In The Meanwhile by Jessica Courtney Bennett

In The Meanwhile:

Can Urban Designers Utilise Temporary Activity To Inform Future Uses & Form?

EMILY BERWYN | 12015094 FINAL WRITTEN DISSERTATION: MA URBAN DESIGN SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE & THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT UNIVERSITY OF WESTMINSTER, LONDON, UK AUGUST 2010

Abstract

This written dissertation examines the relationship between temporary use of vacant property and urban design, drawing on current discussions around the demise of the high street (New Economics Foundation, 2004; Urban Forum 2009) and the opportunities vacant spaces present for enterprise, informal community service provision and building character in an area (Steele, 2009; Oswalt et al., 2007; Jovis, 2007). The impacts of vacant buildings on the built form are significant and the function of commercial space in the UK is currently undergoing a process of change as the recession continues and the way people use town centres evolves. This study discusses the potential for temporary projects to assist and trial the diversification of the service offer on the high street and explores the possible town centre of the future.

Preface

I became interested in meanwhile uses of vacant spaces through my work in a community interest company, which seeks to activate property and sites with uses that benefit the community. The purpose of this study is to explore the overlaps between meanwhile uses and urban design and whether temporary uses in any way support urban design practice. All the reports and documents referenced in this study are available in the public domain. Although my professional practice may have allowed me greater access to relevant individuals, particularly in Hastings where I have worked on projects, I have been careful to keep this very separate from my studies and all interviews and questionnaires have been clear to take different routes.

Approaches to facilitate Urban Designers to work alongside temporary uses are revealed, through a process to harness the potential of informal uses of space and enable a flexible approach to design, allowing for temporal shifts in land uses and informing the future role of the urban environment.

Dissertation Supervisor

Professor Marion Roberts Professor of Urban Design Director (Research Students) Department of Urban Development and Regeneration

Acknowledgements

With special thanks to Marion Roberts whose guidance strengthened this thesis immeasurably, the twenty participants of the primary research for their valuable time, and of course to Berwyn for his unfailing patience and support.

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

CONTENTS Abstract Preface Introduction Overall Aims

2 2 5 7

Background

Hypothesis

The economic model, facilities and services 7 Large scale redevelopment 9 Defining meanwhile use 9 Emerging policy 11 Opportunity & Activity 13 Locations 17

Methods Analysis Bias Ethical Implications of the Research

Introduction Legibility Use Form Observations Sense of Place Observations Summary

Introduction Legibility & Form Observations Townscape Sense of Place Observations Summary

Hastings Somers Town

Personal Communication List of Figures Images Illustrations

Books Articles Reports Past Dissertations Websites accessed

Hastings Somers Town

Research Study

Hastings

Somers Town

21 25 25 25 27 27 31 33 33 40 43 45 47 51 54

Critical Analysis of Factual Evidence 57 Proposed Urban Design Interventions 57

57 59

Guidance Conclusions Further Research References

60 60 63 64

Wider Bibliography

Appendix: Primary Research

65 66 66 68 68 69 69 70 70 70 76

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

In The Meanwhile

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

Introduction

Vacancy and dereliction bring specific challenges to our town centres and high streets. The broken tooth effect; where the sudden loss of activity from a closure reduces the footfall for neighbouring businesses, and as they suffer and close, the impact proceeds down the parade of shops (Local Data Company (LDC), 2009), causes a spiral of decline that’s difficult to tackle. The reasons why space has become redundant vary. It may no longer fulfil its intended purpose, there might be a change in the local economy, or it could be part of a wider plan to assemble a larger development project. The impacts of redundant space are consistent; blight and disruption to local communities and the public realm, increasing levels of crime, vandalism and a spiralling decline in local confidence, inward investment and civic pride. So far over 25,000 shops have closed during the recession. In December 2009, 12.4% of the UK’s shops are sitting empty, up from 5% in January 2009 and 10% in June 2009 (LDC, 2009). Brands such as Woolworths and Borders, closing in 2008 and 2009 respectively, leave scars on high streets all over the country (figures 1.1 & 1.5). Woolworths, in particular affected town centres across the country when over 800 units closed overnight and more than six months later, 7 out of 10 of the units remained unsold (LDC, 2009) highlighting the lack of retail demand for such spaces and their inflexibility to adaptation. Twice as many independent stores have closed as chain stores, highlighting the already noticeable problem of ‘clone town Britain’ (New Economics Foundation (NEF), 2004) whereby town centres become visibly more generic and lacking distinctiveness in their offering. Similarly linked is the issue of ‘ghost town Britain’ (NEF, 2003) as small local independent shops and

Figure 1.1: Empty Woolworth’s shop, Colwyn Bay

Figure 1.5: Empty Borders shop, Kingston-upon Thames

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

Figure 1.2: Empty shop, London E1

Figure 1.3: Empty shop, Rhyl

Figure 1.4: Empty parade of shops, Craigavon

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

services disappear from villages and urban neighbourhoods leaving â&#x20AC;&#x153;retail desertsâ&#x20AC;? (NEF, 2003, p.6), out of town superstores and longer trading hours contribute to Supermarkets gaining even more of the market share from consumers as they price out the local independent shops and draw activity away from the high street (figures 1.2, 1.3 & 1.4). Furthermore, as businesses in the town centre close, lower value businesses such as discount brands and betting shops take advantage of the lower rents to move from secondary high streets into the town centre. This only serves to abandon the local high streets and devalue the image of the town centre. High profile vacancy is a nationwide problem and a number of stakeholders have attempted to find alternative uses for the empty properties. It is the opportunities those spaces present for temporary uses that this study will examine. Current and recent temporary activity across the UK and elsewhere will be examined before debating the merits and pitfalls of such activity and exploring whether there are prospects for urban designers to utilise temporary uses as a tool to inform, test and strengthen future activity and form. Finally, guidelines for short and long term interventions are outlined and recommendations for taking the research findings forward are identified. This study seeks to identify opportunities for temporary uses to assist urban designers with proposals for: - Long-term activity and form - The diversification of the service offer on the high street - Helping create places that are destinations for entertainment and activity

Overall Aims

This written dissertation proposes to explore temporary use of vacant property and the potential for its longer-term impact on urban design. It will consider the impact of vacant buildings on the built form, how urban designers could include temporary use in developments, to allow for temporal shifts in land uses, and will aim to develop a series of principles to assist practitioners concerned with designing and revitalising town centres and other commercial spaces, with the application of possible temporary uses. The thesis will aim to: 1. Identify opportunities for temporary use to influence and strengthen longer term development plans 2. Provide guidance for urban designers to harness the impacts of temporary activity to inform design decisions

Hypothesis

Temporary uses can offer urban design-based development plans insight into the future uses and form of a place. Urban designers can be guided to work alongside temporary uses and incorporate the findings into pre-framework designs, to strengthen them, test suggestions and allow greater flexibility.

Background

The economic model, facilities and services

There is currently a complex challenge facing Urban Designers relating to changing behaviours in the use of town centres in the UK. An increasing preference for shopping online and the current recession, have resulted in a national average of 12.4% empty shops, in some locations rising to 1 in 4 (LDC, 2010). The demise of the town centre indicates a requirement to consider approaches to diversify the services on the high street and to adapt and explore how wasted spaces be put to use to create town centres

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

that are destinations in their own right and not solely retail focused. Urban Forum state in the Places, Bases, Spaces research study (2009) that thriving town centres with good public meeting and social spaces are the building blocks of a community. However, 80% of those interviewed (Urban Forum, 2009, p.9) claimed that their local high street no longer met their basic day to day needs, and that there were an inadequate number of shops, quality of facilities and services. They were forced to travel to out of town chain stores, with fewer local independent shops able to survive, leading to further decline and lack of distinctiveness. Many post offices that provide a number of services for the local community are either closed or facing closure, leaving the most vulnerable members of the community, those on low incomes or with mobility problems, worst hit (Urban Forum, 2009). On the other hand, 120 respondents (Urban Forum, 2009, p.8) highlighted examples where disused or underused buildings such as public toilets, shops and garages had been put to imaginative uses such as museums, theatres and community centres. These precedents highlight the potential for alternative uses of underused or vacant property to fulfil a wider community purpose and a latent demand from communities for services to act as meeting points and retainers of local activity. The New Economics Foundation argue the demise of identity and uniqueness through the market domination of chain stores has led to 40% (BBC News, 2005) of towns in the UK labelled as ‘Clone Towns’ where over 50% of the shops on the high street are chains. Planning and regeneration decisions have made a systematic “assault on the character of town centres” (NEF, 2004, p.2) drawing shoppers away from traditional high streets, which often boast distinctive facades constructed in local materials,

to generic shiny glass buildings that are hostile to small businesses. The promotion of out of town shopping, initially designed to relieve town centres of congestion, has resulted in a desertion of the town centre, in favour of the “stack-’em-high sell’em cheap” model (NEF, 2004, p.11). Ironically, as the independent shops close, it is the chains that are plugging the gap, with more ‘local’ stores, thereby increasing their dominance. Furthermore, the aggressive market dominance of large chains would probably be tolerated for their homogeneity, if their existence were beneficial to the local economy. However, certain organisations have become so powerful and so profitable for their shareholders, at the expense of the local communities, that their presence certainly “doesn’t circulate in the local economy, providing jobs, local colour and diversity” (NEF, 2004, p.16). Tesco, in particular, now dominates to such a degree that £1 of every £7 spent in the UK is claimed by Tesco, who dictate the food, electrical, homeware and clothes we purchase (NEF, 2004). However, it is important to note that the demise of the high street in its traditional sense is not an issue specific to the recession. There was a vast over-supply of commercial space even in the boom times and some towns have been suffering from vacant parades of shops for decades. This is a result of the shifting desires of the public and the changes in the way people shop: the rise in online and out of town shopping has left many town centres bereft of activity. Damesick (2010) stated in his presentation “Let’s Get Real” that the commercial market in the UK will never recover from the scars of this recession, to levels seen in the boom times. The combination of the increase in online shopping, reduction in public spending and an oversupply of commercial units in the

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

boom time, indicate the high street, and in particular the secondary high streets, will always have significant voids. Damesick predicts that of those units currently vacant, 25% will never be used as intended again, meaning huge numbers of the current stock are no longer fit for purpose and need to adapt to new uses.

Large scale redevelopment

Traditional professional practice in urban design is concerned with developing areas for the very long term, and the process of aligning buildings, activity and infrastructure over a long period of time, becoming “an art of managing the changing form of objects and the standing pattern of human activity in space and time together” (Lynch, 1985). The issue with this is that while frameworks and masterplans are ambitious visions of large areas and towns, they are phased developments and it will often be 20 years before major parts of those designs are realized. Without reworking plans, there is little room for flexibility or changes in the way people use spaces, fluctuations in the economy or behavioural patterns. If uses and form are based on a long-term objective that is often untested, it appears necessary for urban designers to develop a structure to guide and support development visions that are flexible to adaptation, so that scarce resources can be channelled effectively. A process for harnessing the potential of informal uses of space, to inform the future function of the built environment, may provide opportunities for integrating temporary uses into the longer-term development plans. Furthermore, Lynch (1985) argues that the cycles of the development process allow for lapse stages that could be efficiently employed, so that “each brief period in the long process of development must be designed to enhance its quality as a time to be lived in”.

Although temporary use of vacant property is a widespread practice in Europe (particularly in Germany and Holland), it is a relatively new concept for urban designers in the UK, where, traditionally, professional practice is concerned with longer-term implications. Urban designers could consider temporary use for a vacant space, as a vision for affordable startup business space, community service provision and building character in an area, whilst a commercial tenant in sought. Wilner (2009, p.20) argues that temporary uses of commercial property on the high street only highlights the over supply and “failed economic model” of a retail economy and that entrepreneurial talent should be used more effectively to plan the high street, and diversify the offerings. This statement indicates that a more considered and strategic approach to utilising meanwhile space, could be beneficial for both the placemakers, to inform their plans and the occupants of the spaces, to develop their enterprise.

Defining meanwhile use

At this point it is important to distinguish between temporary uses and meanwhile use for the purpose of this study. In their work describing temporary uses and their impact on social networks in Berlin, Oswalt et al. (2007, p.275) define a use as temporary where “those initiating it and the other actors involved expected it to be of limited duration...uses can lose their classification as ‘temporary’ as soon as this status changes and they consolidate into an established use based on regular contractual arrangements or ownership.” Temporary use in this context relies on a clear vision for an end point to an activity and a degree of informality about the arrangement between occupant and owner.

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

Figure 3.7: Meanwhile Project

Figure 3.8 Advice and project space, Meanwhile Centre, Hoxton Street, London

Figure 3.1: Project briefing, Spacemakers agency, Brixton indoor village market

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

Meanwhile use, although similar and involving temporary occupation of a space, takes the concept further to recognise vacancies as wasted space that could be put to use as an activity or resource for the community, “it makes practical use of the ‘pauses’ in property processes, giving the space over to uses that can contribute to quality of life and better places” (SQW Consulting, 2010, p.1). Meanwhile encompasses the use of a space ‘in limbo’, for example awaiting planning permission, a tenant or a change in the economy. SQW Consulting, (2010, p.1) defines meanwhile use as the “temporary use of vacant buildings or land for a socially beneficial purpose until such a time that they can be brought back into commercial use again.” SQW Consulting (2010, p.1) goes on to describe the difference between meanwhile and temporary uses in its report Meanwhile Use: Business Case and Learning Points as “Meanwhile use is not the same as a normal temporary lease or license because it recognizes that the search for a commercial use is ongoing.” Via meanwhile use empty shops and spaces, that would otherwise be left empty, can become reanimated, providing outlets for community enterprise and activity, whilst complementing the efforts of surviving businesses and becoming a key part of place-making strategy.

Emerging policy

In her 2009 paper, Steele outlines the Meanwhile Project as a Communities & Local Government (CLG) initiative launched in April 2009 to promote temporary community uses of vacant shops following the release of the Looking After Our Town Centres guide in response to the challenges brought by the recession. Similar to temporary use, but meaning, while something else is waiting to happen. ‘Meanwhile use’ of vacant shops is described by Steele (2009) as a tool that is “important but underdeveloped in regeneration” and a way to “release

significant space resources to the imaginations of local communities and regeneration partners.” The Meanwhile Project is an initiative led by the Development Trusts Association since 2009, funded by a grant from CLG, combines policy intervention, groundlevel projects and development tools to enable the process including leases, handbooks, funding and guidance (figures 3.7 & 3.8). Supporting social enterprises, community groups or enterprising individuals to access and create activity in empty spaces, it seeks to highlight how empty space that was “a former problem has been turned into a cost effective and accessible resource” (Steele, 2010, p.1). Further support for the project from the coalition government is unclear, as they are yet to outline the initial plans for spending public money, however the virtual forums and networks, run by the Meanwhile Project and other similarly concerned associations, including the Empty Shops Network and Spacemakers Agency (figure 3.1), total over 1000 interested members, indicating the phenomenon is clearly of interest to the public, and may hold the potential to become more mainstream, without further government funding. The concept of the ‘Big Society’, the coalition government’s idea to give the third sector the opportunity to take control of their local area and the public services within in it, in principle shows support for local empowerment and may provide the mechanism for meanwhile activity to test the feasibility for community groups to deliver services and innovation, in vacant assets. It remains to be seen how the Big Society policy will develop, however there are concerns that the promotion of a social action army really masks massive spending cuts to services, so that only severely deprived areas will be funded to deliver (Urban Forum, 2010).

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

In The Meanwhile

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

Hayman (2009) discusses the government plan to revive empty shops, with a £3million fund to tackle empty high streets, which, the then Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government, Hazel Blears announced alongside the Meanwhile Project. The scheme later met with criticism at delays in payments with 57 councils receiving funding in August 2009, and a further 50 councils receiving the same amount in a second round of funding in December 2010. The impact of this funding is largely unknown as central government are unable to ring-fence funding of this kind. Many council officers were unprepared for the fairly nominal sum of £52,265, with few plans in place for using as intended: to halt the decline of empty shops with temporary activity in town centres. The result is that whilst some local authorities have used the money to leverage further funding to produce multiple projects, others have simply applied discretionary business rates exemption. There are significant barriers to temporary activity, predominantly relating to political leadership and bureaucracy, as the admin heavy and traditionally risk-averse nature of the public sector struggle to move at the speed required to gain access to properties for short periods of time. Planning policy is designed to control the uses in an area, and is not really flexible enough to respond, with a change of use application required for projects lasting more than 28 days. Local Development Orders (LDO) allow Local Planning Authorities to define areas for change of use between classes. Section 188 of the Planning Act 2008 was enacted in 2009 enabling the LDO to sit alongside rather than as an explicit link to Local Development Plans, but as yet only a handful of Local Planning Authorities (LPA) have developed LDO’s as a mechanism for temporary activity partly due to the cumbersome process and requirement for full LPA backing.

Coastal areas have a particular density of meanwhile activity, perhaps because they are often physically isolated and suffer from severe peaks and troughs in seasonal town centre activity. Consequently, the pauses in development that are experienced most dramatically elsewhere in the country predominantly during periods of recession, are apparent on an annual basis in areas of tourism. Both central government (CLG, 2010, p.18) and SQW Consulting highlight meanwhile activity as a specific opportunity for seaside locations that rely on a tourism and retail fuelled economy to promote visitor attraction and town centre vibrancy during the pause periods. Thompson (2009) highlights the opportunities for temporary uses to address multiple agendas of central and local government and community groups to focus on ‘celebrating the local, finding the distinctive, engaging with the character of empty spaces, exploring new ideas and exciting the neighbourhood.’

