to a point where it is essential to recognize and appreciate architecture, not as an object placed in space, but as the product of an interrelation between things, spaces, individuals, and ideas. Architecture is a space of flows, and so are boundaries. (Borden, n.d.)
Traditionally we tend to believe boundaries as physical entities that, once created, have sociological effects and consequences on the surrounding. However, Georg Simmel (Simmel, 2007) rightly questions; what is it that leads to the creation of boundaries? Insecurity, desire to control movement and space, reinstate ownership, discrimination
be it social, economic, or in any other form, hide its problems from the public, are some of the critical reasons for boundary creation. Thus it can be understood that boundary is not a spatial fact with a sociological consequence rather a sociological fact that forms itself spatially. (Simmel, 2007). Which may ripple further social consequences once made. It is these consequences that will be further explored in the dissertation. According to Simmel (Simmel 2007), the concept of 'the boundary' is essential in most relations between individuals and between individuals and groups. He further claims that the concept of 'the border' is related to the whole structure of social life but that social borders will be drawn differently depending on the social context and activity in question. However, Simmel points out that another critical sociological problem lies in the various ways through which individuals partake in collective structures and argues that there is a difference within a collective between a full member and a half-or quartermember, which signifies a boundary between the latter and the whole to which he or she belongs. Adding on, Harari (Harari, 2015) mentions how humans can coordinate and work efficiently in a maximum group of 150, any larger and it creates divides, and the need for a boundary emerges. It is not possible for a regular human being to know and connect intimately with a larger group. If this magic number is maintained, he adds on; there is no requirement of formal rank, hierarchy, or any form of boundary necessary. The group is self-sustaining. However, as Porteous mentions, society is moving towards and adopting a city's abnormal setting as its habitat. He further states this phenomenon is the root cause for problems for the individual, including personal anonymity, crowding, behavior determinant of the physical environment and social pressure, lack of privacy, lack of identity, and powerlessness. These problems give rise to the need for boundaries as an individual is continually trying to demarcate his/her territory and ensure his privacy in the abnormally large cities.
2.2. Scales of Boundaries
Boundaries are physical delimiters of space, movement, and interactions (Zheng, 2012). Boundaries create dynamic and temporal fractals in the world, encapsulating spaces within spaces. A transition from within to without, these boundaries demarcate a transition in physical scale as well. Thus the physical scale can be thought of as a space radiating from our bodies as centers to encompass the world (Zheng, 2012). The psychological perception of scales of spaces is much more convoluted than a simple physical model described earlier. As Zheng states, a cabin by the mountainside is comprehended as a much smaller entity than an apartment in the city, which appears spacious in a congested area. Similarly, Bachelard emphasizes this relativity, mentioning how a home may feel warmer when it is colder outside. Thus, perception of the scale of a boundary is relative; it is not just a physical phenomenon measured by geometries but one that results from the difference between inside and outside. The more significant is the difference, the greater the scale of boundary perceived. Bachelard rightly points out in his discourse on the inside and outside, that everything even size is a human value, and items perceived as tiny, maybe vast on their own. Thus, a reverse axis of scale radiating from the outside to the self may be appropriate phenomenologically. Hence, the scale defined by the boundary is qualified by the experience of the space defined by it. Thus scale is not merely a physical attribute of boundaries but also a product of its phenomenological qualities. The phenomenological attributes of boundary determine the experience of scale more than its simple physical attributes. Boundaries for this study are classified into three levels of physical scales: Micro, Meso, and Macro. The micro-level boundary can be considered as the boundary between the private realm and the public realm, mainly at a residential level, as thresholds. Meso level boundary is considered as the façade that interacts at a neighborhood level. Finally, the macro-level boundary is the settlement edge in an urban setting.
2.3. Materiality of Boundaries
Next comes the materiality of a boundary. There can be infinitesimal ways to block access and flow from one region to the next, and its choice makes all the difference. A softer boundary is one that enables at least partial horizontal or vertical connection, whereas a rigid boundary is one that tries to repel anyone approaching (Borden, n.d.). Borden brings to light the multiple edge-hardenings being carried out throughout the city, London. Spiked window sills, 45° railings, concrete wedges, rocks on ledges, automatic sprinkler systems, broken glass on wall tops, fixed glass facades are a few of such efforts. These efforts reduce interactions between people and animals, birds, and nature, and it is crucial to study its impacts and the way it might shape our society in the future. Borden points out, in the scenario of the blue screen that was placed as a boundary in the Holy Trinity, not only did it demarcate the edge, but created such domination in the space that pedestrians not only looked away from it but dared to stop in its vicinity. Thus he remarks that the boundary stretch becomes a thick edge from a mere surface where social relations are challenged, controlled, and formed through architectural materiality. The dissertation will study these very effects on social relations of different kinds of boundaries comparing traditional Newari settlements and modern communities, and come forth with conclusions of what might be most desirable for psychological well-being. Similarly, Whyte (Whyte, 2001) analyses the surrounding elements and their edges to understand their magnetic effect on people. The softer and more seamless the edges are, the more it shall gravitate people towards itself. Usage of ledges and staircases are vital elements that help in it. It is shown how ledges blur the boundary, making the boundary itself a usable space that helps in interacting with the present elements, like water bodies, trees, streets, etc. A ledge, if of appropriate sizing, can offer comfortable and varied options of sitting. Moreover, from the documentary, we can see that the more we provide people with options in anything, the more likely it is to be used. Next, we have stairs, a few risers, can also beautifully merge the street level and the plaza or the plaza and other elements to make it accessible and create spaces to sit
and lean on to, among many others. Again, the boundaries, be it the entrance to the subway, the plaza corners, are spaces which have dense activity and are also popular points to meet and talk right before one leaves or as soon as the other arrives or vice versa, as people tend to start talking wherever they meet without making efforts to move to a defined space. From this, we can also understand that boundaries are recognizable spots that can be finalized for meeting up, thus creating a place where conversations begin and end. Further activity mapping in the documentary further confirms that maximum activity takes place along the edges of a plaza, and we can see that the better the edge handling, the more the usage of the plaza. Trees, Water bodies, steps, ledges, and chairs in the edges make the people more inclined to use it. Further, plazas with rigid concrete walls as edges or water bodies with barred permission to touch, or ledges covered with rocks are features present in the plazas underused significantly. Also, levels play a crucial role in defining and determining the use of space. Too low, or too high, from the activity hub, i.e., the street, isolates the space such that people need to make significant efforts to reach, rendering it underused. Moreover, if the sitting space is placed in isolation or too far from one another, it becomes unused and redundant. (Whyte, 2001) As Lally says, surfaces and geometries are the defining elements of an architectural boundary. Every material has a particular set of properties that determine its appearance, feeling, transparency, and geometrical form, among many others. Whenever there is a change in the materiality of a boundary, it has massive implications. A shift from brick and mortar to concrete and steel opens up new possibilities, developing new typologies; larger openings, towers, and cantilevers.
