Regenerative Flows_Neglected Vestiges of the northeast of Saragossa_EMU thesis 2019_Javier Tobías by Javier Tobías

Regenerative flows Neglected vestiges of the northeast of Saragossa (Spain)

Javier TobĂas UPC, Barcelona School of Architecture, Department of Urbanism EMU â&#x20AC;&#x201C; European Post-master in Urbanism

Regenerative Flows Neglected vestiges of the northeast of Saragossa Javier Tobías UPC, Barcelona School of Architecture, Department of Urbanism EMU – European Post-master in Urbanism javier.tobias.g@gmail.com

Supervisors

Dr. Joaquín Sabaté Department of Urbanism and Territorial Planning, UPC Barcelona

Dr. Marcin Dabrowski Department of Urbanism, Chair Spatial Planning and Strategy Readers

Cecilia Furlan IUAV

Julie Marin KU Leuven

2019

Javier Tobías

Acknowledgements Authorship is a complex issue in present interconnected and liquid reality, especially in processes that necessarily imply the eyes, brains and hands of many people as are architectural, urban and planning processes. With that in mind, these first paragraphs are not so much a set of acknowledgements, but more an understanding of the wide co-authorship involved. How all the texts and projects referenced kept bringing items to the projectâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s backpack; how the advice received and the discussions held with professor Joaquin SabatĂŠ and professor Marcin Dabrowski polished some of those items and removed others; how the coffees, drinks, dinners and Skype calls shared with colleagues, friends and family both produced and solved an immeasurable amount of crisis. Without all of that and much more this project would not exist. It is necessary to conclude this by mentioning the several neighbourhood associations, parent-teacher-student associations and businesses that are part of this project. Without their tales of these last fifty years, this project would have been totally different, probably much worse.

FIG. 0.1â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Scheme showing the realtions between main concepts and parts of the project proposal, and their grouping into chapters. Source: self-made.

The development process of the present work started from few concepts and a concrete site. As the process advanced, more concepts, principles and layers emerged to enhance the proposal. At the same time, said proposal produced concrete interpretations of the concepts and principles that led to it. Above is a flow map, which narrates this wander and leads through its synthesis to the detailed table of contents.

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Contents

1 – Introduction

‘Our zip code is more powerful than our genetic code when it comes to our health.’ 1.1 – Problem field 8 1.2 – Problem statement 11 1.3 – Hypothesis 13 1.4 - Research questions 14 1.5 - Methodology 15 1.6 - Choice of location 16

2 - Analysis

‘The taste of porridge does not tell you who grew the oats.’ 2.1 - Conceptual framework 20 2.2 - Block developments of mid-twentieth century Spain 28 2.3 - Picarral neighbourhood 34 2.4 - Values & vulnerabilities 40 2.5 - Scenarios and vision 58

3 - Strategies

‘. . . an effort to involve the entire territory and the people in development . . .’ 3.1 - Blue-green ribbon 70 3.2 - Civic axis 75 3.3 - Productive grid 80

4 - Key operations

‘Working on ‘how’ without control of ‘why’ excludes reality from the planning process’ 4.1 - Peer-to-Peer Governance 88 4.2 - Old Ebro Channel 92 4.3 - San Juan de la Peña 96 4.4 - Cogullada’s Membranes 100 4.5 - Interests and concerns 104 4.6 - Timeline and logical succession 106

5 - Final considerations

Contents

107

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1 – Introduction

‘Our zip code is more powerful than our genetic code when it comes to our health.’ (Robert Wood Johnson Foundation 2011)

1.1 – Problem field 8 1.2 – Problem statement 11 1.3 – Hypothesis 13 1.4 - Research questions 14 1.5 - Methodology 15 1.6 - Choice of location 16

Introduction

1.1 – Problem field Urban areas currently gather about 55% of the world population and are expected to hold 68% of it by 2050 (UN DESA 2018). Due to their need and consumption of energy, clean water, heat and food; urban areas are considered accountable for approximately 76% of nowadays global CO2 emissions (IPPC 2014). At the same time, the increasing amount of capital generated in them and the way it is distributed is leading to an increase of local social inequalities when compared to rural settlements (Liddle 2017). Urban areas are getting bigger but are far from hosting sustainable development in or around them, they consume the most resources and they do so in an unequal manner. The Matthew Effect1 is apparent in many parts of the society we live in (Raewyn Connell 2013). This same phenomenon has also spatial implications on a regional and local level: poor territories and areas receive less investment and rich ones get most of the care and attention (Piñeira-Mantiñan, Durán-Villa, Taboada-Failde 2018). There is a global urgency for developing and redeveloping these urban tissues so they become sustainable in a social, environmental and economic manner. This thesis responds to the urgency by bringing together different academic concepts and principles —which will be analysed and interpreted in section 2— around a concrete site and case in an attempt to design approaches, methodologies, strategies and proposals that bring together these three dimensions of sustainable development coherently —which will be developed in sections 3 and 4.

Fig. 1.1 Series of photos of Bruno Munari’s article ‘Searching for comfort in an uncomfortable chair’, in which the author argues how new designs (in this case applied to furniture) can more easily host functions (in this case comfort) instead of looking for them in already built elements. In the case of the built environment, linkng this argument to sustainable development theories, brings up the difficulty, but nevertheless need, of working with already built areas to introduce new functions and values. Source: Self-made composition from pictures found in: Munari, B. (1944) Searching for comfort in an uncomfortable chair. Domus, 202.

Achieving this balance regarding dimensions of sustainable development and distribution of resources in built areas seems to be a tougher task than reaching this balance in new developments (Fig 1.1), where the amount of preconditions to be found and deal with tend to be smaller. The scope of the thesis will therefore focus on the redevelopment of vulnerable urban tissues, which would logically require more research done on them overall to arrive to satisfactory proposals. There will be a specific focus on neighbourhoods and districts designed and built during the mid-twentieth century in Spain. Spain reached a rather high level of inequality by European standards during the 2008 financial crisis, which has been increasing ever since —hitting the 6th highest Gini coefficient2 in Europe and the highest in Southwest Europe (Eurostat 2016). Not only that, but the modernist urban principles followed in the design of the urban developments built during that concrete period led to areas that are quite homogeneous throughout the whole country and similar to those in many of the regions of Central and Southwest Europe and of Latin America (Reyes 2010; Ejigu, Haas 2014) (Fig 1.2), allowing for some level of replicability to be applied in the conclusions reached. As tends to happen in many

Term coined by sociologists Robert K. Merton and Harriet Zuckerman in 1968 to describe how accumulation plays a role in the distribution of prestige and resources: ‘For unto every one that hath shall be given, and he shall have abundance: but from him that hath not, even that which he hath shall be taken away.’ (Matthew 25:29 English Revised Version)

‘The Gini coefficient measures the extent to which the distribution of income within a country deviates from a perfectly equal distribution. A coefficient of 0 expresses perfect equality where everyone has the same income, while a coefficient of 100 expresses full inequality where only one person has all the income.’ (Eurostat 2018), Eurostat Glossary. Retrieved on the 24th of April 2019 from: https://ec.europa. eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Glossary:Gini_coefficient)

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European countries, rethinking housing estates built during this period is one of the main challenges urban designers and planners will have to face in the near future (Rubio del Val, Molina Costa 2010). In 2018, 44.0% of the main homes3 in Spain were in urban areas that were built during between 1940 and 1980 (Spanish Statistics Institute n.d.). Many of these neighbourhoods have had many shortcomings due to low budgets, short construction times, scarce and incipient industrialized building production and low comfort standards (Rubio del Val 2011). Besides these constructive conditions, the aforementioned urban principles brought a lack of mixed uses, isolation from the rest of the city and spatial exclusion. Unsurprisingly, these neighbourhoods have aged poorly, giving place to many vulnerability cases.

Fig. 1.2 Image of the housing development San Ildefonso, in Cornellá (Barcelona), built in 1958. Under it, image of Ludwig Hilberseimer’s project ‘Hochhausstadt’ (‘High Rise City’) published in 1927 in the book Großstadtarchitektur. Sources: Paricio Ansuátegui, I. (1973) Las razones de la forma de la vivienda masiva (Reasons for massive housing form) Cuadernos de arquitectura, 96, 2-18. Hilberseimer, L. (1927). Großstadtarchitektur. Stuttgart, Germany: Julius Hoffmann Verlag.

These cases have been studied for many years, both from a theoretical and a practical standpoint (Morcillo Álvarez 2014; Córdoba Herández, Hernández Aja 2008; Rubio del Val 2011; Montesinos I Ciuró, Puig I Salvadó, Ruiz Navarro, Llovet Ferrer 2014). This research has stated the urgent need of undertaking these cases with an Integrated Urban Regeneration approach that combines spatial, social and

Considered as place of residence and domicile, in contradistinction to secondary homes used during vacation periods.

Introduction

economic interventions. Despite that, proposals developed so far have been few and of little integration (Montesinos I Ciuró, Puig I Salvadó, Ruiz Navarro, Llovet Ferrer 2014). From 1991 to 2011 the amount of neighbourhoods considered vulnerable in Spain increased from 376 to 918 and the population living in them passed from 2,895,230 to 6, 697,400 (Hernández Aja, Rodríguez Alonso, and Rodríguez Suarez 2018) (Fig 1.3). Many of these neighbourhoods belong to developments carried out in the period established previously. Coincidentally, these developments share typological similarities throughout the whole Spanish territory. Building on these ideas, this thesis aims to develop approaches and methodologies for the Integrated Urban Regeneration of this kind of developments, aspiring to correct their track towards a more sustainable development. To achieve cities that are (re)developed sustainably, all three dimensions of said (re) development (United Nations 2015) —social, environmental and economic— have to be approached in an integral way. This approach has been rarely seen in new developments, where new spatial typologies can be created to accommodate these dimensions —examples such as Arabianranta and Kronsberg come to mind—, but has had an even lesser impact on the already built environments, in which spaces were produced to serve an unsustainable and linear model4 , and should be transformed to suit new ideals and values. Luckily, there are currently many key actors and areas of the public and private sectors that are being more critical of the current urban model, based on indefinite growth (Hernández Aja, Rodríguez Suarez 2017). Not only are tools being developed and proposals being made, but at the same time theoretical frameworks that criticize the linearity of our growth model are being researched and implemented. Models that propose a switch from our lineal growth model, based on high consumption and resource usage, to a Circular Economy one, based on value (re) generation and waste reduction (Stahel 2016). Despite the logical convergence of Integrated Urban Regeneration and Circular Economy, and the attention that both concepts have gathered recently, there is little research that builds up from the combination of both lines of though. Integrated Urban Regeneration keeps lacking procedural cohesion, that Circular Economy could bring, and Circular Economy lacks debate around the spatial and morphological implication of their principles in an urban and territorial context, which are very present in Integrated Urban Regeneration, and the social benefits that could come from its application.

Fig. 1.3 Series of maps showing the municipalities in Spain with neighbourhoods which were considered vulnerable in 1991, 2001 and 2011 respectively. Sources: Self-made out of the data found in Hernández Aja, A., Rodríguez Alonso, R., & Rodríguez Suarez, I. (2018). Vulnerable Neighbourhoods in Spanish major cities 1991 / 2001 / 2011. Madrid, Spain: Instituto Juan de Herrera.

Territorial planning and urban design have the ethical obligation of democratizing spatial, social, environmental and economic transformations. It is argued that, since the 2008 financial crisis, the 1980s urban and welfare state crisis is being replicated

A linear economy flows like a river, turning natural resources into base materials and products for sale through a series of value-adding steps.’ ‘The linear economy is driven by ‘bigger-better-faster-safer’ syndrome —in other words, fashion emotion and progress. It is efficient at overcoming scarcity, but profligate at using resources in often-saturated markets.’ (Stahel 2016)

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in many countries (Soja 2010; González-Pérez 2018). Such an event could reproduce or enforce the social change of mind that took place around that time5 .In a society following such a path towards rampant individualism, urban design and planning should defend the rights of those who are more vulnerable, of those who would be left and are being left aside by the current economic model6.

1.2 – Problem statement The progressive increase in the amount of neighbourhoods considered as vulnerable during the last 25 years in Spain tells two different but converging tales. On the one hand, the areas that have been considered vulnerable since 1991 have not yet seen interventions, or these have been unsuccessful or insufficient, allowing these neighbourhoods to become spatially and socially excluded over time. On the other hand, there are little to none successful measures being taken to prevent vulnerability indicators from increasing. Despite the efforts from municipal governments, that have opened departments which focus on these tasks, there has been little improvement. This shows that there is some sort of political will to solve the issue, but that there is a lack of technical proposals at the moment. A methodological framework that can coordinate these interventions is currently lacking. Interventions on these areas are left mainly in the hands of the users through economical aids for building rehabilitation making the improvements slow and inconsistent. Most of the interventions proposed work on a neighbourhood to neighbourhood basis at best, with little cohesion or interaction with the neighbourhood’s built and non-built environment (Ruiz Palomeque & Rubio del Val 2006). This approach leads to interventions that seem replicable, as they tackle constructive issues which affect many of these developments, but end up forgetting about their main issue: their risk that the whole area becomes spatially and socially excluded. Many of the vulnerabilities of these areas come not only from the areas themselves, but also from their relation with their surroundings, which are rarely being considered. Regarding this relation, the historic farmland and post-industrial sites that make up the physical and functional context of many of these areas —which will be

‘…they are casting their problems on society and who is society? There is no such thing! There are individual men and women and there are families and no government can do anything except through people and people look to themselves first. […] There is no such thing as society. There is living tapestry of men and women and people and the beauty of that tapestry and the quality of our lives will depend upon how much each of us is prepared to take responsibility for ourselves and each of us prepared to turn round and help by our own efforts those who are unfortunate.’ (Margaret Thatcher’s interview for Woman’s Own 23/09/1987)

‘The contemporary moment is so different from what existed twenty or thirty years ago— some would say even one or two years past— that to react as if the conditions were the same, just another in a long stream of economic crises, almost surely will not lead to very positive results for the disadvantaged populations of the world.’ (Soja 2010)

Introduction

explained in detail in section 2— present a potential niche to test the introduction of economic circularity as place-based solutions to regenerate these urban tissues in an environmentally, socially and economically sustainable way. Many of the present vulnerabilities are interconnected through their relations and can be seen and exploited as opportunities in an also interconnected manner (Kennedy, Pincetl, & Bunje 2011). For example, terrains which are poorly considered when constructing new business hotbeds—both physically and logically— may be used to produce resources or processes that can be used by said businesses (Winans, Kendall & Deng 2017), or to improve the living conditions of residents or workers of said businesses (ECOTEC Research and Consulting 2008).