Opportunity & Activity

Steele (2010) states the core benefits of meanwhile uses are their impermanence and the freedom to experiment. Temporary uses offer opportunities for experimentation and a chance for people to take risks and test ideas, as derelict property and sites provide “a vital laboratory of all kinds of different uses… a niche in which new ideas can be tried out free from pure market economy cycles and with minimum investment” (Oswalt et al., 2007, p.279). Jovis (2007, p.21) states they have ‘always been a feature of cities that were conceived and built for the longterm and are increasingly a structural component of urban development’, indicating there have long been projects, occurring undetected, in the UK as a result of lapses in the development process, and the benefits are beginning to be harnessed in a

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

Figure 2.1: Music venue RAW-temple site, Berlin

Figure 2.2: Skate park, RAW-temple site, Berlin

Figure 2.3: Climbing wall, RAW-temple site, Berlin

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

more strategic way, as part of the whole regeneration programme. This suggests that temporary activity has been happening for many years, perhaps informally in the form of squatting or basic verbal agreements between opportunistic people, inspired by a vacant site or building, and the owner. However, their informality means their duration and impact remain undetected except by the direct users of the space. Conversely, there are concerns over whether regulating and documenting these processes will enable more to happen, and promote excellence, or stifle these opportunities. Temporary uses in the UK are a relatively new phenomenon to be bought to the forefront of contemporary Urban Design practice, with the majority of definitions and writings around the subject dating back only a few years. Temporary uses are well established in parts of Europe particularly in Germany (Jovis, 2007), which has been at the forefront of temporary uses for many years. Berlin, following the decades of conflict and the desertification this caused, has benefited from colossal vacancies, both in quantity and scale, resulting in a unique position to promote temporary uses in the city. Following German reunification in 1990, the wall fell and many areas that were previously on the edges of East and West Berlin were suddenly close to the new city centre. Property in the areas close to the wall was often permanently abandoned by the owners. As a result when people began to informally inhabit the vast industrial spaces, for creative uses and activities, it was not discouraged. This is unlikely to be the situation the UK. Zagami (2009) discusses how many of the occupants live in the spaces and run activities from them for the local communities, for example the RAW-Tempel Site where the site has now created thirty sustainable projects (Oswalt et al., 2007), the

occupants contribute significantly to the local social infrastructure, cultural activities and community facilities (figures 2.1, 2.2 & 2.3). This is often encouraged by the owners, where they exist, to promote positive activity where demand for property is low and to aide re-population, but it has in the case of the RAW-Tempel Site, led to conflicts over ownership between the occupants and the new owners of the site once the property is then required for commercial use (Zagami, 2009). It is argued that temporary spaces offer the stepping-stone for startup businesses and entrepreneurs to take risks with ideas and potentially enter the commercial market with an established business and Groth & Corijn (2005, p.503) claim the reasons people seek to use spaces temporarily “may be based on different motives: marginal lifestyles, informal economies, artistic experimentation.” Oswalt et al. also state that in addition to the opportunity for self-employment, temporary uses offer a realisation of value through non-monetary terms, as projects rarely have any start up capital and often replace money through “selfinitiative, social networks and the reuse of existing materials, space and conditions” (Oswalt et al., 2007, p.280). One debate that does occur is whether temporary uses that integrate with the community merely highlight an absence, and when removed, take away a part of the locality’s character. Van der Zee (2010) discusses the impact on the community of the owners reclaiming a piece of land that had been used as a community garden in Brighton, and certainly the risk of not being able to get property back is a concern for landlords and owners along with liability for accidents and damage to property (SQW, 2010). The practicalities of documenting projects and activity are incredibly difficult due to their impermanence

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

Figure 3.2: Before image,The People’s Supermarket, Camden

Figure 3.5: Mutate Britain exhibition and music venue, under the Westway, London

Figure 3.3:After image, the People’s Supermarket, Camden

Figure 3.6: Mutate Britain exhibition and music venue, under the Westway, London

Figure 3.4: Camden popup shop, Camden

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

and many of them are operating slightly below the line. In describing the practicalities of analyzing and assessing vacant space and their uses, Pagano and Bowman (2000, p.2) say it can prove difficult. In the USA no one knows the depth of this resource as the quantities of vacant properties and land remain unknown, partly because there is “no standardized definition of abandoned structures and the definitions imposed by municipalities vary greatly”. The vacancies are difficult and costly to record because they are classed differently by each local authority and their status changes often. In recent years however, temporary activity has become increasingly acceptable and more information is starting to be collated regarding their use, duration, location and benefits. In their 2010 report, Meanwhile Use: Business Case and Learning Points, SQW Consulting estimated there to be 250 temporary use projects currently underway in England, in every region of the country, and found the majority of them are occurring in urban spaces in deprived areas. These project spaces tend to be used by social enterprises, development trusts, local community or voluntary groups for short term periods lasting from a few weeks up to five years, with many of the projects relocating to other temporary or permanent spaces once the current unit becomes unavailable (figures 3.2 & 3.3). Nearly 75% (SQW, 2010, p.7) are in vacant retail units but the Meanwhile Project (2010, p.2) indicates other types of empty spaces are increasingly being brought into use that are not solely on the high street and may no longer be fit for their intended purpose “including offices, empty homes, pubs, car showrooms and delayed building sites.” There are a wide range of uses taking place within these meanwhile spaces, with the creative industries leading the way (art and culture related projects

56%, SQW Consulting, 2010, p.7) to occupying unconventional, cheaper forms of space (figures 3.5 &3.6). Other uses include (SQW, 2010, p.8) growing food, informal learning, advisory spaces, youth spaces, recreation and job clubs indicating the keenness and wide ranging vision for people to initiate alternative uses in otherwise redundant spaces. ‘Pop-up shops’ are another scheme to fill vacant shops with art galleries and other enterprises for a short-term period. Camden Council (2009 figure 3.4) describes their initiative as a positive way to combat “concern about the potential for empty shops to blight local high streets”. By welcoming proposals from projects to utilise vacant council assets for a peppercorn rent, they attract positive PR and are able to measure the impact of temporary activity in their vacant spaces.

Locations

The terms used to describe temporary uses typically fall into two categories: the terms temporary, meanwhile, pop-up all cover the activity that occupies the space and tend to involve broad activities including cultural, sports, leisure, gardening, community projects, education and commercial opportunities (Oswalt et al., 2007). Loose, marginal and indeterminate are all defined as the kind of spaces that are characteristically bought into play by temporary uses and have a tendency to centre on focal points such as town centres, primary and secondary high streets, open spaces and the space between buildings. Groth & Corijn (2005, p.503) define ‘indeterminate spaces’ as “left out of ‘time and place’ with regard to their urban surroundings’’ and state it is the uncertain and unspecified purpose of these spaces that ‘‘may allow for the emergence of non-planned, spontaneous ‘urbanity’”.

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

In The Meanwhile

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

Franck & Stevens (2007) identify ‘loose space’ as the physical places that are flexible to adaptation and therefore offer themselves up to temporary uses. They may be internal, external, leftover spaces or unplanned spaces, public or private spaces but they are most likely to occur in cities where free access to open space is plentiful, variety among the street pattern is typical, there is a diversity and anonymity of people and that these are the “social and physical conditions that encourage looseness exist”, (Franck & Stevens, 2007, p.4). The activities that take place in loose spaces may be illegal or legal, regular occurrences or one-offs, planned or unplanned, productive or unruly. They will always fundamentally be temporary in their character, in that “even if they are long-lasting, they occur without official sanction and assurance of continuity and permanence from those in authority” (Franck & Stevens, 2007, p.3). Edensor (2007) argues the importance of ruins as informal play spaces, for both adults and children, and their non surveillance bears stark contrast to the formally designed and constructed playgrounds, created through urban renewal schemes, where regulations have polished away many of the sensual and textural characteristics experienced in ruins. In addition, Edensor argues that ruins are emblems of a throw away culture, “exemplary manifestations of the endless waste produced by capitalism” (Edensor, 2005, p.104) that are of no value and free to be explored, reclaimed and adapted by people. However, it is less about the location and more about those that instigate and deliver the variety of uses within the spaces because “it is people, through their own initiative who fulfil these possibilities” (Franck & Stevens, 2007, p.11). ‘Marginal places’ should also be considered along with ‘loose space’

as suitable locations for temporary uses that are often forgotten or leftover during the development process (Shields, 1991). This highlights the constraints relating to poor image, neglect and poverty that may accompany a temporary use in a loose or marginal space, but equally pin points the opportunities to tackle such issues with vibrant and well-chosen community projects. Such spaces are all subject to a downward spiral of abandonment by the conventional commercial sector, as vandalism and mistreatment take hold. Additionally, in an increasingly eco-aware and anti waste era, vacant property is being progressively viewed as an unacceptable waste of resources. They are therefore prime locations to attract temporary uses to provide activity while a longer-term solution is sought.

Research Study

The key areas of common ground between meanwhile uses and urban design comprise those ingredients that contribute to a sense of place and form, such as distinctiveness, identity, activity nodes and continuous frontages. The primary aim of this study is to ascertain whether urban designers can employ meanwhile uses to inform strategic development plans for the town centre and the urban design processes for implementing such a use in practice. The core questions and relevant subquestions to be explored are designed to gather information to enable sufficient analysis and conclusions to be drawn in relation to the following research questions: What are meanwhile uses of vacant commercial space in the town centre and what form do such uses take? - Do such uses contribute to a sense of place? If so, how? - Do such uses contribute to legibility and form of the urban environment? If so, how? - What are the impacts (positive and negative) of such uses?

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

Scale 1:2500 @ A3 Figure 4.5: Study area, Hastings

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

Is meanwhile use relevant to urban design practice? - Under what circumstances can it be deployed? - What are the principles for initiating meanwhile use?

Methods

To respond to these questions, the methods have been broken down into two stages: 1. Analysis of the existing form, uses, legibility, imageability and townscape of the core area. 2. Primary research from interviews and questionnaires around the existing sense of place (distinctiveness, character, vibrancy, identity, and destination) and the opportunities for meanwhile uses to contribute, test and potentially enhance a design agenda. The author recognizes that a longer programme such as a PhD would seek to widen the study to include a varied selection of places (i.e. seaside, innercity, rural, market town, new town), locations (north, south, east and western England, Wales, Scotland) and scales of meanwhile activity. Where appropriate, suggestions for development and additional research are outlined to enable the continuation of this research for future studies. Given the time constraints of a taught Masters programme, two different locations have been deemed a sufficient number to examine in the given time and draw adequate conclusions. Two locations in which to conduct the research have been chosen for their accessibility and availability of existing knowledge. Both towns are suitably different in character and style and the author has a prior knowledge that both locations have different scales of meanwhile activity past and present. When choosing a location, it has been important to ensure the area is generic enough not to be unique, in order that conclusions can be drawn that are not particular to only one place. The geographic location was

important, with places that were too close undesirable as they may display similar opportunities and constraints, however the time constraints of the study and the accessibility of the locations discounted a broad number of places. Timing was also a key driving force for deciding on a place, with a requirement for selection that some visioning activity was taking place relating to the town centre. In order to establish the relationship between meanwhile use and urban design practice it has been important to identify locations where temporary uses are currently occurring or have the potential to occur. Although the existence of meanwhile activity in the study area was not essential to selection, some understanding of the concept of using vacant spaces in the meanwhile was necessary to permit connections to be made between the research findings. Margate, Colchester, Crawley, Merton, Dunstable, Luton and Hoxton were all considered but rejected for reasons of accessibility (both geographically and to existing knowledge and information), uniqueness, timing and meanwhile activity. It was decided Hastings (figure 4.5), a deprived seaside town with employment issues, a relatively small town centre, a vision to promote the creative industries and strong local support for meanwhile activity was both generic enough in the transferability of the conclusions and matched the criteria with timing and accessibility. In addition, a seaside town is timely given the previous Labour governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Strategy for Seaside Successâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (2010) document addressing the opportunities for regeneration in seaside towns identified meanwhile use as a potentially valuable tool for contributing to year-round attractive and active places.

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Scale 1:5000 @ A4 Figure 15.7: Study area, Somers Town

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Somers Town in London (figure 15.7), although unique in terms of access to international facilities (Kings Cross St Pancras, British Library, University College London) is generic in that it is an urban neighbourhood with a secondary or tertiary shopping street and issues relating to poor health and provision of activities. The SQW Consulting report Meanwhile Use: Business Case concluded that “74% of the projects identified were located within urban local authority districts and 69% were located in the 30% most deprived local authority districts in England” (2010, p.7), so it is important to include an urban location in the study. Following a 2009 symposium, a local volunteer group Somers Town Initiative are pursuing a visioning exercise for a ‘new heart for Somers Town’ with one of the key guiding principles “Aspiration, diversity and opportunity” allowing “different uses to stimulate local economic activity” (Somers Town Initiative, 2009, p.8). Somers Town has been chosen as a study area with the expectancy that findings will be transferable to other urban neighbourhoods that are well connected and seemingly coping with their surroundings but are in actuality trapped by historical or industrial. Trancik’s (1986) discussion of the identification of lost space and the restructuring process and Lynch’s (1960) studies of imageability have informed the methods for this study which rigorously followed the following methods and tasks in each location: 1. Outlining existing vision or design principles for an area, looking at the design principles in current master plans, community reports and local development frameworks 2. Defining the study area and core areas 3. Identification of the existing built form and open space with a figure ground map 4. Mapping the ground level uses, facilities and vacancies in the study

area 5. Mapping the study area using adapted techniques from Lynch analysis tools to record: activity nodes, landmarks, routes, districts and continuous frontages 6. Analysing townscape to record: conservation area, listed buildings, positive, negative and focal buildings, significant trees, positive facades, important views, good and poor floorscapes, negative spaces 7. Street sections of core areas 8. Document through photographs the author’s perception of: vibrancy, meanwhile uses, distinctiveness and unexpected places 9. 10 completed questionnaires and interviews exploring the distinctiveness and identity of each location The data has been gathered through primary research during interviews with key stakeholders and in notebooks, photographs and drawings during direct observation. An element of secondary research has been used where time restrictions have necessitated, by examining existing reports and research previously undertaken. Ten questionnaires were completed in each study location, exploring identity, a sense of place and the availability of activities. Respondents were chosen for their diverse perspectives to ensure a broad viewpoint, and included local residents with an intimate knowledge, outsiders familiar with the area, council officers, town centre managers, participants in temporary activity and built environment professionals. In each location, four of the participants were selected to complete the questionnaires in person with the author, so that their observations of a sense of place could be explored and expanded as they emerged. Again, their varied interest in the area was desired and those chosen were broadly categorized as 50%

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

In The Meanwhile

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professional interest and 50% residential interest. In addition to the core questions, the interviewees were asked for their thoughts on the distinctiveness and shared issues of the area. Their aspirations for the future, and the opportunities and requirements for meanwhile uses to enable this vision were also explored.

Analysis

The urban design analysis, questionnaires and interviews were then collated to discuss the form and functionality (townscape, legibility, facilities and built form) and the factors that influence the identity of each place (physical boundaries, distinctiveness, activity and vibrancy). The comments of the participants were summarized and analysed against the urban design analyses and observations of the author. Conflicts and parallel reflections were noted and discussed and all observations were related back to the secondary research and strategic plans to explore the opportunities and potential impacts for implementing meanwhile uses.

Bias

It may be pertinent to consider at this point any element of bias that may be present in this study. As much as possible, all personal and professional opinion has been reserved from the research undertaken and the analysis of the results, however the author is professionally involved with the delivery and promotion of temporary activity and this may have inadvertently influenced the information collected. The potential sways of the study are: - The participants are aware of the authorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s professional involvement with meanwhile activity and were given background information on the purpose of the study to clearly outline the objectives. - The authorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s position may have enabled a greater access to participants who have knowledge of urban design and are engaged with

temporary activity in each location. - The majority of the questions asked were not relating to meanwhile activity, more to a sense of place and distinctiveness, however some respondents may have structured their answers in relation to meanwhile because of the authorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s professional involvement and the subject matter of the dissertation. - It was important that many of the participants were aware of the nature of meanwhile uses to enable them to provide informed responses to the research questions. However, this may also have had the adverse effect of a weighting towards a positive perspective of meanwhile activity if they are already interested and involved with meanwhile in some way. - Despite conscious efforts not to influence the way questions were asked or responses interpreted, the participants may have edited their comments in favour of meanwhile, although there were no occasions where this was apparent.

Ethical Implications of the Research An ethical approach to research has been adopted when undertaking this study. The research has been carried out in accordance with University of Westminster Code of Practice for Research Ethics.

The primary considerations followed have included: - Taking photographs at an anonymous scale to protect identity and confidentiality - Avoiding any presuppositions of the author influencing the results of the study by using the identified urban design analysis tools as outlined above - Where access to locked spaces was not a viable option, observations were undertaken through windows or from adjacent properties - Involving no vulnerable children or adults in this study - Producing an information sheet for the participants to take away with them offering the opportunity to opt

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Figure 7.2: Trinity Church, Hastings

Figure 4.9: Priory Meadow, Hastings

Figure 8.9: America Ground, Hastings

Figure 8.2: Hastings Pier, Hastings

Figure 9.9: Town Hall, Hastings

Figure 4.2: Remains of the Castle, Hastings

Figure 6.1: Memorial area, Hastings

Figure 4.3: Trunk road along seafront, Hastings

Scale 1:2500 @ A3 Figure 5.1: Legibility analysis, Hastings

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out of the study at any time and for any reason In the interests of protecting the anonymity of the respondents, those completing the questionnaires have been identified only by their position or context to the area. Consent was given for all interviewees to be quoted by name. Furthermore, the research has been carried out without any funding issues or further influences on the results and no illegal activity has been witnessed during the study.

Hastings

Introduction

Hastings is an urban town with Figure 4.6. Figure ground map, Hastings primarily rural surroundings and a population of 90,000, located around a hundred miles from London on the south east coast. The built fabric is rich in heritage, with seventeen conservation areas throughout the borough and three main districts of medieval Old Town, Victorian town centre and regency architecture in some areas of St Leonards. The undulating topography is surrounded by ridges and wooded valleys to the north and thirteen miles of coastline to the south, which is viewed as both an asset and a limitation (Hastings Borough Council (HBC), 2008). Infrastructure constricts the town, with the railway line splitting the built form and only two main access roads; the A21 to London and the trunk road from Honiston to Folkestone which runs along the seafront, cutting off the town centre from the sea (figure 4.3). The history of Hastings is associated with the sea and is most famous for its connection with the Battle of Hastings in 1066 and the Norman Conquest (figure 4.2). Mixed fortunes have fallen on Hastings and following the rise and fall in popularity as a seaside tourist destination, much of the greenfield land was developed to provide housing and manufacturing jobs due to the Greater London

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Figures 8.5-8.8: street sections, Hastings Scale 1:2500 @ A4

Figure 9.4: Northern end, Queens road, Hastings

Figure 9.2: Robertson Street, Hastings

Figure 4.8: Queenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Square, Hastings

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Council’s initiative to relocate overspill in the 1970’s and 1980’s.

Legibility

Figure 5.1 illustrates the legibility analysis for Hastings. There are three districts of Hastings, each with their own comprehensible identity, being the historic Old Town which encompasses the ancient castle ruins, small independent shops and tourist attractions, the town centre with Victorian high street buildings housing larger multiple retailers and White Rock where many prominent buildings such as the baths, seafront apartments and most visibly the Pier have fallen into disrepair (figure 8.2). St Leonards is an area further west past White Rock, which is often considered part of Hastings and has been discussed by the participants in the research but for the purposes of this study has not been included in the study area (figure 4.6).

Figure 4.4: Trunk Road along seafront, Hastings

Figure 6.1: Memorial area, Hastings

The major routes through Hastings connect the three districts; along the seafront is the vehicular dominant trunk road (figure 4.4), and the more pedestrian-friendly route linking White Rock to the town centre and Old Town along Robertson Street, Wellington Place (figure 7.3) and into the Old Town. Queen’s Road houses Priory Meadow shopping centre, which creates a significant path into the town centre and Havelock Road is the direct link between the railway station Figure 7.3: Pedestrian and into the town centre (figures 8.5, area, Wellington Place, Hastings 8.6, 8.7 & 8.8 illustrate the street sections). The principal routes all converge at the primary nodal point, a pedestrianised area known as the Memorial (figure 6.1). Continuous active frontages are evident throughout the town centre and Priory Meadow has made efforts to create external active facades and a public square, although inevitably with such a large block whole streets are experienced with blank facades (figure 8.3). There are very few active frontages along the seafront itself, as

Figure 8.3: Blank facade of Priory Meadow, Hastings

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Figure 9.5: South Coast Comunity Collage, Hastings

Figure 7.2: Trinity Church, Hastings

Figure 6.5:Empty shop, Robertson street, Hastings

Figure 7.8: Poor quality pop-up sports shop

Figure 6.3: Empty shop, Queens road, Hastings

Figure 6.2: Empty shop,Queens Road, Hastings

Figure 4.7: Cavendish House, Hastings

Figure 6.4: Empty shop, breeds place, Hastings

Scale 1:2500 @ A3 Figure 5.2: Land use at ground level, Hastings

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the town centre sits some 60m back from the seafront with service access from the trunk road.