2.4. Forms of Boundary
Boundaries can be physical, social, and even psychological, as mentioned earlier. The concept of physical boundaries is known to us, as it is the most apparent amongst all. Physical boundaries are perceptible by touch and can be considered as walls, facades,
doors, thresholds, roofs, streets, among many others (Zheng, 2012). Physical boundaries can be further classified into three distinct types: strong, diffuse, and spatialized. (Moise, 2014) Strong boundaries demarcate clear, rigid division between the inside and outside. This type of boundary creates a more inward-looking interface with minimal and controlled interaction with the external spaces and a stronger sense of individuality. Diffuse boundaries facilitate better interactions and flow of spaces from outside to inside, creating a continuous dialogue between them. Spatialized boundaries are composite spaces that combine the characteristics of the interfaces it shares but develops a typology and particularities of their own. (Moise, 2014) Different societies have different social constructs and structures, which are defined and clarified by social boundaries. There exist socio-cultural subgroups within societies defined by caste, occupation, locality, god, religion, income, and gender, and all of these also act as social boundaries. And then we have the psychological boundary, which exists as much as other forms of boundaries. Borden (Borden, n.d.) then explores the new abstract form of boundaries that do not have a rigid restriction yet successfully are both public and private at once. Borden attempts to analyze this through the Broad gate office complex as an example. It is here we come to realize that though it is a public realm, the activities, behavior patterns are all subtly controlled by the managerial masters. To portray an image of wealth and wellbeing, staff are given high salaries, posh brand stores are placed, fringe spaces eliminated, Golfing emporia, champagne bars placed, the service and maintenance workers are hidden as much as possible from view, every spec of dirt is taken care of, and birds are shooed away. Further, it materializes the concept of time is money, investment, time is for work, not play, and that time like space can be controlled. Hence this form of resolutely positivist architecture leads to aspirations of fetish abstractions, eliminating our critical thoughts, thus making us slaves of time. We are coerced into believing we can accomplish a given task only at a given time in a given space. What is different for boundaries in Broadgate is that the boundaries have been internalized within buildings as controlled access through IDs, CCTV surveillance, and biometric recognition that it frees the external boundary, opening it to many more possibilities, as
the interiors are already secure enough. There are various boundary-signifying elements placed but none, which completely bars the entry into the plaza. Borden explains that these elements do less to prevent the horizontal movement of the body and more challenge the visitor's self-perception. As one passes through this thick gate, it arouses the question of whether one should be here in the mind of the entrant, enforcing self-regulation without the usage of substantial physical barriers. This opens up the scope to analyze and interpret the possibilities of self-regulatory boundaries and their effects. Borden goes more in-depth into this, stating that similar effects are created in public spaces, cities which have buildings with mirrored surfaces that reflect the individual making him contemplate his every existence there. The once textured and layered interface between inside and out is now reduced to a two-dimensional mirror, creating overwhelming impacts on the passers-by. Concluding his analysis of Broad gate, Borden says spaces like these are formed not by architectural configurations but by the negation of the perception of human subjects and differential space-time the humans can produce. In turn, this forms a space of confusing power, where creative life gets suffocated and human being objectified.
As Lally rightly states, whenever a new form of boundary is explored, it results in varied connotations of value and spatial organizations. Various aspects of architecture are revised when architectural boundaries move from walls and surfaces as mediators to more abstract forms.
2.5. Sociological Impacts of Boundary
A boundary can act as a separator, connector, or an amalgamation of both, depending on how it is articulated and perceived by society. Jacobs perceives boundaries as a force that “exerts an influence (sucking) the life out of our cities and its neighborhoods. Not just literal walls and barriers, many features of urban life – from roads to parks to buildings – can cut off activities in public spaces and create what is called a border
vacuum” (Jacobs, 1961). Thus, as per Jacobs, border articulations tend to form dead spaces around them, and restrict public movement through it, encapsulating people. On the contrary, Lynch believes boundaries to be a social connector, bringing together communities. He brings to light the idea that an edge or a boundary is way more than just a simple barrier; it is the seam between two areas harmoniously knitted together, enabling exchange. A boundary, if perceived as a medium of fusing different entities that facilitate connections and transactions, can then become flexible, permeable, and inclusive. Throughout societies, people have different personalities and requirements, broadly categorized as extrovert, introvert, or an ambivert. Accordingly, each places his/her household in the neighborhood. Introverts are at the end of streets, extroverts near activity nodes, and ambiverts somewhere in between. And this further accentuates the already introverted or extroverted character of the space. Emphasizing the growing trend of introvert culture in our society, Botton (Botton, 2010), in his book Architecture of Happiness, brings to light how a facade, a boundary, has evolved to contain people in boxes than facilitate community interaction. The facades that once used to be a volume in itself with projecting balconies, windows facing others of the same kind have now reduced to flat 2d interfaces trying to shun the outside than welcome it. This, in turn, shows how drama and the variety of spaces Whyte is mentioning are reduced to monotony. Lastly, Borden explores the interrelation of Boundaries with capitalism. Boundaries are platforms for capitalism, i.e., advertisements. Public spaces, over time, are becoming commercial platforms, filled with retail outlets. Even airports are becoming more like shopping malls than transit hubs. And following this trend of capitalism comes advertisement, which has infiltrated every nook and corner of public space. Thus, people see boundaries surrounding these public realms as an opportunity for advertisement; walls are covered up with posters, screens with bill posters. The once edge demarcating line has now become a space in itself contested for by the owner and public both. This form of advertisement pushes us further towards capitalism. In turn, transforming a passenger into a consumer. (Borden, n.d.)
2.6. Behavioral and Psychological Implications of Boundaries
Boundaries have phenomenological attributes that create behavioral and psychological implications around them. Using the scale of intimacy defined by Zheng, a boundary's phenomenological aspects can be explored insightfully. The intimacy of boundaries could be considered to be the degree to which our being pervades the space. The more intimate and familiar the boundary perceived, the more individuals are urged to inhabit and unwind in the space. Unfamiliar boundaries suppress the urge to inhabit and interact with the space around it. A person becomes a discrete entity in the space defined by the unfamiliar boundary (Zheng, 2012). In and around the spaces defined by the unfamiliar boundary, the individual withdraws inwards and conducts the minimum activity in the space. It is this perception and sense of intimacy that determines the activities in the space. The intimacy with the boundary is one that is formed through use as well as habit. Boundaries are prevalent psychologically as much as they are prevalent physically, and the translation of the physical boundary to the mental image is the psychological implication. The image of a specific boundary is not just a result of a single physical entity but also a development over time from a collection of memories and experiences with similar boundaries. Two types of images may result from boundaries, one that relates to its physicality and materiality and the other which corresponds to the message and associations it portrays. The amalgamation of the physical and psychological attributes is what creates the tangible boundaries we perceive and experience. These attributes change and evolve, and so does the image of the boundary and its intimacy with the users. This temporality and evolution of boundary and its behavioral and psychological implications shall be further studied in this research by examining traditional Newari settlements in Nepal.
2.7. Summary
Boundaries, borders, or edges are the defining factors of the extent of our daily lives. Through these boundaries, visible or invisible, the built environment develops associations with its surrounding communities. We identify ourselves, relate to others, use available resources, and form communities through these very boundaries. In conclusion, Borden beautifully quotes Martin Heidegger: “A boundary is not at which something stops but that from which something begins its essential unfolding.”
3.0. METHODOLOGY
3.1. Introduction
This chapter aims to elaborate on the research methodology used for this qualitative hermeneutic phenomenological study understanding the idea of boundary, its architectural translation, and social and behavioral implications. This approach allowed for thorough interpretation and analysis of textual information about the idea of boundaries and their effect on the participants' experiences residing in the studied neighborhoods. The hermeneutic research methodology intended to produce profuse textual descriptions of the experiences generated by the selected phenomena in individuals' lives studied. As phenomenology concerns individuals' experiences, this approach was used to understand residents' experiences in transition and the impact of changing boundary dynamics. The approach was hermeneutic because it allowed the researcher to explore and interpret these experiences in light of what she already knew and could gather from literature about the topic under consideration (practical and theoretical knowledge). The applicability of this approach for this research is discussed further in detail in this chapter. The historical research method was also combined with phenomenology to understand the historical context and evolution of boundaries in the settlement. The methodology incorporated the collection of both primary and secondary qualitative data for interpretation and analysis.