Fig. 1.4 Series of pictures of demonstrations carried out by neighbours in several Central and Southwest Europe 1940-1980s residential develpments. Sources: Netherlands National Archief, Arxiu Històric del Camp de la Bota i la Mina & Federation of Neighbourhood Associations of Madrid.

In the case of the mid-twentieth century residential developments in particular, one usually overlooked opportunity niche can be found in their cultural heritage and identity. Many of these areas were defined through their protest movements and around their neighbourhood associations (Ortega 1999; Neighbours Association of the Picarral-Salvador Allende neighbourhood 2012) (Fig 1.4). Narratives in which neighbours demanded better conditions and were able to improve their built environment were created. As the cultural heritage and identity of these areas is lost, so is the little sense of place attachment that was left. This loss of place attachment leads to two phenomena that foster the progressive decline of the neighbourhoods: a loss of population and a reduction of care

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and maintenance for the built environment, being both processes part of the same vicious cycle (Alguacil Gómez,Camacho Gutiérrez, & Hernández Aja 2014). Considering the historically low investment that municipalities have made in these areas, both their maintenance and improvement have depended on their inhabitants, on their neighbours, who self-organised in communities to carry out said tasks (Ortega 1999; Neighbours Association of the Picarral-Salvador Allende neighbourhood 2012). This idea of community and therefore of place attachment (Vidal, Berroeta, Masso, Valera & Peró 2013), involving new incoming generations, is necessary if these areas are ever going recover from the state they are currently in. It is imperative to add a fourth dimension to the trio of sustainable development dimensions. Cultural identity should be this fourth dimension, as by recognizing and empowering what remains of a local culture and heritage in these areas, new narratives that may weave the different parts of an intervention can appear.

1.3 – Hypotheses The project takes as ground several productive, spatial, conceptual and narrative situations and is built around them. These hypotheses will be tested through design and theoretical implementation to draw out their logical consequences. There is a great potential in consolidated urban areas for the (re)production of necessary commodities that is currently being wasted. Besides that, the processes of production of these commodities can be used to reinforce existing local communities or to create new ones. The mainly residential urban tissues built in Central and Southwest Europe, and more particularly in Spain during the mid-twentieth century period can be transformed through a replicable approach and methodology while building social cohesion and empowering their inhabitants in the process. To transform and improve these tissues, many of which have come to be considered vulnerable, Integrated Urban Regeneration and Circular Economy principles can work in a complementary way allowing for holistic and coherent interventions that balance all dimensions of sustainable development. The cultural identity dimension of an area should be considered as highly as the other three dimensions of sustainable development to allow for a fully integrated approach, especially when working on places heavily transformed by their inhabitants.

Introduction

1.4 – Research questions The project is structured through a main research question from which several secondary questions emerge, converging towards the sustainable and spatial regeneration of the existing city around a certain type or urban tissue found particularly in the Spanish territory. How can Integrated Urban Regeneration and Circular Economy principles be linked to ensure coherence and cohesion in the different dimensions considered necessary in sustainable development theory when revitalising territories in risk of exclusion while recognizing their cultural heritage? (Fig 1.5) Coherence

Cohesion

1: the quality or state of cohering: such as:

1: the act or state of sticking together tightly the lack of cohesion in the Party

a: systematic or logical connection or consistency

cohesion among soldiers in a unit

The essay as a whole lacks coherence. 2: union between similar plant parts or organs b: integration of diverse elements, relationships, or values

3: molecular attraction by which the particles of a

“The various parts of this house—discrete in colour, in

body are united throughout the mass

shape, in placement—join together with remarkable coherence.”— Paul Goldberger 2: the property of being coherent a plan that lacks coherence

Sq.1-What dimensions should the analysis of territories in risk of exclusion consider when driving those same territories towards a sustainable transition and development? Sq.2-What different spatial expressions (spatial practice, representations of space and representational spaces) can a model proposed by principles of Circular Economy produce? Sq.3-How can analogous issues present in the urban territories with similar spatial and contextual characteristics be tackled through Integral Urban Regeneration with a replicable approach and methodology? Sq.4-How can Circular Economy principles be applied at a local level on a concrete site, obtaining social and spatial benefits from them?

Fig. 1.5 Incoherence of sustainable urban development dimensions and aim of this work to unite them. Sources: Self-made.

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1.5 – Methodology The project aims for convergence of different lines of thought that are either framed within the disciplines of urban design and planning or close to them by presenting each one of them in front of the others and producing tension between them. A clear definition of the main concepts from these lines of thought that are applied must therefore come from the study of relevant literature, composing a glossary that helps in the understanding of the whole work. This study will also allow for the discovery of gaps and puzzles among each one of the different lines of though, which will ideally be illed through their simultaneous interaction. This convergence implies both theoretical and practical works, which may imply an apparent distance between the realities they address. To properly establish connections an exercise of analysis and synthesis will be needed, entailing a deconstruction of the works and sites studied into comparable pieces and rearranging said pieces cohesively. From these works and their comparison, concepts, strategies and actions will be extrated, to then be adapted to the territory chosen for their implementation. The urban focus of the proposal will lead the development of both a system of detailed key operations on concrete sites and contexts following coherent strategies—which will test the adaptability of the model to the complexity of reality— and a replicable approach and methodology proposed for the 1940-1980s Spanish residential urban tissues —which will examine the scope for generalisation from this research. The importance given to the identity of the territory chosen will require studying its history and its existing networks. This will allow for an understanding of the existing narratives, which will be of importance in the development of strategies and interventions that may regenerate said territory. To do so, meetings will be held with key figures of the current social ecosystem, being able to take into consideration their concerns and desires towards their future.

Fig. 1.6 Workflow diagram. Sources: Self-made.

Introduction

Besides the literature review mentioned, there will be a study of applicable project references that have dealt with issues similar to the ones at hand and that for that reason may prove useful in the development of this proposal. The local knowledge of the site will be gathered through interviews and focus group meetings with key actors of the area, putting together stakeholders from public, private and civil sector as much as is possible. This local knowledge will be contrasted through field visits with and without these agents. The data present in GIS layers, historic maps and socioeconomic and demographic reports will also be analysed, obtaining a broader view of the area in relation to the rest of the city and the region. This will allow for the development of possible scenarios following the current trends and possible policies that may aid in the real development of the proposal at hand.

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1.6 – Choice of location

Fig. 1.7 Map of the northeast of Spain with Saragossa in the middle of a 250km radius circle that contains Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia and Bilbao. E: 1/ 3.500.000 Sources: Self-made.

The site in which the project will be developed is the Picarral District, an area in the northeast of Saragossa, one of Spain’s major cities with a population of over 650.000 inhabitants, located in a central position between Madrid, Barcelona, Bilbao and Valencia (Fig 1.7). The city itself has taken several steps towards regenerating its built environment, mainly through the Saragossa Housing Department, which has granted economic aid, given talks and directed participatory processes focused on

Introduction

the population that inhabits its most vulnerable areas. Still, the city suffers from a lack of coordinated initiatives regarding its regeneration (Rubio del Val, Molina Costa 2010; Rubio del Val 2011). Considering the scope of the present work and the topics studied, the site chosen combines environmental, social and economic vulnerabilities. The scale of the site is purposely medium/small (Fig 1.8). A scale in which both urban design and planning are relevant for the solutions reached. The main reason for this choice resides in the interest to test the landing of the concepts and principles handled in this research, not only with a strategic approach, but also taking into account their spatial consequences. The key episodes and narratives of the site considered for the development of this work will be explained in detail in Section 2. Its main and concrete vulnerabilities and opportunities will also be covered in Section 2, but it is important to highlight at this point that most of the district was developed during the 1940 to 1980s period presented previously, which will be of use for the replicability of the approach and methodology proposed.

Fig. 1.8â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Map of Saragossa with the Picarral District highlighted in red. E: 1/150.000 Sources: Self-made.

To conclude this section, it should be pointed out that this choice is, besides all of the above, a plea in favour of the urban secondary actors, of those places that donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t attract most of the attention, and therefore the research effort. Places that are set aside, hoping that conclusions of research carried out elsewhere ends up reaching them. Still, places where people have lived their whole lives.

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2 – Analysis

‘The taste of porridge does not tell you who grew the oats.’ (Marx 1867)

2.1 - Conceptual framework 20 2.2 - Block developments of mid-twentieth century Spain 28 2.3 - Picarral neighbourhood 34 2.4 - Values & vulnerabilities 40 2.5 - Scenarios and vision 58

Analysis

2.1 – Conceptual framework The concept of Urban Vulnerability1 has progressively become more relevant2. Early uses of the concept in Spanish literature go back to the commission on behalf of the Spanish Ministry of Development of the Urban Catalogues of Vulnerable Neighbourhoods as part of a ‘Distressed Urban Areas’ study within the OECD in 1991. The concept as is currently used in Spain is divided into four different areas: socioeconomic vulnerability, regarding amount of jobs and population’s

Fig. 2.1 Diagram of the conceptual framework of the project. Sources: Self-made.

Considered definition of Urban Vulnerability (Córdoba Hernández & Hernández Aja, 2008): ‘Process of malaise that occurs in cities and is produced by the combination of multiple disadvantageous dimensions, in which all hope of upward social mobility or of overcoming its social condition of exclusion is considered extremely difficult to achieve. Furthermore, it entails a perception of insecurity and fear of the possibility of a descending social mobility, of worsening of their current conditions of life.’

Acording to Scopus’ compilation, 3,417 publications were published in the last 5 years (2014-2018) regarding Urban Vulnerability, 1,864 from 2008 to 2013 and only 1,035 from 1993 to 2007.

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qualification; sociodemographic vulnerability, regarding age, immigration and single-parent homes; residential vulnerability, regarding constructive and comfort deficits in the dwellings; and subjective vulnerability, regarding noise, pollution, bad connection, lack of green areas and crime (Hernández Aja, Vázquez Espí, García Madruga, Matesanz Parellada, Moreno García, Alguacil Gómez, Camacho Gutiérrez, 2009). These areas refer not so much to the existence of a critical situation observed in the present day as to certain conditions of risk, fragility and disadvantage that could transform into cases of social exclusion and spatial segregation (Fig 2.2). What happens to an older person living on the fourth floor of a residential building without elevator? How does a family based on the foundation of volatile jobs evolve? What is the result of a communication media or a public figure talking about a neighbourhood as a ‘no-go zone’? How do scenes as these affect the future of a neighbourhood? Considering vulnerability as a prelude to exclusion and segregation makes intervention in areas identified as vulnerable essential, both with direct and preventive operations. Fig. 2.2 Pictures of La Mina Neighbourhood, considered one of Spain’s most vulnerable urban areas before its Urban Regeneration project. Sources: Garcia Hoyuelos, À. (2017) ‘Tensión en la Mina por la ocupación masiva de pisos, que obstaculiza el derribo de Venus’, La Vanguardia, 13/07. Cruz, M. (2019) ‘SOS vecinal por el aumento de la droga alrededor del Besós’, El Mundo, 26/03. Sánchez, G. (2015) ‘Redada en La Mina’, El Periódico de Catalunya, 23/11.

Currently, economic and social aspects that can lead an area and its population to exclusion, such as education level, unemployment or residential quality shortcomings, are widely considered when addressing urban vulnerability (Hernández Aja, Rodríguez Alonso& Rodríguez Suarez 2018). Still, aspects regarding environmental quality or vulnerability, which are linked to health or economic loss (ECOTEC Research and Consulting 2008); accessibility and connectivity, which are related to population dependence or generational replacement, are not measured with such precision. Many of these qualities end up falling in the subjective

Analysis

vulnerability previously mentioned and their presence is not as pronounced as that of other parameters. These aspects, closely related to the spatial and use organisation of an area, could likewise eventually cascade into exclusion, and should therefore be taken into consideration when addressing urban vulnerability. Despite the overall importance of the Urban Vulnerability concept and the appearance of the concept of Urban Regeneration3 in Spanish housing policies since 1978, there was not a common ground regarding Integrated Urban Regeneration until the Toledo informal EU ministerial meeting on urban development declaration of 2010, once the impact of the 2008’s financial crisis was already evident. In this meeting, a strategy for the urban development of the EU towards 2020 was set, seeking to achieve a smarter, more sustainable and socially inclusive urban development (EU Minister Council 2010). Both the Toledo Declaration and later EU statements regarding the topic give a great importance to environmental aspects, which are oddly not as present in the evaluation of Urban Vulnerability described earlier. Not only that, but considering the necessary spatial transformations that come with Integrated Urban Regeneration, and the necessary linkage between Urban Vulnerability and Integrated Urban Regeneration, there seems to be a lack of spatial conditioning considered when addressing Urban Vulnerability. Integrated Urban Regeneration should therefore begin with a multidisciplinary diagnosis, going beyond the study of buildings, infrastructure or public space, to involve different actors and inhabitants (Fig 2.3). After this, key decisions should be made to boost efficient management, policies and economic resources (Rubio del Val 2011). Through this process, economic, social and environmental benefits can be obtained, achieving an overall more sustainable urban landscape. In this manner, the main objective of urban regeneration ought to be stopping the social and urban degradation while preserving cultural values, reinforcing social cohesion, improving economic activities and bolstering the environmental condition of an area. Despite being focused on an area of interest, urban regeneration should aim to exceed the borders of said area, both during the analysis and the implementation of the proposed actions. If as defined above, urban vulnerability stands as a crucial moment between integration and exclusion, urban regeneration actions should also attempt to bring back excluded areas or social sectors of an urban landscape from their degradation processes. There are several strategic lines taking place currently in Spain in relation to urban regeneration in a national, regional and municipal scale: Promotion

Fig. 2.3 Regeneration Diagnosis for the Puente de Vallecas District. Sources: Paisaje Transversal.

