South African Apartheid: SOWETO (South Western Eastern Townships) - So Where To?...

South African Apartheid: SOWETO (South Western Eastern Townships) - So Where To? Nazism Apartheid Style Early White Settlers and Separate Development The Europeans attitude toward the Africans can be traced back to the arrival of White settlers in South Africa. Van Riebeeck and his and his crew on the orders of the Dutch East India Company in 1652, they were too keep their establishment as small as possible to limit it to a refreshment station which could service ships passing by on their way to India. The remnants of he hedge built by Van Riebeeck marking the outer limits of the station can still be discerned in the botanical gardens at Kirstenbosch, Cape Town.

After five years, the Dutch East India Company allowed to set up as independent colonists, and this was when the White Supremacist mentality was created. M. F. Katzens writes: "Slaves were imported on a small scale from the beginning of the settlement and they gradually became part of the permanent feature of the settled new White society; also, this happened once private agriculture was part of the south-west of the Cape colony."

Whites and the Khoi exchanged cattle and goods; smallpox and other epidemics caused great mortality; some groups retreated inland, and accepted the Dutch Company's authority. In 1785, the San, who had lost their hunting lands and game, that this resulted in a guerrilla warfare between the San and the settlers. The displacement of the Khoi, some of them were incorporated into the new society as servile dependents of the white farmers as herdsmen, domestic servants. As the cultural barriers broke down in the Cape, due to widespread miscegenation between whites, slaves, and the Khoi Khoi, this gave rise to the emergence of the Cape Colored people.

The attitude of the White settlers toward the indigenous and the slaves, was unhealthy that Van Riebeeck's successor, Wagenaar, issued and instruction in 1662: "The Hottentots(Khoi) and the Capemans, with whom a free access has been hitherto allowed, shall still continue to enjoy the same; and you will on no account suffer them, out of wantonness, or upon trifling causes, to be called by the garrison, the cattle herds, or the sailors, 'black stinking dogs', still less to be kicked, pushed or beaten..."

According to historical account, the expression "black stinking dogs" originated with Van Riebeeck himself. Professor C. W. Kiewiet has this to say about the attitude of the colonists towards the locals: 'According to their belief it was more than their arms that made them prevail over the natives, and their superiority depended on more than their intelligence or their institutions.'

Their superiority was born of race and faith, a quality divinely given which could not be transmitted to other races or acquired by them. 'The stinking black dogs', as van Riebeeck already called them, suffered from an inferiority, predestined and irreparable, which fixed their place in a society of white men.

A Hundred years after Jan Van Riebeeck landed in the Cape, the colonists, who came to be known as the Afrikaners or Boers, evolved their way of life in isolation. They lived a life of subsistence, not much different from the life of the local inhabitants, but they developed self-sufficient and independence of outlook contradicted by the slave ownership.

Their life was grim, and were facing a multitude of human and natural obstacles. The Bible was their anchor and faith, but otherwise lived a bleak existence. Economically they had their place in the field, and the kitchen; socially and politically they stood outside the circle of the rights and privileges of white men; even legally they existed in an ambiguous region between law and the arbitrary will of their master. This has remained the attitude to present day 21 century South Africa.

The history of South Africa, since 1652 has undergone more changes than al of which cannot be talked about in this limited article. But it should be borne in mind that the British and the Afrikaners relationship was antagonistic and in constant opposition. Trade, cheap labor and land were some of the most contested issues of the day. W. M. Freund wrote: "The Final transfer from Dutch to British rule did not in itself precipitate a revolution in government.

"The reformist impulses of the Early British and Batavian administration were so submerged by the wight of established Cape practice to the extent that by 1814, the transitional governments had simply reaffirmed the essentials of Cape social structure as it had existed prior to 1795. In 1814, Lord Charles Somerset assumed office as governor of the Cape. It was his misfortune to govern the Cape at the time when the new social forces generated in a rapidly industrializing Great Britain engulfed the colony, sweeping aside not only "Somerset but the entrenched power of local oligarchy and the established rhythms of the local economy. The couple explosion of the 1820 Settlers at the periphery of the colony and the 'revolution in government' at its center reverberated far beyond the borders of the Cape, exposing the peoples of the interior to a dual invasion by the British Settlers, apostles of free enterprise and free trade, and the Afrikaner Voortrekkers, bearers of a racial ideology precipitated on a system of coerced labor."

The Commission of Eastern Inquiry in 1822 investigated all aspects of Cape Administration and make specific recommendations for regulation and practical improvement. This Commission recommended that creation of an Independent legal system to guard against both arbitrary misuse of power and erase corruption within the ranks of administration.

They sought to create an efficient civil service able to overcome the inequities associated with the patronage system. They also wanted to remove the last of the economic restraint associated with the old mercantile system, and to stimulate prosperity through free enterprise. Given personal liberties and security of property, it was hoped that the Khoikhoi would eventually become 'industrious framers and respectable members of the community.(Barrow) The Great Trek was a name given to the deliberate immigration from the Cape by some 15,000 Afrikaners, almost all of them came from the eastern districts , and were moving into the interior where they could search and find a place to go into the interior where they could govern themselves according to the "old Burgher" and regulations and duties. Their recommendations towards the Anglicization of the colony was lined to the first two recommendations, and their recommendations with regard to the Khoikhoi were lined with the third recommendations.

The Commissioners considered the servile conditions of the Khoi and free Africans further inhibited their energies towards frivolous pursuits. The Commission concluded that, by restraining free competition, the existing system drove up the prices of provision and prevented growth of the internal market, limited economic demand of the colonist to the acquirement of a few articles of the first necessity and deprived the Cape of the solid Prosperity of a thriving and industrious population.(RCC, Reports).

By the early 1830s the new land and labor regulations, imperfectly enforced though they may have been, were beginning to bite,and the more astute amongst the Afrikaners were able to predict their loss of control already. Sentiments for the great Trek were founded on statements made by the Afrikaners such as tis one: "Now we have a Civil Commissioner to receive our money fro Government and for Land Surveyors, a magistrate to punish us, a Clerk of the Peace to prosecute us, and get us in the "Tronk"[prison], but no Heemraad to tell us whether things are right or wrong ... The Englishman is very learned ... They and the Hottentots will squeeze us all out by degrees."(Stockenstrom) The Trek The fact of the radical shift in colonial policy through the recommendations of the Commissioners of Inquiry, raises no doubts that the immigration of the Afrikaners was a response to certain specific policies of the colonial government rather than an Afrikaner reaction to British rule or a response to the breakdown of black and white relations on the Eastern Frontier.

Either than the Slagters(Slaughters) Neck Rebellion in 1815, the Afrikaners were satisfied with the English government. But After 1828, in the critical areas of labor, land and local administration,The Commission's 'revolution in government' overturned Somerset's practices and installed a new system inimical to the needs of the Afrikaner. This was at a time when the farmers, squeezed by depression and tempted by the new goods offered by the settler traders, needed their laborers, and it was at the time when the colonial government intervened and freed this labor from the involuntary servitude.

The colonists had always been resentful of authority, and they disliked it doubly if the authority was British. The manifesto of the Trekker leader Piet Retief, giving reasons why his party intended to leave the Cape , whilst proclaiming "we will take care that no one is brought into a condition of slavery; we will establish such regulations as may suppress crime and preserve proper relations between master and servant ...

We will complain of the severe losses which we have been forced to sustain by emancipation of our slaves, and the vexatious laws which have been enacted respecting them." R.E. Simons goes on to point out that: "Few settlers in the Cape accepted the humanitarian's ideal of racial equality.