3.2. Justification of Methodology Selected
Hermeneutic Phenomenology as a research method combined with the historical method was the ideal choice for the study conducted as it resulted in a profound understanding of the phenomenon of boundaries in these settlements. This approach helped comprehend the phenomenon of boundaries in a real-world context in
correlation to the lives of people interacting with it, rather than it being an entity in isolation. The study being a qualitative one, done with this methodology, yielded a rich set of data and helped analyze boundaries not just as an entity but as a socio-cultural phenomenon. Further, this approach enabled the researcher to analyze all descriptive texts, including the researcher’s personal experiences, as equally valid and reliable data. The historical method was utilized to study the historical aspects of a boundary in the settlement, which enabled the researcher to understand the phenomenon over time. Other qualitative analysis methods would not have been appropriate for this research as they would not have resulted in such in-depth analysis of the phenomenon and would not have incorporated the social and behavioral aspects, which are the key objectives of this research. This method provided a new lens to study a widespread architectural phenomenon, i.e., boundaries, and is the first-ever to be conducted in these settlements. This study shall present a portmanteau of historical, architectural, social, and behavioral analysis of boundaries. The method did have some limitations, i.e., the sample population was tiny to the entire population; thus, the data generated might not be typical or generalizable. Furthermore, as the data collected is subjective, it is challenging to establish its validity. However, if the research were not conducted as mentioned, it would not have resulted in such a detailed exploration of the research question.
3.3. Hermeneutic Phenomenology Methodology
3.4. The Researcher
The researcher is a final year student of Bachelors of Architecture, conducting this research as an academic dissertation. The researcher was guided and imparted with the skills required to conduct the designed study by its faculty overseeing the research. Further, the researcher had no direct relations with the study participants, ensuring no bias imparted on the research study.
3.5. The Research Participants
A heterogeneous purposive sampling strategy was used to select participants to incorporate a more comprehensive range of viewpoints and perspectives on the phenomenon. The population of twenty individuals per settlement was sampled for study based on a few criteria to make the sampled population as representative as possible. The first criterion was that the individual should be a resident and willing to participate in the research. Then, the age bracket of 18 years and above was used, followed by a gender bracket such that an equal number of male and female participants were present in the study. Despite the local language being Newari, which the researcher did not directly understand, it was not used as a selection criterion to sample participants. Instead, a local who knew both languages accompanied during the interviews to help translate information. Forty participants were interviewed as that was the number feasible due to the short duration in which the research had to be completed, yet it yielded enough information for the research purposes. It is also essential to apprehend that most of the participants or their families were residents of the neighborhood for more than two generations, giving them a greater understanding of the neighborhood’s cultural and social dynamics.
3.6. Methods of Data Collection
The study incorporates analysis and interpretation of data, both primary and secondary. Primary data was collected through interviews, open-ended response formats, and observations while, secondary data was collected through artifacts and archival documents. The in-depth interviews were conducted with residents of the neighborhood and experts who had extensive knowledge of the settlements. The interview participants on-site, ten per settlement, were selected through heterogeneous purposive sampling, and the criteria mentioned in detail in 4.5.
The interviews were partly structured and partly open-ended and unstructured to obtain qualitative data through open-ended questions. These allowed the respondents to articulate their experience in their vocabulary, hence bringing forth the real understanding of the phenomenon. Further, it was the unstructured part of interviews in which the interviewees felt most comfortable and could articulate their thoughts more clearly and provide more in-depth insights on the topic. However, a structured part was also incorporated to obtain some homogenous data that could be compared and analyzed quickly. The interviewees were also asked to share their daily activity routines to understand their interaction with the settlement boundaries. Further, any photo log that they owned that documented the spaces and the neighborhoods' activities were also studied. The interview was conducted on 23/11/2020 after multiple site visits. Interviews with two experts, Ar. Sudarshan Raj Tiwari and Ar. Padma Sundar Joshi was conducted, on the phone and in person, respectively. These interviews of experts conducted at the initial phase of the research were unstructured, allowing for more extensive insights on the topic, which helped frame the study's direction in the local context. The interviews provided rich historical data required for the historical analysis of boundaries in the sampled neighborhoods. The interviews with the locals were recorded electronically using a voice recording app with their consent. Subsequently, once the interviews were completed, they were transcribed verbatim by the researcher for analysis purposes. Field notes were also taken during data collection and were logged as primary data for the study. These notes helped the researcher go back to the interviews theoretically to understand the interview environment and the researcher’s views on-site during data analysis. The researcher also conducted on-site observations of the phenomenon and included personal observations as primary data for analysis. The researcher made these observations as a non-participant of the phenomenon, a spectator witnessing the activities. The observations were recorded as notes over a couple of hours’ stay in each settlement. Secondary data in the form of public archival documents, i.e., the Kirtipur settlement plans, were obtained from the Kirtipur Municipality. Books, articles, and journals relating
to the topic were obtained through local bookshops, colleagues, and the internet. Historical photographs and drawings of the site were also obtained from the internet for analysis.
Figure 2: Data Collection and Analysis Framework
3.7. Method of Analysis
Primary and secondary data collected was consolidated through tabulation, network mappings, and diagramming processes. This consolidated data was further analyzed using an inductive approach. Content analysis was also conducted through transcription and coding of data to identify patterns within the primary data collected. Frequency mapping of the interpretations in histograms and charts was done to understand the phenomenon under study. Secondary data were also mapped and correlated with the primary data to develop a comprehensive understanding. Furthermore, this data was analyzed on the framework derived from the literature review. The six parameters used for case study data analysis were idea, scale, materiality, form, image, and intimacy. Further, the scale was divided into three subcategories, micro, meso, and macro levels. A macro-level boundary is understood as the settlement edge, a meso-level boundary is considered the neighborhood edge, and a micro-level boundary is interpreted as the residential edge for the study's purposes.
3.8. Ethical Considerations
The data was collected and evaluated following five fundamental ethical considerations: voluntary participation, informed consent, no harm, confidentiality, and anonymity of data collected. Finally, only relevant components were collected to trouble the participants for the least possible duration.
i.
Informed Consent
The research participants were fully informed of the research purpose and the evaluation being conducted during the interviews. It was essential to do this, as the participants usually get hopeful that the research might be something to do with actual
improvements in the place. When it does not result in any developments, they get disheartened.
ii.
Voluntary Participation
It was made sure that the interviewees participate without any coercion and could withdraw from the interview whenever they felt uncomfortable. The interviewees’ permission was also sought to use a voice recorder, camera, and note-making before the interviews. Only the tools for which the interviewee gave permission, was used during the process.
iii.
No Harm
Harm can be both physical and psychological, specifically psychological, in this research, so great care was taken to prevent any such damage from being caused. It was made sure that any discussion relating to caste, income, and political inclination was avoided during the interviews. Also, the interview was drafted in the national language – Nepali, for better communication. Moreover, a friend who knew the local language – Newari, accompanied to make the interviewees feel more comfortable while the interview was being conducted. Moreover, it was made sure that the interview is articulated to safeguard the interviewee’s privacy and dignity.
iv.