Considered definition of Urban Regeneration (Roberts & Sykes, 2000): ‘Action aimed to solve urban problems and finding long-term improvements to the economic, physical, social and environmental aspects of an area to be changed. The most important urban regeneration principles there are:- the need to establish clear and measurable objectives of urban regeneration process and their according with the objectives of sustainable development;-adequate analysis of local conditions;- the need of the efficiently use of natural, economic and human available resources;- participation and cooperation among stakeholders, leading to improve physical condition of buildings, social structure, economic base and environmental conditions’

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policies, maintenance policies, restructuring projects, remodelling projects and comprehensive action programs (Rubio del Val 2011). Promotion and maintenance policies are directed towards private or social rehabilitation respectively, by either giving economic aid to private owners, or making arrangements in social housing buildings. Restructuring projects focus on specific neighbourhoods as a whole, developing rehabilitation operations, remodelling projects —by demolishing some buildings or parts of them and building new ones with new typologies— and public space redevelopment programs, with parallel social and counselling programs. Remodelling projects are based mainly on the substitution of social housing and the construction of new buildings in the same area. Lastly, comprehensive action programs focus on the transformation of public spaces and reactivating the economic and social structures of a certain area, leaving aside any aspects of building rehabilitation. Most of the strategic lines presented lack the integration required by urban regeneration’s objectives, targeting specific concepts like building rehabilitation and economic growth, while leaving others like cultural values or environmental concerns out.

Fig. 2.4 Regeneration Plan around the JH Park District. Sources: Paisaje Transversal.

The concepts of Urban Vulnerability and Integrated Urban Regeneration respond to the sustainable development principles, as analysis and executive tools respectively. Still, they lack cohesion through the social, environmental and economic dimensions involved. Urban Vulnerability studies encapsulate in different sections each one of the dimensions and tend to focus on an individual scale (Hernández Aja, Vázquez

Analysis

Espí, García Madruga, Matesanz Parellada, Moreno García, Alguacil Gómez, Camacho Gutiérrez, 2009), while Integrated Urban Regeneration interventions tend to present socioeconomic and spatial dimensions separately (Montesinos I Ciuró, Puig I Salvadó, Ruiz Navarro, Llovet Ferrer 2014). It is here where models that also have these dimensions as a core could be considered to improve the coherence of these methodologies. Circular Economy4, which seeks to interweave the different social, environmental and economic flows together to allow for loop closing could easily be one of the models taken into account for such a task. The Circular Economy model has the potential of making people — of all ages and skills —central, creating skilled jobs on a local scale (Stahel 2016). Research has been done in the European context regarding the potential of these jobs, linked to spatial considerations as ideal locations and dispersion over a territory (Morgan & Mitchell 2015) (Fig 2.5). These jobs are also spread along wide spectrum of skill levels, which would make them suitable for a large part of the population with little to no discrimination. Still, this is a model that has been researched focusing mainly on environmental and economic aspects (Korhonen, Honkasalo, & Seppälä 2018), leaving social

Fig. 2.5 Job potential in Circular Economy. Sources: Self-made, data extracted from Morgan & Mitchell 2015.

Considered definition of Circular Economy (Korhonen, Honkasalo, & Seppälä 2018): ‘Circular economy is an economy constructed from societal production-consumption systems that maximizes the service produced from the linear nature-society-nature material and energy throughput flow. This is done by using cyclical materials flows, renewable energy sources and cascading-type energy flows. Successful circular economy contributes to all the three dimensions of sustainable development. Circular economy limits the throughput flow to a level that nature tolerates and utilises ecosystem cycles in economic cycles by respecting their natural reproduction rates.’

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aspects as empowerment, inclusion or governance out of the discussion. Also, Circular Economy knowledge is concentrated mainly on big business, obstructing the ‘bottom-up’ and civic society driven initiatives through small and medium enterprises. These gaps don’t seem to be related to the principles of Circular Economy themselves, but to the actors leading it’s research and application. Circular Economy has brought with it models like ‘goods as a service’ (Stahel 2016). When a model like this is developed inside a community in which goods are shared and reused communally, a sense of shared responsibility over said goods and their impact on the environment is produced —as can be seen in communities as Christiania (Denmark).

Fig. 2.6 Representations of the Circular Economy project Kalundbork Symbiosis in Denmark. Sources: Kalundborg Symbiosis.

However, when this model is carried out by companies that rent their goods to consumers, environmental conscience as responsibility over waste produced is removed. The property power of said consumers, as the means to develop human action, can be taken from them at any point too (Nigam 1996). In this case, despite being more efficient from an economic and environmental point of view, the model could be considered to have negative social consequences regarding governance and empowerment.

Analysis

Considering how these goods that are being used to provide continuous services are progressively being owned by fewer companies which are getting even bigger (Bessen 2017) it is difficult to see a current bottom-up trend regarding Circular Economy if we follow this second model. When applied from a top-down perspective, these models can easily remove or weaken the potential spatial benefits and implications. The spatial configurations produced through current economic models following the school of thought established by Henri Lefebvre with ‘’The Production of Space’ (Lefebvre 1974) have been studied and discussed by different authors as Manuel Castells, David Harvey and Łukasz Stanek among others (Castells 1977; Harvey 2012; Stanek 2015). Spatial and functional typologies as the mall and the Central Business District (CBD) represent some of the configurations that linear economy flows produce.

Fig. 2.7 Pictures of the local festival in the San José district (Saragossa). Sources: Chabi Fotografía.

The lack of relation between proposals within Circular Economy and their spatial and morphological consequences becomes apparent when examining ongoing Circular Economy experiences. Kalundborg Symbiosis in Denmark could serve as an example, in which even the way the project is represented shows the lack of spatial implications of the proposal (Fig 2.6). It is therefore urgent to ask what spatial configurations Circular Economy would bring.

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Regarding the necessary social facet of Urban Regeneration —that may, as mentioned previously, not be fully complemented through current Circular Economy principles—, there has been lately an increase in the importance given to the Place Attachment of existing communities during these processes (Vidal, Berroeta, Masso, Valera & Peró 2013). This attachment to a certain place can increase the social capital of said place and affects the behaviour of both individuals and communities towards their peers and their surroundings. Shared meaning, experiences and responsibilities should then be considered and produced when attempting to regenerate vulnerable urban tissues, as they have a key role on how attached an individual and especially a community are to the place they inhabit (Plunkett, Phillips & Ucar Kocaoglu 2018). This shared knowledge in the form of narratives produces also a sense of evolution in a place, fostering the ability of communities to accept change in their surroundings (Hidalgo 2013). Residents who feel attached to the place they live in are more motivated to stay there, protect what they have and make improvements (Plunkett, Phillips & Ucar Kocaoglu 2018). Considering this, it is necessary to ensure that communities and their narratives are open, in a way that newcomers can become a part of them both. Otherwise, phenomena of self-inflicted isolation could take place, as tends to happen in overly closed communities, leading to vicious cycles. A strong sense of Place Attachment and Place Identity can also result in feelings of pride towards its appearance and condition. This can foster exciting episodes like the ones that take place during many district festivals, in which local communities take over urban space, transforming it during brief periods of time and using it to its full potential. Through this kind of events, remote districts can become a small urban centrality for a limited time, sharing their identity and history with people who might have never been there before. Existing narratives should be studied as they shape the identity of a place, which is closely linked to the attachment of a population to said place. In the same logic, new narratives ought to be produced —either from scratch or through the transformation of existing ones—, as they foster a sense of continuity in the area (Vidal, Berroeta, Masso, Valera & Peró 2013; Ujang 2017). This place continuity can be essential in preventing a regenerated area from falling back into a vulnerable situation (Rubio del Val, Molino Costa 2010). Studying both the past and present of a place and understanding its logics and behaviours is therefore crucial to ensure its future. The proposal will integrate these different reflections through the application of Circular Economy principles in a context broader that has been normally applied to in relation to the complexity of the realities presented. These principles will be applied in an area where the industrial areas are not alone, but surrounded and linked to residential and green areas. For this reason, linking the ideas of Integrated Urban Regeneration and of Circular Economy will interact necessarily with the existing identity of the place in question, influencing on local communities. There is therefore a need for caution and respect for what is already there then introducing new elements to the existing ecosystem and power balance.

Analysis

2.2 – The block developments of mid-twentieth century Spain Between 1950 and 1980 a rural exodus took place in Spain5. Most of its population moved from rural territories to urban ones due to the excess labour in the fields (Fig 2.8). Major cities were not ready for this phenomenon, which led to a fast emergence of slums on the urban outskirts promoted by ruthless real estate agents (Sambricio 1997; Montesinos I Ciuró, Puig I Salvadó, Ruiz Navarro, Llovet Ferrer, 2014). To solve the housing and urban problem caused by the aforementioned exodus, a Limited Income Housing Law and a new Land Law were passed in 1954 and 1956 respectively. Both policies focused on the construction of new urban areas. Most of the tools contained in them refer to the delimitation and development of said areas instead of referring to the redevelopment of built areas6. There is also an emphasis on expropriation tools in these policies, showing how the public sector took the initiative during this period. This initiative was carried out by the National Housing Institute, part of the newly created Ministry of Housing (1957), which in a pursuit of new constructive solutions that could speed up traditional construction, while stimulating building industry, called an experimental housing competition (Sambricio 1997). This competition coincided with the rise of a new generation of architects, highly influenced by architectural and urban theories coming from the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne) and the US low income housing, which promoted the design of so-called ‘minimal housing’, dwellings in which spaces had been reduced to their functional minimum. Not only that, but during this time there was also a significant opening of the up until then ‘self-sufficient’ economic model. Large flows of capital entered the country through foreign investment, supported by the low prices of both materials and labour in what is still called the ‘Spanish miracle’ (González Pérez 2010). These policies, combined with minimal housing theories and increasing foreign investment led to the period of greatest main home —dwellings used habitually by their owners and not during vacation periods— development in Spain. Still, these developments focused on being as fast and cheap as possible. The apparent intention behind the design and construction of these developments was clear; producing homes for all the people that were arriving to cities or that already lived in them in informal housing.

Fig. 2.8 Poster and and frames of the movie Surcos, in which a life-long rural family moves to an urban context and has to face heir cold and cruel urban reality —the poster itself is already rather illustrative of this. The movie reflects in a way the popular attitude towards the massive exodus that was taking place during the period, being one of Spain’s most relevant neorealism works (Ballesteros 2016). Sources: Nieves Conde, J.A. (1951). Surcos [motion picture]. Spain: Atenea Films.

Behind this apparent intention there were another two: boosting the construction industries and spreading political conformism through housing property. This fact becomes clear when studying how public aids helped those who could already buy a home and did so as an investment and not those who really needed them. These two intentions are also supported by how the Horizontal Property Law of 1960 allowed

During these 30 years, the province of Madrid had an increase in its population of 2.800.675 inhabitants and Barcelona, while the population of the province of Barcelona increased in 2.386.615 inhabitants, according to the historical population series recorded by the National Institute of Statistics.

‘The public function of encouraging [construction] is not only exercised solely by granting benefits that attract towards the proposed objectives, but also through creating unfavourable for those who do not decide to act according to public interest.’ (Law on Land Regime and Urban Planning of 1956).

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Madrid

Barcelona

a great portion of urban population to own a flat —which also transformed urban tissue by making residential buildings higher and more spread— and how the renting market was killed through several lease laws, being the one passed on 1964 the most important of them (Betrán Abadía 2017).

Block developments Industrial tissues Main transport infrastructures

The pursuit of profit through mass residential production led in many occasions to shirking the complex reality behind housing and transformed it into a mere mathematical problem. It likewise led the developments built during these years to be mainly based around open blocks, since their linear form could be bent to adapt to any kind of site, easily maximizing the occupation (Paricio Ansuátegui 1973). This blocks did not only bent externally, but also internally, giving as a result built-up areas and layouts, both urban and architectural, that were alien to the city model carried out until then and would be unacceptable by today’s standards (García Vázquez 2015). The methodology and mentality aforementioned would not only influence residential tissues. When these tissues were developed, their built environment was being developed too: where and how these future neighbours would work, spend their leisure time and access the rest of the city. That that would structure their way of life was being built following this same line of thought.

Fig. 2.9 Maps of Madrid and Barcelona showing the position of these block developments between 1940 and 1980 and their relation with industrial tissues and main transport infrastructures. E: 1/300.000 Sources: Self-made out of the information in the 1963 Metropolitan Plan of Madrid and the 1976 Metropolitan Plan of Barcelona.

This line of thought also established the location of these neighbourhoods, which ended up in many cases on areas where land was the cheapest. Areas that were remote or disconnected from the existing city by main road or railroad infrastructures, that could easily flood —which made them quite suitable for the farm use that they had had up until then, but not so much for hosting residential uses—, that were close to already deprived areas, that had steep slopes, or that were close to industrial or potentially industrial areas in which many of these new residents would end up working (Fig 2.9). In the Municipal Regulations of Madrid,

Analysis

Fig. 2.10 Timeline showing the amount of public housing built under the principles established by the dictatorial regime in Madrid, Barcelona and Saragossa, and laws and other events that influenced this process. Sources: Self-made out of data from Arends Morales 2012; M. Esteban & García García 2011; Blos 2008; Moya González 1976.