Emancipation opened a new stage in the relations between White and Colored; but it did not revolutionize the society or abolish discrimination.

The fact that the British government was unwilling to make land grants to Afrikaners whereas it was more than generous to make land grants to British Settlers and Khoikhoi caused widespread resentment in the district, and the practical steps towards slave emancipation proved the last straw.

A man called Louis Trichardt and thirty other families of his district sold their property and left the colony vowing never to come back.

Trichardt was eventually given 12,000 morgen of land by a Xhosa King called Hintsa. There's suspicion by the British that Trichardt supplied Hintsa with fire arms. A guy named Christian Muller suggested that the Boers(Afrikaners) side with the Xhosas against the Boers.(Muller). It is interesting to note that the Son of Trichardt, was willing to remain under the sovereign of the Xhosa King, but the other emigrants could not accept the equalization of the colored and Africans and the whites.

Piet Retief, another Boer leader said that:

"The Afrikaner were neither willing nor able to change our color for the sake of temporary happiness. Anna Steenkamp declared that placing slaves on an equal footing with 'Christians' was 'contrary to the laws of God and the natural distinction of race and religion.' The Constitution of the later South African Republic[Transvaal] proclaimed that "The people desire to permit no equality between colored people and the white inhabitants either in church or state."(E. Eybers) The Dutch desire to be rid of the British was also prompted by their wish to own slaves, to be able to discriminate between White and Non-White, to re-establish the patriarchal relationship between master and servant, which had existed from the time of Riebeeck and was being destroyed forever in the Cape. The Boers recreated new republics of the orange Free State and Transvaal.

This enabled the Afrikaners to fashion a life-style for themselves and their old ways. The Boer Republics eventually set up by the Trekkers were based on constitutions which permitted of "no equality between colored people and the White inhabitants, either in Sate or Church. The Boer President of the Transvaal colony, Paul Kruger, insisted as strenuously as Riebeeck and Reties that, "The black man had to be taught that he came second, that he belonged to the inferior class which must obey and learn.

The British crushed similar attempt in Natal because they wanted to control the port of Durban. The British regularly harassed the Boer Republics and were always intervening. The British annexed the Transvaal in 1877 and these lashes ultimately led to the First War of Independence by the Boers in 1880. But the discovery of diamonds in Kimberley in 1867, and gold in the Transvaal, Witwatersrand area in 1886 transformed the British Imperialist attitude towards south Africa.

The shoe of South Africa suddenly became a land of opportunity for the entrepreneurs, profit, Capital, adventurers who made their way into the diggings and the mines. In 1899 this led to the Second War of Independence. The British committed some war atrocities against the Boers who were fighting to preserve their freedom, their language, their possessions, their racial supremacy, their very existence as an independent people. The British won the war, but it was very expensive and the Boers signed the Peace of Vereeniging.

The occupation of the Boer states, Transvaal and the Orange Free State. At the end British concentration Camps held 200,000 Boers in segregated Camp and 80,000 Africans. It has been speculated that more than 26,000 women and children perished in the camps... In the war itself 6,000 Boers were killed and 22,000 British soldiers died. In the 1900s talks were held to form a union. The Union of south Africa was set up in 1910 with each of the four provinces with special policies where non-whites were concerned.

The union was under the British and was a member of the Commonwealth. The union's first prime minister was a former Boer War general Louis Botha a moderate Boer who wanted to cooperate with the British. The first parliament, meeting in 1913, set up 'tribal reserves' and formally prohibited and prohibited Africans - except those in the Cape - from buying land outside them.

The new law forced thousands to pack their belongings and move off the farms they thought they owned. Black at that time were 78% of the population; the reserves made up just slightly more than 7% of the land. Alan Paton described in Cry the Beloved Country the disastrous effects of this policy in on the land in the African Areas: "To many cattle feed upon the grass, and too many fires have burned it. Stand shod upon it is coarse and sharp, and the stones cut under the feet ...

"The great red hills stand desolate, and the earth has torn away like flesh. The lightning flashes over them, the clouds pour down upon them, the dead streams come to life, full of red blood or the earth.

Down in the valleys women scratch the soil that is left, and the maize hardly reaches the height of a man."

The South African Reich "The history of the Afrikaner reveals a determination and a definiteness of purpose which make one feel that Afrikanerdom is not the work of man but a creation of God. We have a Divine right to be Afrikaners. Our history is the highest work of art of the architects of the Centuries" by D. F. Malan.

And this is what Hitler wrote in the Mein Kampf: "It was the Aryan alone who founded a superior type of humanity; therefore he represents the archetype of what we understand by the term: MAN. ... It was not by mere chance that the first forms of civilization arose there where the Aryan came into contact with inferior races, subjugated them ad forced them to obey his command."

The Nationalist Party underwent a considerable change during its years wandering in the wilderness. It became more bitter, more exclusive, more aggressive -- and it gained steadily in strength. I began to work not only the political realm, it put a great effort into extra-parliamentary activities, social and economic sphere. The paid attention to the all development of the Afrikaner people, to church affairs and social welfare, work among the growing army of the poor whites, to education, sports, culture, trade and industry.

The guiding force of this nationalist spirit was a secret society know as the Broederbond, formed in 1918 and maintained an open existence until 1924, then it went underground. In 1944 its membership was estimated to be at 2,672, as given by the Nederduitse Reformed Church's Rev. de Vos as follows: 357 clergymen, 2,039 teachers, 905 farmers, 159 lawyers, and 60 Members of Parliament. By the 1960s it had grown to 7,000 members. Its modus operandi was to coordinate activities among Afrikaners and to ensure that Broederbonders are placed in key positions which can then be utilized for the advancement of the Volk.

Mrs Janie Malherbe described the forces that were at work in the 1930s Broederbond as follows: "This terrifying, octopus-like grip on the South African way of life was made possible by reorganizing the Broederbond on the pattern of Hitler's highly successful Nazi State, complete with Fuehrer, Gauleiters, group and cell leaders, spread in a sinister network over the whole of South Africa.

"This was initially planned by high-ranking Nationalist and two Stellenbosch students who were sent to Germany, at Nazi expense, to study the Nazi cell system. The man who planned this consultation with the then Nationalist leader, Dr. Malan was Graf von Durckheim Montamartin."

Montmartin was sent to South Africa by the Nazi government in 1934 to attend an educational conference, but in reality, he was to consult secretly with the Broederbond elders, attempting to ensure that South Africa would side with Germany in the war which Hitler was about to be involved in. Mrs. Malherbe reports: "The immediate result of his visit was the reorganization of the Nationalist Broederbond on the Nazi system, the main difference being that where Hitler re-invoked the rites of the German Pagan Gods to promote his ideologies, the Nationalists Broederbond declared that their plan of complete domination of white South Africa, and absolute subjugation of the non-whites, was an implementation of South Africa's God-given destiny.