Confidentiality and Anonymity of Data
The research data has been kept confidential, except for the researcher having access to the raw data. The participants’ identity is undisclosed in the published research, maintaining the anonymity of data.
v.
Only Assess Relevant Components
The interviews were simple and focused on the research objectives to respect the interviewee’s time. Data unrelated to the topic was either avoided or not dwelled into in detail.
Lastly, along with the principles mentioned, the process was executed, maintaining honesty, integrity, and objectivity on the researcher’s part.
4.0. CASE STUDIES 4.1. Case Study Framework
Figure 3: Case Study Framework
Finalized Case Studies: i.
Kirtipur Old Town Settlement
ii.
Bungamati Settlement
Both these sites are located in the southwest of Kathmandu Valley, in Nepal.
4.2. Introduction to Traditional Newari Settlements
Newars are the indigenous and the earliest groups of people to reside in the Kathmandu valley. According to traditional beliefs, Newars came from the country of Nayera (somewhere in south India) under the direction of their king Naya Deva to the valley in ancient times. Other legends and beliefs also trace back Newars to China and claim that Boddhisattva Manjushri (who also came from China) cut the Chobhar gorge, draining the water in the valley making it habitable. Newars are also distinct linguistically; the Newari language is a Tibeto-Burmese language, unlike Nepali, an Indo-Aryan language. Newari, even today, exists as the dominant spoken language in these settlements. However, the Newars have interestingly been limited to the bounds of the valley, except Lhasa, and it is their architecture that adorns the townscapes of the valley today. Thus, the architecture of a Newari settlement is unique and can only be found in the valley. Newars, originally Buddhists, adopted Hinduism over time as well, and to date, both the religions are harmoniously living together within the settlements. In a Newari settlement, religion was never a segregating factor, as long as the caste hierarchy was maintained. Despite the legal abolition of the caste systems, it is very much present in these settlements and plays a crucial role in determining spaces' formation and usage. Traditional Newari settlements had very rigid caste structures and caste boundaries, which have blurred over the years. There currently exist 53 Newari settlements in the Kathmandu Valley, each with a few thousand populations. A Newari settlement is usually found on higher, elevated ground known as “thu”, saving the surrounding lowlands for farming. Newari settlements are very religiously ordered, with a multitude of temples and religious shrines organizing the space. Further, the settlements are also subdivided into two distinct halves, malefemale, upper-lower, and this dichotomy is represented in festivals, jatras, distribution of socio-religious groups, and buildings. The politico-religious centers of the settlements are not just secured through physical entities like walls but also by religious structures
and shrines placed in proper directions. The inside and outside of the settlement are differentiated as Dune – Inside and Pine – Outside, and a clear demarcation of this exists. The Boundary system in the Newari settlement is very well articulated. The boundary is delineated and defined in many ways ranging from physical to social-cultural. The very first boundary marker in these settlements is the topography. The elevated ground “Thu” is used for settlement purposes, within which “Dathu” the highest land is reserved for gods, “Thathu” slightly lower for the rulers, “Kwothu” even lower for the citizens, and finally “Pithu” the lowest grounds for farming and funerary rites. The diagram below further clarifies the boundary system in the settlements.
Figure 4: Social and Physical Boundaries in a traditional Newari Settlement
4.3. Case Studies Location Mapping
Figure 5: Map Locating The Case Study Locations in Kathmandu Valley, Nepal
Legend: 1. Kirtipur Settlement 2. Bungamati Settlement Located in the southwest of the Kathmandu Valley, both of these historic Newari settlements are home to rich culture and heritage. Kirtipur settlement lies on Bagmati river's western bank, while Bungamati is on the same river's eastern bank. The communities share many similar characteristics as well as location, being in the same vicinity. However, over time they have undergone very different developments in their regions, which led to the selection of these two settlements for this research.
4.4. KIRTIPUR OLD TOWN
Figure 6: Location Of Kirtipur Settlement selected for Case Study
4.4.1. Introduction One of the oldest settlements of the valley and known as Nepal's ancient capital, Kirtipur, is located approximately 5 km south-west of the capital, Kathmandu. The settlement traces its origins back to ancient times and is situated atop a steep rocky hill, unique to its counterparts, Kathmandu, Lalitpur, and Bhaktapur, situated in the valley plains. Kirtipur was once a stronghold and fortified settlement and was the key to control over the valley. The settlement is home to many heritages like Bagh Bhairav temple, Chilancho Stupa, and Uma Maheshwar temple, making this Newar settlement very important socioculturally. Though the settlement still preserves its socio-cultural values, it has been massively impacted by urbanization in recent years. 4.4.2. Brief History Kirtipur was home to the earliest kings of the valley, dating back to the Brahmanical era as per the Padmagiri chronicle. King Sadashivadeva founded the kingdom between 1099 AD and 1126 AD; however, his contribution is not clear. During the Malla period, the settlement flourished architecturally, and the fortress created was viewed as impregnable. Parts of the city walls and gates created during this era are present to date. In the 18th century, after three consecutive tries, Prithvi Narayan Shah got hold of the region, and his forces destroyed the majority of the city after the conquest. Apart from the destruction caused by the Gurkha forces, the settlement has also suffered severe damages caused by earthquakes dating 1808, 1833, 1934, and 2015. In 1957, the government acquired the farmlands of the Kirtipur residents to establish Tribhuvan University at its periphery. This act led to a substantial economic downfall of the residents, and ever since, Kirtipur has lost the prominence and glory it once boasted. The development also created a border vacuum between Kirtipur and Kathmandu. Today, Kirtipur faces the threat of becoming a satellite town to Kathmandu and also of losing its socio-cultural values due to unplanned urbanization.
4.4.3. Geography The Kirtipur hillock, on which the settlement is placed, is oriented north-west south-east and is at an elevation 80 m higher than the surrounding valley. The hill is a part of the mountain range which connects Mount Indra Than in the west to Mount Mahabharat in the South. Moreover, this hill is regarded by the Newars as a holy site as it represents the figure of Shiva. The settlement is situated such that the river Balkhu flows to its west and the river Bagmati to its east. The entire periphery of the settlement used to be farmlands, which has now been largely urbanized. 4.4.4. Evolution of Settlement Overtime
Kirtipur - 1971
Kirtipur - 2003
Kirtipur - 2007
Kirtipur - 2010
Kirtipur - 2015
Kirtipur - 2019
Figure 7: Historical Evolution of Kirtipur in plan 1971 – 2019, aerial photographs.
4.5. BUNGAMATI SETTLEMENT
4.5.1. Introduction Located 10 km south of Patan, in Kathmandu Valley's southern fringes, Bungamati is one of the most important medieval Newari settlements. In the medieval era, the settlement developed as a satellite village when Kathmandu, Lalitpur, and Bhaktapur existed as different cities under distinct kings. The settlement is planned around the Rato Machhindranath temple (Bunga dyo/ Karunamaya), a religious shrine of great importance to the Newar community. Though the settlement still preserves its medieval characteristics, it has not been oblivious to the developments around it in the capital. 4.5.2. Brief History The modern-day Bungamati was known since the Lichhavi era as Bugayumigrama, and the deity Bunga-dyo, according to Gopalaraja Vamsavali, has existed since the reign of King Narendradeva, the first half of the seventh century. Thus, the ancient Newar settlement dates back to the 7th century and comprises rich Hindu and Buddhist sociocultural values, arts, and crafts. The settlement is supposed to have come into being after the deity Bunga-dyo was brought to the Valley to end the 12-year drought. Once the deity was established according to a Bhairav, 300 families, 100 each from Kathmandu, Lalitpur, and Bhaktapur, were settled around the temple by King Narendra Deva for the service of the god, and Bungamati came into being. 4.5.3. Geography This ancient settlement is oval geometrically, elongating in north and south directions, and has a gentle slope towards the north. As there exists a steep slope on the west of the settlement, expansion over time has taken place only in the other three directions, mainly towards the east. The settlement has Sunakothi to the east, Bhainsepati to the north, Khokana to the west, and Champi to the south in the immediate vicinity. The land around the settlement is highly fertile and is used by the locals for farming. The river Bagmati also passes through the western edge, acting as the primary water supply source and a hub for religious activities.