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Analysis

published in 1946, the need of splitting the working classes to weaken them through elements like green belts is even mentioned (López Díaz 2002). One could say that during these processes residential containers were being built, but if we consider a neighbourhood as a place with urban life linked to a sort of sense of community (Jacobs 1961), not a single one was either built or designed. These developments were not built with the idea of being neighbourhoods, not even of being spaces for dwelling. Around these blocks, open areas and other uses appeared merely occupying areas that could not contain more residential uses for sanitary and lighting reasons. These open areas where therefore not designed at all, and ended up barren most of the time, with few exceptions in which neighbours gave them use and took care of their maintenance. Housing had turned into a commodity which most relevant asset was its exchange value (Betrán Abadía 2017), open spaces and utilities were the necessary fees one had to pay to invest in it.

Fig. 2.11 Pictures of the conditions and demonstrations in Vallecas (Madrid). Sources: Ferrero, B. (2019) ‘Días de furia vallecana en blanco y negro’, El País, 06/W04.

These same neighbours ended up being responsible for the improvement of their everyday environment, both through direct transformation —as is the case of giving use to barren open spaces—, or through confrontation with municipalities and other elements of the public sector. These two processes led to the appearance of the first neighbours associations. It is not coincidental, that the first neighbours association registered in Spain in 1968 —abiding by the Male Head of Household Law of 1964— was the Neighbours Association of Vallecas, residential development built in 1956 under the principles described in this section (Ortega 1999) (Fig 2.11).

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Under General Franco’s dictatorship the right of assembly was non-existent, any demonstration or gathering that was unauthorised or considered out of the limits set by the authorities would be fined up to 500,000 pesetas7. For these reason, early neighbour gatherings to discuss their living conditions and self-organise had to be done clandestinely, mainly in churches. During this period neighbourhood committees also appeared, although they did fully clandestinely, as they were more politicized and took part in illegal actions at the time, as transport strikes or demonstrations for the amnesty of prisoners were. These committees would progressively fuse with the neighbourhood associations after General Franco’s death (Ortega 1999). It was during this time that neighbour associations became more vocal, discussions that had been held privately were taken to the streets. Through this process, improvements came little by little to these developments. Empty plots hosted needed urban facilities, streets were paved, public transport was established and dumps became parklands. The actions carried out by neighbours were mainly carried out from and for the neighbourhoods, but considered a much broader context, as they were the clear losers of the economic and social model of the period as a whole (Neighbours Association of the PicarralSalvador Allende neighbourhood 2012). This economic model, in which construction was heavily promoted since it was, together with tourism and car industries, the most profitable activities at the moment, which logically attracted most of the incoming foreign capital (Betrán Abadía 2017). This initiative took the country in a path of economic sustenance based on activities that were completely harmful towards the environment through its pollution, exploitation and occupation; a path that still shapes and weights on the development of the country. Investing in adapting these areas so they can be of use in our time is a necessary way to implement sustainable urban developments, non-speculative and nongentrifying social models and to preserve collective memory from the mid-twentieth century, from the industrial society and from the working class (García Vázquez 2015). This memory, these tales and this collectivism constructed the little urbanity that these neighbourhoods once had. Despite having origins and points in common, their overall narratives change from case to case, and have to be therefore studied in such a way.

Which was approximately the price of luxury flats being sold at the time according to the newspaper library of La Vanguardia https://www.lavanguardia.com/hemeroteca.

Analysis

2.3 – The Picarral neighbourhood

Fig. 2.12 Picture of the area where the residential developments built in the Picarral district during the 1970s reach the existing urban areas to the south. Sources: Neighbours Association of the PicarralSalvador Allende neighbourhood archive.

One of the main aims of the project proposal is granting a coherent structure to the site intervened and its surroundings. This chapter is of key importance in such a task, as the design of this proposed structure will be accompanied by the discovery, study and revision of the physical and narrative structure that formed said territory. To do so, meetings were held with a focus group of key figures of the Picarral neighbourhood and its history, also the written legacy left by them and others was consulted. Below is a brief summary gathering the most relevant chapters that were taken into consideration when designing the project proposal. As was briefly mentioned and shown in section 1.6, Saragossa stands in the crossroads of four of Spain’s major cities, being itself too one of them. This

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Saragossa

-1910 < 19th Century

-1930

-1955

-1992

-1972

-2012

Fig. 2.13 Series of maps showing the growth of Saragossa, that left its left bank unoccupied through most of its history, and occupied it hastily in the form of two large developments —being one of them most of the Picarral neighbourhood— when it did. E: 1/150.000 Sources: Self-made out of aerial pictures and maps obtained from the Spanish National Geographic Information Center.

crossroad condition, together with its position adjacent to the riverbed of the River Ebro marks drastically the structure of the city up to the present day (Fig 2.13). On the one hand, the city has been developed primarily around its main historic axes, which have come from these connections to other major settlements. On the other hand, the city is split in two halves by the Ebro, being the left bank, situated to the north, almost inexistent through most of the city’s history. Since its Roman foundation, the left bank was composed basically of a military outpost set to control both sides of the bridge that crossed the Ebro. The whole area was used as

Analysis

Old Ebro Channel

farmlands, since its lower position with respect to the right bank and the softness of its soil made its irrigation and ploughing much simpler. For this reason, the little development done in the area was in the form of spread villas, belonging to the different land owners.

Fig. 2.14â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Current map of Saragossa with the Old Ebro Channel drawn on it and pictures of the Picarral neighbourhood with unpaved and saturated streets. Sources: Map_Self-made. Pictures_Neighbours Association of the Picarral-Salvador Allende neighbourhood archive.

As agricultural activities became less relevant and an incipient industry took its place around urban areas, the left bank experienced substantial growth in the form of factories, placed away from the city centre, and workers neighbourhoods linked to them. The main industrial development arose between the road to France and the road to Barcelona, with the railroad to Barcelona going through it. These developments started as isolated foci that evolved following the agricultural plot logics and structure, and therefore had little continuity with the existing urban tissue despite connecting with the rest of the city through the same paths (Neighbours Association Federation of Zaragoza, ECAS 1984). This disconnection set the character of the whole area from there on: linked to industry and regional transportation infrastructure rather than to the rest of the city, both physically and in the social imaginary of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population. Crossing the river to do anything on the left bank has always been a considerable psychological burden, more so taking into account the lack of options and frequency in regards to public transport (Neighbours Association of the Picarral-Salvador Allende neighbourhood 2012).

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Cogullada Industrial Park

Railroad to Barcelona

In what was becoming the Picarral neighbourhood, farmlands were turning into industrial sites; and the population living there was receiving the worst part of both realities. As stated before, the whole area is rather low, between three and eight metres above the river, while the right bank’s lowest point is already ten metres above it. This condition was heavily engraved in the local knowledge. Picarral, the word that names the whole neighbourhood, means a land devastated by water and filled with holes and small streams in the local language (Neighbours Association of the Picarral-Salvador Allende neighbourhood 2012). Besides that, many of the areas in the neighbourhood are named ‘Depressions of the Old Ebro’ in reference to sunken landforms left behind by an old channel occupied by the river which is still appreciable in the land plotting of aerial mid-century photographs (Galván 2018).

Fig. 2.15 Current map of Saragossa with the 1960s railroad to Barcelona drawn on it and pictures of the relation between industry and neighbours in the Picarral neighbourhood. Sources: Map_Self-made. Pictures_Neighbours Association of the Picarral-Salvador Allende neighbourhood archive.

A site that once hosted farmlands and wetland ecosystems that are now being preserved and valued in areas to the north and to the east of the city in the Galacho of Juslibol and the Galacho of La Alfranca natural reserves8 was hardening and waterproofing its surfaces, that is, its foundations and roofs. This resistance towards water, considering how close the groundwater level was to the surface, produced saturation and flooding in most of the areas that were still permeable

Galacho is another local word, which defines a meander of a river where water no longer flows (Royal Academy of the Spanish language).

Analysis

San Gregorio Military Outpost m

San Juan de la Peña street

left bank Train Station

(Fig 2.14), which were many of the streets and sideways, complicating greatly the neighbour’s everyday life. While water gushed from the streets, the factories that were being built brought their own problems. Industrial odours, dust, noise and pollutant vapours became rapidly some of the main issues that the neighbours would struggle with (Neighbours Association of the Picarral-Salvador Allende neighbourhood 2012). Chemical, paper and food industries were built in what would become the Cogullada Industrial Park filled the neighbourhood with jobs, but also tainted its air and mood (Fig 2.15).

Fig. 2.16 Current map of Saragossa with the San Juan de la Peña street, the San Gregorio Military Outpost and the left bank Train Station highlighted and pictures of anks going through the neighbourhood streets and the neighbours reaction. Sources: Map_Self-made. Pictures_Neighbours Association of the Picarral-Salvador Allende neighbourhood archive.

The whole Cogullada Industrial Park was structured around the railroad to Barcelona, since many of the processed or manufactured goods came from or were transported there. The gap that this railroad produced blocked the connections with the other neighbourhoods to the southeast, removing all possible intraurban communication along the left bank. This industrial area was the only one located mainly inside the ring road around Saragossa, maintaining a rather close position in relation to the city centre, but also increasing the number of conflicts with the neighbours. Due to the fast and unorganised occupation of land by both factories and residential developments, in several occasions factories ended up being built in areas that according to municipal planning were supposed to host schools, day care centres or churches. These situations prolonged until the industrial companies ended up

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buying empty terrains where the municipality could build the needed urban facilities (Neighbours Association of the Picarral-Salvador Allende neighbourhood 2012). The railroad situation introduced yet another source of dispute, in this case between neighbours and the military. The main military outpost of the city was placed to the north, with a direct access to the road to France and closest as possible to its border within the municipal limits. Despite this, the outpost had no direct access to the railroad structure. Tanks that were coming to Saragossa by train had to be deployed in a train station to the south of the Picarral neighbourhood and go up the San Juan de la Peña street, one of the main streets in the area. This process blocked the street regularly and caused great damages to the street, it also produced noise and a sense of danger in the neighbours. From 1973 to 1985 protests were carried out regularly denouncing this issue and claiming the construction of a railroad station in the military outpost. Considering the antimilitarist period these protests were framed in, they became one of the most important claims the neighbourhood had, which made the San Juan de la Peña street and its preservation stand out in the neighbours’ imaginary (Fig 2.16). Water, industries and the military did not fill up the list of concerns the neighbours had to deal with. Most of the residential tissue was built under the conditions and principles explained in the previous section. This gave as a result dwellings that were small in all three dimensions, hot in summer and cold in winter. It also produced small open inter-block spaces, that despite being of public use, were not maintained by the municipality, and had to be taken care of by the own neighbours. As time has passed these shortcomings have become more apparent: dwellings that were small and uncomfortable are now also inaccessible —they were already when they were built, but as neighbours have aged, going up several flight of stairs has become less of an option. These shortcomings make the area less attractive for newcomers, leading to an overall loss of population in the area (Saragossa Municipality 2019). The Picarral neighbourhood was built on a terrain that was poorly considered during its time. There is a chance to turn what were considered to be weaknesses until now —flooding, wetland ecosystems— into its main strengths. In a similar way as certain uses and flows that currently coexist with the neighbours and have been discarded and considered as mainly harmful —productive industrial uses and waste flows—, and could turn out to be key in the loop closing of our economic system. In a similar way as how Picarral was designed and built as a residential complex that became a neighbourhood through the process of protest, convergence and complicity carried out by their neighbours.

Analysis

INTERMUNICIPALITY

2.4 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Values & vulnerabilities

Fig. 2.17â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Aerial picture from Saragossa with the Picarral neighbourhood higlighted. Source: selfmade out of an image from the Spain Geographic Institute.

To understand the current condition of the site and to know its vulnerabilities and values, the region, the city and the district in which the site lays were studied, taking into consideration different layers corresponding to spatial, social, economic and environmental aspects. These layers were put in relation with each other to extract conclusions that can serve as guidance for the strategic and project proposals.

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The maps are presented following different concepts that affect the site; they show systems that pose positive values, vulnerabilities or both. These concepts and ideas will be tackled following an interscalar approach. Region and city scale maps will have the project site slightly highlighted to help understand the interaction of these systems with the site without introducing excessive noise in the maps. Some of the concepts that are considered in this analysis and in the proposal as a whole are: the connectivity of the different parts of the site in all its means, both in an interurban and an intraurban scale; the continuity of its urban tissue, considering its importance for the thickness of urban space and its urbanity (Read 2001); the density of population and open space on the site and in relation to the rest of the city; the concentration of uses on the site and its relation with public space; the scale and governance over the open areas present on the site; the water flows and logics of the region: the ecosystem services potential, both in its green areas and in its build environment; the building typologies present on the site and their reusability possibilities; and material and immaterial flows, both present and potential. All of these concepts are linked to the conceptual framework presented in section 2.1 (Fig 2.1). By taking all of them into consideration and developing the project proposal around them and their overlaps, new potentials can be found in each one of these lines of thought when applied in urban contexts at a city/district scale. At the same time, proving that the concepts analysed here are relevant and even necessary in the regeneration of urban areas considered as vulnerable could test how these same concepts should be taken into consideration when addressing Urban Vulnerability (Sq.1). Similar things could be said of the brief identity and narrative analysis that was done in the previous sections, although in this case, the specificity of each caseâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s would make the necessary replicability of analysis tools quite difficult. In this section, the layers that are of most importance for guiding the strategic and project proposals are shown. They should be considered together with the narratives of the aforementioned identity and narrative analysis. What is presented is therefore a proactive analysis, which progressively converges towards the interventions proposed in the following sections.