This was a clever ruse, for by its means, the powerful Dutch Reformed Churches could be roped in." a speech by Hertzog was reported in the Star newspaper in 1935 where he described the Broerbond by stating that: "It's members were a grave menace to the rest and peace of our social community, even where it operates in the economic-cultural sphere. It's members are sworn not to entertain any cooperation with the English speaking population and thereby they stand in direct racial conflict with our fellow English Afrikaners, and are striving by way of domination on the part of the Afrikaans-speaking section to put their foot on the neck of English-speaking South Africa. I.M. Lombard wrote several articles in the Transvaaler newspaper in 1944 wherein he stipulated seven ideals for which the Broederbond was striving for: (1) The removal of everything in conflict with South Africa 's full international independence; (2) the ending of the inferiority of the Afrikaans-speaking and their language in the organization of the State; (3) separation of all non-White races in South Africa, leaving them free to pursue independent development under the guardianship of Whites; (4) putting a stop to the exploitation of the resources and population of South Africa by strangers, including the more intensive industrial development; (5) the rehabilitation of the farming community and the assurance of civilized self-support through work for all White citizens; (6) the nationalization of the money market and the systematic coordination of economic policies; (7) the Afrikanerization of public life and teaching and education in a Christian-National spirit. while leaving free the internal development of all sections in so far as it is not dangerous to the State. Dr Malan warned that: "The Broederbond was nothing more than a non-political Afrikaans society which, where necessary, will take action for Afrikaans interests and will positively help up the Afrikaner, just as there are many societies, each in its own sphere.

In 1944 General Smuts banned the membership of the Broederbond by civil servants and called it 'a dangerous, cunning, political Fascist Organization'. So far, we are beginning to see the roughened outline of the creation and makings of Apartheid demonic policies as we go to know it in the World over up to today.

As this article has consistently pointed out that since the 1700s to the present day the Boers or Afrikaners, have worked very hard to cling to their beliefs and ideal social structure which according to them was preserving their racial purity, dominance, their language and the subjugation of all those that were non-White.

The Nationalist Party had been waiting for this time since the Great Trek to the forming of the Union of south Africa until the Nationalist take-over of the governance of South Africa. Now the Afrikaners were in a position to implement their Apartheid rule when they took power in 1948.

Grand Apartheid The real architect of Apartheid was Hendrik Verwoerd, who too was one of those Boers who went to

Germany in the mid 1920s where he studied psychology and whilst there he had close contact with the architects of Naziism. When he returned to south Africa,he became a professor of psychology in the exclusively Afrikaner university of Stellenbosch. In 1937, has appointed as the first editor of the newly formed Afrikaner Nationalist mouthpiece, Die Transvaaler newspaper, by Jan Strijdom, a leading Afrikaner figure.

In one of his first editorial, Verwoerd stated: "Both in Italy and in Germany, the systems have done much that is good for these countries, although of course they are not without fault ... The Nationalists would be very remiss if they did not study the conditions existing in Europe, where new methods of state organization and new objectives are born out of the pressures of nation building."

This word, Apartheid, was first used in parliament by in January of 1944, which, according to Dr. Malan, "It meant to ensure the safety of the white race and of Christian civilization by the hones maintenance of the principles of apartheid and guardianship.

In 1947 The Nationalist Party appointed a commission whose conclusions were issued by the Head Office of the National Party. It said: "The policy of our country should encourage total apartheid as the ultimate goal of a natural process of separate development. It is the primary task and calling of the State to seek the welfare of south Africa, and to promote the happiness and well-being of it's citizens, non-White as well as White."

Realizing that such a task can best be accomplished by preserving and safeguarding the White Race.

The Nationalist Party professes this as the fundamental guiding principle of its policy. Dr. Malan as Prime Minister put his apartheid belief in this manner: "The purpose of the Apartheid policy is that, by separating the races in every field in so far as it is practically possible, one can prevent clashes and friction between Whites and non-Whites.

"At the same time, in fairness to the non-Whites, they must be given the opportunity of developing in their own areas and in accordance with their own nature and abilities under the guardianship of the Whites; and, in so far as they develop in accordance with the systems which are best adapted to their nature and traditions, to govern themselves there and serve their community at all various levels of their national life."

Apartheid Vitriol Dr. Frensch Verwoerd Mr Strijdom was succeeded by Dr. Verwoerd, who, as has been noted above, was the architect of Grand Apartheid described the apartheid policy on his visit to London 1961 as follows: "We want each of our population groups to control and govern itself as is the case with other nations. Then all can co-operate as in a commonwealth -- in an economic association with the Republic and with each other ... South Africa will proceed in all honest and fairness to secure peace, prosperity and justice for all by means of political independence coupled with economic interdependence."

And then Dr. Verwoerd speaking in the House of Assembly in January 1963 said: "Reduced to its simplest form the problem is nothing else than this: We want to keep South Africa White ... 'keeping it white' can only mean one thing, namely, White domination, not 'leadership,' not 'guidance,' but 'control,' 'supremacy'. If we are agreed that it is the desire of the people that the

White man should be able to continue to protect himself by retaining White domination, we say that it can be achieved by separate development. South African nationhood is for the Whites only. That is how I see it, that is how he will see it for the future." (addition mine) Dr. Verwoerd, as Prime Minister, went on ahead and instituted the apartheid blueprint.

Dr. Verwoerd's policy of separate Development was supposedly an effort to "for a peaceful multicultural society," with each society or community exercising its right of political and economical self-determination, so argue the apologists of Apartheid today. In fact Verwoerd was responsible for African genocide in hospitals, Technikons, building of homelands, brutal and burdensome taxes on Africans, enforcement of the most outrageous segregated and poor type of education anywhere in the world for African South Africans.

White South Africans today still maintain the fallacy and lie that, Africans in South Africa and in particular, in the Black Homelands, were economically and educationally more developed than Free African states of Africa during the dark days of Apartheid. And white in South Africa are now maintaining that these Apartheidized Bantu Education centered schools were the training grounds for todays black leaders. What in fact this sorry intellectual racists are saying, is that what Apartheid under Verwoerd did, was benefit Africans today. In one of the internet apologetic sites for Apartheid, one reads the following which is from this site- notmytribe.com/tag/genocide: ... The development corporations have been disbanded, (Not because of disinvestment of Apartheidmy addition) and the estates have been allowed to go to ruin. Millions of jobless and roofless people are flocking to the cities and towns and live in abject poverty conditions in tin shacks, posing serious health and security problems in[?] breeding grounds for crime....

A high prize paid for a "Simplistic Democratic System," now recognized by those familiar with the situation as a majoritarian tyranny(meaning, the authoritative rule of Nazi apartheid was the best for "Simplistic majoritarian Democracy"?!?!) An untenable social engineering process of nation building in a country with its deep historical ethnic fault line(well, nicely put: Blame the victims of apartheid abuse as they try to resuscitate their decimated people, and call them a majority of tyranny and bad social engineering).

Afrikaners are a crucial element to ensure the development of South Africa and the African Continent. (Well,... this is interesting because this is the Verwoerdian principle and nothing is new here, except the rehashing of old and tired Apartheid philosophy which has decimated the African population and no one has been held accountable.)

I am going to write a hub on these issues and expose the hidden and shredded history of Apartheid abuse of Africans and the consequences thereof today. This is the type of trite rhetoric that flourishes in today's media and blogs within South Africa, and it is time it is now exposed.

Prime Minister Vorster, in a speech he gave on the radio in September 1966, after he came into power following the assassination of Verwoerd, said: "I believe in the policy of separate development, not only as a philosophy but also as the only practical solution in the interest of everyone to eliminate frictions, and to do justice to every population group as well as every individual. I say to the colored people, as well as to the Indians and the Bantu(Indigenous Africans) that the policy of separate development is not a policy which rests upon jealousy, fear or hatred. It is not a denial of the human dignity to anyone, nor is it so intended.