Use

The primary land use in the town centre is retail (figure 5.2), which is focused on the larger units housed in Priory Meadow (figure 4.9, p. 26) and towards the Memorial (figure 7.3). The northern end of Queen’s Road, Havelock Road and Robertson Street provide the smaller units for independent businesses, restaurants, bars, estate agents and hairdressers. There are a number of community facilities spread throughout Hastings and of various sizes, including three churches (figure 7.2), Hastings Trust premises and Inspire youth shop, the Town Hall (figure 9.9, p. 26) and community centres, however the issue of accessibility and flexibility is raised as an issue; “a multipurpose, dedicated, general community centre is what is needed” (resident 1). The recent and apparently ongoing developments of office buildings on Priory Street and Cambridge Road provide a high standard of offer, but are under-occupied at present. The dominant Cavendish House (figure 4.7) towards the Old Town houses Hastings Borough Council, with other office buildings scattered up towards the station. Residential properties are of a high standard and feature towards the outer streets of the town centre and along part of the seafront where they are accompanied by hotels and B&B’s. Higher and further education facilities have been a significant investment by the Council in recent years with the outpost of Brighton University’s Media Centre and the newly built South Coast Community College (figure 9.5). Vacancy rates are significant in Hastings, and the majority of them are scattered in location, with notable vacancies of varying sizes and levels of dilapidation along Queen’s Road (figures 6.2 & 6.3), Havelock Road and

Robertson Street. The highest impact of vacancies is felt at the Memorial where two of the five corner buildings converging at that area are empty and one is in very poor condition (figure 6.5). In addition, there are five vacant properties along the prime retail route of Wellington Place, and although one is currently being redeveloped and another has a very poor quality popup shop in it (figure 7.8), the impact of blight is very apparent, particularly with one unit where the ceiling has fallen in and windows on the upper floors have been broken by pigeons (figure 11.4). The seafront appears to be particularly suffering, with only four commercial spaces between Robertson Street and the roundabout at Pelham Crescent; two of them are vacant, drastically detracting from the seafront area (figure 6.4). It is felt by the participants of the study that as a tourist destination Hastings could improve the leisure offer in the town, particularly as “we have a lot of sunshine and leisure time here but I never know where to take visitors” (Meanwhile Project executive). The quality of the services offered is raised repeatedly, predominantly in relation to shopping and food, but also concerning the tourist offer, using the waterfront and upping the cultural offer. Despite much of the town centre being given over to retail, the perception is that it “hasn’t become a ‘clone town’ of mainly national brands” (former council officer) however what does exist is considered low quality with no specialist shops (Public art officer) and low grade “and not much else” (Meanwhile Project executive). Social activity “focused away from drinking” (former resident) is also considered to be lacking, particularly visible and inclusive sports and arts related activities for young people and teenagers to participate in (resident 2, former resident, Public art officer, Resident 1 & Meanwhile Project executive). It is recognised the

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Figure 7.7: Poor arival space at station area, Hastings

Figure 9.9: Town Hall, Hastings

Figure 7.5: Sunken gardens along the seafront, Hastings

Figure 9.6: Service area, Hastings

Figure 9.4: Northern end, Queens road, Hastings

Figure 7.3: Pedestrian area, Wellington place, Hastings

Figure 8.4: Poor seafront arrival space, Hastings

Figure 4.1: View of the sea, Hastings

Figure 8.1: White Rock Baths, Hastings

Figure 9.8: Wellington Square, Hastings

Figure 7.4: Local people sat enjoying the sun, Hastings

Scale 1:2500 @ A3 Figure 7.1: Townscape analysis, Hastings

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cultural demand may not exist for the high end art scene, despite the current development of the Jerwood Gallery, and this may be viewed as more of a “top down approach and those who come for the seaside would prefer the low culture end” (Town centre manager). Opportunities may be present to harness creative activities for non-artists as “I don’t know where as a non-artist I would do fun art stuff” (Meanwhile Project executive).

Form Observations

Figure 7.1 illustrates the townscape and three conservation areas that encompass the majority of Hastings, preserving primarily the seafront properties and neighbouring significant streets. The areas follow the districts previously discussed in the legibility analysis with notable exclusions being residential properties and Priory Meadow shopping centre (figure 4.9, p.26). The positive focal buildings embrace both the historical, with the church (figure 7.2), town hall and the castle, and the new with the college building and Priory Street office development and it is clear significant investment in the public realm has helped to create the pleasant walkways around the Memorial and Robertson Street (figure 9.2), by the station and Queen’s Square (figure 4.8, p.28) and through the subway towards the Old Town where local people tend to people watch and enjoy the sunshine (figure 7.4). Despite having many open green spaces towards the edges of Hastings, there is very little green space in the centre and tree planting is meagre. Wellington Square (figure 9.8) is a palpable and pleasant exception, encased by the majority of the areas listed buildings as well as the sunken gardens above the car park at Robertson Terrace (figure 7.5). Key views are towards the sea, (figure 4.1) as expected, and although it is unfortunate the majority of the town centre turns its back on the sea, it

does contribute to the unexpectedness of tremendous views when corners are turned. The prominent negative spaces are, on occasion, the result of development work, car parking or service areas (figure 9.6). However, negative walkways and focal buildings exist in the most prominent places such as the entrance to the station and along the seafront (figures 7.7, 7.8 & 8.4). These are places the majority of people who visit Hastings see, giving poor first impressions of the town.

Sense of Place Observations

The respondents of the ten completed questionnaires identified Hastings as a seaside town with a rich history, using words to single out the sea, tourism and the Battle of Hastings in 1066, to initially describe the town. Equally, the deprivation and the corresponding potential of both the built form and the community are highlighted through the use of “lively” (former resident & former council officer), “opportunity” (nonlocal worker), “potential” (Meanwhile Project executive & resident 1), “low esteem/unfulfilled potential” (Town centre manager), “poor” (resident 2) and “tatty” (local artist). The seaside location and surrounding countryside are viewed as major assets, particularly when linked to the “wealth of history” (Town centre manager), which is considered to play an important role in the distinctiveness of the town, although too much importance being given to historical representation, is thought to sometimes hold the town back. It is clear the architecture is held in high regard (local artist, Resident 1, Meanwhile Project executive, meanwhile participant & resident 2), while the “poverty and disinvestment” (Meanwhile Project executive) as a consequence of the “failing resort” (Public art officer) have contributed to the low property prices with a “raffish character” (non-local worker). These have attracted a tight-knit community

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Figure 14.9: Trampoline in Queens street, Hastings

Figure 9.4: Northern end, Queens Road, Hastings

Figure 9.3: Southern end, Queens Road, Hastings

Figure 10.1: Nomad Creative Space, Hastings

Figure 7.9: Devonshire road, Hastings

Figure 14.1: Before image, House of Hastings, Hastings

Figure 11.1: Before image, Friday ad shop, Hastings

Figure 9.1: Vibrancy in the old town, Hastings

Figure 12.1: Before image, Going Places shop, Hastings

Figure 13.1: Hastings peer & White Rock Trust, Arthur Greens, Hastings

Scale 1:2500 @ A3 Figure 9.7: Responses from primary research, Hastings

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feel, “friendliest place I’ve ever lived” (Resident 1) that appears very “creative but not high art” (non-local worker). A common issue with other towns located by the sea is the significant lack of investment since the 1960’s into its residents and the existing built form, which has resulted in many of the existing assets including the pier and White Rock Baths (figure 8.1) spiralling into decline, causing dereliction and blight (Public art officer, Meanwhile Project executive & Town centre manager). In recent years investment has been made in new facilities using public money by the Urban Regeneration Company Seaspace, but this is felt to have been done “to the town rather than the town doing it itself” (Meanwhile Project executive). The effects of the changing fortunes of seaside towns is very apparent in Hastings and the impact of the decline of domestic tourism, combined with the influx of residents with low potential for economic activity, has resulted in low aspirations and a spiralling decline of deprivation, that is difficult to rectify. The ability to provide for tourists on a large scale, but with poor everyday infrastructure, is considered a common problem for seaside towns, with both constricting vehicular and weak public transport access to neighbouring areas, linked to a lack of access to employment. Roughly 70% of the residents live and work in the town. However, unemployment is significantly higher than the regional and national average, so economic participation and access to employment is considered a major issue in the town. A considerable gap in skills is deemed to be major barrier to getting people into work in the town, with 14% of the population holding no qualifications at all. Industry has traditionally revolved around fishing and shipbuilding, however nowadays the mainstay of the economy is the service industry

including health provision, education and public services (HBC, 2008). Figure 9.7 illustrates the respondents’ perceptions of vibrant and underused streets in the town centre. George Street in the Old Town is considered to be the most vibrant street (figure 9.1), with a distinctive seaside identity and independent shops, restaurants, cultural and outdoor activities, as well as Kings Road in St Leonards with its charity shops. In the town centre, Priory Meadow and the pedestrianised areas around the Memorial (figure 9.3) are thought to be the most vibrant, with retail activity, cafes and occasional markets and a night time economy. Conversely, Robertson Street and the town centre in general are thought to be lacking in activity “it always shocks me how empty the town centre seems to be” (resident 1) except during the evening or when a market is held, which can “transform the space into something interesting but without the market becomes a large empty area” (resident 2, figure 7.9). Queen’s Road (figure 9.4) is a disputed area of vibrancy, with some people feeling the area is just a thoroughfare or a “corridor between the town centre and the outlying areas” (Town centre manager) and others citing the independent businesses and “feeling on the brink of something” (nonlocal worker) for bringing a sense of liveliness. Other conflicting areas are ‘trinity triangle’ where both an awareness of vibrancy in the sense of “good selection of shops and nice atmosphere” (local artist) and under use due to “insufficient critical mass of attractions for a good footfall day and evening” (former council officer) as well as Havelock Road a thoroughfare from the station to the town centre, which is occupied primarily by estate agents and where “everything always moving through, not sticking” (nonlocal worker) and it “looks quiet” (public art officer), however it is also felt to be animated by the new South Coast College building (figure 9.5,

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Figure 10.2: Big Draw event, Nomad Creative Centre, Hastings. Courtesy of Nomad Creative Space

Figure 10.3: Wood Recycling project, Nomad Creative Space, Big Draw event, Hastings. Courtesy of Nomad Creative Space

Figure 11.2:Before image, Friday ad shop, Hastings

Figure 11.4: Friday ad shop today, Hastings

Figure 12.2: During image, The Good, The Bad & The Telly, Going Places shop, Hastings. Courtesy of Hastings Borough Council.

Figure 12.3: Going places shop today, Hastings

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p.30) and the station approach. In a town that relies on its tourism economy, festivals and events are crucial to attract visitors, so it is unsurprising that the perception of unexpected activity is high. There are many festivals that occur predominantly in the Old Town, as well as French markets on Robertson Street, a recent ‘flash mob’ dancing in Queen’s Square (figure 14.9, p.28) and Electric Palace’s screening of Jaws on the seafront. There are often new inventions to celebrate local history (as in the 24th State America Ground celebration, figure 8.9, p.26) in the form of “new traditional festivals” (Meanwhile Project executive) to encourage participation and longevity. The council are keen to respond positively to unexpected activity by making it “easier for things to happen” (Public art officer) and are looking to promote a Mediterranean atmosphere with trinket sales and markets. Meanwhile activity is prevalent in Hastings, since the Meanwhile Project supported the town with a grant to activate empty shops in partnership with Hastings Borough Council, and the town received around £52,000 from the Communities and Local Government Empty Shops Revival Fund in 2009. A number of projects have been initiated as a result of this investment, including a number of independent projects that have led to the council securing additional funding from the Arts Council in April 2010. Figure 9.4 highlights the locations of current and recent meanwhile activity and include Nomad Creative Space (figures 10.1, 10.2 & 10.3) in a former building society building on the corner of Wellington Place, which was occupied for nine months while the landlord sought planning permission to extend the neighbouring café into the space. A group of six artists occupied the landmark building at the primary nodal point in the town centre, to animate the ground floor with exhibitions and workshops, and

use the upper floors as studio space. Two other shops, Friday Ad and Going Places on Wellington Place (figures 11.1, 11.2, 11.2, 12.1 & 12.2), were occupied for art and film installations as part of the annual Coastal Currents festival utilising publicly visible spaces to display artwork. Both units currently stand empty (figures 11.4 & 12.3). In St Leonards, a number of art related projects have taken place in The Shed and the Kings Road Space. Hastings Pier and White Rock Trust (HPWRT) have occupied a listed shop called Arthur Greens (figure 13.1) an 1870’s military tailor’s along the seafront towards White Rock, as a visitor centre and retail space to engage local people on the planned renovation of the derelict pier. The most recent Meanwhile Project supported initiative has occupied the House of Hastings (figures 14.1 & 14.4), a former homeware store on Queen’s Road that was considered the major problem building in the town due to the significant blight it caused (figures 14.2 & 14.3): “it has been dreadful for four years having this building empty” (Resident 1). The House of Hastings is a significant corner property, that following a community clean up, is now being used as a base by the Town Centre Manager, arts groups, the Coastal Currents festival and community groups as studio and activity space (figures 14.5, 14.6, 14.7 & 14.8). The respondents consider the meanwhile activity in the town to have positively animated spaces that would otherwise have stood empty and brought the general feel of the town down (non-local worker, former resident, meanwhile participant, former council officer, local artist, resident 2, Meanwhile Project executive & resident 1) by “making it look better, there is less crime and gives community groups opportunities” (Town centre manager). Apart from the HPWRT space at Arthur Greens, the projects have tended to focus on arts related activity, and it is

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Figure 14.5: Exhibition space, House of Hastings

Figure 14.7: The bunting factoriy, House of Hastings

Figure 14.6: The bunting factoriy, House of Hastings

Figure 14.8: Radiator arts group, House of Hastings

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deemed to have been most successful where the spaces provide activities for all age groups, along a creative theme rather than a fine art offering as “the higher brow projects are not really working: the lower end culture activities work better...it is about hitting the right note” (Town centre manager). As the most deprived area in the South East (29th in UK), many of the attributes of deprivation are apparent here including high unemployment, poor health, poor education, high crime rates, low home and car ownership and a significant shortfall in social housing provision compared to demand. Consequently, in recent years Hastings has received around £81million of public funding to support and promote regeneration (HBC, 2008). An awareness of deprivation may have resulted in a dependency and expectation of state support “people expect things, even the council, and rely on funding too much” (Town centre manager) and the resulting centralisation has turned “people into children of the state” (Meanwhile Project executive) where direct action has been difficult to initiate. Consequentially it is felt the meanwhile activity that has taken place in Hastings has been valuable to demonstrate that local people have the capacity to develop and deliver projects. Hastings Trust and HPWRT have long been working to empower local people and the meanwhile projects in Hastings have been significant because they “have made things happen in the meanwhile. But they have done something much more important than that in that they have shown…people are capable of making things happen without the council... so that sense of alienation from the decision making process has been turned on its head and this has seen some people just getting on with it, pulling nails out of bits of wood” (Meanwhile Project executive).

Figure 14.2: Community clean up, House of Hastings, Hastings. Courtesy of Meanwhile Project

Figure 14.3: Ideas board, House of Hastings, Hastings. Courtesy of Meanwhile Project

14.4: House of Hastings Today, Hastings

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Looking forward there is evidently a desire for more unexpected activity in the form of markets, outdoor screenings, live music, street activities and performance (local artist, meanwhile participant, former resident, non-local worker, resident 2 & Public art officer) and a wish to make more of the existing built form and natural assets including the seafront, Pier, (figure 8.2, p.26) White Rock Baths (Meanwhile Project executive & Public art officer, figure 8.1, p.32) perhaps through new linkages between the town centre and other districts (Town centre manager). The public realm clearly requires investment if new and existing businesses in areas such as Queen’s Road and the seafront are to be promoted (resident 1 & former council officer), however such interventions are costly and may not be possible in times of scarce resources. Meanwhile activity can be explored for its potential to provide the element of the unexpected located in vacant shops and outdoor spaces, to initiate bursts of activity and provide opportunities for young people and other underprivileged people to engage with “inspirational and behaviour forming activity” (Town centre manager). The seafront is isolated from the town centre and has been identified as a focus for renewal and a driver for improving the offer for tourists, residents and businesses. In particular, the seafront area has been highlighted for its potential to offer year round activities and facilities to lift the level of deprivation by linking the seafront to the town and “upgrading and improving accessibility along and to the promenade, finding economic uses for buildings such as the Pier and White Rock Baths” (HBC, 2008, p.21). Linkages between districts and a positive focus can be bought to key areas such as the seafront, made possible through activity in selective locations. Making use of existing redundant assets for community groups to try out

a range of possible approaches to bring buildings back into use, such as leisure, entertainment or enterprise has been highlighted in the LDF and by participants, as a major opportunity for “groups with big ambitions to test their plans for really serious assets” (Meanwhile Project executive).

Summary

Hastings is a seaside town with a historically forgotten and deprived community and areas of grand architecture, that through consistent lack of investment, have fallen into decline. The infrastructure is very poor, isolating not only the town centre from the seafront but the whole town from easy access to surrounding areas, compounding high levels of unemployment. The major assets of Hastings being the sea and surrounding countryside and a rich history are recognised but not maximised to achieve the full potential, including the strong sense of community which it is felt is underinvested in. The three districts of Hastings are disconnected yet distinct in their identity and offering, with the historical Old Town, the town centre and the White Rock areas. The town centre is the middle of the three districts and forms the major nodal point for the town, however it is set back from the seafront and disregards this key asset. Community facilities are relatively scarce, with a requirement for informal activities for young people and leisure opportunities, however there has been major investment in education, buildings and office space in recent years so this is well provided for. Revisiting the Local Development Framework (LDF), which outlines the context and vision for the area (HBC, 2008), it is clear that the objectives for the town centre are the reuse of vacant buildings and promoting a varied service offer to

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enhance the vitality, appearance and feasibility of the service offer in the town. The Town Centre is the major retail and employment hub and it is proposed that regeneration schemes will improve and expand the offering of the area in the coming years. Specifically, the LDF seeks to maintain a sense of vibrancy and a mix of uses through an awareness of the offer and an open-minded approach to alternative uses and states that the…

protect and renovate deteriorating assets. A history of deprivation in the town has created a dependent attitude on funding. The meanwhile activity is considered an important tool for empowering local people to take control of their public realm and assets, and for showing people what can be achieved. However, it is clear this has to come from local interest.

“…Vitality and viability of the town and district centres will be maintained and, where appropriate, enhanced. Measures will include: a) Safeguarding the retail character and function of the centre; b) Enhancing the appearance, safety and environmental quality of the centre; c) Encouraging diversity of uses within the centre and the provision of a wide range of retail, leisure, social, education, arts, cultural, office, residential and commercial uses; d) Promoting the reuse of vacant buildings; and e) Maintaining and enhancing access to the centre by sustainable modes of transport, and encouraging multipurpose trips.” Meanwhile uses are currently delivering a number of initiatives, which seek to support the strategic goals of the LDF, primarily the reuse of vacant property to diversify the commercial offer and increasing footfall to support local businesses.” Hastings Borough Council, 2008. Meanwhile activity is plentiful in the town following various funding streams that have allowed and supported activity. Primarily arts focussed activities, the projects are perceived to have animated vacant spaces and improved the appearance and confidence in the town. There is a desire to develop the meanwhile activity further to encompass more interactive spaces and promote the seafront area as well as community groups to tackle larger projects to

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Figures 21.1-21.4: street sections, Somers Town Scale 1:2500 @ A4

Figure 18.9: Polygon Road, Somers Town

Figure 22.1: Chalton Street market, Somers Town

Figure 15.4: Charrington Street

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Somers Town Introduction

Somers Town is an area roughly 500m by 1000m located to the south of the London Borough of Camden, immediately north of the Euston Road (figure 15.8). It is bounded by the fast moving physical boundaries of Euston Road (figure 15.1, p.44) to the south and Eversholt Street to the east and the “impenetrable bulk” (Hanson, 2000, p.101) of Euston station (figure 15.2, p.44, originally built 1838) to the west and St Pancras (figure 15.3, p. 44, originally built 1868) station to the east. There is no commercial district in Somers Town, although there are some offices and commercial uses along the Euston Road and up along Chalton Street, with an almost solidly residential use in the north that is split in two by schools and playgrounds (Hanson, 2000). Somers Town was first developed in 1783 when Jacob Leroux leased Brill Farm from Lord Somers and was required to develop the previously agricultural area with brick housing, that would demonstrate a clear network and “form such a uniform and regular pattern of streets” (Clarke, 1992, p.127). It was anticipated the development would be “appropriate to a professional and middleclass settlement” (Clarke, 1992, p.127) and attract a similar standard of resident to the recently developed Southampton and Bloomsbury areas to the south of the New Road (now Euston Road). However, the development did not prove popular with the intended market and was eventually sold off in smaller plots to a lower grade of house builder.