Analysis

INTERMUNICIPALITY

Road hierarchy Main axes and ring roads

Fig. 2.18â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Road hierarchy map with data collected from the Institute or the Spain Geographic Institute. Self-made.

The site is well connected in respect of motorised transportation to both the rest of the city and to other cities through ring roads. The axes present on the site basically connect it to the north, as the way south is blocked by the river, which requires connecting to one of the ring roads to cross it. Both the main axis to the north as well as the ring roads that cross the site will constitute physical and psychological barriers regarding local mobility, as will be explained in the following maps.

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CITY

Active transportation systems Tram route Bus routes Bike lanes Fig. 2.19â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Active Transportation map with data collected from the Municipallity of Saragossa. Self-made.

Public transportation connecting the site with the rest of the city is both less dense and less frequent than the one present in the rest of the city. The same could be said of the western half of the left bank of the river, but since the construction of the tram in 2011 â&#x20AC;&#x201D;which connects the northwest of the city, but dodges the northeastâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; that is no longer the case. Despite that, bike lanes are present in much of the site, which establishes a great opportunity for the increase of active transportation in the area.

Analysis

DISTRICT

Perceptive analysis Paths/Connectors Edges/Barriers Recognizable sets Nodes Landmarks Fig. 2.20 Perceptive analysis map with data collected from the site. Self-made.

When consulting neighbours and other people who live close to the site, two phenomena become apparent. The first one is the sense of isolation of the neighbourhood, in particular in its area further west, which is cut to the west by the main highway heading north, to the north by the main bypass of the city and to the east by the industrial tissue. The second one is the lack of continuity of most of the areas that make up the site. Several of their areas are clearly recognizable —particularly their first developments to the south and the residential block developments done during the 1950-1980s— but they do not seem connected at all.

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Urban centre

Higher density crust

CITY

Population density 0-30in/ha

300-385in/ha

30-90in/ha

385-475in/ha

90-150in/ha

475-575in/ha

150-220in/ha

575-700in/ha

220-300in/ha

700-1025in/ha

Fig. 2.21â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Population density map with data collected from the Municipallity of Saragossa.

The area has an overall low population density, which is also quite irregular along the whole site. The low-medium height block developments that are present in most of the site produce this lack of population density. In contrast to this, developments to the south, built between the 1930s and the 1950s following an urban expansion model have a higher and more regular density. This condition, together with the progressive emptying of the urban centre has functionally moved the centre further southwest, taking it further away from the site.

Analysis

CITY

Lot coverage Building footprint

Fig. 2.22â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Lot coverage map with data collected from the Spain Geographic Institute. Self-made.

The lot coverage analysis confirms the ideas that were presented in the previous maps. A wide variety of residential typologies is present on the site, defining different areas with little relation between them. This layer shows also the predominance of both the open block and the tower typology on the site. The fact that these typologies tend to have openings on all their sides will have to be taken into account if any proposal to increase the density of the site are taken into consideration, as they will have to be expanded in height or along their few sides with no openings.

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DISTRICT

Urbanity uses Education

Culture

Health

Commerce

Safety

Resi. w/ uses

Sport

Resi. w/o uses

Fig. 2.23â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Urban uses map with data collected from the site. Self-made.

The incoherence among the different typologies present affects the positioning of their other uses. As residential buildings themselves do not define clear structures, urban utilities appear between the different recognizable areas filling the gaps left by them, boosting the sense of discontinuity among the different areas. These different areas also present different uses on their ground floors. Some of the few streets that have the most potential urbanity due to the continuity of their path present considerable stretches with no ground use besides residential uses, reducing their overall urban continuity and thickness.

Analysis

DISTRICT

Open areas Public spaces Open community spaces Enclosed community spaces

Fig. 2.24â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Open areas map with data collected from the site. Self-made.

Luckily, the tower and block typologies used on the site leave many open areas, that despite being currently underused, pose different potential uses depending on their scale, their governance and their relation with the street network. At the same time, these spaces present the opportunity of forming a well-structured open space system that can boost pedestrian and bicycle circulation and the recreational and sport related use of these spaces by the neighbours or people from nearby neighbourhoods.

Regenerative flows

INTERMUNICIPALITY

Flooding Water 10 years flood return period 50 years flood return period 100 years flood return period 500 years flood return period Fig. 2.25â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Floodability map with data collected from the Spain Geographic Institute. Self-made.

The three rivers that cross in Saragossa, and the Ebro River in particular, have around them a potentially floodable area that produce wetland ecosystems and areas of land prone to agriculture. The greater heights of a large part of the city with respect to its surroundings and the progressive channelling of the rivers have made difficult the exploitation of these potentials. The left riverbank in general, and its area further west in particular, still coexist with this floodable situation, and can therefore still use the qualities that it brings with it.

Analysis

CITY

Flooding

This floodability reflects the time in which a great part of what is now the site was covered by the Ebro River, as mentioned in section 2.3. Resisting the floodable condition of the site instead of adapting to it seems unreasonable when considering that the site itself was part of the river until not so long ago. For this reason, making good use of this condition and the potentials it brings with it could strengthen the narrative of this place while working in favour of the natural logics and flows of this river.

Old Ebro Channel Water 10 years flood return period 50 years flood return period 100 years flood return period 500 years flood return period Fig. 2.26â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Floodability map with data from the SGI.

Regenerative flows

CITY

Elevation < 190m

210-215m

190-195m

215-220m

195-200m

220-225m

200-205m

225-230m

205-210m

230-235m

Fig. 2.27 Elevation map with data collected from the Aragon Geographic Institute. Self-made.

The fluvial past of the site comes also with a decent flatness of most of the site. This flatness can be of use as it makes active transportation more comfortable and is helpful in the production of electricity out of wind power. Transforming the topography slightly can be also of use when adapting the site to the foreseeable floods that will occur in the near future. To transform this topography efficiently it is crucial to know its current situation, that way all the costs related to earthworks —as environmental, economic or spatial costs— can be minimized.

Analysis

CITY

Green areas structure Forests Parks Gardens Outdoor farms & orchards Fig. 2.28â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Green areas map with data collected from the Aragon Geographic Institute. Self-made.

Main green areas in the city are logically structured around its rivers. Following this idea, the old channel of the Ebro River can serve as a connector. The site already hosts one of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s largest green areas, connecting said area to the parks on the side of the river to its south and o the rest of green areas present to the north can strengthen the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s green infrastructure which would be of use to both human and non-human inhabitants of the city. At the same time, the proximity of fields to the site represents an opportunity of enabling and empowering local circularity between different sectors.

Regenerative flows

INTERMUNICIPALITY

Industrial uses Industrial areas

Fig. 2.29â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Industrial uses map with data collected from the Spain Geographic Institute. Self-made.

The site also contains the only major industrial site in the city which has most of its buildings located inside the main ring bypass. This proximity between urban tissue and industrial tissue has caused many conflicts as was shown in section 2.3. Taking into account Circular Economy logics, this proximity can be of use to enable local circularity and produce new job positions related to this circularity. At the same time, if this tissue is to remain operative, its interurban connectivity has to be maintained or even increased, while taking into account its intraurban connectivity regarding last-mile delivery.

Analysis

DISTRICT

Industrial uses a) Productive

b) Educational

a) Services

c) Religoiuos

a) Logistics

c) Hotels & Rest.

b) Retail

c) Leisure

b) Office

d) Stor./Unused

Fig. 2.30â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Industrial uses map with data collected from the site. Self-made.

To renew and increase the utility of the industrial area on the site, the uses that are currently present in it have to be studied. On the one hand, some of the uses are more useful in creating job positions and flows that can establish circularities, as productive uses are better than uses like retail or storage in both of these fields. This may set a hierarchy when considering what areas of the industrial part of the site should be transformed. On the other hand, it gives clues of what non-industrial uses can be introduced, as they are already beginning to appear, like office, educational or recreational uses.

Regenerative flows

DISTRICT

Industrial typologies and potential upcycling

ISOTROPIC TISSUE

POLARISED TISSUE

ISOLATED OBJETC

COMPLEX ARRANGEMENT

-Spatially defines public space

-Spatially defines public space struc.

-Does not spatially define public

structures

-Creates a differentiated built volume

space structures

-Does not change when in contact

when in contact with public space

-Does not change when in contact

with public space

-Regular structures and modulations

with public space

-Regular structure and modulation

on each one of its volumes

-Regular structure and modulation

-Irregular structure and lack of

-Can host new uses of small scale

-Can mainly host bigger scale uses

modulation

combined or use several bays to host

-Mainly prone to volumetric

-Can host uses that require the

a bigger scale use

subtraction

coexistance of different scales

-Prone to volumetric addition and

-Mainly prone to volumetric

subtraction

Fig. 2.31â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Industrial typologies map with data collected from the site. Self-made.

To be able to transform this industrial tissue, not only use-wise, but also spatially, the current industrial typologies regarding their built condition have to be taken into consideration. Each kind of industrial building has its potentials towards transforming the whole area, introducing new uses and establishing a urban context that is friendlier with its workers and population in general. They also have different potentials regarding the scales of new uses that can be hosted in them.

Analysis

DISTRICT

Potential flow circularity Heat Input

Org. Waste Input

Heat Output

Org. Waste Out.

Water Input

Inorg. Waste In.

Water Output

Inorg. Waste Out.

Energy Input

Energy Output

Fig. 2.32â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Potential flows map with data collected from the site. Self-made.

After considering the possibilities of each of the layers and tissues on their own, one can start establishing relations between the input and output of each of several flows â&#x20AC;&#x201D;heat, water, energy and waste. These relations will be key when bringing closer the different realities that exist on the site, which currently coexist mainly through conflict, with little negotiation and mediation between them. Studying how these relations can not only link these different realities, but also empower each one of them is one of the main goals of the project, as it is directly related to its main research question.

Regenerative flows

DISTRICT

Main actors and stakeholders Public Sector Private Sector Civil Society

Fig. 2.33â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Stakeholders map with data collected from the site. Self-made.

For these relations to work, the last puzzle piece needed is formed by the different stakeholders and agents present or with transformation capacity on this site. Taking into consideration their capabilities, competences and interests, and looking into how they can converge around different key operations will set the difference between an unreasonable and idealistic proposal and one that could actually be developed and begin the transformation of the area. Ways of establishing checks and balances between these different actors and tools that allow for periodic dialogue is also necessary for this convergence to be maintained over time.

Analysis

SCENARIO 0

2.5 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Scenarios & Vision

Fig. 2.34â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Diagram showing the current state of the area. Self-made.

Understanding the trends followed by the different agents and stakeholders that exist, influence or can appear on the site is of key importance since those same trends will have consequences and interactions that can set the whole project in a path to good of bad performance. These trends have been studied regarding the leadership of the socioeconomic processes that are taking place on and near the site and their linearity or circularity, posing different possible scenarios.

Regenerative flows

Scenario 0 (current state) Scenario description Most of the main economic uses present in or near the site are business driven. They have little to no relation with local communities beyond the conflicts that are still open between them. These businesses still follow linear models, and besides some remarkable exceptions which are aiming to introduce loop-closing logics in their processes, they do not seem in a path to change said linearity. Local communities grow weaker as the population that founded them and their offspring leave the neighbourhood for accessibility or work related issues (Neighbours Association of the Picarral-Salvador Allende neighbourhood 2012). Newcomers find little incentive in joining these communities, they either not feel included or represented in them or do not see incentive in dedicating the little time they have to them. Communities still have claims and agendas which they try to push forward, but their loss of power makes them less and less relevant. Some local circularity related businesses like repair cafés or km0 food communities are appearing in the historic centre of the city. Due to their physical proximity to the site, they could somehow influence the area. Trends and instances that define it -Path-dependency of many of the site’s industries, which were built with spaces and machinery designed for the transformation of raw materials and need used materials to be downcycled —recycled with an inherent value loss— to fit their production processes. -Lack of intra-organizational and intra-sectorial management of inter-organizational and inter-sectorial physical flows of materials and energy (Korhonen, Honkasalo & Seppälä 2018). - The culturally and socially constructed concept of waste has a strong influence on its handling, management and utilization. -Peripheral neighbourhoods being considered marginal areas in the collective imagination (Rubio del Val, Molino Costa 2010) Possible consequences -Stagnation of the industrial area in site due to its lack of differential value and its unfavourable position from a logistic connectivity point of view. -Degradation of the site due to a lack of transformation of any of its tissues and loss of influence of local communities. -Appearance of new uses that take advantage of the physical closeness to the centre of the area once their land prices drop.

Analysis

SCENARIO 1

Fig. 2.35â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Diagram showing the first scenario developed when considering current trends of existing agents in the area. Self-made.

Regenerative flows

Scenario 1 (Performance Economy) Scenario description The industrial areas change progressively into new productive uses, including Circular Economy related businesses and new mobility systems. The unused or underused spaces and warehouses in the area start hosting new uses. Collaborations are established with research groups focused on energy and resource efficiency, pushing the sector and the area further. The business model of the area comes closer to Performance Economy models posed by Walter R. Stahel (Stahel 2016), in which goods are rented, leashed or shared as services and ownership is removed from the consumer, with the possible implications posed in section 2.1. The whole area sees investment coming its way as the industrial area of the site experiences fast development and growth. This starts a process of gentrification through which land prices increase rapidly and neighbours that are renting a flat a forced to move due to rent prices going up as rapidly. Home owners are bought out of their buildings; the residential tissues are renewed this way to host the skilled workers and managers of these new businesses. New life is brought to the neighbourhood, but little of what was there before is still there. Trends and instances that define it -European policies incentivising the introduction of circular economy logics in industrial processes. -Presence of energy and resource efficiency research groups and consulting businesses in the School of Architecture and Engineering of the University of Saragossa, which are rather close to the site (Fig 2.33). -Demonstrated intention by the municipal government and the rest of the political groups of maintaining productive uses on the site and relating them to circular economy logics and shared mobility (MuĂąuz 2019). Possible consequences -High resource and economic efficiency. -Renewal of most of the obsolete and unused industrial tissue present on the site with new uses related to economic circularity. -Improvement of the living conditions in the area due to residential retrofitting related to land value increase. -Disappearance of local communities due to purposelessness related to free market logics fixing some of the neighbourhoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s issues.