"On the contrary, it gives the opportunity to every individual, within his own sphere, not only to be a man or woman in every sense, but it also creates the opportunity for them to develop and advance without restriction or frustration as circumstances justify, and in accordance with the demands of development achieved." This is what the whole rule and policies of apartheid is all about - It means a life of privilege and plenty for the Whites, based on the exploitation of cheap African labor.

"This fact can only be perpetuated through white domination becomes apparent whenever Nationalist Party leaders speak to their supporters. Mr Strijdom said that their policy is that the European must stand their ground and must remain Baas in South Africa. If we reject the Herrenvolk idea and the principle and the idea that the White man cannot remain Baas, if the franchise is to be extended to the non-Europeans, and if the Africans are given representation and the vote and the Africans are developed on the same basis as the Europeans, how can the European remain Baas ... Our view is that in every sphere the Europeans must retain the right to rule the country and to 'keep it a White man's country'."

Ever since 1948, The Nationalist Part propounded the policy of separate development, and they designed an economy that is more dependent on Black labor. They planned on converting this Black labor into a migratory labor force, this was in order to prevent a permanently settled Black proletariat o the midst of White-dominated society.

This then became the raison d'tre for the creation of the policy of Bantustan, of homelands, of border industries, of the pass laws,of the Group Areas Act and the mass movement of Africans for one area to the other: in this case they were removing Africans living next to white areas, or lands that Whites coveted, which they called the "Black Spots".

The mythical creation of a 'native state somewhere for Natives' was perpetuated as their possible moral justification for the maintenance of White domination over the rest of the country, and all the areas dubbed White South Africa, which is were the riches of the Country are concentrated. The Afrikaners began legislating for separate development and making apartheid a reality.

South African Concentration Camp Laws Draconian Legislature Today there are more or less than 40 million South Africans, and, as has been noted above throughout their history, the Afrikaners has not yet ever envisaged that they will ever Constitute one nation, even though today there is talk about South Africa being a rainbow nation. The whites panned it such that economically there is a pyramid that has Whites at the apex, coloreds and Asians in the middle, and Africans at the bottom. On the political and social front, the different races must never meet, and they instituted impenetrable legal and physical boundaries, imponderable force of custom barriers. Here is a list of some of the laws set and passed by the Nationalist Party in laying down a secure and slid foundation for the Apartheid State: 1948 Asiatic Laws Amendment Act: Withdrew Indian Representation in Parliament. What scare the whites was the actual voting strength of the whole non-white people, if the principle of non-White franchise were permitted, and educational policies were extended to the whole South African population.

Electoral Laws Amendment Act: Made stringent the conditions for registering. This was done by the Nationalist to strengthened its position amongst White voters, and the vote was extended to persons

of eighteen years and over. By 1951 the Afrikaner birth rate was one-third that of the British, with the median Afrikaner age being twenty-three, compared with thirty for the English speaking people.

1949 Citizenship Act: Lengthened the period of residence to five years for British subjects and six for aliens before South African citizenship could be granted. This act also provided for withdrawal of acquired citizenship by the Minister of Interior under certain circumstances.

Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act: This law made marriages between White and non-Whites illegal.

If a person lived in South Africa married a person of mixed descent outside South Africa, the marriage was to be voided in South Africa.

Asiatic Land Tenure Amendment Act: All who made less than one hundred and eighty-two pounds a year(the majority of African workers), and all migratory workers, irrespective of earnings, were excluded. By another further Amendment, the income eligibility was raised from one hundred and eighty-two pounds to two hundred and seventy-three pounds in 1957.

Native Laws Amendment Act: This act create a special labor bureaux, not to benefit workers, but to restrict the flow of African workers to the cities and towns, to make certain that abundant labor is always available for the mines and the farms.

Asiatic Land Tenure Amendment Act: Gave strength to stopping Indian "penetration" of urban areas in Natal and Transvaal, prevented Indian "penetration" of the Cape. This was a law that prohibited Indians in the Orange Free State and South West Africa.

South-West Africa Affairs Amendment . This act provided for the representation of South-West Africa's White citizens in the South African Parliament.

1950 Population Registration Act: They established a racial register of the population compiled by the 1951 census. The population was classified into Europeans,Colored Peoples and Africans. Some difficulties arose, whereby dark-looking people who have never been classified as White, and lightskinned people who have been officially classified as non-Whites. This law was bound to fail because it wanted to keep the White community White.

Suppression of Communism Act: This was an act the Nationalist utilized to attack civil liberties of all sections of the population, communist or non-Communists. This meant any doctrine or scheme that was establishing despotic system of governance based on the dictatorship of the proletariat; a scheme that aims bringing about any political, industrial, social or economic change within the Union through threat and promotion of disturbances and disorder. An organization which aims at the encouragement and feelings of hostility against Europeans and non-Europeans of the Union calculated to further the achievement of dictatorship, and so on.

Immorality Amendment Act: This act prohibited illicit carnal intercourse between White and nonWhite(the original one in 1927 Act prohibited intercourse only between White and African). This act condoned immorality between people of the same race, but converts it into a criminal offense from the moment that the race groups are different.

Group Areas Act. The act established racial ghettoes which required ownership and occupation of

land was restricted to a specific population group. To achieve racial separation, hundreds of thousands of people had to give up their homes and move to areas designated by the regime. The aim to remove non-Whites from the central areas they have lived in for centuries and to settle them in segregated areas far away from the cities and towns. There have been reports of many cases of suicide by many Africans whose homes and savings have been threatened by the Application of the act Privy Councils Appeals Act: The act abolished the right of appeal to the Privy Council from the South African courts.

1951 Separate Representation of Voters Act: This Act provided for the removal of colored voters from the common roll.

Bantu Authorities Act: The establishment of 'tribal,' regional and territorial Bantu Authorities in the reserves(later, the homelands). These 'Bantu' authorities are not elected by a popular mandate, but are appointed by, also, dismissed by the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development. The word had come to be in use from black being called "Kaffirs," "Natives". "Bantus," up to "Plurals" in south Africa.

Native Building Workers' Act: This act provided for training and registration of Africans as skilled building workers, but for work in African Areas alone. This law prohibits Africans from working as odd-jobbers in urban areas, while whites are prohibited from placing any contract with an African builder.

Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act: This act prohibited anyone entering upon any land or building, or any African location, or village without permission. Under this law, millions of so-called illegalsquatters were ordered to remove themselves, the structures or buildings erected by them, eventually destroyed by the regime.

1952 Criminal Sentences Amendment Act: Under this act, certain offenses, including robbery and housebreaking with intent to commit an offense, were entered to whipping not exceeding ten strokes, with or without imprisonment, and the courts were empowered to suspend the sentence in whole or in part. The criminal Procedure Amendment Act was introduced in 1965 wherein compulsory whipping was stopped, and corporal punishment was restored into the courts .

High Court of Parliament: This act was passed in order to assist in the removal of colored voters from the common role.

Natives (Abolition of passes and Coordination of Documents) Act. Its fanciful name does not hide the fact that the consolidation of passes into single document to be known as the reference book and issued to all Africans over the age of sixteen. As these books are issue, finger prints are taken and recorded in a central bureau. The reference or pass book was to be carried on the person of the holder and produced on demand, failing which the offender maybe arrested on the spot. Under this Act, African women have been subjected to the pass for the first time through passage of this Act. Native Laws Amendment Act: This Act provided that no African would be permitted to remain in an urban area for longer than seventy-two hours without permit unless he had been born and was

permanently resident there.