4.5.4. Evolution of Settlement Overtime
Bungamati - 2003
Bungamati - 2007
Bungamati - 2009
Bungamati - 2012
Bungamati - 2015
Bungamati - 2019
5.0. DATA ANALYSIS 5.1. Macro Scale: Urban Setting – Settlement Edge as Boundary
Settlement Edge as boundary in Newari settlements is defined traditionally through boundary forms, which can be listed as follows: 1.
Topography
2.
Town Walls And Gates
3.
Water Bodies
4.
Pati
5.
Boundary Deity
Figure 8: Boundary in Newari Settlement, inside and outside town.
5.1.1. a.
Topography Kirtipur
Kirtipur, like other traditional Newari settlements, was ordered according to the topography of the region. The landmass with higher elevation known as “Thu” was the natural boundary between the settled and the farm areas. This principle of planning and settlement boundary formation helped preserve the fertile lowlands for farming purposes. Even today, the settlement of Kirtipur has been very much restricted to its topographical bounds. However, expansion from other neighboring regions has urbanized many low-lying farmlands at the periphery.
Figure 9: Topography Boundary - Land Usage segregation according to topography
The distinction has gotten blurred today, and the topography is no longer a prominent marker as a boundary and determinant of what development will occur in which region. However, the temples, palaces, and houses of the indigenous people mostly remain where they used to be as per initial planning. Over time, as there existed no ruler specific to the region, and the Guthi systems (local governance system based on sociocultural norms) disintegrated, there was no authority objecting to the sporadic new developments in the settlement. Thus, these developments and expansions that have recently taken place, especially in the 21st century, have softened these boundaries and made the settlement more homogenous than earlier. Once designated as farmlands, the lower flatlands got encroached upon settlement as the community expanded. In conjunction, the workforce occupation is also shifting from primary to secondary and tertiary sectors. Further, the new developments significantly based on RCC frame structure have greater heights, which reduce the visual connect and perception of topography at a point within the settlement, demeaning its importance.
Finally, though topography might not be the rigid boundary it was earlier, it still distinguishes Kirtipur as a settlement like no other in the valley.
b.
Bungamati
Like Kirtipur, even Bungamati, a much later settlement was based on elevated land as per the topography demarcation. The surrounding fertile sloping lands to the east and the flat sloping lands to the west after the forest buffer were used as farmlands for the settlement. The settlement's west boundary has not undergone any significant change, having the forest as a natural edge. However, the eastern boundary of fertile farmlands has reduced due to the urban expansion of the settlement and nearby cities. The settlement is still mostly within its original bounds with inward densification.
5.1.2.
Town Walls and Gates a. Kirtipur
Kirtipur was historically a fortified city, with town walls and gates as definite and rigid boundary markers. The purpose of this containment was for protection as well as for prevention of spillout of settlement into the surrounding fertile lands. The settlement historically had 12 gates, strategically placed so as to have one for each neighborhood. Today, only the foundations of the walls and three of the original 12 gates still remain. Even today, the 3 remaining gates mark the prominent entries to the settlement. The wall as a boundary also provided for physical delimitation of space, and acted as a boundary segregating within and without very clearly. These walls, thus also became the identity providers to the settlement residents, as ones belonging to Kirtipur. However, the walls also facilitated caste segregation such that, the pore caste people, i.e. the lower caste groups were not allowed to settle within the town walls. This demarcation of Kirtipur as a separate entity by the walls traditionally, has now been replaced by the ring road that runs along the settlement periphery. This ring road, carrying large transport volumes, creates a disconnect and divide between the settlement and its periphery. It can be considered the wall of the modern era, as it serves similar functions as that of the wall, yet is a softer transition. When the settlement residents were asked of the area they could traverse without feeling anxious,
the threshold of anxiety was mostly at the edge of the road. The road as a modern-day wall has marked the definite transition from within to without. The rest of the street networks within the settlement are pedestrian-friendly or stepped, limiting vehicular corridors that create boundaries. The fascinating factor here is that, though both the wall and the road act as dividers, the wall was created with the purpose of segregation, and the road was created to facilitate better connection. Moreover, the wall gave a stronger sense of identity to the residents than what the road does today. However, the disintegration of the wall has allowed for more homogenous spread and reduced differentiation within the community. The wall had socio-cultural values associated with it whereas the road has no such interpretations. So, the boundary at the edge of the settlement has transformed to just a physical one, that too permeable than its earlier counterparts. Moreover, historically Kirtipur had one layer of the boundary defined by the wall, but today its boundary has two layers, one defined by the entry to Tribhuvan University and the other to the settlement. Tribhuvan University was established following the acquisition of agricultural lands of the settlement by the government. The settlement is now accessed from the east only if one passes through the university's entry gate. This university boundary has, as Jacob says, created a border vacuum that disengages the settlement from its neighbors. As one has to pass through two gates to get to the settlement, a relatively secluded image of the settlement is projected, and it might lead to the hesitation of people to enter or exit the bounds. Moreover, the establishment of Tribhuvan University in the agricultural lands of Kirtipur has made the once active interface between the periphery and the core, a rather passive one today. The university grounds stretch has also acted as a boundary to some extent preventing excessive urbanization in the land surrounding the settlement.
Figure 10: Town Walls and Gates of the historic settlement, as a physical boundary.
Figure 11: Ring Road of the modern day settlement, as a physical boundary
b. Bungamati
Bungamati is a relatively smaller settlement and is not walled like Kirtipur. However, it does have gates that specify the entry and exit of the settlement. The settlement might not have required walls, as it was never a separate administration, eliminating additional security concerns. Furthermore, the townspeople believe that the Bunga-Dyo, the settlement's central deity, is their protector, and security is not a threat under its watch. Only a part of the eastern settlement edge, where the bus station has come up in recent years, has heavy traffic movement, creating a boundary between the settlement and its surroundings. Earlier, there was no such rigid boundary that distinguished the settlement interiors from its peripheral farms. However, now the wide road and bus station has wholly made the entry junction designed for vehicles rather than people. This phenomenon is also reflected in the neighborhood residents' answers, who said they would feel anxious to cross the bus-park road. Thus, looking at both the situations of Bungamati and Kirtipur, it may be safe to comprehend that vehicular roads have replaced the traditional forms of the boundary at the macro level.
Figure 12: Gate to enter Bungamati settlement
5.1.3.