Analysis

SCENARIO 2

Fig. 2.36â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Diagram showing the second scenario developed when considering current trends of existing agents in the area. Self-made.

Regenerative flows

Scenario 2 (Social and Solidarity Economy) Scenario description Local communities in the area start self-organising themselves in cooperatives with different purposes. Housing, energy, water, agricultural, reuse and cultural cooperatives emerge from traditional grassroots movements like neighbourhood associations, following the trend taking place in the historic centre and in the southern districts of the city. These communities maintain the traditional animosity with the industries and seek no collaboration with them; they argue that they would live better without them. In fact, these communities continue developing their own processes somewhat apart from the rest of the city. The area is improving thanks to the neighbours, but still few newcomers arrive, even though these cooperatives can offer benefits to whoever decides to take part in them. Industries maintain their linear model of production and become more and more separated from local communities. Since communities start their own economic activities, they see them as competition. Trends and instances that define it -Self-organised community initiatives are being developed in parts of the historic centre and in other peripheries of the city while forming a robust network between them. -Local reuse, remanufacture and closed loop recycling SMBs (small and medium size business) initiatives appearing in areas of the historic centre of the city with strong links to community culture movements. -Current political support to community movements in a municipalist context, which seeks to mobilize residents to participate deeply in local problem solving and inspire municipal governments to share solutions with cities around the world. Possible consequences -Further disconnection between local communities and local industries due to the difference in their work logics. Both of them may coexist, but they will not willingly interact. -Empowerment of local communities as they serve several purposes to both veteran neighbours and newcomers. -Improvement of the living conditions in the area due to decentralisation of urban utilities and self-organisation and not depending as much on the municipal investments. -Lack of relation with most of the city, the area keeps being unknown for most of the population.

Analysis

VISION

Fig. 2.37â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Diagram showing the vision he project will follow after considering current trends of existing agents in the area and their possible interactions. Self-made.

Regenerative flows

Vision (Peer-to-Peer) After developing these scenarios out of the trends and insights of local actors, it could be argued that both scenarios have the potential of improving the neighbourhood from different perspectives. The first scenario comes from a topdown approach in which large and medium businesses interact with one another paying little attention to local communities, while the second scenario is bottom-up, growing from grassroots movements with little concern for corporations. But both scenarios and both approaches could work with together and reinforce aspects that the other one misses. With the presence of the public sector as a mediator, in the form of the city council or one of its departments, a balance could be established among all of the actors. In this balanced status, the local communities and the rest of the civil sector would be granted legitimacy in the eyes of the private sector and much of the urban population, and the private sector would be required to be mutually corresponding. In this status we would not be talking about top-down or bottom-up initiatives, but of a peer-to-peer condition, in which through a precise but flexible platform that establishes checks and balances, agents and stakeholders involved enter and debate as equals, in a manner as horizontal as it can be achieved. There would still be a small group of research groups linked to the University and of SMBs that would be the tip of the spear regarding the introduction of circularity in current production and life processes, but both major businesses and local communities could work and develop these processes around this small group and interact with one another. In a similar manner in which material and immaterial flows are interwoven in Circular Economy processes, the different actors and stakeholders in or related to the site could interweave around its existing and potential identities and narratives. What was up until now an unknown and undervalued area could become a new centrality through its social, environmental and economic governance and processes. Knowledge can be developed and shared through this continuous processes in which all actors become aware of their role and their importance in achieving a more converging reality while recognising the importance of all others. The Picarral neighbourhood can become a model of structuring the managing and governance of traditional and potential resources. These resources can become commons again, revealing the responsibility we all have for them and the potential values we can extract from them. The Picarral neighbourhood can become a model of how these logics can transform and add value to existing places and their built environment.

Analysis

Fig. 2.38â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Vision diagram. Self-made.

Regenerative flows

3 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Strategies

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;In the second perspective, the strategy is focused first on small and medium businesses, on mediumsized cities. Here we can see an effort to involve the entire territory and the people in development, without separating growth from development.â&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Lefebre 1974)

3.1 - Blue-green Ribbon 70 3.2 - Civic Axis 75 3.3 - Productive Grid 80

Strategies

This approach to the project as a way of convergence of the different realities that currently exist on the site is translated into the strategies as a set of tools distilled from the analysis. This strategies take shape linearly, responding to the context of the city, that has been mainly constructed through lines of different strength, thickness and curvature, as was briefly explained in section 2.3. The strategies aim to solve the main issues found during the analysis process while reinforcing the existing positive systems of this area. Throughout this section, these issues will be tackled, setting four main objectives:

Fig. 3.1â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Strategic Map. Self-made.

Regenerative flows

-CONNECTING (CON). Making the site converge with the rest of the city. -LIVING (LIV). Making the site converge with its human inhabitants. -OVERFLOWING (OVE). Making the site converge with water logics and its nonhuman inhabitants. -PRODUCING (PRO). Making the site converge with labour. These objectives are present in different ways and quantities in each one of the tools presented and explained below. At the same time, these tools cluster around the tree main tissues found on site. Those tissues build up the green spaces, the residential spaces and the industrial spaces. These clusters will form three strategies, which will define the transformations of each one of these tissues and will establish ties and relations with the rest. These three strategies are: -BLUE-GREEN RIBBONS -CIVIC AXES -PRODUCTIVE GRIDS These strategies reflect the spatial logics of each of the tissues they correspond to and at the same time, reflect the different potential or present flows of those same tissues, both material and immaterial. Lastly, both the strategies and the tools reflect the existing identity of the site as a place, and aim to knit new identities that bring the site closer to the vision previously illustrated.

Fig. 3.2â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Compilation of the Strategic Diagrams. Self-made.

Strategies

3.1 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Blue-green Ribbons The blue-green ribbons strategy condenses mainly in and around green spaces. It works with the potential species on the site bringing vegetation and local fauna towards a more stable state. At the same time it seeks to utilise these spaces in a manner that can coexist with its floodable condition while serving as natural water collectors, tanks and philtres that can help in the management and supply of water for uses and spaces that require them as an input. These spaces can also be useful as energy sources through the production of biofuels or electricity that can then be transported to local homes, industries or tertiary uses.

Fig. 3.1â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Strategic tools of the blue-green ribbons strategy with a synthesis of its spatial representation. Self-made.

This strategy softens the borders between greenspaces and the other tissues, making the residential and the industrial tissues part of it. Blue-green ribbons can also boost active transportation, as they represent pleasant walkable areas which invite people to exercise. They can also serve as catalyst for communities, as they can bring people together in the maintenance of these spaces and the different kinds of production related to them.

Regenerative flows

BR.1-Introduce floodable buffer areas

Brief description -Depressed areas in open areas of the site with uses and/or vegetation that are not harmed by regular flooding, or that can even be strengthen by it. Through their further depression, water that would normally flood the whole neighbourhood can stay partially or totally in these areas. Urgency -The whole site is susceptible to being flooded every 100 years, and a great part of it every 50 years. This situation can become more regular due to climate change. Actions implied

(OVE)

-Earthworks to depress places with the lowest elevation and the least environmental, economic or spatial costs. -Introduce permeable pavements, urban equipment resistant to water and the site’s potential wetland vegetation.

Open areas

Flooding

Green spaces

BR.2-Reintroduce elements of the site’s ecological potential community

-Introduce means of transporting water from these areas to other uses or spaces. Brief description -Areas with trees like willows and tamarisks on lower areas and poplars, elms and ashes on the rest. This vegetation is typical in the region’s riparian forests and they are of great importance as ecological corridors as they serve as refuge to animals like goshawks, jackdaws, woodpeckers, warblers, common blackbirds and field mice Urgency -Some of the potential species of the site, like the lesser kestrel are currently considered protected species in the region.

(LIV) (OVE)

-The overall costs of maintaining potential vegetation of a site is lower in terms of water compared to species planted commonly in urban contexts. Actions implied

Water logics

Elevation

Green spaces

-Introduce these elements of vegetation on key places of the open areas of the site. -Follow ups of the potential fauna.

Strategies

BR.3-Introduce new opportunities for formal and informal recreation

Brief description -Equipment and uses on open areas that allow people of all ages to play, exercise or spend their leisure time, making out the most from these areas. Urgency -Great underuse of open areas in general on the site besides during district festivities and other major events. -Lack of areas for gathering and where people can interact despite their age or cultural background. Actions implied

(LIV) (OVE)

-Introduce urban equipment that can serve for intergenerational and intercultural recreation. -Produce a program of activities that implies these new equipment and areas to present them to people in and near the neighbourhood.

Urban uses

Open areas

Elevations

BR.4-Produce an interconnected and robust green infrastructure

Brief description -Structure of green spaces that are either directly connected or can work as stepping stones for both humans and nonhumans which is of use for both groups. Urgency -Disconnection of the green areas, which makes it difficult or tedious for both humans and not humans to travel and wander along them. Actions implied -Enhance points of disconnection in the green infrastructure wherever the open space structure of the site allows it.

(CON) (LIV)

-Develop paths and routes to make this infrastructure visible and known for people.

Lot coverage

Open areas

Green spaces

Regenerative flows

BR.5-Introduce community-driven land productive uses

Brief description -Agricultural and other land related uses that can be developed and managed by local communities and can be of use for local commerce and other businesses. Urgency -Lack of use for open community areas, which through their lack of use and maintenance end up becoming the starting point for several conflicts between neighbours. Actions implied -Foster the introduction of these activities and uses on community open spaces through economic aids or through tool lending points that can be used by neighbours.

(LIV) (PRO)

-Establish networks that can be used for the sale and other uses these products can have.

Urban uses

Open areas

Stakeholders

BR.6-Decentralisation of water managment systems

Brief description -Urban utilities that allow local communities to manage their water collection and disposal processes as a complement for the main public water treatment system. Urgency -Many potential uses and values contained in either stormwater or greywaters are lost in main water treatment plants that during heavy rains become overflown. -Community benefits and responsibilities could foster the growth of local communities by increasing their selforganisation.

(LIV) (PRO)

Actions implied -Introduce small secondary water treatment systems that can work in conjunction with areas of the green infrastructure to philtre stormwater and greywaters.

Flooding

Flow interaction

Stakeholders

Strategies

-Establish networks that can be used to transport and share the resources extracted through this process.

BR.7-Value siteâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s land heritage

Brief description -Urban signage and spaces that allow recovering the narratives linked to the past labour and nature of the open areas of the site, which are related to its previous condition as a channel for the Ebro River. Urgency -Recovering the different pieces of the narrative that make out this site is of key importance to produce a place identity, linked to the principles presented in section 2.1. Actions implied

(LIV) (OVE) (PRO)

-Introduce signage, spaces and activities that produce and reproduce these narratives. -Link these areas and narratives to local communities that can make use of them through activities and events.

Flooding

Green spaces

Stakeholders

Regenerative flows

3.2 – Civic Axes The civic axes strategy is constructed mainly in and around urban public spaces, and more specifically in and around streets and avenues. Civic axes aim to achieve spatial correlation and urbanity, making the whole area coherent regarding its urban space. This would be of use in its overall perception as a continuum. By fostering the use of public spaces and the placement of activities that are vividly related to it on the buildings’ ground floor, this system brings people back to the streets, producing a greater feeling of safety and inclusion through the ‘eyes on the street’ phenomena.

Fig. 3.1 Strategic tools of the civic axes strategy with a synthesis of its spatial representation. Selfmade.

This strategy connects the site with the rest of the city and improves intraurban communication through the introduction of better public transport and means of active transportation as are bike lanes. Activities and uses are focused around these means of transport to boost the overall sustainability of the proposal. Through this system, the built environment existing on the site is improved, particularly around these streets with higher degrees of urbanity, which in time can improve the condition of the totality of the buildings of the site.

Strategies

CA.1-Increase residential density

Brief description -Construction of new residential developments where available and growth of the existing residential tissue, increasing the intensity of the daily life carried out on the site. Urgency -Currently the population density is low compared to the rest of the city, in particular considering the physical centrality of the area, being quite under what is allowed by the Municipal Plan. -The open block typologies, which are predominant on the site, allow mainly for increases in density through building height increases due to the openings they present to all their sides.

(LIV) (PRO)

Actions implied -Proposals and desings for these constructions and growths and economic aids that allow their development. Urban density

Lot coverage

Urban uses

CA.2-Introduce new uses on ground floors that interact with public space

Brief description -Set of uses that establish a close relation between buildings and public space, mainly through their ground floors, empowering and overall feeling of safety. Urgency -Lack of uses that interact with public space in key areas of the site which drastically interrupt the continuous wander along main streets, as the presence of people is highly reduced. Actions implied

(LIV) (PRO)

-Displacement of residential uses on ground floors to new residential uses produced in the increase of urban density, particularly if in relation with main streets. -Stimulate the appearance of uses with close relation to public space through policy or economic aids.

Perception

Urban uses

Open areas

Regenerative flows

CA.3-Increase spatial continuity and quality

Brief description -Ensure the highest degree of perceived continuity among the different surfaces in relation with public space, as are the ground floors of the buildings and the pavements and other finishes of the streets and squares. Urgency -The different changes in building typology through the siteâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s main streets produce severe discontinuities in them. Also constant changes of pavements and urban equipment styles favour this sense of discontinuity. Actions implied

(CON) (LIV)

-Construct elements on ground floors that can be of use for activities in relation with public space. -Introduce continuous pavements along main streets. -Introduce urban equipment as benches along main streets.