The Native Services Levy Act: This Act was laid down that urban employers of male Africans aged eighteen year and over should pay to the local authority a levy of 2s.6d. a week for the provision and maintenance of water, sanitation, lighting, or road services outside an African township.

1953 Bantu Education Act: The education of Africans was transferred Bantu Education, not to the Union Department of Education, but from the provinces to the Department of Native Affairs in 1953. The Act contained no details of the type of education to be purveyed. But Dr. Verwoerd provided its blue print by stating thus: "Racial relations cannot improve if the wrong type of education is given to the Natives."

They cannot improve if the result of Native education is the creation of a frustrated people who, as a result of the education they received, have expectations in life which circumstances in South Africa do not allow to be fulfilled immediately, when it creates people who are trained for professions not open to them, when there are people who have received a form of cultural training which strengthens their desire for white-collar occupations to such an extent that there are more such people than openings available.

Therefore, good race relations are spoilt when the correct education is not given. Above all, good racial relations cannot exist when the education is given under control of people who create wrong expectations on the part of the Native himself, if such people believe in a policy of equity, if, let me say, for example, a Communist gives his training to the 'natives.'

Such a person will, by the very nature of the education he gives, both as regards the content of that education and as regards its spirit, create expectations in the minds of the Bantu(Africans) Which clash with the possibilities of this country. It is therefore necessary that Native Education should be controlled in such a way that it should be in accord with the policy of the state.

In a later statement, Dr. Verwoerd elucidated what he was saying above as follows: "I just want to remind Hon. Members that if the native in South Africa today in any kind of school in existence is being taught to expect that he will live his adult life under a policy of equal rights, his is making a big mistake." This law gave the Minister powers to decide what the content of African education should be, and classroom conduct must be approved by the Minister's permission."

In 1954, Verwoerd said: "The general aims of Bantu Education Act is to transform education for natives into Bantu Education. A Bantu pupil must obtain knowledge, skills, attitudes which will be useful and advantageous to him and at the same time beneficial to his community ... The school must equip him to meet the demand which the economic life in South Africa will impose on him... There is no place for him [the Bantu] in the European community above the level of certain forms of labor....

"For that reason, it is of no avail for him to receive a training which has as its aim absorption in the European community. ... Until now he has been subject to a school system which drew him away for his own community and misled him by showing him the green pastures of European society in which he is not allowed to graze. What is the use of teaching a bantu child mathematics when it cannot use it in practice? ...

"That is absurd. Education is not after all something that hangs up in the air. Education must train and teach people in accordance with the opportunities in life. ... It is therefore necessary that native education should be controlled in such a way that it should be in accordance with the policy of the State."

Verwoerd believed that Bantu teachers must be integrated as active agents in the development of the Bantu community. The black teacher must not try to rise above is community, and must not be integrated into the White community. A whole new Hub is going to be dedicated to Bantu Education in South Africa, wherein we will full explore the ramification and changes brought about by this type of educational system.

Immigration Regulation Amendment Act: This Act permit or public vehicle to reserve such charged any person in charge of any public premises or vehicle for the exclusive use of any race or class. The doctrine of separate by unequal was inshrined in South African Law. Native labor(Settlement of Disputes) Act: This Act outlawed strikes by African Workers and established a complicated machinery for the settlement of industrial disputes involving Africans.

Criminal Law Amendment Act: This law prescribed very severe penalties for the breaking of any law as a political protest.

Public Safety Act: Provided for rule by decree in an emergency.

1954 Natives Resettlement Act: This provided for the establishment of a Resettlement Board to undertake the forcible removal of 57,000 Africans from Sophiatown, Martinadale, Newclare and Pageview, the so-called 'black spots' in the western area of central Johannesburg, to Meadowlands and Diepkloof,over ten miles south west of the city of Johannesburg. The population of this western area was taken on military lines at gun-point. The Afrikaners, to mark their conquest of Sophiatown they renamed it 'Triomf'(Triumph). These areas became what is known as "Soweto," today .

Native Trust and Land Amendment Ac t This removed the obligation on the government to find alternative land for displaced squatters, approximately over one million people.

Riotous Assemblies and Suppression of Communism Amendment Act: It removed the ones on the Minister to give hearing to any person he proposed to ban, and rendered all 'named' Communists ineligible for election to Parliament or Provincial Councils.

South-West Africa Native Affairs Administration Act. The Act transferred the administration of African Affairs in South-West Africa from the Administrator of the territory to the South African Minister of Native Affairs.

1955 Departure from the Union Regulation Act: This Act laid down that no South African over the age of sixteen years should leave the Union unless in possession of a valid passport or permit, and those who criticized the government policies had their passport withdrawn.

Appellate Division Quorum Act: It enlarged the Appeal Court and qualified its right to pronounce on the validity of Act of Parliament.

Senate Act: Enlarged the Senate to facilitate the passage of the Separate Representation of votersBill.

Criminal Procedure and evidence Amendment Act. This empowered the police to enter and search premises without a warrant. In the debate about this measure, the Minister of Justice made it clear that the Bill was aimed at extra-parliamentary political opposition.

Natives (Urban Areas) Amendment Act: The Act prohibited owners of buildings in an urban area from allowing more than five Africans to reside in any one building at any time except with special permission from the Minister of Native Affairs. The Act was aimed domestic servants housed at the top of blocks of flats. It's estimated that 20,000 Africans, in Johannesburg alone, had to move out and were expected to pay increased rent and the transport costs of their removal.

Motor Carrier Transportation Amendment Act. The National Transport Board or local boards were given the power to enforce apartheid on transport services.

Criminal Procedure Act: It extended the powers of the police to kill someone suspected of committing an offense who was fleeing or resisting arrest.

1956 Industrial Conciliation Act. This Act provided for the splitting of the trade union movement on racial lines and for the reservation of jobs on a racial basis.

Native Amendment Act: Permitted the banishment orders to be served without prior notice to the person concerned.

Natives (Prohibition of Interdicts) Act: Laid down that , when an African was in receipt of a removal or banishment order, no court may issue and interdict which would have the effect of suspending execution, or suspend the order until the outcome of review proceedings or an appeal. The African even if he were the wrong man and had had a notice served on him by mistake -- was to remove himself first and argue his case afterwards, even though irreparable damage might have been caused to him and his family.

Natives (Urban Areas) Amendment Act: This Act empowered an urban local authority -- if it considered the presence of any African under its jurisdiction to be detrimental to the maintenance of peace and order. The Act was specifically aimed at so-called 'political agitators'.

South Africa Act Amendment Act: Revalidated the separate Representation of voters Act of 1951.

Riotous Assembly Act: Consolidated the laws relating to control of riotous assemblies and provided, inter alia, that persons found guilty of intimidating others to stay from work or to join ay association or society(like a trade union),or picketing,or braking a contract of employment, would be liable to pay a fifty pounds fine or six months in jail or both.

1957.

Natives Law Amendment Act: This Act contained the 'church clause' which the Minister of Native Affairs was empowered to direct that the attendance of Africans at any church service in a White area should cease. This Act made it an offense for a non resident to enter or remain in n African Location, village or hostel without permission of the managing official.

Group Areas Amendment Act: This particular Act prohibited members of a disqualified racial group from attending a public cinema, or partaking of refreshment in a licensed restaurant or refreshment room, or tea room or eating house, or visiting any club, in a particular group or controlled area except under permit.

Native Laws Further Amendment Act: This Act gave the Minister power to deport so-called 'foreign natives', whose presence in South Africa was considered by the Minister not to be in the public interest.