Figure 15.8: Figure ground map, Somers Town

The effect of the railway developments at neighbouring Euston and Kings Cross railway stations and the subsequent influx of workforce acquired Somers Town a reputation that still lingers today of cheap, rundown and overcrowded housing for

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Figure 22.2: Traffic calming at Chalton Street/Brill Place, Somers Town

Figure 22.3: Chalton Street gateway, Somers Town

Figure 17.5: British Library, Somers Town

Figure 15.3: St Pancras station

Figure 17.6: Sure Start centre & student housing, Somers Town

Figure 17.7: Royal George Pub, listed building, Somers Town

Figure 15.2 Euston station Scale 1:5000 @ A4 Figure 17.1: Legibility analysis, Somers Town

Figure 15.1: Busy Euston Road, Somers Town

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immigrants and labourers (Hanson, 2000).

Legibility & Form Observations

As illustrated in figure 17.1 Somers Town is defined by the physical barriers that constrict it. The border of the Euston station area and Somers Town is Eversholt Street, where many buses travel north into the borough. St Pancras station area is similarly identified by the busy trafficked street of Midland Road (figures 17.2 & 17.3) and provides bus routes up to Camden Town. The six lane Euston Road (figure 15.1) makes it virtually impossible to permeate through, and harshly severs Somers Town from the Brunswick area to the south. In addition, there are two main routes through Somers Town, with Chalton Street (figure 15.5) running northsouth and Brill Place running east-west with defined nodal points where these paths intersect with the perimeter streets, however, traffic calming does restrict the through traffic and continuity of these streets. The major landmark buildings are located along the Euston Road, however, some, such as Euston station (figure 17.4) and the British Library (figures 15.6 & 17.5) are set well back, with little continuity of frontage. Somers Town has five schools forming landmarks within the area (figures 17.6 & 18.2), as well as churches and pubs (figures 17.7 & 18.8). A number of the housing estates, with distinctive architecture, also form recognisable landmarks. Continuous street frontages are primarily situated along the Southern end of Chalton Street and along the eastern edge of Eversholt Street facing the blank wall of Euston station. The remainder of the active ground floor frontages form no particular pattern and are generally scattered throughout the area, in a seemingly haphazard way. Key views are primarily towards the striking tower of the Midland Hotel (figures 17.8, p. 48 and 22.5, p.

Figure 16.9: Georgian Housing architecture, Somers Town

Figure 16.1: Social Housing architecture, Somers Town

Figure 16.2: Social Housing architecture, Somers Town

Figure 16.3: Social Housing architecture, Somers Town

Figure 16.4: Social Housing architecture, Somers Town

Figure 16.5: Social Housing architecture, Somers Town

Figure 16.6: Social Housing architecture, Somers Town

Figure 16.7: Social Housing architecture, Somers Town

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Figure 17.2: Midland Road, Somers Town

Figure 17.3: Midland Road, Somers Town

Figure 15.5: Vibrancy & diversity on Chalton Street, Somers Town

Figure 15.6: Courtyard of the British Library, Somers Town

Figure 15.1: Busy Euston Road, Somers Town

Figure 17.5: British Library, Somers Town

Figure 17.4: Buses at Euston station

Scale 1:5000 @ A4 Figure 18.1: Land use at ground level, Somers Town

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49) at St Pancras station, which is currently visible from a variety of places (figure 17.8) due to the site clearance at Brill Place, and plans that block the view, have consistently been met with local criticism (resident 1). Views of other tall buildings are less pleasing, such as the Evergreen building (figure 15.9, p. 48) on Euston Road and the offices within the Euston station complex (figure 17.9). The primary land use (figure 18.1) in Somers Town is housing and the dominanting mainline railway stations of Euston and St Pancras, tightly bind the area. The five schools contribute to the vibrancy in the area (resident 1 & resident 2, figure 15.4); including a large community college and Edith Neville (figure 18.2) located within a large area of open space. There are many formal community services including youth centres (figure 18.3, p.50), churches, and community centres (figure 18.4, p.48) for various faith groups, nurseries (figure 18.5, p50), fire stations and health centres. The majority of the commercial office space is weighted towards Euston station while the commercial retail and restaurant premises are predominantly located along Chalton Street (figure 15.5) and then dispersed throughout the area, with St Pancras station acting as a fairly high-end shopping centre (figure 18.6, p.50). The British Library is an oppressive structure that, along with the site acquired by UKCMRI which has plans to develop a wellness research centre, encompasses almost a quarter of Somers Town in one large, impermeable block (figure 18.7, p.50). Elizabeth Garret hospital (figure 22.7) is one of only a handful of vacancies in Somers Town the majority of which are located towards the southern end of Chalton Street with a few along Eversholt Street. Whilst it is considered that the area is generally well-served with formal amenities, it is evident that there is a lack of social enterprise, private and

Figure 22.4: Northern end of Chalton Street, Somers Town

Figure 22.5: St Pancras

Figure 22.6: Shaw Theatre, Somers Town

Figure 22.7: Elizabeth Garrett Hospital, Somers Town

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Figure 18.4: Community centre, Somers Town

Figure 17.7: Royal George Pub, listed building, Somers Town

Figure 15.9: Evergreen building, Somers Town

Figure 17.8: Views of UKCMRI site to St Pancras, Somers Town

Figure 18.8: Eastnor Castle pub, Somers Town

Figure 18.3 Growing spaces at Youth centre, Somers Town

Figure 17.9: Offices at Euston station

Scale 1:5000 @ A4 Figure 19.3: Townscape analysis, Somers Town

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small businesses (BID manager), in favour of “a heavy hand of welfare” (Worthington) and “institutional bossiness” (architect 1) with plentiful signs, notices and railings (figures 19.1 and 19.2, p.50). This indicates there is little informal activity encouraged, and this is picked up by the respondents who feel there is a particular shortage of opportunities for young people to “get out and just do things” (resident 2) with groups of young people congregating “about after dark, that don’t seem to have much to do” (potential meanwhile project). Although there are youth provisions, it is uncertain how much these initiatives actually interact with the community (resident 2) generating feelings of antisocial behaviour and a fear of crime. How much this is fuelled by perception rather than actuality is unknown, however it is possible this is more of an intergenerational issue and a fear of the unknown, as a result of an “increasingly atomised society” (Town centre manager).

Townscape

The townscape (figures 19.3, 21.1, 21.2, 21.3 & 21.4) of the area offers many positive focal buildings with St Pancras station, some of the churches and schools noticeable for their architecture, the British Library and the theatre (figure 22.6, p. 47) for their positive uses. Euston Station and the Evergreen building (figure 15.9) on Euston Road are brutal 1960’s buildings that dominate, and the community centre at the north of Chalton Street (figure 18.4) is in a severe state of disrepair. Little remains of the earlier Georgian housing (figure 16.9) following intense slum clearance from 1906, resulting in an array of social housing estates (architect 1, non-local resident, figures 16.1 to 16.7, p.51). In their day each of around twenty two social housing schemes were described as innovative and progressive, but now comprise a veritable showcase of architecture

all different in appearance yet similar in their repetitive, geometric morphology with inward facing blocks that have indirect interfaces with the street (Hanson, 2000). That said, the housing stock is in relatively good condition and although there are regularly complaints of overcrowding, various retrofitting initiatives have been undertaken by the London Borough of Camden in the last decade to knock through the units and increase their size (resident 1). St Pancras is the only conservation area, encompassing the Edwardian properties to the north-east of Somers Town. There are also a number of listed buildings, including many in the conservation area, the church, Somers Town Coffee House, the Fire Station, the arches along Midland Road and Elizabeth Garret Hospital which is currently under renovation. Notably, when considering there are a significant number of different styles of social housing projects, only those at the Southern and middle parts of Chalton Street are listed. Clearly investment has been made in the public realm in parts and this is noticeable along Chalton Street and Ossulston Street, where the paving is clear and pleasant, good cycle paths are apparent and street calming initiatives have been introduced (figure 19.4). Significant and mature trees are in abundance in Somers Town (figure 19.5) along all hierarchies of routes, in some cases disturbing the pavements (resident 2). Two major green spaces include a park with children’s playground and fitness machines in front of Edith Neville School where community group Area 10 reside (figures 19.6 and 19.7) and another along Brill Place with sports courts (figure 19.8). Many of the housing blocks have central courtyard spaces (figure 20.2) and along Chalton Street the pavements are wide with well used seating areas (resident 2, figure 20.3).

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Figure 18.5: Childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s nursery centre, Somers Town

Figure 18.6: High end shopping at St Pancras station

Figure 18.7: UKCMRI site & British Library, Somers Town

Figure 19.1: Open space restrictions, Somers Town

Figure 19.2 Young people restrictions, Somers Town

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Walkways that feel awkward, unpleasant or unattractive were evident at the north end of Chalton Street (figure 22.4, p.47) where it loops over South Camden Community College, along the edges of Euston station and St Pancras station and for much of Brill Place. These were also places where spaces that were either visibly negative or perceived as being so, suffered the most significant blight on the UKCMRI site and perimeter areas.

Figure 19.4: Cycle paths & street calming, Somers Town

Figure 19.5: Mature trees, Somers Town

Figure 19.6: Area 10 centre, Somers Town

Figure 19.7: Polygon open space, Somers Town

Sense of Place Observations

The common language of the ten participants relating to distinctiveness of Somers Town was that is isolated, despite being located in central London, it is relatively deprived, firmly associated with the British Library and the Euston Road with numerous different styles of housing estates. The notion of isolation is linked to the poor permeability caused by the physical barriers of the railway lines, Euston Road and large blocks (BID manager, neighbouring resident, town centre manager) and was described variously as “disconnected” (former student), “separateness” (Worthington), “insularity” (town centre manager), “poorly penetrable” (resident 1). However, it was also seen as a positive trait and conversely described as displaying “incredible peace and quiet” (potential meanwhile project), “a Mary Celeste quality” (architect 2), “you wouldn’t believe you were 5 minutes to the Eurostar” (resident 2).

Figure 19.8: Brill place park, Somers Town

The remoteness and relative anonymity of Somers Town is in stark contrast to the immediate accessibility of facilities of national and international importance and is considered to contribute most to the area’s distinctiveness and strong sense of community (potential meanwhile project, resident 2). On the other hand, it is also felt the separateness allows the area to be somewhat forgotten and the high levels of social

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Figure 20.2: Central courtyard spaces, Somers Town

Figure 20.3: Seating on Chalton Street, Somers Town

Figure 20.4: Temporary allotments UKCMRI site, Somers Town

Figure 20.5: Fitness area, Polygon open space, Somers Town

Figure 15.4: Vibrancy from school children, Somers Town

Figure 15.5: Vibrancy & diversity on Chalton Street, Somers Town

Figure 15.1: Busy Euston Road, Somers Town Scale 1:5000 @ A4 Figure 20.1: Responses from primary research, Somers Town

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housing ensure that poor health and unemployment form part of the demographic profile of the residents. Figure 20.1 outlines the perception of vibrancy in Somers Town, with Chalton Street (figure 15.5) considered the most vibrant, with cafes, shops and a street market on Friday (architect 1, architect 2, resident 1, resident 2, BID manager, former student, Worthington, town centre manager, neighbouring resident). Although identifying even a solitary street as vibrant is deemed to be a generous move and although many people single out the busyness of Midland Road and Eversholt Street (resident 2, resident 1, architect 1, architect 2, town centre manager) there is some disagreement over whether vehicular and cycle traffic produce activity and vibrancy as “none of the edges are vibrant…not as a place” (Worthington). It is felt the island-like qualities of the housing estates cause under use of the streets in Somers Town, creating “dead ends and fragments” (former student) that are difficult to navigate. Brill Place, as the main east-west route is thought to be under-used (architect 2, BID manager, potential meanwhile project) perhaps due to the traffic calming “Environmental Zone” of which there are conflicting views (resident 1, resident 2). There is little meanwhile activity at present or in the recent past in Somers Town, with the only identified project being the temporary food growing spaces on the UKCMRI site (figure 20.4), while the planning application is submitted and the works wait to begin. This is generally welcomed and is cited as promoting ways for the community to interact across generations, learn new skills, develop ambitions, improve their health and a source of outdoor entertainment (town centre manager, resident 1, BID manager), the allotments bringing reasons to meet people (architect 1), intergenerational opportunities and activity to places

where there was none (architect 2). Unexpected activity is not thought to regularly occur in the area, apart from the Somers Town festival and periodic seasonal projects run by the community centres and schools. Spontaneous activity is generally felt to be lacking in the area, however there has been investment to Polygon open space where fitness machinery has been installed (figure 20.5) and is regularly subject to unstructured activity. Resident 2 recalls the unexpected image of a group of Bengali mothers exercising with their children nearby: “they would never go to a gym and I thought ‘this is wonderful!’” The respondents are united in many of the visions for enhancing Somers Town, primarily to improve the permeability of the area to make it more penetrable to outsiders (former student, resident 1, Worthington, town centre manager, architect 1) “why would you come through if you don’t know the way out?” (resident 1). It is felt important that “without losing its historical identity, knitting into the wider London” (Worthington) thereby improving the attractiveness to visitors and businesses but with careful consideration not to losing the close community and treasured quiet and calm of the area. Increasing the footfall in the area will help attract small businesses, social innovation and creative enterprises (BID manager, architect 1) and provide “eyes on the street” (resident 1) to reduce the fear of crime and antisocial behaviour (potential meanwhile project and Town centre manager). Readdressing the traffic calming scheme to reintroduce vehicular traffic in a pedestrian priority environment (“To make a place work with only pedestrians takes an awful lot of them”, Worthington), removing railings around open spaces to open up desire lines (“who are you railing it form and whom are you railing it against?” resident 1), way finding initiatives and

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working with the plans for the UKCMRI site and the British Library renovations to introduce new walkways, are all cited as opportunities for improving the permeability. Informal activities and chances for young people to get involved through play, interacting with other generations and expanding their ambitions is a clear goal (potential meanwhile project, architect 2, neighbouring resident) and would open up the area through “spaces that engage the community, particularly young people, with all the incredible facilities around them” (former student). As Somers Town is situated in an area with such competition for space, where property and land is so expensive, it is inevitable the community may feel they have been historically subjected to, rather than included, in initiatives and schemes (town centre manager, resident 1, resident 2) and expectations for both short term implications and lasting impacts should be discussed before any actions to instigate changes through meanwhile activity are initiated. Encouraging action, entrepreneurship and ownership of an area through activity will be important so that “people can have their eyes opened and learn new skills from it…it’s a visible way of encouraging activism” (town centre manager), however lasting impacts of projects are also a concern. With relatively few vacancies in the area, some internal with primarily external opportunities are identified as ways for meanwhile uses to assist or support the vision for enhancing Somers Town. Underused spaces could be made available for activities for young people and food growing projects (architect 1 & resident 1) with potential for enterprise generation as retail or café outlets. There is potential to locate temporary structures on various sites to test the feasibility and build demand for potential uses for the UKCMRI site and the expansion

of Edith Neville school. In addition, youth projects could be located in vacant premises and a way finding improvements or route-mapping activities could be explored through a series of “small interconnected projects with the opportunity for experiment” (resident 1).

Summary

Somers Town is a small, quiet pocket of central London that is isolated from the hubbub of the capital by the physical barriers of the mainline railway lines of Euston and St Pancras stations and the Euston Road, that define its edges. The ward of St Pancras and Somers Town is home to around 55% minority groups, including many historic white minority groups such as the Irish (London Borough of Camden, 2008). The community is a diverse and apparently harmonious one, made up primarily of white working class and minority groups hailing from Kosovo, Italy, Somalia and Bangladesh. The number of lone parent households is the highest, and life expectancy is the lowest, of all the wards in the borough and nearly a fifth of residents record a limiting long-term illness. Somers Town is considered “both unique and unusual” (Worthington) in its setting, however as a result of its isolation and the large provision of social housing, the trappings of poor health and unemployment that accompany deprivation are apparent. Permeability through the large housing estates and dominant structures of the British Library is poor and navigation is difficult. Somers Town is an unknown area to many outsiders due to the lack of connectivity to other areas and destinations within the area. The area is disconnected from the wider London area despite many facilities of international importance and vast regeneration schemes directly neighbouring Somers Town. There is little interactivity outside the area and the benefits of

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surrounding schemes have not so far really been harnessed for local gain. This has resulted in a strong sense of community where the perception of being “under siege” (town centre manager) often means Somers Town has to “fight for its existence to avoid being carved up” (resident 2). Consequently, “a fear of change amongst the longstanding community and a history of being done to which make them automatically negative and reactive to things that are proposed” (resident 1). The insularity of the area and the lack of permeability are felt to have assisted the sense of place and community but is now considered to be holding the area back, developing fear of crime and anti social behaviour, “Being cut off may have helped in the past but it may lead to a certain type of mindset” (resident 1).

Library and a Wellness research centres (a consortium of Cancer Research UK, University College London and the Welcome Trust). “Somers Town is changing, the question is how fast is it changing and what is it changing to?” (Worthington, 2010, comments made at Somers Town Initiative meeting).

The area is very green (figure 19.5, p.51), with multiple mature trees, and seating areas, which act as “places for people to come together” (resident 2), however it is felt the municipal open spaces could be better used and more welcoming. The many schools interact well with the local community, offering activities for the community and vibrancy to the area. Along with the formal facilities the area is well served with community spaces and services, which it is felt could reach out to include more informal activity for the community in some cases and may be the starting point for involvement any meanwhile activity. Somers Town is an area that appears to be at the storm’s eye of persistent change in the surrounding neighbourhoods. Its location means that large-scale regeneration is constantly proposed and delivered on the periphery of Somers Town and occasionally initiatives creep over the boundaries of the area. The 50acre Kings Cross Argent development is currently being constructed; with proposals underway for the redevelopment of Euston station, a northern entrance to the British

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Figure 6.3: Empty shop, Queens road, Hastings

Figure 6.2: Empty shop,Queens Road, Hastings

Figure 6.5:Empty shop, Robertson street, Hastings

Figure 6.1: Memorial area, Hastings

Figure 6.4: Empty shop, Breeds Place, Hastings

Figure 13.3: Subway to seafront, Hastings

Figure 8.2: Hastings Pier, Hastings Scale 1:2500 @ A3 Figure 13.2: Locations for potential meanwhile activity, Hastings

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Critical Analysis of Factual Evidence

Using urban design analysis techniques, it has been possible to identify a number of common themes from the research, that relate primarily to the blight to the public realm from underused spaces, and the way in which uses are decided and focussed. Vacant spaces have the greatest negative impact where they occur in large spaces, landmark buildings and primary nodal points. Conversely these locations can also be the hardest to initiate activity due to multiple stakeholders, the prominence of the spaces and the lack of confidence in a project. Where vacancies occur in clusters and interrupt the continuity of frontages, also contributes to blight. The perception of vibrancy in closely linked to the visibility of activity and areas with a fine grain of community facing uses appear vibrant (ie Chalton Street in Somers Town and the Memorial in Hastings). Pedestrian activity, where it is complemented by vehicular movement, creates a sense of activity, however without sufficient vehicular traffic it is difficult to appear active (ie northern end of Chalton Street, Somers Town). Equally, too much dominance results in impassable thoroughfares (ie Euston Road and the seafront trunk road, Hastings). A lack of connections, clear way-finding and a choice of routes into and out of an area restrict footfall and permeability. The distinctions between high and low end culture and formal and informal community facilities are important. Higher end formal spaces tend to be initiated by decision makers and the lower end informal activity not so, however both are valued. It is often difficult to assess how accessible the formal establishments are and whether opportunities for informal activity are available without very detailed analysis of activity, however, temporary activity on occasion delivers

informal, less structured facilities. There is some conflict between the expectations and intentions of interventions in the public realm for instance the environmental zone in Somers Town. This is also experienced with meanwhile uses where their purpose and intentions can be confused if not communicated properly. The impact of the coalition government’s drive to promote the Big Society remains to be seen, however the concept signifies a support for local empowerment, where people leading the initiation and delivery of activities are taking action. This can bridge the gap between top down approaches to renewal and facilitate a sense of “candoishness” (architect 1, Somers Town) in times of scarce resources. Urban design analysis can assist with difficult decisions around where to focus activity and where would be suitable to scale back commercial activity if required. Meanwhile activity could support these decisions in two ways: by activating underused spaces in ‘core’ areas, and by testing possible alternative uses in the ‘outer core’ areas.