Water Bodies a. Kirtipur
Figure 13: Water Bodies as boundary markers in Kirtipur
Water Bodies are also significant boundary markers in a Newari settlement. There are two water bodies at the main entry and exit in every settlement, and the same can be found in Kirtipur as well. One of the water bodies is a reservoir pond, while the other is an overflow pond. These are strategically placed at the boundary so that the settlement, not having any direct source of water, does not run out of it. These ponds are to be
used only by the settlement residents for their daily purposes and irrigation. As the ponds serve both the inner settlement and surrounding fields, it was placed as an interface between them. These water bodies also enlivened the boundary spaces as they became cultural nodes for many festivals. Further, they are softer forms of boundary and ones that project a welcoming image to all. However, over time, taps and piped water supply have rendered these ponds as passive entities in space. The ponds earlier had no barriers and were seamlessly integrated with the environment; however, now, as it has lost its significance of use, boundaries like walls and fences have come up encaging it. This transformation of this boundary Today these water boundaries lack significance as the Kirtipur settlement has expanded across it internalizing them. Further, they are also unused and remain in the context as reminders of the once existing boundary.
b. Bungamati Bungamati, similar to Kirtipur has the same layout of water bodies demarcating the boundary. The water bodies here are still serving the function of boundary delineation, though they have also become inactive entities. The settlement has not expanded as much as Kirtipur, and the water body is still at the periphery. However, the water bodies today are large inactive, unmaintained edges to the settlement. Historically they used to be the diffuse forms of boundary that served both the purpose of demarcation as well as the creation of zones of active usage. This is also shown in discussion with people onsite, as nobody mentioned interacting with them or associated any understanding of boundary with it. The water bodies here also have been fenced and gated, reducing their accessibility, usage, and associations with the residents.
Figure 14: Water Bodies as boundary markers in Bungamati
Figure 15: Water Body conditions in present-day Bungamati
5.1.4.
Patis a. Kirtipur
Figure 16: Patis (Public Rest Houses) and their interrelation with settlement boundary
Patis or public rest houses are one of the oldest elements of ancient settlements all around Kathmandu valley. These were initially conceived of as resting spaces for
people traveling between villages. Patis is ubiquitous throughout Kirtipur; however, we shall discuss the patis at the town entrance as a boundary element. Pati is what Moise defines as spatialized boundaries, and it can be of a single story or double story (also known as Sattal). The patis are present at four main entries of the settlement, of which two are single-storied, and two are sattals. The patis' placement at the boundary softens the transition from outside to the inside of the town and controls the associated movements. The passersby did not have to enter the settlement to rest or get water; they could use the pati at the boundary for those purposes. This form of boundary is sensitive to the outsider's needs and makes it an interactive and preferred interface. The presence of a pati activates the boundary as a shared space and portrays an image of cordiality. Further, the sattals, two-story patis, also had the provision of housing travelers temporarily. Patis assured that the boundaries as interfaces were welcoming to both the insiders and outsiders of the settlement. Even the discussions with the settlement residents revealed their preference for patis, as a boundary that blurs the distinction physically and socially. Even today, pati is used extensively by the neighborhood residents; however, as the guthis that maintained them got dissolved, they have gotten encroached or locked up (especially the sattals), defeating the very purpose of these elements. In some cases, the patis continue to be used despite barring, as the people's associations with the typology have not changed. What makes this pati so desirable to the public is that it is sufficiently wide, semi-open, partly shaded, partly sunny, has sittable spaces, and is complemented by a water tank, making it an ideal public space. Further, it can also be comprehended that one motivation to place the patis at the settlement boundary may have been to prevent anyone and everyone from entering the settlement for basic amenities, as initially even caste was a significant factor determining the region accessible. Finally, the patis' concept as hospitable spaces also roots deep into the Newari culture, which considers guests gods.
b. Bungamati
Though Bungamati has several patis inside the settlement, there is no such pati situated right at the town boundary. Here even passersby are welcome till the center, i.e., the Machhindranath temple, around which several patis can be found. As many outsiders visit this area with the intention of paying their respects to the deity, it would have been insensible to create buffer spaces for them at the periphery. This even demonstrates that the people here are more welcoming and do not think of strangers entering their settlement as trespassing.
5.1.5.
Boundary Deity
Both the settlements have deities placed along the boundary at strategic locations so as to ensure the protection of the settlement. The establishment of deities in the boundary can be traced back to the need for protection and the beliefs of a religious society that considers god as the almighty protector. Today these temples have become internalized and have lost their prominence as the protector of the entire settlement.
5.2. Meso Scale: Neighborhood Level
5.2.1.
GANESH
a. Kirtipur Every neighborhood within the settlement has a shrine dedicated to Ganes ( Hindu God, son of Parvati and Shiva). The six prominent and original Ganes in the Kirtipur settlement are placed along the original neighborhood boundaries, distinguishing one from another. Being religiously oriented, the settlement
residents believe in God as the ultimate protector, and thus a deity is placed to demarcate and protect a territory, in this case, the neighborhood. Ganes is the God prayed before starting any activity; thus, the shrines in this settlement have been strategically located at every neighborhood's start. The neighborhood residents worship the Ganes in their neighborhood, and if another Ganes shrine is encountered, it is understood that one has entered another neighborhood. These boundary-demarcating Ganes shrines all varied in style among one another and provided identity to the neighborhood's residents.
Today the neighborhoods have been subdivided such that there are more than 32 compared to the original 6. In conjunction, a few new Ganes shrines have also been made, but the current developments are not precisely boundary oriented; instead, they seem to be at the center of the neighborhood. The settlement is expanding, getting denser and is getting more homogenous with time. This urbanisation expands the teritorry physically but reduces it psychologically. The intimacy with the public spaces is reducing with time, and so is the perception of space as one’s own. These traditional neighborhood boundaries no longer serve the same purpose, and there has been no new form of boundary marker to replace this one. Thus, one today cannot distinguish between neighborhoods on-site and this has promoted intermingling of people from various neighborhoods, developing a uniformity. Finally, people now identify themselves as the residents of the entire Kirtipur settlement than the resident of a particular neighborhood. And the image of the Ganes shrine is that of a presiding deity without any correlation to self identity with it.
Figure 17: Ganes As A Boundary Marker Between Neighbourhoods/Tols historically
b. Bungamati In Bungamati, the three Ganes shrines exist for the three groups of people, each whose ancestors belonged to different cities at the time of resettlement; Kathmandu, Lalitpur, and Bhaktapur. All these shrines are strategically located at the boundaries of these groups of people. Even today the Ganes here serves the purpose of Boundary demarcation unlike Kirtipur. People associate and identify
themselves from the Ganes they worship. Though the physical scale of the boundary is minute, it defines a very large community. This demarcation has also made it possible for the settlement locals to remember their ancestral lineage and establish a stronger sense of identity. However, marriages have taken place within the community over the years, and the distinction does not remain that pure. Thus Ganes as a boundary binds a social group together, distinguishing it from another, but does not physically limit interaction between the two.
Figure 18: Ganes as boundary-marker in Bungamati
5.2.2.
Hiti ( Stone Water Spout ) a. Kirtipur
Figure 19: Hiti (Water Spout) as a boundary element
Water in the settlement was always a concern in the ancient times. The mapping out of the hitis ( drinking water spouts ) reveals that they were placed deliberately at the neighborhood boundaries. Hiti can be seen to be a boundary merger in historical times. People from the interfacing neighborhoods utilized the hiti. Thus, despite being a boundary element hiti brought together people from different communities. People, specially women and children associated hitis as the public
space for interaction with others. Nowadays hities are not maintained as individual households have water taps. This has also taken away the associations people had with the hiti as an interface that brought together different neighborhoods. Thus the dilapidation of this boundary element, has led to women spending more time at the house itself for daily chores, hence it might be safe to assume that their social boundary may have also declined. However one might also argue that the availability of water in household saves time, and may provide for greater time for women to socialize. This phenomenon can be further inspected in future studies.
b. Bungamati No specific correlation was found between the hiti and the neighborhoods in Bungamati. Thus it is not a boundary marker in this neighborhood.