Nursing Act: Provided for the introduction of Apartheid into the nursing profession. Separate registers and rolls were to be kept of White,Colored and African Nurses, while the Nursing Council in control of the profession was to consist of White persons only.

Immorality Act: This increased the maximum penalty for illicit carnal intercourse between Whites and non-Whites to seven years imprisonment, while making it an offense not only for a White and non-White together to commit an indecent or immoral act, but also to solicit one another to the commitment of any such act.

1958 Criminal Procedure Amendment Act: It empowered the Supreme Court to apply the death penalty in cases of robbery or attempted robbery where the accused was proved to have carried a dangerous weapon,or to have threatened or to have committed assault.

Electoral Laws Amendment Act: Extended Franchise to White persons over eighteen years of age.

Natives Taxation and Development Act: Made a provision that every African male over eighteen years old should pay basic general tax of one pound and fifteen shillings instead of one pound. Under this Act, women were liable to pay general tax for the first time.

1959 Bantu Investment Corporation Act: A corporate body was established known as Bantu investment Corporation of SA Ltd to promote and encourage the economic development of Bantu persons in Bantu areas, by provision of money, technical, or other assistance, and expert advice. The affairs of the corporation were to managed by board of directors appointed by the Minister and consisting of whites only.

Criminal Law Amendment Act: This provided for 'week-end' periodical imprisonment and laid down minimum sentences for certain categories of offense.

Prisons Act . This Act made it an offense to sketch or photograph or publish sketch or photograph a prison or prisoner or to publish false information about a prisoner or ex-prisoner or the administration of any prison with the onus paced on the publisher to prove he had taken reasonable steps to ascertain the veracity of his story. The effect of this has been to discourage the Press from exposing jail atrocities.

Extension of University Education Act: The Act provided for the exclusion of non-White students fro the hitherto open universities and the establishment of segregated colleges on ethnic lines for the various non-White races.

University College of Fort Hare Transfer Act: This Act transferred control of the college to the Minister of bantu Education, to change an open University of high academic standards into a 'tribal' college of low ones, with staff carefully purged of all liberal elements.

Industrial Conciliation Amendment Act: The Act gave the Minister of Labor to outlaw strikes in the canning industry.

Motor Carrier Transportation Amendment Act. This enabled Transportation Boards t enforce apartheid taxi services through-out the Cape and Natal. In the other two provinces(Transvaal and range Free State), such discrimination already existed.

Promotion of Self-Government Act: This Act abolished African representation in Parliament and outlined procedures for the establishment of so-called 'self-government' in the Reserves.

1960 Factories, Machinery, and Building Work Amendment Act: This empowered the government to order the provision in factories of separate entrances, clocking in devices, pay offices, first-Aid rooms, protective clothing, crockery, cutlery and work rooms for the various races. The government had separate sanitary conveniences, washrooms, changing rooms, rest rooms, dining rooms and work places where the employees of different races worked in the sane room.

Referendum Act: The Act provided for the holding of a referendum on the establishment of a republic.

Reservation of Separate Amenities Act: This Act provided for and facilitated for the enforcement of apartheid on the beaches in South Africa.

Senate Act: This law reduced the size of the Senate, which had been enlarged in 1955 to facilitate the passage if the Senate Representation of Voters Bill.

Unlawful Organization Act: This law empowered the Minister of Defense to order any person or class of persons to evacuate or assemble in any particular building or premises or area in time of war or during operations for the prevention or suppression of internal disorder.

1961 Urban Bantu Councils Act: This law permitted an urban local authority to establish an Urban Bantu Council for any African residential area under its jurisdiction, such a council consisted of elected and selected members, with the number of selected members not exceeding the number elected.

The councils are intended as a substitute for the direct representation of Africans on the urban local authorities themselves, a policy that was contrary to the policy of the government. Representation was based on ethnic bases of the African people, with separate representation for the Zulu, Xhosas, Sothos, Tswanas, Pedis, Vendas, Shangaans, Ndebeles, Swazis; all of which are the nine(9) ethnic groupings comprising the African peoples of South Africa.

Defense Amendment Act: The Minister of Defense was given the power to order anyone to evacuate, assemble in any building or area in time of war or during operations for the prevention or suppression of internal uprising. To avoid the suspicion that he was aiming at the establishment of Concentration Camps, and the Act made such an order to remain for four days, although the order

may be renewed.

Defense Further Amendment Act: This law allowed for the extension of military training for White youths selected by ballot.

Police Amendment. This Act or law allowed and provided for the recruitment of a White police reserve.

General Law Amendment Act: This Act provided for detention without bail for up to twelve days.

Indemnity Act: This law was created that no proceedings, whether civil or criminal, arising from acts committed during the 1960 state of emergency, could be brought in any court of law against the government and its officers. The Press announced that because of the consequences of the Sharpeville shootings, the 244 claimants of police murder and brutality, were suing for two-hundred and fifty-thousand pounds, for the murder of their breadwinners, personal injury and unlawful arrest. As a result of this Act, none of the victims could sue nor claim anything.

Liquor Amendment Act: This law removed all restrictions on the purchase of alcohol by Colored people and Asians for off-consumption, and it gave power to holders of off-consumption licenses to sell liquor to any African aged eighteen or older. This law has created an army of alcoholics in the African community form 1961 to the present.

Republic of South Africa Constitution Act: This Act established the Republic, headed by the State President, and outside the commonwealth since the Prime Ministers' Conference f March 1961.

South Africa stopped being a Union and became known as the Republic of South Africa.

1960 Colored Development Corporation Act: The Act established a colored Development Corporation to encourage and promote the economic development of the colored people. The Board of the Corporation consisted of Whites only.

General Law Amendment Act: The law, the so-called 'Sabotage Act,' laid down a minimum penalty of five years and a maximum of death for sabotage, and provided for the placing of government opponents under house arrest. Winnie Mandela was subjected to these draconian measure and exiled from her house she lived in, in Soweto.

General Law Further Amendment Act: This law made painting slogans on walls to be punishable by six months in Jail and other penalties that might be imposed under another law.

National Education Advisory Council Act: The National Education Council was established and its fifteen members were elected by the Minister of Education. This centralized control of education by the government was finalized through the legislation of the National Education Policy Act of 1967.

1963 Aliens Control Act: Provided, inter alia, Africans from foreign countries without legal papers may be detained and deported without trial. Pending their deportation order, these Africans were made to work as required.

Constitution Amendment Act: This Act provided for the recognition of African languages as

additional official languages in the proposed Bantustans.

Explosives Amendment Act: This law increased the maximum penalties prescribed in the principal Act of 1956. If anyone was arrested for causing explosions endangering life, was sentenced to three years.

Higher Education Amendment Act: This enabled that the Indian University Education from the Department of Education to the Department of Indian Affairs.

Liquor Amendment Act: Stated that liquor could not be supplied to workers as part of their wages, but that companies could supply their employees free liquor to any African over the age of eighteen for their personal consumption.

Rural Colored Areas Act: This law amended conditions for the occupation of land and provided for the establishment of advisory boards in colored reserves.

Extension of University Education Amendment Act: Provided for Ministerial control of staff appointments at Fort Hare university college.

Births, Marriages and Deaths Registration Act. This Act provided for compulsory registration of African Births, marriages and deaths, to take effect when proclaimed by the State President on the Government Gazette.

National Film Board Act: Provided for the establishment of a National Film Board to produce propaganda films for the government.