Proposed Urban Design Interventions Hastings

Various initiatives are already underway through partnerships between Hastings Borough Council and the Meanwhile Project, however the analysis points towards a number of locations (figure 13.2) where scarce resources could be focussed for greatest impact. The five fingers of the Memorial area indicate the ‘core’ area of the town centre, where internal animation projects in vacant units as well as external meanwhile activity would draw focus to the space (ie markets, fairs, traders and unexpected activities). The ‘outer core’ signifies areas where a buzz of activity is

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Figure 22.8: Underused space, Chalton Street Somers Town

Figure 21.8: East-west route, Somers Town

Figure 21.6: Potential route through British Library/UKCMRI site, Somers Town

Figure 20.2: Central courtyard space, Somers Town

Figure 20.6: Potential focal point, Somers Town

Figure 21.9: Marginal space and poor walkway, Somers Town

Figure 19.8: Brill place park, Somers Town

Figure 21.7: Underused space, Churchway, Somers Town

Scale 1:5000 @ A4 Figure 21.5: Locations for potential meanwhile activity, Somers Town

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important but a sole retail focus is not necessary. Meanwhile activity could assist with trialling alternative community facing uses that contribute to vibrancy, in particular areas that would benefit from public realm improvements but may not have the resources available to do so, such as upper Queen’s Road and the station approach. The seafront is a major asset to the town and is underutilised, partly due to the trunk road, historical planning decisions and seasonal weather conditions. To highlight the importance of the seafront and begin to generate activity to support potential plans for future investment the ‘core’ area of the seafront, leading down from the Memorial, could house temporary structures or the subway could be adapted to improve the pedestrian experience. Potential activities include sports activities for young people, markets and entertainment activities to improve the dominance of the trunk road and the physical dislocation from the town centre. In addition, significant physical assets of the town which have fallen into major disrepair, such as the pier and the White Rock Baths, present opportunities for temporary uses to test the feasibility of bringing them back into use and further highlight the seafront. Hastings Pier and White Rock Trust plan to explore the possibility for utilising meanwhile to test the demand for entertainment uses that the feasibility study has indicated would be suitable for the pier. Meanwhile Project executive (comment made during interviews) states that visionary ideas often intimidate and disillusion community groups looking to occupy spaces for while they are “putting loads of energy into the waiting and worrying and architecture and planning for the future and getting disheartened rather than getting on and using it”. Meanwhile could offer groups a route

to trial places or parts of buildings in manageable pieces.

Somers Town

In contrast to Hastings, urban design analysis in Somers Town indicates not where activity may shrink, but where it would be best placed to grow as figure 21.5 illustrates. Given the dominance of residential land use in the area, access to visible commercial space is limited so it is anticipated the majority of temporary activity would be external or temporary structures. In addition, the majority of Somers Town used to be mostly owned by the local authority, but since the Right To Buy initiative was introduced around twenty years ago, the ownership in the area has become a mixture of new private residents, elderly long term residents and new immigrant families often living in overcrowded accommodation. The conflicts of ownerships will make external meanwhile activity harder to organise, particularly given the competition for space and elevated land prices due to Somers Town’s location in London. A database of commercial landlords and an informal local network would assist with access to internal spaces as they become vacant and support for external activity. The ‘core’ area of focus for commercial activity is Chalton Street, allowing seepage towards Euston Road and also looking to extend north towards Area 10 and create a notion of perpendicular branches spreading out through external activity. Routes through the site are indicated based on current flow of activity and desire lines through the UKCMRI/ British Library block. Temporary activity that could be trialled for acceptance and demand could assist in identifying routes through currently underused spaces and could work in any of the identified combinations depending on people flow and noise

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

interference. Designated green routes linking to Regents Park, the canal and Camden Town, public realm improvements to Brill Place and intelligent transport planning at the major nodal points with Euston Road and within Somers Town could all enable the permeability and act as fingers stretching out to welcome visitors, promote enterprise and eyes on the street. A temporary structure located on the UKCMRI site or Brill Place park could trial different proposed uses for the Welcome Centre and help build demand prior to construction and occupation. Similarly, the potential expansion of Edith Neville School could be trialled on areas that are least competing for space, such as temporary structures on Polygon Open Space or the UKCMRI site. Courtyard spaces are plentiful in Somers Town and some offer potential for activity subject to noise control and residential demand. Temporary or more permanent external projects could support wayfinding and awareness of other community activities along Brill Place and Chalton Street, potentially through activity that enhances intergenerational relationships, growing spaces, skills swap initiatives or time banking, murals, and community clear up schemes.

Guidance

Some basic principles and considerations for initiating meanwhile use have developed from the discussions in this study and may assist urban designers seeking to explore the potential for places elsewhere. These are: - Base line analysis can ascertain the physical and social structure of a place; nodal points, important buildings, facilities, routes etc - It is important to understand what makes the area distinctive and gives it identity - Flexibility is required however

projects should have a fundamental vision (i.e. to test a new use, activate a focal building, improve healthy eating, develop new enterprise) - A local network or community of interest can develop and enable direct action through informal activity, discussions or online forums - A fluid infrastructure is required for the network to lead activity and be responsive to clear goals, resources and benefits

Conclusions

Let us now return to the original research questions and hypothesis proposed at the beginning. The study sought to explore meanwhile uses of vacant commercial space in the town centre and whether they contribute to a sense of place, legibility and form. The primary and secondary research undertaken has explored meanwhile uses versus temporary uses and defined meanwhile as a temporary occupation in its intention, but with a specific focus for community rather than commercial gain. Although always present in the UK, meanwhile activity has experienced a recent surge in projects emerging as government initiatives aimed at tackling vacancies during the recession and more recently the concept of the Big Society combine with an increased intolerance for waste and consumerism. Uses are primarily community focussed with a social entrepreneurial approach and encompass a broad range from high to low end arts activities, healthy eating, enterprise generation, theatre, civic pride, skills development and education. To gauge the contribution of meanwhile to a sense of place, it was first important to analyse the whole area and explore through interviews the perception of vibrant areas, unexpected activity and the positive and negative aspects that make the areas both unique and similar to other areas. Similarly with legibility and

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form, rigorous urban design analysis was conducted to examine the form, townscape and function of the areas as they are now before discussing the issues arising. Existing meanwhile opportunities and the potential for initiating projects were explored in parallel to these observations. In Hastings projects have been happening to support the vitality of the town centre, and promote the significant assets of the seaside, charming architecture and creative industries through festivals and utilising vacant shops. Clear opportunities exist to extend the ambitions of meanwhile activity to link the three districts together with the seafront and support new enterprises, while also rescuing major derelict assets. In Somers Town, the proximity of numerous outstanding facilities and significant renewal schemes has created a strong shell to surrounding areas. Some meanwhile projects are underway to engage with issues of poor health, which have been popular and could be replicated elsewhere to coincide with approaches to link sectors of the community together and enable increased permeability for a more outward facing area. The second of the research questions is specific to the relevance to urban design practice, how temporary uses be deployed and the principles for doing so. The initial hypothesis stated that temporary uses can offer urban design-based development plans insight into the future uses and form of a place. This theory has been tested through primary and secondary research to show how urban design analysis could identify opportunities for meanwhile uses that could then enlighten and test design agendas. A set of basic considerations have been drawn from the conclusions of the study as guidelines for urban designers to initiate temporary uses and incorporate the findings into pre-framework designs to strengthen

them, test suggestions and allow greater flexibility. Evidently meanwhile activity is relevant to urban design practice particularly where it comprises those ingredients that contribute to a sense of place, form and functionality. It is important to consider the wider responsibility of urban design as understanding and improving the built environment so that we may seek to create places that serve the people that use them. It is the nature of urban environments to change and evolve over time and a process to enable this process may be pertinent to consider. The high street has suffered as a result of this recession but it was also apparent that a retail dominant town centre was not always successful, with many empty shops and dissatisfied communities in the boom times. What we know of the high street is likely to change drastically in the coming years towards â&#x20AC;&#x153;very local, quick convenienceâ&#x20AC;?, with more places acting as showcases for their products and more transactions taking place electronically (Worthington, comments made during interview). In addition, other uses are beginning to fill vacant retail spaces, such as third places and cafes, businesses within businesses and training places with meanwhile activity merely hastening this trend. Urban design may help make difficult decisions about where to focus or shrink commercial areas going forward, potentially encouraging a re-categorisation of the planning system to allow for more flexible grouping of what happens at ground level. This could allow a design for a certain looseness of uses with primary commercial activity focused in particular areas and other community facing uses such as doctors, dentists, architecture practices, workshop spaces, galleries, libraries, pubs, cafes gravitating towards secondary commercial areas where a buzz of innovation is intended.

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In recent years investment in the built environment has been plentiful and it is likely that as the UK recovers from the credit crunch and recession and moves into an era of debt reduction, it will be some time before regular six figure masterplans and multi-million pound regeneration schemes are considered the norm. Where scarce resources and attentions are therefore focussed will be doubly important and the prospects for direct action are palpable. Meanwhile Project executive (comments made in interview) states that meanwhile could play a role in bridging the gap between significant recent investment into brand new facilities and facilities that can be enabled despite a scarcity of public funding. The notion of Big Society in principle supports the processes and potential of local action, but meanwhile as a concept may have a “job to do around changing people’s expectations and letting people think ‘yeah it’s alright, yeah it’s cobbled together but if we weren’t using it meanwhile it would just be empty and boarded up’” (Meanwhile Project executive, 2010).

and in particular the services that may be hidden or provided within other facilities. It would be useful to drill down into an area and really explore floor by floor (Worthington, comments made in interview) so that a thorough understanding could be attained of what is happening, where the overlaps are with other facilities and what is really required. The opportunities for bringing services and uses out in to the open, as almost test beds or marketing opportunities would expand their accessibility and awareness of them. The practicalities of initiating temporary uses and research into the barriers that restrict activity could develop the findings of the Meanwhile Project (SQW, 2010) to examine the bureaucracies that inhibit spontaneous and flexible activity and why. In particular, there is an opportunity to explore the potential for modifying the planning system to allow for alternative categorisation of policies and whether Local Development Orders are suitably placed to do so.

Worthington (comments made at Property Week roundtable discussion) argues there is an opportunity to explore alternative processes for designing our towns and cities and that meanwhile could potentially assist with managing big ideas that can be implemented incrementally and innovatively, “the boom times have meant people going too fast. This is a battle against perceived wisdom.”

Further Research

This study has intentionally focussed on the concept of meanwhile uses to support and enable urban designers to develop strong long term visions for an area, how those visions could be explored and adapted through live testing and the potential benefits of doing so. Further research could explore the analysis of the areas in more detail

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References

BBC News (2005) Attack of the Clone Towns. [Online], 6 Jun. 2005. Available at http://news. bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/4602953.stm [Accessed on 9 Aug. 2010]. Clarke, L. (1992) Building Capitalism. London: Routledge. Communities & Local Government (2009) Looking After Our Town Centres. [Online] Available from http://www.communities.gov.uk/documents/planningandbuilding/pdf/1201258.pdf [Accessed 28 Jun. 2010]. Communities & Local Government (2010) Strategy For Seaside Success: Securing the Future of Seaside Economies [Online] Available at http://www.communities.gov.uk/documents/ citiesandregions/pdf/1518282.pdf [Accessed 28 Jun. 2010]. Edensor, T. (2005) Industrial Ruins: Spaces, Aesthetics and Materiality. Oxford: Berg. Edensor, T. (2008) “Play Amongst the Ruins” in Jorgensen, A. and Keenan, R., (eds) Urban Wildscapes. Sheffield: University of Sheffield and Environment Room Ltd, pp. 20-25. Groth, J. & Corijn, E. (2005) Reclaiming Urbanity: Indeterminate Spaces, Informal Actors and Urban Agenda Setting. Urban Studies [Online], March 2005, 42 (3), p. 503–526. Available at http://usj.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/42/3/503 [accessed 27 Jan. 2010] Hanson, J. (2000) Urban Transformations: a History of Design Ideas. Urban Design International. 5, pp.97-122. Hastings Borough Council (2008) Shaping Hastings: Hastings Local Development Framework. [Online] Available at http://www.hastings.gov.uk/ldf/core_strategy_preferred_approaches.pdf [Accessed 20 Jul. 2010]. Hayman, A. (2009) DCLG indecision delays £3m empty shops fund. Regeneration & Renewal, 20 July 2009 [Online] Available at http://www.regen.net/news/ByDiscipline/EconomicDevelopment/920938/DCLG-indecision-delays-3m-empty-shops-fund/ [Accessed 23 Jul. 2009]. Jovis (2007) Urban Pioneers: Temporary Use and Urban Development in Berlin. Berlin: Jovis Verlag. Local Data Company (2009) Mid Year Report 2009: Broken Teeth Faded Smile [Online] Available at http://www.localdatacompany.com/storage/LDC-Mid-YearReport-2009-mh.pdf [Accessed 26 Jun. 2010]. London Borough of Camden (2008) Ward information pack, St Pancras and Somers Town. [Online] Available from http://www.camden.gov.uk/zoom/ccm/cms-service/stream/asset/ ?asset_id=1065192 [Accessed 20 Jul. 2010]. London Borough of Camden (2009) Media invite: Launch of pop up shop art gallery. 12 Jun. 09 [Online]. Available at http://www.camden.gov.uk/ccm/content/press/2009/june/mediainvite-launch-of-pop-up-shop-art-gallery-.en;jsessionid=FE1A6A6D6B9DCA43114E80938CBD A010.node2 [Accessed 15 Jun. 2009] Lynch, K. (1960) The Image of the City. London: The MIT Press. Lynch, K. (1985) What Time Is This Place? Massachusetts: The MIT Press. New Economics Foundation (2003) Ghost Town Britain II [Online] Available at http:// neweconomics.org/sites/neweconomics.org/files/Ghost_Town_Britain_II.pdf [Accessed 26 Jun. 2010]. New Economics Foundation (2004) Clone Town Britain [Online] Available at http://www. neweconomics.org/sites/neweconomics.org/files/Clone_Town_Britain_loss_of_identity_1.pdf

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[Accessed 26 Jun. 2010]. Oswalt, P. Misselwitz, P. & Overmeyer, K. (2007). Patterns of the Unplanned. In Franck, K., A. & Stevens, Q. Eds. (2007) Loose Space: Possibility And Diversity in Urban Life. Oxon: Routledge. Ch 14. Shields, R. (1991) Places on the Margin: Alternative Geographies of Modernity. London: Routledge. Speight, S. (2010) An end to a waste of space. Estates Review [Online], 15 Jun. 2010. Available at http://www.estatesreview.com/news/home/ernews/article756.html [Accessed 16 Jun. 2010]. Steele, J. (2009) Time for Meanwhile. May 2009. [Leaflet] London: Development Trusts Association. SQW Consulting (2010) Meanwhile Use: Business Case & Learning Points. [Online] Available at http://www.meanwhile.org.uk/useful-info/misc/SQW%20-%20Meanwhile%20Use%20Repo rt%20May%2010.pdf [Accessed 20 Jul. 2010]. Trancik, R. (1986) Finding Lost Space. USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Urban Forum (2009) Places, Bases, Spaces [Online] Available at http://www.urbanforum.org. uk/files/ufpublic/places_bases__spaces_2009_08.pdf [Accessed 26 Jun. 2010]. Urban Forum (2010) Big Society Essential Facts [Online] Available at http://www.urbanforum. org.uk/files/2010_08_big_society_essential_facts.pdf [Accessed 10 Aug. 2010]. Van Der Zee, B. (2010) The legal perils of ‘grow your own’. Guardian [Online], 27 Jul. 2010. Available at http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2010/jul/27/grow-your-own-legal-perils [Accessed 28 Jul. 2010]. Wilner, T. (2009) Filling the Void. Regeneration & Renewal, 9 February 2009. P20-22. Zagami, B. (2009) Indeterminate Spaces: An Investigation into Temporary Uses in Berlin and the Implications for Urban Design and the High Street in the UK. University of Westminster MA Urban Design Thesis.

Personal Communication

Caplin, Esther. Somers Town Initiative and Somers Town resident. 8 Jul. 2010. Damesick, P. (2010) Let’s Get Real [Presentation during BURA@20 event, London, 23 Feb. 2010] Hambridge, Michael. Hastings Borough Council. 30 Jun. 2010. Hughes, Barbara. Somers Town resident. 8 Jul. 2010. 20 Jul. 2010. Shapiro, Jeremy. Camden Town Centre Manager. 2 Jul. 2010. Smith, Erica. Hastings resident and former Chair of Hastings Community Forum. 30 Jun. 2010. Steele, Jess. Development Trusts Association, Project Executive of the Meanwhile Project and Hastings resident. 1 Jul. 2010. Woods, Rob. Hastings Town Centre Manager. 30 Jun. 2010. Worthington, Professor John. DEGW, Academy of Urbanism and Somers Town Initiative. 7 Jul. 2010 and Property Week Roundtable 13 Jul, 2010.

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

List of Figures

Unless otherwise stated, the author has produced all images and illustrations.