Perception

Lot coverage

Open areas

CA.4-Introduce new housing typologies

Brief description -Exploit the chance given by the increase in population density to introduce residential typologies that have a new understanding of family organisations, of building common areas, of energy use and production and their contribution to the green infrastructure. Urgency -Most of the site, in particular developments built during the 1950-1980s respond mainly to one type of family in mind â&#x20AC;&#x201D; middle aged heterosexual couple with two or three children. That type no longer represents the reality of the site, so it should be expanded.

(LIV) (PRO)

Actions implied -Use different logics related to family, community, energy and resources when designing new residential developments or residential expansions.

Perception

Lot coverage

Flow interaction

Strategies

-Produce a catalogue of good practices that can serve as a helping tool for designers.

CA.5-Renew and upcycle existing building tissue

Brief description -Give new values to the existing built environment instead of demolishing it and building new developments. Exploit the possibilities present in the structure and composition of these elements. Urgency -Most of the residential tissue on the site is obsolete and represents a problem for many neighbours due to typological and energy inefficiencies. Working with what is given instead of erasing it and building something new is necessary for ensuring a sustainable rethinking of our cities. Actions implied

(LIV) -Apply light construction solutions that do not entail a great burden on the existing building. -Study the possible adaptability of the existing buildings to new residential typologies. Lot coverage

Urban uses

Flow interaction

CA.6-Enhance urban connectivity of the area through public and active transportation

Brief description -Connect the site with the rest of the city and along its main streets through useful collective transportation and means of active transportation. Urgency -There is a lack of public transport connecting the site with the rest of the city, and the one that exists has a low frequency, leaving high amounts of people without a useful service and discouraging newcomers from coming to the area. Actions implied

(CON) (LIV)

-Introduce new means of collective passenger transportation. -Place this new transport system stops around main activity hubs. -Introduce bike lanes along the main streets of the site.

Road hierarchy

Public transportation

Urban uses

Regenerative flows

CA.7-Value siteâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s community heritage

Brief description -Urban signage, spaces and activities that allow recovering the narratives linked to the protest and community construction processes on the site. Urgency -Recovering the different pieces of the narrative that make out this site is of key importance to produce a place identity, linked to the principles presented in section 2.1. Actions implied -Introduce signage, spaces and activities that produce and reproduce these narratives.

(CON) (LIV)

-Link these areas and narratives to local communities that can make use of them through activities and events. -Maintain the building coherence of the most recognisable residential sets of the site. Lot coverage

Open areas

Stakeholders

Strategies

3.3 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Productive Grids The productive grids strategy is constructed mainly in and around industrial spaces. Productive grids aim to renew an industrial tissue in decline through the introduction of new productive uses and overall new uses that increase the permeability of an area that is currently perceived as isolated and hostile. The introduction of new ways of producing allows rethinking production in urban contexts as a whole and the implications that it can have regarding resource and energy efficiency, understanding the whole urban area as a support for this production and vice versa. This strategy opens up an area that up until now was hermetically closed. Through the introduction of loop-closing activities, new uses and interrelations between existing uses and businesses, the system renews most of the tissue, updating it to the current moment. The hard walls between residential and industrial tissues are softened allowing for a higher degree of relation between both of them. Fig. 3.1â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Strategic tools of the productive grid strategy with a synthesis of its spatial representation. Self-made.

Regenerative flows

PG.1-Introduce loop-closing productive uses

Brief description -New uses that add value during each of the steps of the production process, increasing the lifetime of the resources used and increasing the overall value of the process itself. Existing products can be repaired and new products can be produced out of existing output flows from the existing industries (microbreweries, clothing, furniture, compost, etc.) occupying the workshop structure the currently exists on the area. Urgency -The linear economic model followed up until now in the whole area is could be obtaining a higher value out of the resources and products used.

(LIV) (PRO)

Actions implied -Foster the appearance of this kind of uses through policy, economic, or fiscal aid. -Establish networks that can make reciprocal use of these processes PG.2-Enhance metropolitan connectivity of the area

Brief description -More efficient design of the road structure that connects the site with the main roads that connect the site with other cities. Urgency -The interurban connectivity of the site is already decent, but if the productive uses of the area want to be maintained or increased, this connectivity has to be increased too. Actions implied -Improve the design of the existing road nodes.

(CON) (PRO)

-Improve the connection of the site with interurban road infrastructures.

Strategies

PG.3-Introduce some located use diversity

Brief description -New uses other that productive that can further soften the mental barriers between industrial tissues and green or residential spaces, specially on areas where industrial activity is controlled thanks to new regulation as is not as smelly or noisy as used to be. These new uses should make out the most out of the kind of industrial building they are being hosted in. Urgency -A lack of uses other than productive make the whole area quite alien for anyone not working there. It even alienates people who are working in a part of the industrial area towards other parts that she does not usually interact with.

(LIV) (PRO)

Actions implied -Introduce new uses following the typology of the building intervened.

Urban uses

Industrial uses

Industrial typologies

PG.4-Increase the areaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s overall local urban permeability

-Allow for progressive introduction of these uses through flexible policies that while maintaining the productive character of the area, permeate it towards other uses. Brief description -New openings in the industrial tissue that allow new streets to appear, compensating the huge size of some of the existing blocks. Urgency -The size of some of the industrial blocks impedes any kind of permeability in the area, particularly east-west transitions. Actions implied -Cut some of the industrial blocks, preferably over areas that are already not built.

(CON) (LIV) (PRO)

Road hierarchy

-Open new streets with cross sections that are more friendly and comfortable for users than the ones that currently exist.

Perception

Industrial uses

Regenerative flows

PG.5-Empower local production

Brief description -Reduction of carbon footprint and increase of local production through the use of SMBs integrated in the processes of bigger businesses and industries. Setting benefits or restrictions for bigger industries that may push said industries to collaborate with local SMBs that can take on intermediate tasks of their production chain. Urgency -Currently businesses and industries on the site bring products and materials from abroad when there is potential for producing those same products and materials in the vicinity. Actions implied

(PRO) -Establish networks between existing and potential businesses that can link to each other reinforcing their production processes.

Industrial uses

Flow interaction

Stakeholders

PG.6-Reduce and/or reuse waste production, heat loss and energy consumption

Brief description -Material and immaterial flow loop closing between industrial uses and other spaces and uses on the site. Heat from plastic and metal industries can be used at the same time to heat water in a district heating manner, organic waste can be used as compost for green areas and fields, water collected in green areas can be of use in industrial areas, etc. Urgency -There are outputs if material and immaterial flows from industrial tissues that could be used by residential and green spaces and vice versa that are currently being lost.

(LIV) (PRO)

Actions implied -Establish networks between industries and local communities that can make use out of flows and materials that may not be of use for industrial processes.

Urban uses

Industrial uses

Flow interaction

Strategies

PG.7-Value siteâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s industrial heritage

Brief description -Urban signage, spaces and activities that allow recovering the narratives linked to the labour history of the site. Urgency -Recovering the different pieces of the narrative that make out this site is of key importance to produce a place identity, linked to the principles presented in section 2.1. Actions implied -Introduce signage, spaces and activities that produce and reproduce these narratives.

(LIV) (PRO)

-Link these areas and narratives to local communities that can make use of them through activities and events. -Maintain the building coherence of the most recognisable industrial areas of the site.

Industrial uses

Industrial typologies

Stakeholders

Regenerative flows

4 – Key operations

‘Working on ‘how’ without rigorous control of ‘why’ inevitably excludes reality from the planning process’ (Giancarlo de Carlo 1974)

4.1 - Peer-to-Peer Governance 88 4.2 - Old Ebro Channel 92 4.3 - San Juan de la Peña 96 4.4 - Cogullada’s Membrane 100

Key operations

These strategies work in conjunction in physical or virtual spaces to produce key operations that are essential for the proposal’s development, persistence and adaptability. The networking logic of the proposal creates governance and spatial systems that land on concrete areas of the site with concrete realities and transform them both, starting a regeneration process in the whole neighbourhood. This regeneration process aims to link the Integrated Urban Regeneration and Circular Economy principles developed p to this point in this report, while taking into consideration the Place Identity of the site bringing the proposal closer o possible answers for its main research objective and its second and fourth secondary questions (Sq.2 & Sq.4). Throughout this section, four of the proposal’s key operations will be presented. To do so, their transformation capacity towards the site and its surroundings will be explained. This transformation capacity is not only based on how each one of the projects generates different kinds of networks and structures, but also on how the four of them intertwine with one another forming a coherent whole while remaining useful as separate parts. The first of the projects explained sets a governance platform that represents the different actors and stakeholders that both exist or can potentially exist in a near future on the site. Through this platform the different sectors and knowledge areas can establish communications and relations, obtaining each one of them certain benefits while asking them to develop certain tasks in return. A set of policies that enable some of the strategies previously explained also come from this platform through its co-management with the public sector. Many of the intersectoral exchanges that take place in both the strategies and the other key operations are greatly facilitated by the existence of this platform. The second project takes form in the traces left by the Old Ebro Channel, described in section 2.3. Along these traces, a new green infrastructure is created, connecting it to the existing green infrastructure of the city. This new green infrastructure serves different purposes like being a buffer zone that can muffle the future flooding of residential and industrial areas on the site; reintroducing elements of the site’s ecological climax community, with their positive effects for humans and nonhumans; serving as a support for the water system decentralisation; and offering spaces and uses for the population’s leisure and exercise. The third project transforms the San Juan de la Peña Street, which serves as a spine for the neighbourhood and connects it to the rest of the city. Along this spine, new public means of transport and needed urban utilities are introduced. The urban density along the street is increased, allowing for the retrofitting of the most vulnerable residential blocks, which also serves as a testing ground for some of the possible solutions regarding this type of blocks. To increase the overall urbanity of the street, new uses related to the circularity developed in the whole proposal are brought in, constituting one of the potential new actors of the governance platform previously mentioned. The last project explained is located in the south, south-eastern and eastern borders of the Cogullada Industrial Park, in which the industrial spaces come into direct contact with residential and some green spaces. This project will represent

Regenerative flows

Peer-to-peer governance

Old Ebro Channel

San Juan de la Peña

Cogullada’s Membranes

Fig. 4.1 Maps and diagrams representing the different key operations. Self-made.

the transition of this fully industrial and fully isolated tissue into an area that can become an active part of the city. To do so, the factories and warehouses present in those borders are intervened in different manners depending on their typology to host new uses that can serve as a membrane between the fully industrial areas and the residential tissues. To foster this transition, the character of many of the streets present in the area is changed, while opening new streets at the same time to increase the area’s permeability.

Key operations

4.1 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Peer-to-Peer Governance

Fig. 4.1â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Stakeholder and agents diagram representing the different levels of implication and areas of knowledge. Self-made.

The Peer-to-Peer Governance Platform serves as an arena in which the different actors present or with interest or influence on the site (Fig 2.33) can converge with the knowledge and the level of implication they are interested in. The levels of implication are divided in co-managing, collaborating and orbiting. Co-managing agents take active part in the everyday functioning of the platform, regarding issues like new initiatives and proposals received. For this reason, these agents meet with

Regenerative flows

Fig. 4.2â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Tasks and benefits diagram regarding the different levels of implication and areas of knowledge. Self-made.

some regularity and are responsible for transmitting the advances of the platform to the rest of agents in the sector they represent. This day-to-day and representative tasks are complemented by those carried out by collaborating agents, which develop tasks that link their knowledge area with the processes that take place on the site â&#x20AC;&#x201D;or example, repair and remanufacture, community driven activities or closed and open loop recyclingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; and the rest of the knowledge areas. Lastly orbiting agents know the project and favour its promotion from their respective knowledge areas.

Key operations

Fig. 4.3â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Organisation diagram of the platform presenting the different entities that make up the platform. Self-made.

This platform is organised around a General Assembly, which brings together all of their members a few times a year to discuss the strategic direction the project is going to follow and make key decisions. Out of the assembly, different commissions develop more executive tasks, like communicating the evolution of the platform, developing transparency tasks, coordinating research carried out or scheduling main activities and events that can be of use for the persistence and adaptability of the whole project. This model mirrors the current internal functioning of public, private and civil organizations and brings horizontality to a currently vertical system.

Regenerative flows

Support for land production

Water systems decentralisation

Mix use in border industrial tissues

Biofuel and community heating systems

New circularity related businesses

Benefits for circularity industries

Building retrofitting

Community-driven activities

Waste reduction

Energy production and sale

Siteâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s heritage

Information exchanges

Fig. 4.4â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Diagrams of some of the policies that could be developed through the platform to help achieving the proposalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s main objectives. Self-made.

Among these executive tasks is the discussion and development of policies that can ensure the interconnectivity, circularity and community empowerment proposed. Many of these policies regard resource and flow circularity, community empowerment or spatial transformations that are currently not allowed or considered by the public sector. They also regard boosting some of the aforementioned concepts.

Key operations

BR.5

BR.1 PG. 6

BR.7

BR.4

CA.2

BR.3

BR.6 CA.5

BR.2

4.2 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Old Ebro Channel

Fig. 4.5â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Map of the Old Ebro Channel operation with some of the strategies applied highlighted. Self-made.

Along the area further west of the site through where the Ebro River used to run, the proposal develops an operation that applies all the Blue-green Ribbon strategy tools, while applying some of the ones coming from the other two strategies. The Old Ebro Channel operation connects all the green spaces of the area with the green infrastructure that runs along the river. At the same time, these existing and new green spaces are organised in a way that allows them to fulfil several different tasks

Regenerative flows

Regional wetland ecosystem vegetation

Outdoor teatre

Playground

Energy production infrastructure

Skate park

Sport and exercise infrastructure

as providing space for nature, providing space for water and providing space for recreation.