5.2.3.
Caste System – Invisible Boundary a. Kirtipur
Kirtipur was initially structured very rigidly based on caste; thus, caste was a sociological boundary, which gave rise to many physical forms of boundaries. The caste system is an invisible barrier that limits certain groups of people and particular activities to specific regions. It can also be further comprehended that the higher caste groups occupied the central higher lands of Kirtipur and the surrounding lower lands by other lower castes. Furthermore, the lowest caste groups were settled outside the settlement walls. The neighborhoods were divided accordingly, and boundary markers placed to emphasize the segregation. The caste system also affected people’s psychological perception of the physical boundary forms. A higher caste person imaged the boundary as a “protector” while the lower caste groups imaged it as a “segregator.” It was this
psychological boundary ingrained in the minds that helped enforce other boundary systems. Rapid urbanization, the abolition of the caste system, and the dissolution of Guthis, in recent years, have developed a more homogenous settlement. The central core of Kirtipur has the caste division still intact, but the peripheral zones have lost any such distinction and are now homes to more uniform settlements. This social structure change has made boundaries, which reinforced them redundant, and discrimination in effect has also subsided. Even when the residents were questioned, they seemed less concerned about caste and further confirmed that no such rigid boundary existed today.
Figure 20: Caste division in the settlement
b. Bungamati
The caste system is still intact in Bungamati and is a prominent sociological boundary in the context. Specific streets are designated for specific castes, and it has been the basis of spatial ordering in this settlement. This very apparent caste system also limits people's mobility to specific streets, developing intangible barriers. People of the settlement are still hesitant to cross this barrier as, though the caste system may have been abolished legally, it still strives in the minds of the people. However, change is slowly seeping in, with the areas at the edge of the settlement developing mixed communities. The neighborhood divisions can also be correlated to these caste groupings, thus illustrating the translation of a psycho-social boundary to a physical one.
5.2.4.
Khala-Khala Boundary: Chhwasah – Marker Stone
A Khala is the unit of family up to 7 generations. The Khala boundary is distinguished by a chhwasah, which is a stone designated for that Khala. This boundary demarcation was made so that when people transition from personal to the public sphere, they are still within their familiar surroundings. Thus the transition between private and public is graded and not binary. This boundary concept grouped individual residences to form a larger community with shared public spaces. Chhwasah is culturally vital for funerary rites, and a particular group can only access a particular chhwasah.
With densification and urbanization, the Khala boundaries that existed earlier might not enclose families till seven generations but a much wider group of people today. However, the fascinating thing here is that, though the Khalas might not exist as the social structures they used to be earlier, the Chhwasah is still a boundary defining element for these regions. People associate themselves with a chhwasah, deriving identity from the boundary. Every participant of the research could identify themselves to a particular chhwasah.
Figure 21: Mapping of Chhwasah, the boundary marker between khalas
5.2.5.
Façade As Boundary Facade Style Preference 100%
70%
30% 0% BUNGAMATI
KIRTIPUR
Historical
Current
Figure 22: Facade Preference in both settlements
When questioned, most people in Kirtipur and Bungamati answered that they preferred the traditional articulation of façade to the modern ones. They associated the traditional forms of facades and windows with their identity and claimed that those articulations portrayed a more personal and intimate image. The traditional windows are coherent with the lifestyles, and inner ordering of the residence, thus more sensitive designs, whereas its modern counterparts are the same everywhere. Further, commonly people also seemed to prefer the traditional variants in terms of aesthetics and material quality. However, a few people preferred modern facade and window typology as it allowed for more significant amounts of light inside the residences and allowed for balconies. However, as an observer, the researcher could notice that though the façade has evolved, the inner spaces' structuring remains the same, thus creating a disconnect between the façade and interior spaces. The windows have become larger, but they are mostly covered by curtains, defeating its purpose. It was also found that most of the residents have to opt for the modern variants as it is the more economical option present today.
a. Kirtipur The façade is the boundary between the inside and outside of the residence and is under constant transformation. The images below record this transformation in Kirtipur.
Figure 23: Evolution of facade overtime in the settlement 17th-20th Century
Figure 24: Facade Development from Malla period to 2019
Figure 25: Modification Of Window Openings
Figure 26: Changes in Cornices
The façade materiality has transformed from textured natural brick to painted brick, bare concrete, and concrete with balcony projections. As the façade
The usage of the façade as an interactive element has declined over the years. The low height projecting wooden windows with part jaali, were more accomodating for people to sit and view the outside, than the windows today that can only be accessed standing. Further, even the researcher noticed that people were found sitting and looking out through traditional windows throughout the site visit, while the modern ones were mostly curtained and shut. The modern facades can be considered more inward-looking and introverted.
b. Bungamati
Similar results were obtained in Bungamati as well. And here there exists a stronger sense of attachment of people with their traditions and culture, and not one participant associated nice imagery with modern façade forms. However, people have to opt for the modern variants as it is the economically viable alternative. Image is formed over time, and as the traditional variants have existed so long, people have stronger memory associated with it, and effort is put to rearticulate it to as much extent possible.
5.3. Micro Scale: Residential level
5.3.1.
Pikhalakhu
Figure 27: Pikhalakhu as a harmonizer between the public and the private
Figure 28: Pikhalakhu-01
Figure 29: Pikhalakhu -02
Pikhalakhus are the first boundary markers at the residential level, and they still exist today with the same prominence as they did earlier. This stone, also considered Kumar, a deity, is the transition marker from the public to private. Every household has this Pikhalakhu at its threshold. The deity is placed to protect the household. Again, this phenomenon demonstrates the use of religious god as protector and boundary defining element at the micro-level.
The pikhalakhu is a stopping point, when people transition from inside to outside or vice versa. Whenever people transition they circumambulate the pikhalakhu, harmonizing with the public movement outside as shown in Fig. 27. This articulation of boundary makes the boundary a space of social and cultural importance rather than just a divider. The space around the pikhalakhu is a sacred space and thus even the outsiders hesitate before crossing it. Moreover, such articulation of boundary, also develops a semi private characteristic at the threshold. Pikhalakhus are as significant today as they were in ancient times, and is prevalent in almost all houses that are within the bounds of the original settlement.
5.3.2.
Threshold Threshold Usage
120% 100% 80% Sit 60%
Sunbathe
Dry Farm Produce
40%
Gossip with neighbors Interactions with Strangers
20% 0% Kirtipur
Bungamati
Figure 30: Threshold Usage in settlements
The traditional houses' threshold is articulated with plinth levels ranging from 300 mm to as high as 1000 mm. As a threshold, this plinth places the house on a pedestal and provides it with a quality of sacredness. This plinth projection articulates a transition space in the boundary, creating a smooth transition from inside to outside. This
boundary type is also what Moise specifies as a spatialized boundary. The residents use this semi-private space for purposes such as sitting, sunbathing, gossiping with neighbors, drying farm produce, and interacting with strangers. Despite being a boundary, this space gradients the transition between within and without and facilitates better interaction. It can also be seen that more people in Bungamati actively use threshold spaces than those in Kirtipur. This result might be due to excessive urbanization in Kirtipur, which has led to the development of new houses without such articulations and buildings with greater heights that shadow the space, hence rendering it unsuitable for activities associated with the sun. The presence of this space at the boundary facilitates all communications with neighbors and strangers at the periphery itself, removing the need for people to cross the boundary and enter private space. Thus we can understand that well designed boundaries can substitute for substantial spaces provided for the same inside the houses. In addition, it also activates the edge as a social space. This usage of threshold for socialising also indicates how sociable the community is overall. And using this as a parameter for measuring sociability, Bungamati is found to be more sociable than Kirtipur.