Images

1.1 Empty Woolworth’s shop, Colwyn Bay 1.2 Empty shop, London E1 1.3 Empty shop, Rhyl 1.4 Empty parade of shops, Craigavon 1.5 Empty Borders shop, Kingston-upon-Thames 2.1 Music venue, RAW-tempel Site, Berlin 2.2 Skate park, RAW-tempel Site, Berlin 2.3 Climbing wall, RAW-tempel Site, Berlin 3.1 Project briefing, Spacemakers Agency, Brixton Indoor Village Market 3.2 Before image, The People’s Supermarket, Camden 3.3 After image, The People’s Supermarket, Camden 3.4 Camden popup shop, Camden 3.5 Mutate Britain exhibition and music venue, under the Westway, London 3.6 Mutate Britain exhibition and music venue, under the Westway, London 3.7 Meanwhile Project 3.8 Advice and project space, Meanwhile Centre, Hoxton Street, London 4.1 View of the sea, Hastings 4.2 Remains of the castle, Hastings 4.3 Trunk road along seafront, Hastings 4.4 Trunk road along seafront, Hastings 4.7 Cavendish House, Hastings 4.8 Queen’s Square, Hastings 4.9 Priory Meadow, Hastings 6.1 Memorial area, Hastings 6.2 Empty Shop, Queens Road, Hastings 6.3 Empty Shop, Queens Road, Hastings 6.4 Empty Shop, Breeds Place, Hastings 6.5 Empty Shop, Robertson Street, Hastings 7.2 Trinity Church, Hastings 7.3 Pedestrian area, Wellington Place, Hastings 7.4 Local people sat enjoying the sun, Hastings 7.5 Sunken gardens along the seafront, Hastings 7.6 Sea view, Hastings 7.7 Poor arrival space at station area, Hastings 7.8 Poor quality pop-up sports shop, Hastings 7.9 Devonshire Road, Hastings 8.1 White Rock Baths, Hastings 8.2 Hastings Pier, Hastings 8.3 Blank façade of Priory Meadow, Hastings 8.4 Poor seafront arrival space, Hastings 8.9 America ground, Hastings 9.1 Vibrancy in the Old Town, Hastings 9.2 Robertson Street, Hastings 9.3 Southern end, Queens Road, Hastings 9.4 Northern end, Queens Road, Hastings 9.5 South Coast Community College, Hastings 9.6 Service area, Hastings 9.8 Wellington Square, Hastings 9.9 Town Hall, Hastings 10.1 Nomad Creative Space, Hastings 10.2 Big Draw event, Nomad Creative Space, Hastings. Courtesy of Nomad Creative Space 10.3 Wood Recycling project, Nomad Creative Space, Big Draw event, Hastings. Courtesy of Nomad Creative Space 11.1 Before image, Friday Ad shop, Hastings 11.2 Before image, Friday Ad shop, Hastings 11.3 During image, Red Balloon, Friday Ad shop, Hastings. Courtesy of Hastings Borough Council

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

11.4 12.1 12.2 12.3 13.1 13.3 14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4 14.5 14.6 14.7 14.8 14.9 15.1 15.2 15.3 15.4 15.5 15.6 15.9 16.1 16.2 16.3 16.4 16.5 16.6 16.7 16.8 16.9 17.2 17.3 17.4 17.5 17.6 17.7 17.8 17.9 18.2 18.3 18.4 18.5 18.6 18.7 18.8 18.9 19.1 19.2 19.4 19.5 19.6 19.7 19.8 20.2 20.3 20.4 20.5

Friday Ad shop today, Hastings Before image, Going Places shop, Hastings During image, The Good The Bad & The Telly, Going Places shop, Hastings. Courtesy of Hastings Borough Council Going Places shop today, Hastings Hastings Pier & White Rock Trust, Arthur Greens, Hastings Subway to seafront, Hastings Before image, House of Hastings, Hastings Community clean up, House of Hastings, Hastings. Courtesy of Meanwhile Project Ideas board, House of Hastings, Hastings. Courtesy of Meanwhile Project House of Hastings today, Hastings Exhibition space, House of Hastings, Hastings The bunting factory, House of Hastings, Hastings. Courtesy of Meanwhile Project The bunting factory, House of Hastings, Hastings. Courtesy of Meanwhile Project Radiator arts group at House of Hastings, Hastings Trampoline in Queens Square, Hastings Busy Euston Road, Somers Town Euston station St Pancras station Vibrancy from school children, Somers Town Vibrancy and diversity on Chalton Street, Somers Town Courtyard of the British Library, Somers Town Evergreen building, Euston Road Social Housing Architecture, Somers Town Social Housing Architecture, Somers Town Social Housing Architecture, Somers Town Social Housing Architecture, Somers Town Social Housing Architecture, Somers Town Social Housing Architecture, Somers Town Social Housing Architecture, Somers Town Social Housing Architecture, Somers Town Georgian Housing Architecture, Somers Town Midland Road, Somers Town Midland Road, Somers Town Buses at Euston station British Library, Somers Town Sure Start centre & student housing, Somers Town Royal George Pub, listed building, Somers Town Views over UKCMRI site to St Pancras, Somers Town Offices at Euston station Edith Neville School, Somers Town Growing spaces at the Youth Centre, Somers Town Community centre, Somers Town Childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s nursery centre, Somers Town High end shopping at St Pancras, Somers Town UKCMRI site and British Library, Somers Town Eastnor Castle pub, Somers Town Polygon Road, Somers Town Open space restrictions, Somers Town Young people restrictions, Somers Town Cycle paths and street calming initiatives, Somers Town Mature trees, Somers Town Area 10 centre, Somers Town Polygon Open space, Somers Town Brill Place park, Somers Town Central courtyard spaces, Somers Town Seating on Chalton Street, Somers Town Temporary allotments UKCMRI site, Somers Town Fitness area, Polygon Open Space, Somers Town

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

20.6 21.6 21.7 21.8 21.9 22.1 22.2 22.3 22.4 22.5 22.6 22.7 22.8

Potential focal point, Somers Town Potential route through British Library/UKCMRI site, Somers Town Underused space, Churchway, Somers Town East-west route, Somers Town Marginal space and poor walway, Somers Town Chalton Street market, Somers Town Traffic calming at Chalton Street/Brill Place, Somers Town Chalton Street gateway, Somers Town Northern end of Chalton Street, Somers Town St Pancras Shaw Theatre, Somers Town Elizabeth Garrett Hospital, Somers Town Underused space, Chalton Street, Somers Town

Illustrations

4.5 Study area, Hastings 4.6 Figure ground map, Hastings 5.1 Legibility analysis, Hastings 5.2 Land use at ground level, Hastings 7.1 Townscape analysis, Hastings 8.5 AA street section, Queen’s Road, Hastings 8.6 BB street section, Robertson Street, Hastings 8.7 CC street section, Queen’s Square, Hastings 8.8 Street sections plan, Hastings 9.7 Responses from primary research, Hastings 13.2 Locations for potential meanwhile activity, Hastings 15.7 Study area, Somers Town 15.8 Figure ground map, Somers Town 17.1 Legibility analysis, Somers Town 18.1 Land use at ground level, Somers Town 19.3 Townscape analysis, Somers Town 20.1 Responses from primary research, Somers Town 21.1 AA street section, Charrington Street, Somers Town 21.2 BB street section, Polygon Road, Somers Town 21.3 CC street section, Chalton Street, Somers Town 21.4 Street sections plan, Somers Town 21.5 Locations for potential meanwhile activity, Somers Town

Wider Bibliography Books

Appleyard, D. (1976) Planning a Pluralist City: Conflicting Realities in Cuidad Guayana. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Augé, M. (1995): Translated by John Howe. Non-Places: introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity. London: Verso. Betsky, A. (1998) “Nothing but Flowers: Against Public Space,” in M. Bell and S. T. Leong (eds) Slow Space. New York: Monacelli Press. Carr, S., Francis, M., Rivlin, L. G. & Stone, A. M. (1992) Public Space. New York: Cambridge University Press. Edensor, T. (1998) “The Culture of the Indian Street” in N. Fyfe (ed.) Images of the Street. London: Routledge. Ferrell, J. (2001) Tearing Down the Streets: Adventures in Urban Anarchy. New York: Palgrave. Franck, K., A. & Stevens, Q. Eds. (2007) Loose Space: Possibility And Diversity in Urban Life. Oxon: Routledge. Gehl, J. (1987) Life Between Buildings: Using Public Space. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold.

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Gilloch, G. (1996) Myth and Metropolis. Cambridge: Polity. Habraken, N. J. (1998) The Structure of the Ordinary: Form and Control in the Built Environment. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Jacobs, J. (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities. London: Pimlico. Jorjensen, A. and Keenan, R., (eds) (2008) Urban Wildscapes. [Online] Sheffield, University of Sheffield and Environment Room Ltd. Available at www.urbanwildscapes.org.uk/urban_ wildscapes_the_book.pdf [Accessed 18 Jun. 2010]. Lippard, L. (1997) The Lure of the Local. New York: The New Press. Mumford, K. & Power, A. (2002) Boom or Abandonment. Coventry: Chartered Institute of Housing. Sennet, R. (1990) The Conscience of the Eye. USA: W. N. Norton & Company. Sennet, R. (1996) Flesh and Stone. London: Faber & Faber. Stephens Cutler, L. & Stephens Cutler, S. (1983) Recycling cities for people, The Urban Design Process. USA: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company Ltd. Whyte, W. (1988) City: Rediscovering the Center. New York: Doubleday. Zukin, S. (1995) The Cultures of Cities. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell.

Articles

Davidov, V. (2008) Urban Exploration: A Subculture at a Glance. [Online] Available at http://blogs.nyu.edu/projects/materialworld/2008/03/urban_exploration_a_subculture.html [Accessed 18 Jun. 2010] New Dawn Glimmers On The High Street. Estates Gazette. [Online], 13 Feb. 2010 http:// www.localdatacompany.com/our-blog/2010/2/19/estates-gazette-new-dawn-glimmers-onhigh-street.html [Accessed 26 Jun.2010]

Reports

Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment (2008) Land in Limbo – making the best use of vacant urban spaces. [Online] Available from http://www.cabe.org.uk/ publications/land-in-limbo [Accessed 14th Dec. 2009]. Empty Shops Network (2010) Empty Shops Toolkit [Online] Available at http://www.artistsandmakers.com/images/Empty%20Shops%20Toolkit%20MLA%20Final%20 1.pdf [Accessed 20 Jul. 2010]. Meanwhile Project (2010) No Time To Waste...The Meanwhile Use Of Assets For Community Benefit. [Online] Available at http://www.meanwhile.org.uk/useful-info/misc/Meanwhile_ Project_16pp_sml.pdf [Accessed 20 Jul. 2010]. Meanwhile Space (2010) A Handbook For Intermediaries. [Online] Available at http:// www.meanwhile.org.uk/useful-info/manuals/Meanwhile%20Handbook%20vfinal_Aii_webwirebind%20with%20cover.pdf [Accessed 20 Jul. 2010]. Pagano, M. A. & Bowman, A. O’M. (2000) Vacant Land in Cities: An Urban Resource. Centre on Urban & Metropolitan Policy [Online]. Available at http://www.mrsc.org/ArtDocMisc/paganofinal.pdf [Accessed 27 Jan 2010]. Thompson, D. (2009) Empty Shops Workbook. [Online] Empty Shops Network & Meanwhile Project. Available at http://www.meanwhile.org.uk/resources/Shop+Manual.pdf [Accessed 2 Feb. 2010].

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

Past Dissertations

Anna MacDougall (2009) Urban Void Spaces: An investigation into Pimlico’s segregation by major lines of infrastructure. University of Westminster MA Urban Design Thesis.

Websites accessed on a number of occasions www.artstsandmakers/emptyshops www.meanwhilespace.ning.com www.meanwhile.org.uk www.localdatacompany.com www.spacemakers.ning.com

Appendix: Primary Research Hastings

When thinking of Hastings, what are the first 5 words that come to mind?

FORMER RESIDENT Lively, Sea, Culture, Sociable, Historical NON-LOCAL WORKER Seaside, Battle of Hastings, eastenders, pier, opportunity MEANWHILE PARTICIPANT Magic, Life-changing, Wide-open, unique, happy LOCAL ARTIST Seaside, tatty, arts, history, small FORMER COUNCIL OFFICER Character, unique, real, lively, interesting MEANWHILE PROJECT EXECUTIVE Home, sunny, pier, events (mad, day long festivals), potential TOWN CENTRE MANAGER Diversity (nature of town, attractive Eastern area and poor Western area, old and new-fishing town and college, three identities), landscape/geography (valleys, hills sea), Daytrippers, communication (ability to attract limited, ethereal communications-broadband), Low esteem/ unfulfilled potential. Disenchantment? RESIDENT 1 Mixed (everything: rich/poor, people), friendly, rough/gritty, (feeling of) community, potential PUBLIC ART OFFICER Regeneration, Sea, Arts, 1066, Fishing Resident Old, Holiday, poor, Home, Pier

What makes Hastings distinctive?

FORMER RESIDENT Hastings is a town that has taken to change very slowly. It is not a modern seaside town but celebrates its historical assets and important past. This sometimes holds the town back. NON-LOCAL WORKER Larger than expected and raffish character, creative but not high art. MEANWHILE PARTICIPANT The architecture, the juxtaposition of coast and natural environment, the promenade, the concentration of artists and creative practitioners. LOCAL ARTIST Lively artistic community, beautiful location – seaside and local countryside, relatively unspoiled, reasonable housing costs for South East, great architecture and public spaces. FORMER COUNCIL OFFICER The unique natural and built environment, its diverse heritage, and people’s love of the town. Also, it hasn’t become a ‘clone town’ of mainly national brands. MEANWHILE PROJECT EXECUTIVE A combination of a seaside town with poverty and disinvestment, which is true of lots of places, but I think it has lots of assets: pier, 2 hills, castle, observer building, old town, St Leonard’s. But there are lots of buildings and places all disconnected. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER Its people. The people I find are really friendly and accommodating. If it has an asset it’s the community feel. Why else would you want to come and live in the 29th most deprived town if it wasn’t for the people? Sea and green space, Sussex downs and wealth of history around us. RESIDENT 2 Its heritage – the long promenade - The Pier and the people PUBLIC ART OFFICER Those things really. Plus historical representation and because it’s a failing resort and has character, the old town and st Leonards. RESIDENT 1 The lack of transport links, a little bit forgotten, architecture and topography (surrounded by hills, sea and castle). Heritage, friendliest place I’ve ever lived (others are Brighton, London and the NW). Have to make your own entertainment here; it lacks the critical mass so you have to make something happen if you want it. It is an interesting town between positive and negative because it is changing. There is cheap housing so there are new people coming in and that is good. St Leonards is developing better than Hastings, property is more affordable so it generates…. This should not just be niche marketing at yuppies but vibrancy celebrated for everyone.

Does Hastings share similar opportunities/issues with other urban neighbourhoods? MEANWHILE PROJECT EXECUTIVE Very similar to lots of other seaside places. There has been a complete lack of ongoing investment since the 60’s. So rare here investment, must be places like Clacton, Brighton, Margate have had much less investment. Not necessarily how many pounds have

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been invested but the attention paid to the built environment. There has been investment but it has been done by Seaspace to the town rather than the town doing it itself. The money invested has ignored the existing assets such as the pier and White Rock Baths and the people. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER It shares a lot of the issues. I have a debate going on in my head about this issue of the 180 degree market but I don’t agree. It doesn’t seem to affect Brighton or Bournemouth. There is the size of the travel to work population and the ability to attract creativity to move the town along. Need to look at more successful places (Brighton, Bournemouth) and their USP. We will always have the seasonal issues and there’s no consistency there for the 12-month demand for the place. The design is a hindrance that others don’t have with the main trunk road along the seafront acting as a barrier. Only Hastings has that main road between the town centre and the sea. We need better linkages between districts. I’m an advocate of shared space. People expect things, even the council, and rely on funding too much. PUBLIC ART OFFICER Yes, recent historical context is that in the 50’s there was the London capital expansion, resulting in an influx of people with prices going up (Islington, Essex, and Middlesex). Central Government’s incentives to move to resorts for the unemployed. There was a competitive infrastructure, which is in decline now. They need to invest in industry in resort areas; Hastings is know about (through 1066) but suffers from particularly bad transport with the A25 and the bridge at Tunbridge Wells limiting the trains. There are severe transport issues and the investment from industry never came. Road building cuts the southlink motorway and the A25, the main road, runs along the seafront. Hastings has a lot of the problems of other seaside resorts but because of the transport problems and because the investment from industry never came in the scale it did in other places of similar size like Brighton and Eastbourne it is more deprived. RESIDENT 1 Hastings is changing but culturally it is predominantly a white working class town. I visited Margate and it made me feel like I was quite well off. Different towns are different. But equally jealous of their empty shops work as they seemed to be using their vacant spaces in a creative way and seemingly on a larger scale. We have something like 68 empty shops here, which seems like a lot to me. Issues with transport links are probably similar, providing for tourists on a large scale but no more than that.

Which are the most vibrant streets? Why is this?

FORMER RESIDENT The Old Town is a cluster of vibrant streets, independent shops, restaurants, bars and fantastic access to the seafront. This is where most of the tourists visit and a lot of the cultural activity takes place. The main streets are George Street and the High Street. NON-LOCAL WORKER Queens Road, feels like on the brink of something MEANWHILE PARTICIPANT Queens Road – individual shops and pedestrian activity. Trinity Triangle (Robertson Street, Cleremont etc) – open and accessible spaces, interesting bars, emphasis on arts/ creative industries. LOCAL ARTIST Old Town – George St and High St and Norman Road in St Leonards. In the Town Centre – Cleremont/Robertson/Trinity area. Independent businesses – good selection of cafes shops, nice atmosphere. FORMER COUNCIL OFFICER Havelock Road and Station Approach (due to UCH, the new Sussex Coast College Hastings building and the Station), Wellington Place (bars, coffee houses, fast food chains), Robertson St (bars and Debenhams), Middle Street and Lower Queen’s Road (due to Priory Meadow Shopping Centre), George Street (old town shops, restaurants, pubs, bars). MEANWHILE PROJECT EXECUTIVE George Street and the High Street in the Old Town are vibrant with people and outdoor activities but it is a very low quality, not a particularly nice environment and should be nicer. St Leonards has attractive public realm, more interesting stuff in the shops and the whole urban feel is nicer. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER In the Old Town, George Street and the High Street have a distinctive seaside identity. The Old Town has a very distinctive identity, where people flock to and it’s the place to trip to. Priory Meadow and Robertson Street is getting with a café culture and retail mix. The America Ground and the history of the 24th State is attractive in its own right and brings a mix of uses. Where you have different uses in juxtaposition you seem to have the vibrancy. RESIDENT 2 George St – The oldest part of the town and always busy. Kings road use to be but since doing the road improvements it is dead now. Robertson Street – Busy on market days and can transform the space into something interesting but without the market becomes a large empty area. PUBLIC ART OFFICER George Street and Priory Meadow, Priory Square and the end of Queens Road, in retail terms. And surprisingly in their shoddy ways, Queens Road and Kings Road (St Leonards) although they have all these charity shops which you could say brings an area down but they are better than empty shops and there is a lot of life there. RESIDENT 1 Crikey! It always shocks me how empty the town centre seems to be. Robertson Street daytime is surprisingly empty but has the nighttime economy, Queens Road is a thoroughfare, and Wellington Street has the memorial and is pedestrianised.

Which streets in the centre of Hastings are the most unused? Why is this?

FORMER RESIDENT There are a large number of streets that are underused in Hastings Centre.

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The most surprising is Robertson Street, which is one of the main links from the town to the seafront and White Rock area. It does run parallel to the seafront, which might be one of its main problems. The road has a very high turnover of low offer shops and not great bars. It is a very pretty street and mostly pedestrian only. NON-LOCAL WORKER Street leading down from station, feels like everything always moving through, not sticking MEANWHILE PARTICIPANT Cambridge Road - nothing of interest past ESK. Priory Street – a through road with no reason to walk through. Havelock Road – a street of estate agents. LOCAL ARTIST Queen’s Road - few larger chains or appealing independent shops. Cambridge Road for the same reasons and rundown. Both are very busy roads with traffic. FORMER COUNCIL OFFICER Claremont, Trinity Street, sea end of Robertson St, Upper Queen’s Road. Few key shops, bars and restaurants. Insufficient ‘critical mass’ of attractions for a good footfall day and evening. MEANWHILE PROJECT EXECUTIVE With the pier and the White Rock baths out of use the whole White Rock area from the town centre to St Leonards is unused, with scummy cafes lasting six months. Silver Hill was lots of little shops serving the housing up there but now half the shops are closed and what is left is very low grade. There is a combination of poor public realm and low quality. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER Queen’s Road where planning dictated the location of the Priory Meadow centre at the bottom end has drawn footfall away. It has a perception of low quality and although there were funds available to repair the area this wasn’t taken up. It feels like a corridor between the town centre and the outlying areas, a thoroughfare rather than a destination. As the quality of the shops and variety and service offer are reduced there is a spiralling decline. There is low culture, low spend. RESIDENT 2 Trinity Triangle and Cleremont – Since the town centre became pedestrian people no longer walk any further than the end of the pedestrian area I think the bollards there make a barrier and people automatically turn round and go back the way they came. PUBLIC ART OFFICER Seafront and the marina sorts of streets could be used more. There could be more investment and could be used more. Also London Road has its problems and Queens Road. Havelock Road looks quiet but it’s because it’s full of Estate Agents so not much variety but they are clustered there which is good I suppose. RESIDENT 1 Upper Queens Road is much quieter. Devonshire Road is really suffering as a road, beautiful houses with mostly multiple occupancy, mainly a transport route. The funny bit into Priory Square. Priory Street is underused, residential so no shops or reason to go there unless you live there. The pedestrian bits make it feel like there are more people there.