Fig. 4.6â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Diagrams showing the uses proposed for the floodable areas. Self-made.

Regarding the spaces for water, different areas throughout the operation are depressed to allow water to fill it in case of flooding, reducing partially the risk of residential or industrial areas of getting hit in the case of such an event to occur. These floodable areas are not only designed in a way that allows them to either filter

Key operations

Community gardens

Paths

Tree areas (willow,tamarisk,

Bush areas (panic

poplar elm & ash tree)

grass, bulrush & reed)

Excersice/sport areas

Floodable areas

or retain the water to be sent to nearby uses, but they also incorporate secondary uses which are not damaged or lost under these conditions.

Fig. 4.7â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Map and sections showing the different solutions proposed for the operation. Self-made.

Throughout the operation, different design solutions are used in a way that each one of them defines a different system that converges, coincides or avoids the other systems. We pass this way from a disconnected and characterless sequence of green spaces to an interconnected part of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s green infrastructure that responds to the history and characteristics of the area it is located in.

Regenerative flows

Fig. 4.8â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Map showing detailed view of an area of the operation. Self-made.

Not only green spaces are transformed for this Old Ebro Channel operation, also the buildings that surround these spaces contribute to the development of the tools proposed through solutions as green roofs and walls, the use of sludge from nearby food industries or local composting. These urban related solutions are particularly applied in the proposed community gardens, which offer a use for the up until now unused community open areas to the neighbours. These gardens are a tool for community development, and their use would be coordinated through the Peer-toPeer Governance Platform explained previously.

Key operations

PG. 6

CA.4

CA.7

CA.1

BR.5 CA.5 CA.2

CA.6

CA.3

4.3 – San Juan de la Peña

Fig. 4.9 Map of the San Juan de la Peña operation with some of the strategies applied highlighted. Self-made.

Along the San Juan de la Peña street, the central north-south axis of the area, an operation is developed bringing to the table all the Civic Axes tools, while adding some tools of the other two strategies at the same time. The street is transformed from a string that passes through different urban tissues with little to no transitions between them, to a proper urban axis that hosts the highest density of the area, contains activities and uses that interact with public space through its whole stroke

Regenerative flows

Open block

Closed block

Tower

and articulates active transportation through the inclusion of the tram that up until now only went through the other half of the left riverbank.

Fig. 4.10â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Diagrams showing the interventions proposed for the different kinds of residential tissue. Self-made.

To produce these transitions and new uses, both the street itself and the buildings along it are transformed. Different solutions are applied to the different kinds of building present in the area, allowing for a more continuous and active street overall. While the buildings are transformed to improve the quality of the urban space, improvements are made to the buildings themselves, improving the overall

Key operations

Main axis

Main axis narrowing

Side streets quality of life of the population and allowing for different kinds of production in these residential tissues that may be of use for the residents themselves or the other spaces that exist on the site.

Fig. 4.11â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Map and sections showing the different solutions proposed for the operation. Self-made.

By introducing the tram in the area, the whole street becomes one in the imaginary of the population as the section applied and the materials and equipment used are relatable to each other. Bike lanes are also introduced in these streets, increasing the potential use for active transportation in the area.

Regenerative flows

Fig. 4.12â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Map showing detailed view of an area of the operation. Self-made.

Taking advantage of the transformation of the axis, new urban utilities are introduced. These utilities, like a house of youth or a senior centre, had been claimed by the population for decades. The proximity between the axis and the productive areas allow for collaboration between small and medium workshop production and new local retail, which can increase the urbanity of the area without resorting to mainstream media and clothing retail, which tends to be the main actor in the urbanity of traditional urban centres and other highly used areas.

Key operations

PG. 1

PG. 2

CA.4

CA.1 PG. 3

PG. 5 PG. 4

PG. 6

PG. 7

4.4 – Cogullada’s Membranes

Fig. 4.13 Map of the Cogullada’s Membranes operation with some of the strategies applied highlighted. Self-made.

100

The last operation is developed along the tracks that used to lead to Barcelona. The Cogullada’s Membranes operation transforms part of the crust of the industrial tissue to allow for a progressive permeabilization of the whole area. This operation applies all the tools from the Productive Grid strategy, while considering some Civic Axis tools, as it too tries to somehow develop an axis that in this case connects the industrial park area to the rest of the site.

Regenerative flows

Isotropic tissue

Polarised tissue

Fig. 4.14â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Diagrams showing the interventions proposed for the different kinds of industrial tissue. Self-made.

101

Isolated objetc

More new uses are introduced to the area responding to the logics of each kind of industrial tissue present mostly on the site, maintaining as much as possible from their existing condition. This maintenance of the original structures responds to both a willingness to keep the carbon footprint f the whole project as low as possible and the conservation of the memory of the place and its labour. Priority is given to small and medium scale production uses, particularly those that would occupy buildings that are currently used for storage or unused, as they produce no urban activity at all. These productive uses can take form as workshops, which would

Key operations

Main ring road

Main streets

Side streets present a good transitional use between residential and heavier industries. At the same time, these lower scale workshops can probably be more accessible by the population of the site and its communities.

Fig. 4.15â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Map and sections showing the different solutions proposed for the operation. Self-made.

102

To progressively increase the permeability of the area, new streets are opened while new street types and sections are proposed, passing from streets that are mainly formed by car space, to streets that balance the space for cars and the space for people, while introducing some vegetation to make the whole area more

Regenerative flows

comfortable and soft. Some of these new streets are not implemented but proposer for future interventions. The operation generates walkable areas with different uses that follow the logics and maintain characteristics which are unique to this kind of tissues, giving it a differential value in relation to the rest of the site and of the whole city. Fig. 4.16â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Map showing detailed view of an area of the operation. Self-made.

103

Key operations

Peer-to-peer governance Main Interest: Participatory governance Main Concern: Power structure shift

Old Ebro Channel Main Interest: Liveability increase Main Concern: Other neighbourhood’s development

San Juan de la Peña Main Interest: Health improvements Main Concern: Mosquitoes & other wetland fauna

Cogullada’s Membranes Main Interest: Research potential Main Concern: Machinery’s upgrade cost effectiveness

4.5 – Interests and concerns

Fig. 4.17 Interest and concerns diagrams regarding the operations. Self-made.

104

To group the four operations and test their possible logical barriers in the existing context, they were hypothetically presented to the different stakeholders to try to understand their reactions towards them and study the best ways to engage the stakeholders on each one of the operations.

Regenerative flows

Peer-to-peer governance The Peer-to-peer governance platform presents a new opportunity for civil society in a quite top-down governance environment as is the Spanish one. Representative entities of the private sector benefit from this situation and may be opposed to this transformation of the governance system to a more horizontal one. To overcome this barrier, fiscal benefits could be granted to business that entered and took part of the platform. At the same time, being conscience that the platform could serve the private businesses as a form of self-promotion and that it could carry out activities that are currently carried out through different outsources. Old Ebro Channel The Old Ebro Channel operation contains different actions concerning selfproduction. This entails both food, compost, energy and heat production. All of these self-productions may produce the opposition of retailers like supermarkets, energy business, etc. To engage these different actors, these agents could be allowed to coordinate the selling of these products (energy, food, compost, etc.) to third parties. At the same time, being part of the overall platform may serve as an advertising element for said businesses that can build upon the narrative of the whole project. The first actions and earthworks that would be carried out by the municipality, which could cause their reluctance. Nevertheless, these operations would serve as a prevention of higher material costs that could be produced through flooding otherwise. San Juan de la Peña The San Juan de la Peña operation focuses the urban development of the left riverbank of the city around certain axes that can produce urbanity and overall hierarchy. This focus can push back some real estate companies that may operate elsewhere. To engage these agents, they may be suggested to take part in the actions developed around the San Juan de la Peña street, allowing for a faster development, and therefore a faster positive spillover in the area. Neighbours of areas not included in the first phases of this operation may also show disapproval of the overall operation until the benefits reach their area. Despite this, the improvement of the connectivity of the area and the increase in uses and therefore in jobs that would occur in the area would benefit the frim the very first stages. Cogullada’s membranes The Cogullada’s membranes operation transforms the outer crust of the current industrial park of Cogullada. This operation may ruffle the feathers of companies already established there as they may see the operation as an invasion of their territory. By convincing these companies that the operation itself does not propose uses that may compete with the ones that they are developing, but instead uses that may complement them, these feelings of disapproval may be reduced. At the same time, the overall improvement of the area would benefit the industries that already exist on the site, as their visibility and the price of the land where they are established would increase.

105

Key operations

Peer-to-peer governance

Old Ebro Channel

San Juan de la Peña

Cogullada’s Membranes

4.6 – Timeline and logical succession

Fig. 4.1 Timeline and logic succession diagram regarding the operations. Self-made.

106

Lastly, the different parts of the operations were placed in time and related between each other. This process and representation shows how even if each of the operations could be somehow developed on its own with its own benefits for the area, it is in their development in conjunction where the project as a whole brings the area closer to a situation of overal regeneration.

Regenerative flows

5 – Final considerations The purpose of the present project has been to test the principles and logics behind a strategy that can be applied to urban design and planning as is Circular Economy in conjunction with other approaches to urbanism such as Integrated Urban Regeneration and Place Identity and Attachment. Circular Economy is a concept which is currently being defended and used by many poiticians and policymakers throughout the world. Each one of these users gives it a different meaning since Circular Economy is still a contested concept (Korhonen, Nuur, Feldmann & Birkie 2018), and is therefore susceptible of being presented as many different things, with many different consequences, as was explained in section 2.1. This flexibility of the concept allows it to be transformed through its use towards a certain goal. The development of the project has shown how the logics of Circular Economy can work in the same direction as those of Integrated Urban Regeneration. How both lines of thought are strengthened through mix use and interaction with the different stakeholders of a site or territory. Also, local communities can benefit from the use of this principles, if not only large scales are applied. Through this empowerment of local communities, the narratives and attachment to a certain place can also be strengthened. It could be said then that ideas from Circular Economy can easily work in conjunction with those of Integrated urban Regeneration. Some of this ideas, as are new ways of production, can help maintain the labour and industrial heritage of areas such as Picarral, which under other principles, could be transformed into an area with little to no relation to production whatsoever. Regarding the dimensions that should be considered when attempting to regenerate urban tissues (Sq.1),this process started from the data colected regarding vulnerable neighbourhoods in Spanish cities (Hernández Aja, Rodríguez Alonso & Rodríguez Suarez 2018), which was a useful tool for some preliminaty detection of possibly deprived areas. Despite this, much more analysis was requiered to reach a reasonable designed solution. Once the vulnerability of a place has been confirmed, a deep analysis of its existing and potential environmental, social, economic and spatial systems has to be carried out to understand on what structures can the strategies proposed be supported. Considering the need to converge with local population during both the design and development processes, the systems of interests of said population should also be considered. These interests can usually be linked to what attaches that population to that place, specially if the place analysed offers poor living conditions. The ideas of reuse, repair, remanufacture, and upcycle present in Circular Economy (Stahel 2016), have their logic consequence in space production (Sq. 2). These ideas orbit the concept of value chains, of how something can maintain or even increase its use value if we take into consideration all the different uses a same element or object may have. When this concept is applied to urban space, it fosters progressive

107

Final considerations

transformations of what exists. This idea of value chain invites designers to think of all the possible uses a building that is already there has and can have before simply demolishing it and building on top. The same idea could be applied to all the different scales involved in architecture, urban design and planning. This idea produces spaces in constant transition, without an ideal or final state. How physycally replicable is this idea? (Sq. 3). When thinking not only of this transitional logic, but also the ammount of concrete analysis that has to be carried out to reach a solution of this type, it is difficult to foresee many territories that share all of this contextual and narrative systems. The replicability of specific solutions beyond abstract tools and strategies is therefore probably difficult. What is easily replicable is the aproach and methodology carried out when tackling tissues with similar conditions. The idea of letting a placeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s narratives, systems and elements be the ones to guide the design proposal is highly replicable, as most territories have been somehow transformed by humans and contain their narratives and tales, and also contain some kind of structure that supports whatever life that inhabits it. The idea of applying Circular Economy principles at a local scale (Sq.4) has been a constant throughout the development of the proposal. Understanding what new jobs could be produced from this application and how local communities could be strengthened from them through an active role in decision making has shapen the whole governance system proposed for the project and has given said system the category of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;key operationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. Through this participation of local communities in the exploitation of existing and potential flows, these same communities are allowed to establish direct connections with the rest of the agents of a place, while making them a necessary channel of communication and decision for the correct everyday development of the area. The current proposal researches the possibilities that Circular Economy principles have when applied in a scope that goes beyond Industrial Parks, establishing conversations and discussions not only between different businesses, but also with the different agents present in a same site. This idea can be further explored, not only through theoretical research with precise on site data, but also through local developments. Industrial areas that are internal to cities are being progressively being transformed into CBDs (22@ in Barcelona or Canary Wharf in London) or into cultural hubs ( Guggenheim operation in Bilbao) without exploring the productive possibilities of this kind of areas as an internal part of our cities, empowering the mix of use and reducing the overall commuting necessities. There is therefore further investigation regarding different kinds of industries and possible uses and interactions that may appear between them and other kinds of tissues and uses. Circular Economy is still a contested concept and is being approached from many different sides. Depending on who takes the lead in the ownership over the concept and the direction it follows, we could be talking about yet another reformist tool or a tool for real societal transformation (Reike, Vermeulen & Witjes 2018).

108

Regenerative flows

with contemporary sociocultural reality). Informes de la Construcción, 67.

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