Figure 31: Sunlight Penetration Bungamati
Figure 32: Sunlight Penetration Kirtipur
5.4. THRESHOLD OF ANXIETY
The residents were asked of their conception of home, i.e., the region where they don’t feel anxious, thus, the threshold of anxiety. From the resulting answers we can figure out that the threshold was more consistent for Bungamati residents than the Kirtipur
counterparts. Moreover, if the average threshold distance is calculated for both the settlements, leaving the one outlier in Kirtipur, it can be seen that Bungamati, has a greater value. This shows that the perception of homebase in Bungamati is much larger, despite the settlement physically being a smaller one. The settlement has still preserved its traditional characteristics, and it might be one of the reasons people associate with it more intimately, owing to its known image. Kirtipur has gotten extensively urbanized, which can explain lower threshold levels. Further, we can also understand that the perceived boundary for the male is much larger than that of the female of both the settlements. This boundary perception might be a result of safety concerns and the fact that women in this neighborhood are still largely housewives, thus traverse a lesser area per day compared to their male counterparts. So boundary perception is also gender based in these settlements. And, the level of urbanization and new developments, that decrease familiarity can be directly linked to smaller boundaries of homebase. Further, it was also found that the settlement edges also correspond with the boundaries that people perceive, and that the association is stronger in Bungamati. The detailed mapping of the perceived boundaries is added in the appendix at the end of the paper.
When a perceived boundary is correlated with the physical boundaries, only then a wholesome understanding of boundary as a phenomenon occurs.
6.0. CONCLUSION
6.1. Conclusion
A Newari settlement traditionally has very clear boundary demarcations at all levels ranging from psychological to physical, and this is confirmed from the analysis of Kirtipur and Bungamati. These traditional boundary systems have transformed, with some losing their significance over time owing to urbanization and development. The boundaries have physically expanded with the settlement at a macro level, but greater urbanization has led to smaller psychological perceptions of thresholds. Further, the new forms of boundaries are more introverted and stiff compared to the traditional boundaries, which through elements like patis, hitis, water bodies, chhwasahs, and platform thresholds created a gradient transition from within to without. People still associate the traditional boundary forms with images of cordiality and familiarity and identify themselves with it. These boundary forms provided the residents with identity at all scales. The dissolution of these boundary systems paves the way for more regularized and homogenized settlements, uniting the residents under the identity of “settlement resident” with no other distinction.
6.2. Way Forward
This study lays the groundwork for future studies investigating boundary as a phenomenon, especially in Newari settlements. Further studies can be conducted to analyze phenomenological effects in greater detail at the micro-level by studying transformations of interfaces at public domains, like water bodies. Moreover, more participants from across the settlement can be studied to understand the phenomenon in greater precision. Future studies can also incorporate the economic and political aspects of a boundary and come to wholesome design decisions at all scales.
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Alexander, C., Alexander, P. in the D. of A.C., Ishikawa, S., Silverstein, M., Jacobson, M., Fiksdahl-King, I., Shlomo, A., 1977. A Pattern Language: Towns, Buildings, Construction. OUP USA.
Borden, I., n.d. Thick Edge: Architectural Boundaries in the Postmodern Metropolis.
Borden, I., Rendell, J., 2000. Intersections: Architectural Histories and Critical Theories. Psychology Press.
Botton, A.D., 2010. The Architecture of Happiness. McClelland & Stewart.
Bungamati - Poonam Gurung (2000) | Nepal | Field Research [WWW Document], n.d. . Scribd. URL https://www.scribd.com/document/383325095/Bungamati-PoonamGurung-2000 (accessed 11.18.20). Bungamati Studies, Nepal [WWW Document], n.d. URL https://www.ribaj.com/culture/bungamati-studies-nepal (accessed 11.18.20).
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Herdick, R. (1988). Kirtipur - Stadtgestalt, Prinzipien der Raumordnung und gesellschaftliche Funktionen einer Newar-Stadt. Germany: Weltforum Verlag. Retrieved September 2020
Hugh Magee, M. M.-J. (2016). Disaster Preparedness Kathmandu. Center For International Earth Science Information Network - CIESIN, Columbia University and Centro International De Agricultura Tropical - CIAT. Retrieved December 2020, from https://tatacenter.mit.edu/wpcontent/uploads/2018/11/Disaster_preparedness_Kathmandu.pdf
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SFINTES, A.-I. M. (2014). Boundary Spaces in the Architectural Anthropology. PhD Thesis, The University of Architecture and Urban Planning, Bucharest. Retrieved October 2020, from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/283324741_Boundaryspaces_in_the_architectural_anthropology_phD_thesis_abstract
Shrestha, B.K., n.d. Transformation of Machendra Bahal at Bungamati - Conservation and Management Plan - 15.
Simmel, Georg. (2007). The Social Boundary. Theory Culture & Society - THEOR CULT SOC. 24. 53-56. 10.1177/0263276407084470.
The Thesis of Theseus - Arthur Trieu [WWW Document], n.d. . Issuu. URL https://issuu.com/cambridgedesignresearchstudio/docs/trieu__design_thesis (accessed
11.18.20).
Urban Morphology, 2008. . Journal of Urbanism: International Research on Placemaking and Urban Sustainability 1, 91–96. https://doi.org/10.1080/17549170801905707
Vajracharya, C. (1975-1977). The Medieval Settlements - With Special Reference to Balambu and Bungamati. Ancient Nepal(30-39). Retrieved November 2020, from http://himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.uk/collections/journals/ancientnepal/pdf/ancient_nepal_3 0-39_10.pdf
Vis., B. N. (2018). Cities Made Of Boundaries - Mapping Social Life in Urban Form. London: UCLPress. Retrieved November 2020, from https://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/id/eprint/10055955/1/Cities-Made-of-Boundaries.pdf
Whyte, W.H., 2001. The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces. Project for Public Spaces.
Yanne Gillekens, E. R. (2016-2017). The Newari Vernacular Revi[s/v]ed - Seismic building cultures in a context of transition in Bungamati & Khokana, Kathmandu Valley, (Vol. 4). Kathmandu. Retrieved 11 18, 2020, from https://www.scriptiebank.be/sites/default/files/thesis/201710/The_Newari_vernacular_revi%5Bs-v%5Ded-30MB.pdf
APPENDIX 01 – KIRTIPUR QUESTIONNAIRE DATA PART 01
APPENDIX 02 – KIRTIPUR QUESTIONNAIRE DATA PART 02
APPENDIX 03 – KIRTIPUR QUESTIONNAIRE DATA PART 03
APPENDIX 04 – BUNGAMATI QUESTIONNAIRE DATA
APPENDIX 05 – THRESHOLD OF ANXIETY - KIRTIPUR
APPENDIX 06 – THRESHOLD OF ANXIETY – BUNGAMATI
APPENDIX 07 – BOUNDARIES AT THREE SCALES - KIRTIPUR
APPENDIX 08 – BOUNDARIES AT THREE SCALES - BUNGAMATI