Is Hastings lacking in any particular facilities or services? What are they?

FORMER RESIDENT Hastings lacks massively in social activity focused away from drinking. Given that it is a coastal town there is not a lot of sporting activity on the sea only small clubs use it for rowing and sailing. There is very little for young people to do in Hastings that doesn’t involve money or organized activity. The town centre doesn’t offer a great dining experience and there are only cafes and fast food outlets. I think this would make a massive difference to the people in the town centre in the evening. NON-LOCAL WORKER Faster train link without changing lines. Big striking feature as hit town centre. Better link between town centre and sea front MEANWHILE PARTICIPANT In comparison to other South East/South Coast towns it is well provisioned. LOCAL ARTIST Town Centre – very few decent clothes shops, either chains or independent. Most specialist shops i.e. vintage/arts supplies/antiques are elsewhere in Old Town and St Leonards. FORMER COUNCIL OFFICER More quality tourist attractions required. A wider range of good quality restaurants and cafes for a better cafe culture. More national brand shops – specifically clothes and shoes - without pushing out the independents. Pay on exit car parks (HBC Parking Services says too much capital expense). MEANWHILE PROJECT EXECUTIVE Food! The most obvious thing is the lack of nice places to eat and drink. We have a lot of sunshine and leisure time here but I never know where to take visitors, I either go to the White Rock Hotel or to George Street. There lots of ordinary pubs but it lacks shopping, there’s no Next or Gap just Peacocks and M&S and not much else. There are very few private sector facilities. There is Clambers for tiny children but it’s a poor experience for parents. There is a very serious lack of teenager stuff to do. I’m not convinced there are proper community centres for a wide range of incomes. There is a strong art community but it is quite insular. I don’t know where as a non-artist I would do fun artist stuff. HoH feels more for children. Somerfield Sports Centre is there but I don’t know much about hanging out at major leisure places. The park of course is a major asset and has been invested in. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER Yes, there is no modern leisure facility. It would be nice to have something like a multi-screen cinema or bowling alley or ice rink. There are plans to do that it is part of the ‘5 Point Plan’. The theatres we have are too small there is no real central venue for performing arts although maybe there isn’t the cultural demand. We are getting more restaurants. People always

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talk about the potential to bring in a marina along the western end towards St Leonards and use the waterfront to remove the pressure off the Old Town. We are currently well off for Grade A offices, education space, libraries, health centres and youth projects on the edge of town. We have senior forums too and dial-a-ride systems so everything is there but the perception exists that Hastings doesn’t have much to offer. We want residents to use the town centre. We talk about arts and culture but I’m not sure how much the local people want that or whether it’s a top down approach and those who come for the seaside would prefer the low culture end. RESIDENT 2 Activities for teenagers. PUBLIC ART OFFICER Specialist shops (books or music) you are pushed towards the Internet, which is ok for things, you know you want. It’s about quality of offer. It’s about choice. It’s a question of access. If you want to do something (football/sport etc) you can find it. Facilities are available but could have more professional engagement with people who are excluded socially and with schools. I believe in sport and art for their regenerative purposes. Girls sports especially lacking and good intergenerational opportunities. There was 200k invested in the White Rock theatre but the programming is risk averse. It’s to do with leadership and bureaucracy. RESIDENT 1 There are not many designated community spaces in the town centre, in particular wheelchair accessible ones. St Leonards is chocka with them. There are various community groups and spaces that could be used for a variety of things. A multi-purpose dedicated general community centre is what is needed. There is a friends meeting house on South Terrace that we used to use but the town hall you are only allowed one wheelchair user at a time. But a lack of affordable meeting space. We need opportunities for young people and to promote a DIY culture.

Is there any past or present meanwhile activity in Hastings?

FORMER RESIDENT There has been a number of art related activity in the town including installations on Queen Road happening as much as 6 years ago. Since then there has been projects on Wellington Place and Queens Road. NON-LOCAL WORKER Yes, nomad, Arthur greens, Friday ad, HoH MEANWHILE PARTICIPANT Nomad creative space and House of Hastings. Also the Space, 58 kings Road St Leonards LOCAL ARTIST Nomad and House of Hastings FORMER COUNCIL OFFICER Jempsons (Nomad Creative Space – for artists and creatives), Friday Ad (Film installation by Project Artworks), Harvey Licks (The Shed – art installation), Niki World of Hair (The Shed), Kings Road Space (art installations), Going Places (The Good the Bad & The Telly – TV/film installation), House of Hastings (HoH) (Art workshops). MEANWHILE PROJECT EXECUTIVE The meanwhile activity that has happened between the council and the Meanwhile Project has heightened awareness of it and how it might work. The Nomad project bought insight and brought the shop into use, which was good, but it didn’t seem to be open that often. I do worry about the House of Hastings too. Using shops for art seems to be the approach (although not with Arthur Greens). There is potential for groups with big ambitions to test their plans. The other thing I’d be interested in using in the meanwhile is the Baths. Taking a really serious asset that you’d like to do something with in the long term and getting it used now. I’d like to take the top part while we look at the underneath, which is a much bigger job. Would the young people think, oh this is crap? This is a bit haphazard and not what we expect. People always expect when they get a brand new facility they expect a brand new facility, they don’t want it to be a cobbled together facility and that’s around expectations. I think meanwhile has a job to do around changing people’s expectations and letting people think ‘yeah it’s alright, yeah it’s cobbled together but if we weren’t using it meanwhile it would just be empty and boarded up’. In the St Mary in the Castle thing it isn’t empty and boarded up, the woman in there is using it for events and things but she’s not using it very extensively. And My Place the new youth facility, they are waiting for the money and the legal’s before they get in there. It’s currently run by a woman who has the lease on it. Hastings Trust are waiting to sort the legals and the planning and the architecture to run My Place there but are doing what groups do – waiting! And putting loads of energy into the waiting and worrying and architecture and planning for the future and getting disheartened rather than getting on and using it. Also what happened with Pier and the Baths for many years? People say, ‘oh it’s not possible’ because you’re trying to raise so much money and deal with such complex construction issues that people get disillusioned and say it’s not going to happen where as at least if you were using it in the meanwhile and if it didn’t happen in the big sense, well, at least they would have had that time there. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER Nomad at the Jempsons building, Arthur Greens, House of Hastings, and Jerwood Gallery is employing the temporary use of spaces. RESIDENT 2 Arthur Greens – The pier trust info and community space. The House of Hastings – Does a little bit of everything Art/Craft/info/Advice/ and is planning to do a lot more. PUBLIC ART OFFICER Nomad and some others independent of meanwhile. Made significant impact. House of Hastings is definitely enlivening things so it’s good there. RESIDENT 1 The Nomad Shop on Wellington Place and there was one a little further up Queens Road.

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Do you think these projects positively contribute to Hastings?

FORMER RESIDENT Projects have filled otherwise empty spaces in the town and have increased the awareness of the problem as well as a potential solution. As well as the community engaging with the spaces it has also inspired local people to get involved and try out projects themselves. NON-LOCAL WORKER Bring some animation to empty spaces, give opportunities to up and comers, create life and diversity, make it interesting. MEANWHILE PARTICIPANT Yes – they reanimate the town centre, help create dialogue with residents, business owners and passers-by. They also change the perception of artists and contemporary practice. LOCAL ARTIST Bring visually exciting and interesting projects to run-down areas. FORMER COUNCIL OFFICER Yes, very much so. Far better than empty, uncared for and deserted spaces. They have brought art to the town centres, benefiting the streetscape, the community and the artists. MEANWHILE PROJECT EXECUTIVE Absolutely, I have high hopes for all meanwhile projects and so there’s always something that could be even better. There are two different ways they have made things happen-they have made something happen in the meanwhile. But they’ve done something much more important than that in that they have shown people generally and the council in particular that people are capable of making things happen without the council. HoH absolutely did that because it was of course without the council. It’s just that sense of we don’t need to wait for them and for them: they aren’t going to wait for us. They are just going to do it and they are capable of doing it. And that is the most important thing because here there has always been the sense that nothing can happen without the council and the council won’t let people just do stuff. In the past the council has wasted huge amounts of money either building the things we don’t want or spending money on big feasibilities and consultancies on things that never went anywhere, including huge amounts of masterplans. So that sense of alienation from the decision making process, has been turned on its head, and this has been some people just getting on with it, pulling nails out of bits of wood. The council now is much more open and willing to accept that stuff is going to happen anyway and they might as well be in on it. It will take a long time for people to thing they can do it. Hastings is an extreme version of what happens everywhere. The centralization, turning people into dependent children of the state. We have to get away from that. The Meanwhile Project, Hastings Trust and the Hastings Pier & White Rock Trust are pushing that forward. HT has always just got on with stuff and done things that and was treated with hostility. It is going to take a long time. But for a lot of people, Meanwhile Project is seen as a government initiative, Meanwhile Space is an outside company and the council are still involved in some way so how much we can engage with local people and groups to make that happen is still to be seen really. Some of the volunteers who got involved with the HoH clean up really were normal people, the woman from down the road who works in the shop and some people from round the back who run the residents association. Whether they will still be involved and whether they feel any sense of ownership having painted the walls is part of the question. We don’t want to just replace the council with other even less accountable, if nicer, organizations. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER The higher brow cultural projects are not really working; the lower end culture activities work better. Art in shop windows won’t change people’s perception of a town although it is better than boarded windows. But it is about hitting the right note. Meanwhile makes it look better, there is less crime and gives community groups opportunities. RESIDENT 2 Any project that enhances the look of Hastings has to be good. PUBLIC ART OFFICER The projects set a precedent of good practice to the Arts Council funding bid and set principles for artists and proved a point to the economic development team. Also, in the context of the Jerwood, who came along to invest and has changed a risk averse nature here, where meanwhile has been predisposed to it. RESIDENT 1 House of Hastings has made the biggest difference. I walk up and down Queens Road a lot and it has been dreadful for 4 years having this building empty and it was one of the things the community forum wanted to see happen. It has a good range of activities, but I don’t know how many people come in. It is easy to cater for the creative classes, as they are middle class and dynamic and used to going out and doing things in funny buildings. But the fact that there are these fantastic things in the windows and there was a talk by fishermen and the architects being here were brilliant.

Are there any places where unexpected things happen?

MEANWHILE PROJECT EXECUTIVE There always seems to be something: Old Town week, Jack in the Green, Coastal Currents, and Seafood & Wine festival mainly in the Old Town. Last year my neighbour turned up all dressed up and had made up a new traditional festival for the March Hare and the Mad Hatter, because he decided nothing seemed to happen really in the middle of March so he needed a new traditional festival! He tried to invent it so that it sounded like it had always been there and would last. There’s also Bonfire Night, Beetles Day and the newest one is the July 4th for the 24th State celebration. It will be another new traditional festival. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER Not really, no. I generally know about or expect most things as they come through me. The Old Town is more organic and we do encourage markets etc. PUBLIC ART OFFICER If the right wide arts groups had the option to do things and a little bit

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investment then this would happen. That capacity has always been in Hastings and I think the council is responding much more strongly and making it much easier for things to happen. The council is much more positive now about public art installations. Some of the great heroes in the borough Electric Palace have done shop by the sea and other things, did a screening of jaws but I’m not really surprised by anything. RESIDENT 1 I always expect the unexpected! Not generally in the town centre but would expect more in the old town. There was a flash mob in Priory Square not long ago and you do get opera singing and biking and skateboarding in Memorial Square. One thing I always regret that there isn’t more integration between the generations and young people aren’t welcomed into the town centre. I realize it’s a bit scary if you have people on bicycles but really those things should be designed in such as biking and skateboarding like under the Southbank. It was obvious to me that Priory Meadow would be used by skateboarders but it should be a positive thing.

What would you like to see happening in the centre of Hastings in the future?

FORMER RESIDENT I would like to see much more in the way of specialist markets happening in the town. Fairly regularly there is a French market, which is hugely successful. Hastings is surrounded by local producers, which could supply a farmers market on a regular occasion. This would be unique to the town and could draw more customers onto Robertson Street and increase footfall from the Old Town to the new town. NON-LOCAL WORKER Diverse events, activities and spaces, a reason to visit and be curious about visiting, with practical offer for daily users as well as interesting offer for occasional visitors, for this latter group give a reason for them to develop a relationship with the place. MEANWHILE PARTICIPANT Outdoor film screenings. More empty buildings being opened up for temporary studios and project spaces. LOCAL ARTIST More fairs/markets, support for independent shops, more support for art in public spaces, live music and performance. Empty shops opened up for festivals etc. FORMER COUNCIL OFFICER If meanwhile spaces use public money, I would like to see them accessible to all and with a range of participatory activities/workshops to appeal to all walks of life – art language and ‘white spaces’ can put some people off. It would be good to ensure that is it is not the same arty crowd using the spaces, but a range of people. It is a shame spaces can’t be used as a cheap way of piloting various new enterprises, however I’m aware that there are business rates issues with that approach. In terms of the town centre in general, I’d like to see quality, public art; welldesigned, attractive, modern street furniture; better signage and continuing markets and events. MEANWHILE PROJECT EXECUTIVE An open pier! Don’t think the projects should all be town centre; they should Spread the activity from the Old Town to St Leonard’s through White Rock and the Town Centre. Making use of the existing assets we do have: Bottle Alley, the Pier, and the Baths and just behind the Observer building. White Rock assets have been most under invested in. All of those key buildings Brassy Institute where the library is. That library will become just another problem; a beautiful building that is no longer in use. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER More residents (this will happen with more flats). More links between the town centre community and a living space again rather than just retail, an intermingling of people. Living above the shops (creative businesses) would be welcome as they are in Folkestone. RESIDENT 2 A regular Market and all types of street activities. PUBLIC ART OFFICER A bit more investment in the arts. The secret is Hastings has two biggest resources that have been under invested in: the sea and young people. Would like more investment in young people like the skate park in White Rock which is really good by quite out the way. Get top artists like John Maine to work with them and design a great skate park and put it on the sea front to show off young people, then everyone will come to the seafront to look at them. In our own way, because we’re our own place. Areas for sports, volleyball, trampolines. They are doing a football court but it will just be a fenced football court. About a culture of saying and someone high up saying you can do it, breaking down barriers and they are beginning to be more positive about it. Like in France you have the trinket traders and we should develop bottle alley. If young people go there it will be trendy and others will follow and also it will be healthy for them. RESIDENT 1 Queen’s Road should be celebrated more. There is a valuable resource but the paving is lousy so we need to encourage people to walk up here. People cycle on the pavement because the road is so dangerous for cyclists. A lot of money has been invested in St Leonards which makes it look beautiful and making the public realm better can only be a good thing.

Could meanwhile uses test or contribute to the future vision?

MEANWHILE PROJECT EXECUTIVE We need a real focus and strategy for White Rock and the whole of the Seafront to focus on the actual existing built fabric but using meanwhile to test out a range of different approaches, with a particular focus on eating and leisure and teenage facilities. One of our interests for the pier is a sort of all ages entertainment centre. We think there’s a market because the feasibility says there is but in terms of meanwhile approaches potentially we could try out some different entertainment attempts in different places like the Baths and Bottle Alley. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER It depends on the interest from groups. It could work to a degree because

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it’s about communities. Meanwhile uses can be inspirational and behaviour forming. As long as it’s not just a 3-month refuge for some down and out arts group but exhibitions and linkages with businesses and community space. PUBLIC ART OFFICER If you draw on that Mediterranean model, in hard times people come here not just as a resort but also as a funky place to go. If you upgrade the quality of shops even charity shops, by having shops active and shop windows vibrant with no blank spots and shops with something happening in them. If HoH was in the middle of it like Robertson Street, it would have more impact. We are looking to extend possibly along the marina/temporary traders the projects supported by Retail Vitality grants to set up in empty shops. When you go past lots of activity people will want to be a part of it. Upping the quality of the perceived offer. RESIDENT 1 We do have to have a really engaged group of volunteers. It is becoming harder and harder to coordinate as there is less volunteer time these days. Everyone is so busy. There is an issue with meanwhile and not being able to sell things and local shop owners getting jealous thinking why can’t I put my stuff in there and sell it but that’s just the whole point. Providing spaces is good – maybe working with Hastings Trust who runs the Inspire shop with graffiti, poetry and life drawing workshops. Some kind of community development is needed but not sure that’s meanwhile. Sometimes it helps to be able to have a café would help make people want to come in HoH but it has to come from the local community what people want to do.

Somers Town

When thinking of Somers Town, what are the first 5 words that come to mind?

ARCHITECT 1 Island housing long streets closed. BUSINESS IMPROVEMENT DISTRICT (BID) MANAGER Opportunity, size, central, unusual building form. RESIDENT 2 Back of the British Library. Now my home and will be till I die. FORMER STUDENT Chalton Street, housing estates, quiet, Edith Neville School, island. RESIDENT 1 Residential, social housing, British Library POTENTIAL MEANWHILE PROJECT Waste Opportunity In Central London JW Isolated, welfare, uniform, homogenous (I’ve now learnt it isn’t), housing ARCHITECT 2 Changing, Brazil, British Library, Euston, Paragon Park TOWN CENTRE MANAGER Contained (for a community in Central London), insular, Shane Meadows film (glorified advert for channel tunnel), deprived, unknown NEIGHBOURING RESIDENT North of the euston road!

What makes Somers Town distinctive?

ARCHITECT 1 It is a patchwork of estates from different periods almost a living museum of housing typologies. It has a hidden green leafy charm. Both for outsiders and insiders the shape of the place seems full of happy accidents. There is a sense of private lives being lived in parallel. A good place if you have children and reasons to be sociable but perhaps an easy place to feel isolated too. BID MANAGER Access – really poor permeability and high story buildings. Around the perimeter effectively ‘walls’ the perimeter and keeps the community distinctly isolated from the outside area. RESIDENT 2 I like the mixture of people, the way we are: old and young, different backgrounds, from Bengali community and other communities have come in since and then the old Somers Town community that has always been very mixed and I like that. FORMER STUDENT It seems to be physically and socially disconnected from its surroundings. RESIDENT 1 It’s the housing and the quality and history of the housing. There is a clear street pattern, it is so contained. So contained, in a sense very poorly penetrable, both north south and east west. Just now, crossing the Euston Road, took hours. What I would love would be for TfL to pilot making the Euston Road pedestrian priority and to do that at the entrance to Somers Town. POTENTIAL MEANWHILE PROJECT The Location - so central. And the incredible peace and quiet in the heart of Somers Town on a summer afternoon, with the bustle of Kings Cross and Euston almost unimaginable, a stone’s throw away. JW Its separateness, which is both an asset and a difficulty. Traditionally, no one penetrated the area, it was always seen as a ghetto in a good sense of a ghetto as a thriving place where the immigrant community can settle, but I don’t think it’s that now. I don’t know about now, there are new ethnic groups coming through but traditionally this was the place and I think going back it would be the Irish, and there has always been proved diversity if you went back. ARCHITECT 2 Its location, it is quiet, it is like an island, has a Mary Celeste quality about it. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER Surprisingly for such a central neighbourhood it’s not very porous. The name is quite distinctive. I wouldn’t know that much about it. As an outsider it would be that sense of…it feels a certain insularity. I’ve worked a lot in EC1 and I think you get a similar idea of a deprived community living in actually what is a very marketable residential area feeling like they are under siege a bit. I would guess at that. NEIGHBOURING RESIDENT Crazy number of different types of architecture, strange area as wedged in between big road/stations etc. Residential makeup.

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Does Somers Town share similar opportunities/issues with other urban neighbourhoods?

RESIDENT 2 I have a worry it almost has to fight for its existence sometimes. With the whole St Pancras or Eurostar, I mean I love it, but the process of it happening and the Kings Cross development. And every time we stop they start talking about something else. The Euston thing is hovering, and the speed train, what is going to happen on this (UKCMRI site)? There was a big plan to have the tramline when Ken Livingstone was mayor and they had this daft idea they wanted to carve us up. They wanted to bring it through a side street and we fought that off but someone always wants to carve us up. It’s being between mainline stations really. It works both ways; we have to constantly be aware. We’re lucky in the sense the council has done these areas that are cut off from local traffic and they’ve stuck with it, they haven’t done away with it, there’s been a lot of pressure for them to do so. But it has made us in a way quite compact. Of a Saturday evening in August you wouldn’t believe you were 5 minutes to the Eurostar and a main line station. RESIDENT 1 I’m sure it does without a doubt, it’s got to, in terms of its demographic profile, poor health as a result and unemployment. Those would be the factors it would share. The causes are there but are the effects the same? It shares many causes. It has been made into an “environmental area” i.e. traffic prohibiting as have other social enclaves. The welcome building is a consortium of UCL, Welcome Trust, and Cancer Research that is not such a bad thing. They say housing cannot go on the site, which is what the green party want. There is an issue with the large housing. Bangladeshi’s live more people per unit; recently Camden Council spent millions knocking through two flats into one. They lost a lot of residents as they had to move them elsewhere but it gave people what they need. The flats are quite pokey. There are no rights of the sons and daughters to live in the same area and the council is blamed for that. JW It is both unique and unusual, surrounded by very successful areas but thinks of itself as local. Where some of the leading edge public housing happened in the 20’s and 30’s. Starting place for a lot of early public housing. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER Yeah, I would have thought. There are other areas of fairly concentrated social housing around the city fringe and I suspect it has similar issues to those, in that probably there is a strong sense of community in the area but people feel as the social housing stock is dissipated and given housing allocation policy, that it is very hard for people who’ve traditionally lived in ST, for their children to continue living there.

Which are the most vibrant streets in Somers Town?

ARCHITECT 1 Chalton Street for the shops market and summer festival just gone BID MANAGER Chalton Street: market and business premises generate footfall, further down the football pitch is a focal point for young people. RESIDENT 2 Chalton Street, particularly on Friday when there’s the market. Evershot Street and then I suppose Euston Road where we start. This side has now become much busier since the Eurostar there are lots of shops in there and particularly more and more I’ve noticed older people because they love it really; it’s very accessible with money machines that are secure and seats to sit down. FORMER STUDENT Chalton Street. It’s the only place where the ‘outside world’ really penetrates Somers Town. ARCHITECT 2 Charlton Street and the one parallel next to the library. Because they are a route from somewhere to somewhere else, but they have different vibrancies – Charlton is people and the other for me is cycles RESIDENT 1 Vibrant is not a word I would actually use for Somers Town! I think you’ve got to say that Chalton St has cafes and shops and so the activity there including a rather sad market on a Friday must mean we include that. Evershot Street could be considered Somers Town but the traffic detracts from vibrancy there. I can’t say there is anything else that’s vibrant in it. POTENTIAL MEANWHILE PROJECT Never really spent enough time to see - Malbet Street seemed busy near Euston. JW I don’t really know it well enough but Chalton Street is just beginning to open up where others aren’t yet. ARCHITECT 2 Hard to say – not surveyed, but my gut says the East – West routes are less used because of the lack of generally permeability either side of Somers Town. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER The one I walk down the most is certainly the bottom end of Charlton st in quite vibrant. There is a low rent but quite well used street market on Fridays. Don’t really go into the northern reaches much except as a shortcut up through to Evershot St. I don’t think many people shortcut through ST generally. Partly because the railway bounds it on one side so that gives it its own isolation and so it’s not a very viable cut through to most places. NEIGHBOURING RESIDENT Only one I really know is Chalton Street

Which streets in the centre of Somers Town are the most unused?

ARCHITECT 1 Well there are not many ways in and out so the desire lines are not as strong as they

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

could be either east west or north south. There could be a chain of small destinations and active street corners, which would make the place more obviously open and safe. BID MANAGER Brill Place – should be a major thoroughfare to St Pancras but due to one-way system it is rarely used. Opportunity!! RESIDENT 2 Hard to say, don’t know of any are unused but some are used less. Going into estates and that. And of course they vary at different times during the day. Because we have 5 schools and 2 of them are secondary. So the streets are packed with them to-and from-ing for half an hour but then they are very very quiet. So streets leading to South Camden and of course Maria Fidelis when the girls come out they are very noisy, but of course it all happens and goes and it’s quite interesting really. When the schools come out it can be very busy and all the shops are busy, and the youngsters are milling about, chatting each other up and then it’s gone. Occasionally there is a little set-to. I think some people up there exaggerate. If we do have problems its normally young men who’ve been banned from the school wanting a fight. But I wouldn’t think that’s any different from any other innercity area. I tried to get on the bus at Haverstock school when it was emptying out, which I now name the Labour Party’s Eaton because we’re likely to have our new leader from there, because the two Milliband boys and Oona King were all educated at Haverstock. It’s quite funny! FORMER STUDENT There are streets between estates that are under-used. There is no coherent flow of circulation due to all the dead ends and fragments caused by the gated housing estates. RESIDENT 1 You don’t see lots of people walking round especially in the evening. That would be a factor possibly of the population you have which is families with young people and a more elderly and not terribly well people. People are ill and die young in ST. I think by and large, more traffic would be a good thing. It would be fantastic to have things that encourage people to be out in the evenings and not shut in their homes. POTENTIAL MEANWHILE PROJECT The ones near St Pancras Way seemed deserted, with an empty pub on the corner all boarded up. JW None of the edges are vibrant. Euston Road is busy not vibrant. It could be. It’s vibrant in terms of busyness but not as a place. There was that funning bit at the side that was hacked to pieces underneath the arches and curves around which is very interesting. Very important in the way it links back to Camden Town. NEIGHBOURING RESIDENT No idea

Is Somers Town lacking in any particular facilities or services?

ARCHITECT 1 There are many social services in the area but they are hidden and perhaps less connected to the immediate community than one might think. There seems to be a lack of social enterprise and active forms of local commerce, which would give access to work, and training for jobs. BID MANAGER Business activity, it is a prime location with high levels of unemployment yet provides little employment opportunities. RESIDENT 2 People feel there aren’t enough youth services. I am a little disappointed in that. The big youth centre behind the school but I never feel they do enough outreach work, I know there is some outreach. There appears to be a lack for young people to get out and just do things. Maybe I don’t know. New Horizons does stuff for homeless. I don’t think enough goes on for girls. The shop situation is a bit odd, partly because I think they can’t survive. But it’s not that far to Camden High Street but there’s a feeling that small businesses struggle here. I suppose there’s not that much money. That’s why I like the Eurostar because there’s a nice M&S. FORMER STUDENT There is talk of Somers Town lacking a community hub to tie the area together. There is a low level of social mobility in the area and a lack of opportunities for young people to develop to their full potential. RESIDENT 1 Does it have everyday shops? No, but people can get to them nearby. It would be all the better with a great market, perhaps a good doctors surgery as people say it’s rubbish. What we really need are ideas to generate activity. Proper vegetable gardens for example in the middle of the courts that everyone looked after. The theatre has changed hands and the new manager wants to engage with the community but I stopped listening when he said tickets were only £11 and if you buy 11 tickets the next is free… Scene&Heard are a charity working out of Theatro Technics on Pancras Road. They are a project working with children writing play lets, costumed beautifully and professionals act it out. POTENTIAL MEANWHILE PROJECT Not enough of a regular to know - lot of kids about after dark, don’t seem to have much to do, but I know there’s a youth club. JW Don’t know it well enough. My impression is that it’s lacking in amenity but actually it probably has quite a lot of amenity, but all overlaid with quite a heavy hand of welfare. There are several schools, an array of shops, student-housing coming in there, offices and a youth centre. It actually has all the elements, so my guess is that it actually has quite a lot but it doesn’t seem to add up because it’s too dispersed, you aren’t aware of the facilities. This has got to be hugely important (UKCMRI site), the link back to the university of the Arts and I’m not sure how to make that work. It needs a lot of analysis to understand what is really going on there. You will get a real sense of livelihood looking at floor by floor. Get a Google Earth drawing and start to unearth what is there, looking at doorbells. Are there any clusters beginning where people rely on each other? There will be

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

101 things that don’t directly look like opera or ballet. Do some overlap or are there glimmers of things beginning to happen which with a nudge would really happen? Chalton Street is already beginning. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER Don’t know, a range of community facilities kicking around, I’ve been talking to Make-do and been giving them a hard time about why they can’t they use existing places. Some play space and green space; think there are quite a lot of services but not a great deal around the private sector, although right in the heart of London on the doorstep of Camden town and Euston. Inner city London with a relatively deprived area will have issues around young people, some of it’s a perception things, and anti social behaviour, something around opportunities for young people. But we live in an increasingly atomized society, where people because they don’t interact across generations it is easier to fear what you don’t know. NEIGHBOURING RESIDENT ?? Not well marketed to outsiders

Is there any past or present meanwhile activity in Somers Town?

ARCHITECT 1 The allotments are a very good start, reasons to meet people as offered by say Hackney City Farm or Vauxhall City Farm mix up age groups and create community outdoor associated with indoor spaces. They are less segregating than the 3 corners and community centre in Somers Town. So would be great if meanwhile uses mixing a shop/cafe with outdoor making space on say underused verges would be very interesting. Using temporary structures and/or modular port cabins a number of ‘try out’ sites could be tested for potential development. BID MANAGER There are the temporary allotments on the UKCMRI site. RESIDENT 2 Quite a lot of things going on, The Hillward centre (Age Concern) have lots of things that go on, events and things like the actress Sheila Simmons came recently to talk and lots of people enjoyed that. A lot of stuff goes on with Age Concern; we try to encourage people out. If you want to get involved there are thing happening. I live above sheltered housing and getting people out of their flats is difficult. There is a fear of crime, which is unnecessary. Maybe our generation have a strange fear of crime and living in inner cities. FORMER STUDENT There are/were some temporary allotments on the site of the Medical centre development, which was organized by Camley Street. RESIDENT 1 I think someone has done work with the schools on roof gardens and in some of the blocks. Around growing. I don’t know about things. I know Edith Neville School and the children’s centre opposite are offering lots of activities for the community and the other community centre. There are probably a whole load of things happening in pockets. It’s finding out what is happening and accessing it if you want to and not falling into being too parochial. POTENTIAL MEANWHILE PROJECT Not sure - Maybe New Horizons? ARCHITECT 2 Could say the construction site works – there is a thought that all activity is temporary and buildings are only permanent as long as they exist. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER No, I run the pop up shop programme but we’ve not really done anything there yet, although we are looking at doing things. I’m sure there’s a wealth of summer youth programmes that are temporary in the sense that the youth service invents it every year. Temporary use of property? I don’t know, not that I’m aware of, but wouldn’t really be unless it’s something we run. NEIGHBOURING RESIDENT Don’t know

Do you think these projects positively contribute to Somers Town?

ARCHITECT 1 EN school is a very warm place and is constantly initiating projects. It seems clear that one of the temporary sites could be on the southwest corner of the school. The railing would need to be cut so that they could be remodelled to offer say two of three modes of openness at that corner. I think that it would be important to show that security for current and temporary and therefore future use is possible in a creative way. A certain can doishness is going to change the feeling of institutional bossiness you feel reading various notices in the area. A physical intervention especially if it can operate like a switch from one thing to the other is quite exciting however modest. BID MANAGER Yes, providing a new source of entertainment and ideas for young people to aspire for careers in new directions. RESIDENT 1 The biggest problem I see for ST is the permeability. I think it encourages a mindset, the cutt-offness. It’s a different quality of place, a different texture of place, it’s housing as opposed to other central London institutions and its texture is one of a pleasantly laid out residential area and quite green if you go down. I don’t think the threat comes from within it comes from without it. Being cut off may have helped in the past but may lead to a certain type of mindset. POTENTIAL MEANWHILE PROJECT Not sure yet. ARCHITECT 2 Yes, they bring activity where there was none. NEIGHBOURING RESIDENT Don’t know

Are there any places where unexpected things happen in Somers Town?

RESIDENT 2 There is the keep fit things that are kept clean and used by women a lot, with bikes and things near the schools where everyone said it wouldn’t work. But it costs so much to join a gym and I think it was joint PCT money because we have issues with illness and not living long here. But you

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

think ‘what a good idea’. There was a brilliant sight with all the Bengali mums all doing it with their little children. They would never go to a gym and I thought ‘this is wonderful’. We have seats outside here that need fixing but were sociable spaces and there are seats on Chalton Street from SRB money. They are places for people to come together. RESIDENT 1 The threat comes from without it. Over the past decades when you have things like the British Library which presents horrible facades. This is about what happens around about belonging and giving something that could benefit it and not blocking it in further. There is a fear of change amongst the longstanding community and a history of being done to which makes them automatically negative and reactive to things that are proposed. So it’s always problematic. Silly things have happened like making it environmental area and stopping traffic means without doubt you have much more dealing and don’t have eyes on the street. But people here thinking we just need more CCTV cameras. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER No, I don’t.

What would you like to see happening in the centre of Somers Town in the future?

ARCHITECT 1 The best future is one, which would not involve huge changes in infrastructure but more of a fine-tuning of the existing urban fabric involving small-interconnected projects with the opportunity for experiment. It has the opportunity to be a strongly differentiated area growing smaller companies as well as cultural and community activities in contrast to the chain store commerce of Kings Cross and Euston. Growing links with all the U of the Arts, the new laboratory community as well as the existing centres of learning while also building on say on the wealth of diverse local cultures of Drummond Street restaurants cafes, and music shops Somers Town can perhaps develop as a sophisticated ‘low key’ destination which will bring in new wealth while making a distinct contribution to this area of London. BID MANAGER More business space and new homes. RESIDENT 2 I would like to see a decision on the UKCMRI site and something to happen. If they go ahead with what is currently submitted for planning permission it will involve the community healthy cities and section 106. That site was bare and then it had offices on it while they did the Eurostar so it would be nice to have buildings on it. It would be nice to see less change really and have a while to look at itself and it streets sorted out, pavements and attract more small businesses inside the areas. FORMER STUDENT More permeability and more spaces, which engage the community, especially the younger people, with all the incredible facilities around them. RESIDENT 1 I would like for us to have a swanky new school obviously, that is my personal perspective, but it is needed and this is an opportunity to do something for the area. EN is one of the most local schools with most of our kids walking there so it’s very much identified with locally. Would be nice to do something with what I deem the municipal open space, but in actuality means nothing. Would be nice to look at the public realm, would be nice for people as well, and that would extend to some performance exercise engagement that makes people think about routes to the North. Somehow marking a route and over to Camley St to know this is the way you go. A clearer reading of routes in ways that engage people. Local people don’t use it and local people probably say they don’t want people from outside coming in. But they aren’t a danger, they are also eyes on the street but they may be perceived as danger. But why would you come through if you don’t know the way out? JW The great opportunity and what should be happening in ST is without losing its historical identity, knitting it into the wider London and making it more diverse. The taxis are beginning to take a route through which was almost unheard of before. It needs a bit more action. Important to start to make it more accessible for cars to filter through here, not a rat run but generally where the pedestrian is dominant. Difficult to get in it. And social innovation. This is a great opportunity and what should be happening is knitting it back into the wider London and making it more diverse. POTENTIAL MEANWHILE PROJECT A youth engagement initiative - there has been a problem with ASBO youths, and something to address that seems crucial. ARCHITECT 2 turning the schools inside out TOWN CENTRE MANAGER My impression is that it’s not an area in crisis particularly. I wouldn’t really know what the issues are enough to comment. What issues there are, there maybe activities and interventions that could alleviate and improve things. A bigger driver for a lot of issues around fear of crime, ASB, youth unemployment are more societal and macro economic than around education and opportunity than anything wrong with the area. Probably an argument to make it more open to outsiders, there’s always a tension, like the perennial argument with residents wanting gates on estates. Don’t think it hurts if you have problems with ASB to have higher footfall and more street frontage. Work would really be the only reason I went there, occasionally I go to the bottom area of Chalton St, and any further into ST would be too far to make it worth my while. NEIGHBOURING RESIDENT Fair/ “Villagefete” type activity

Could meanwhile uses test or contribute to the future vision?

RESIDENT 2 They are sort of planned; hopefully, there are all sorts of ideas we are keen on. We don’t really want masses of housing without the facilities (community centres, green spaces). I know Plot 10

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094

plans to refurbish the way they are laid out. RESIDENT 1 Meanwhile works in empty property, but perhaps it works otherwise perhaps some temporary facility? Could be very applicable to the open space slightly north of the centre near where all the schools are, right in front of EN primary. Why is everything railed? Who are you railing it for and whom are you railing it against? Part of what we flagged up in New Heart for ST, testing out a community hub. Doing something perhaps with the British Library because they are looking at putting a new northern entrance. Something that the public would get involved with and use, not just a staff entrance. JW Yes absolutely. We know there are connections through St Pancras and things are changing. And the British Library are trying to take some of these big blocks and make walkways through and there is a lot of opportunity on Chalton Street as that has really opened up recently. You can’t get through. To make a place work with only pedestrians takes an awful lot of them. You need a combination of pedestrians and cars about 50/50, both respecting each other. One of the opportunities with the Welcome Centre is to make a study area. Could transitional projects consolidate and become transformational? Looking forward a lot of our point of sale and buying things will be done electronically. That means that actually there will be still ways the high street can continue. One that it will be very local, a place of quick convenience. Regents Quarter is a good example and very interesting in that sense. The second thing that will happen will be that there will be a big demand for showcase space where firms will want a place to show off their product and show people how to use it better. You come in there to learn more about the product and possibly buy it elsewhere. Originally it was Disney and Coca Cola, you think it was Apple but Sony had places very early on. And Argos is interesting too where you can order online but because you’re never at home so it can’t be delivered to you and collect in store. That’s business2customer but then you’ll get a new kind of high street and increasingly see business2business space at the front of offices. Third places you’ll get are businesses within businesses, selling services, training places, coffee places that are actually within a business. Pop-up space is hastening that because if you hadn’t had cheap space you couldn’t have the bicycle café where you get your bike fixed while you have a coffee and a chat. To be able to design it in would need to make sure the planning application was very loose about the ground floor activity. Those are all going to grow up on our new high street and some won’t live and others will thrive. I would make sure the planning application was much looser in terms of uses and what could happen on the ground floor, I wouldn’t worry about whether this was going to be a restaurant or this or retail. Need an equivalent of B1 that could allow anything as long as it didn’t conflict with the prime use of the area. It’s not some clever typology that’s going to answer this question; it’s actually a planning issue. One very good way would be to think about where you’ve got big development schemes is to make sure you put a certain amount of space where you want to be the buzz area towards innovative modes, so you allowed for self build projects for example. Many of those are architects will work on the ground space as a shop window and it’s very fluid and just spills over. Not quite live/work. Typologies are too precise. TOWN CENTRE MANAGER It could but the challenge with that is that something by nature temporary - how do you get a lasting impact? People can benefit from and have their eyes opened and learn skills from it. Potential to break down barriers and create links within community but people who want to do stuff within pop up shops are well meaning but often come in form outside. But activist people within communities don’t always like each other and don’t always get on. In some cases temporary uses may be able to over come it but not sure. It’s a visible way of encouraging activism by people who aren’t involved with local. With community CVS will be in a period of retrenchment, i.e. hackney that the council will struggle to fund, social enterprise will only go so far. Which is why I don’t think this is the moment; premises can be a millstone not just an asset. Look at the Asset Transfer Unit.

EMILY BERWYN | DISSERTATION | MA URBAN DESIGN | 12015094