Defense Amendment Act: This law enabled members of the Citizen force and Commandos to be called out in support of the police to suppress internal disorder.

Better Administration of Designated Areas Act. Provides for a mass evacuation or removal of population and the elimination freehold land ownership rights for Africans in Alexandra Township, very near Johannesburg.

General Law Amendment Act: Provided for the detention of persons without trial for the purpose of interrogation.

Bantu Laws Amendment Act: Restricted Africans' rights of residence in the Urban Areas - should be read together with the Bantu Laws Amendment Act, 1964.

Transkei Constitution Act: This Act was passed in order to provide for so-called 'self-government' on the Transkei(Southeast Coast of South Africa.

Colored Persons Education Act. This Act surrendered the control of education for Colored persons to the Department of Colored Affairs.

Publications and Entertainments Act: Provided for the censorship of newspapers, books,films,state shows, and art exhibitions.

1964 Bantu Laws Amendment Act: This law tightened restrictions on Africans' rights of entry, residence

and employment in urban areas.

Bantu labor Act: This Act consolidates the laws to the recruiting, employment, accommodation, feeding and health conditions of African laborers(There was no change in principle taken into account).

Colored Persons Representative Council Act. This Act provided for the establishment of a Council to come into being after the planned abolition of Colored representation in the Central Parliament.

General laws Amendment Act: This law tightened security las that any person refusing to give evidence in a criminal trial can be jailed u to twelve months, and alleged accomplices can be compelled to give evidence, even if they incriminated themselves in the process.

1965 Bantu Homelands Development Corporation Act: The minister of Bantu Administration was empowered a development Corporation in each African Homeland to promote economic development. The management of this entity was placed in the hands of Whites.

Criminal Amendment Act: This Act provided the state with the power to detain political activists and certain classes of criminal cases to held for 180 days for repeated periods without bail.

Community Development Amendment Act: The group Areas Development Board was renamed the Community Development Board and provided with additional powers.

Suppression of Communism Amendment Act: This act prohibited the publication of speeches or writings by banned persons who had left South Africa, it also empowered the State President to ban any publication deemed to be a continuation, even if in another name, of one already prohibited.

Constitution Amendment Act: This law increased the number of seats representing White voters in the House of Assembly would hold office for five years from the date of their election, from 150 to 160, with six seats for White voters of South West Africa and the remaining four for White representatives of the Colored Voters!

Separate Representation of voters Amendment Act. This Act laid down that Colored Representatives in the House of Assembly would hold office for five years from the date of their election. The Bill mad it clear that the views of the Colored voters need not be taken into account if Parliament should be dissolved at any time for the purpose of consulting with the White Voters.

Group Areas Amendment Ac: This law made the Minister of Planning responsible for the planning of group areas for Whites, Coloreds and Asians, and for permit control up to the time that group areas are proclaimed. The development and permit control fell under the Minister of Community Development.

Official Secrets Amendment Act: This Act made it an offense to communicate or publish any information relating to any military or police matter in any manner or for any purpose prejudicial to the safety or interests of the State. This law was passed in part to curtail the freedom of the Press completely.

Police Amendment Act. It empowered any policeman, at any place within a mile of the South African Border, to search anybody, vehicle or premises without warrant. This was done in order to thwart

saboteurs form abroad.

Prisons Amendment Act. The Act tightened up restrictions on the publication of information about prison conditions and prisoners.

Indians Education Act: This law transferred all Indian education from the Department of Education to the Department of Indian Affairs.

Copyright Act. The State President was empowered to authorize or prohibit the publication or presentation of any work or production. The Act was designed to stave-of boycotts of South Africa by overseas authors, artists, many of whom were prohibit production of their works before a segregated audience.

1966 Bantu Laws Amendment Act: This law laid down that only citizens of the territories of the homelands can live there, and no one else, without a permit, and this included Whites, Coloreds, Indians and Africans were barred from the homeland of the Transkei, in the Eastern Cape, unless the Minister gives the permission.

Rand Afrikaans University Act: Provided for the establishment of an Afrikaans university in Johannesburg. They omitted the 'conscience clause' that guaranteed the freedom of religious belief.

Civil Defense Act: This law gave the Minister of Justice sweeping powers over persons and property in the event of an emergency or threat of an emergency.

General Law Amendment Act: This sabotage Act was extended to South West-Africa and provided for the detention of political prisoners dubbed "terrorists" without trial for fourteen days.

Suppression of Communism Amendment Act: It contained a clause that authorized the continued detention of political prisoners who have completed their sentence. Robert 'Prof' Sobukwe, the Leader of the Pan African Congress, was detained under this clause.

Separate Representation of Voters Amendment Act: This law extended the terms of office of he Colored representative in the House of Assembly to October 1967.

Industrial Conciliation Amendment Act: This Act provided for the compulsory deduction of tradeunion dues from workers' wage packets Those White workers who did not want to belong to a mainly non-White Union, opted for the formation of a separate union.

Industrial Conciliation Further Amendment Act: This Act prohibited strikes and lockouts for any purpose for any purpose not connected with the relations between employers and employees.

1967 Terrorism Act: This law or Act. This law made terrorism a crime punishable by five years imprisonment and a maximum sentence of death. Suspected terrorists were detained for indefinite periods, and this included someone who was in possession of information about terrorist activity.

Training Centers for Colored Cadets Act: The Act provided for compulsory registration and training on military lines of Colored males between the ages of eighteen to twenty-four. It was a move to

replace Africans with the Coloreds because africans were being endorsed out of Western Cape in terms of the government's policy of separate development.

Suppression of Communism Amendment Act: This law prohibited persons convicted or listed under the suppression of Communism Act from practicing as Advocates or attorneys.

Border Control Act. The Act tightened the provisions on entry to and departure from the Republic of South Africa.

Separate Representation of Voters Amendment Act: The term of office of the for the Colored Representative in Parliament to October was extended to October 1969.

Defense Amendment Act: All White youth who turned seventeen were now liable for service in the Citizen Force for ten years, and the Commandos for sixteen years. This Act made it an offense to publish information about military matters either in peace or war, unless the permission by the Minister of defense.

National Education Policy Act: The Minister got the power(Previously held by Provincial Councils) to determine the policy to be followed in the education of White Children in their schools.

Educational Services Act: This Act laid the rule that the Department of Education will control education for whites in universities and technical colleges.

Physical Planning and Utilization of Resources Act. the Minister of Planning had complete control over future industrial development, and had power to veto establishment in urban areas industries based on African labor Mining Rights Act: This Act gave the Minister increased control over the granting of mining rights in the African reserves.

Pension Laws Amendment Act. This bill increased pensions for all races, and war pension increases for Whites, Coloreds and Indians.

Population Registration Amendment Act: This law made ones racial descent determined race classification. This Bill aimed at stopping racial integration between the races.

General Law Amendment Act: This law was passed and extended the detention of Mr. Robert Sobukwe, leader of the Pan African Congress, on Robben Island for a further year.

Immorality Amendment Act: The Provisions of the Immorality Act were tightened.

Foreign Affairs Special Account Act: Provided for a fund to be used for 'services of a confidential nature' by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Minister said that he would not use it on foreign espionage. The Nationalist said: "The Likelihood is that the sums are intended to buy sympathy from African countries of dubious loyalty to the cause of African liberation. The other likely object would be to align South Africa." !967) 1968 Criminal Procedure Amendment Act: This Bill provided that a magistrate may, in mitigating circumstances , impose lighter sentences because this Act enable them to grant bail to persons

accused of murder or high treason. It also prohibited publication of any information relating to charges of extortion or indecency.

Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Amendment Act: Any person who domiciled in South Africa, but enters into marriage outside the country, and cannot be solemnized inside the country, this kind of marriage will be void in South Africa.

Universities Amendment Act: The Minister was empowered to withdraw funding to the university if it fail to comply with the conditions laid down by him. The South African Indian council was converted into a statutory body with a minimum of twenty-five members. They were appointed and dismissed by the Minister.

Births, marriages and Deaths Registration Amendment Act. This Bill stated that children born after December 1967 should be registered. Births,Deaths had confirmed race classification of the parents or child. This Bill was to ensure that the race classification on a birth certificate was the same as that on the Popular Register.

Community Development Amendment Act: Licenses were not issues to anyone who, in terms of Group Areas Act, is not qualified to occupy the trading premises, unless having an exemption form the Minister of Community Development.

Promotion of the Economic Development of Bantu Homelands Act: This Act provided for the continuation of the Bantu Investment Corporation, and Xhosa Development Corporation, and the creation of similar Corporations in other homelands.

Development of Self-Government For Native Nations in South-West Africa Act: This Act provided for the establishment of six Bantustans in South-West Africa -- Ovamboland, Damaraland, Hereroland, Okavangoland, Eastern Caprivi and Kaokoland.

Separate Representation of Voters Amendment Act: This Act abolished the of Separate Representation of the Cape Colored voters in the Assembly, the Provincial Council of the senate, established by the original Act of 1951.

Colored Persons' Representative Council Amendment Act. Provided for the establishment of a Colored Council of sixty members-forty elected and twenty nominated Prohibition of Political Interference Act: Prohibited multi racial political parties and meetings.

General Law Amendment Act: It included a clause providing for the detention of PAC leader Robert Sobukwe for a further year.

Economic Cooperation Promotion Loan Fund Act. This law provided for the granting of loans to aid the economies of 'friendly' developing countries.

Armaments Development and Production Act: Established a state-owned armaments industry with and initial capital of R100 million('R' for Rands, south African currency).

The Apartheid regime can be characterized in this way: It is a unified White minority subjugating and denying an undifferentiated African majority any meaningful rights by means of a combination of overtly racist legislation, a powerful administrative machine and the use of brutal military and police force. The White controlled South Africa easily pointed out to the threat that was threatening

White culture, poser and rule.

Black Dominance - the Black peril -- fueled apartheid authoritarianism, justified and legitimized it for Whites, and made the concentration of power in few hands. Separate development remained the official dogma despite a widespread feeling that granting local independence to a handful of homelands, and the intention to make all Africans, no matter where they really resided and worked, putative citizens of the homelands, only obscured the demographic and political realities: blacks would continue to constitute a majority in all the urban centers of the country, and in the rural, white farmed areas as well.

No legislated fiction could eliminate their preponderance, their economic relevance to modern South Africa, their political salience, their ability, regardless of age, of being mobilized against prevailing norms, their antagonism to separate development, their distrust of homeland options, the increasing radicalization and nationalism of their politics, their new refusal to prefer the option of embourgeoisement to shift in political fortunes, and their determination to share power instead of merely demanding relaxations of social Apartheid.

The history of Afrikaner politics is marked more by pragmatic responses to the realities of power than by ideological autarky. When it was time to cooperate with the English, the Afrikaners did so.

When they were defeated in war, they made most of the resulting bitterness, bided their time, and returned victorious and determined never again to be denied political primacy. With the dawn of modern and contemporary politics no matter how begrudgingly they handled it, most Afrikaners new that eventually, Africans will take over the country and its political, economic ad social power; they new it was inevitable and could no longer be dismissed nor would the problem disappear. It did not, and Africans are the majority rulers in South Africa, and have been now in control for the past 20+ years.

SOWETO Erudite Historical Memorial Struggles: The Father Of Soweto The history of the formation of Soweto is one that has not yet been fully told, and at this point we begin where it all originated from. This was all set in motion by James Sofasonke Mpanza who was an activist who laid ground for Civic struggles and he created the first Civic Movement in the country. Without the late James Sofasonke Mpanza, there would be no Soweto.

James Sofasonke Mpanza was born in 1889 in Georgedale, in KwaZulu-Natal, and was schooled in Amanzimtoti. He was once imprisoned when he was in his 20's for burning an Indian merchant inside his shop after allegations that the man was abusing African women. Mpanza was imprisoned and sentenced to death and imprisoned at Pretoria Central Prison whilst awaiting his execution.

During his time in prison he converted to Christianity and wrote a book called "The Christian Pathways". He was pardoned by the visiting Duke of Kent in 1927 after being imprisoned for nine(9) years. Mpanza was granted clemency after writing a letter to the British Royal.

After his release Mpanza settled in Bertrams, in Eastern Johannesburg, until he was moved to Orlando. At that time, what was later to be known as Orlando East and later Orlando west, across the Klip Rivier, at that time it was a farm of south west-Johannesburg and named after Orlando Leak, the administrator of the township

Due to the urban Areas Act, which perverted African South Africans from owning houses or land in the city, Orlando quickly became over-crowded. As a member of the Orlando East Advisory board, Mpanza appealed to the then minister of "Native Affairs" for adequate housing, but was unsuccessful. In 1944, he decided to actively address the situation on his own by leading a group of 20,000 homeless people to a vacant land next to the Klip Rivier and set up a squatter camp there.

The new settlement was called -Masakeni- named after the sack materials that were used to build these ramshackle dwellings and informal dwellings/houses. Mpanza separated the site into four blocks and administered them without assistance from the authorities. His fight for basic human rights and decent housing etched Mpanza into the historical record and memory of South Africa.

Legislation was passed later in 1944 to remove the squatters, and this resulted in a violent confrontation and two deaths.

In 1945 Ernest Oppenheimer loaned the city R6-million (now equivalent to US$ 758,000 to provide adequate housing to the squatters of 'eMasakeni,' and today the place is known as Orlando East/West and Jabavu townships [The story about Oppenheimer will be fleshed out a bit below on this Hub]. This marked the start of SOWETO(South Eastern/Western Townships), now one of the biggest and most famous Townships in the World. This is where Mpanza furnished and created his Party called the "Sofasonke Party" which addressed problems the people of Orlando East/ West and Jabavu had with the autohrities and with each other. Mpanza passed away in 1970...

Houses of Bondage Soweto is not a Zulu, Pedi, Xhosa, Tswana, Ndebele, Shangaan, Venda, Sotho or Swazi/Tsonga name maybe meaning Peace or name of some great leader. It is simply and Acronym and an amalgam of words cobbled together by the Johannesburg City Council into The GHETTO of SOWETO or South Western-Eastern Townships.

This was an appropriate bureaucratic designation for this realization of the relentless bureaucratic idea that Whites and Africans must live apart. Officially, the Nationalist Government considered Soweto a temporarily unavoidable social aberration in what has now been declared a "White area".

Eventually - or so the Theory of apartheid postulated, at its most preposterous, holds -- the entire urban African population will melt into the "Tribal Reserves" or "Bantustans" or "Native Reserves" or "Tribal Homelands"(which they attempted in the later years of their rule and called them Bantustans or Homelands-and they failed dismally).

The Afrikaner Government held that if they can allow Africans of Soweto to acquire free hold rights, that would be the anchor for Africans to settle permanently in the midst of White Society, and according to the Boers, that was against the policies of their Government. As has been extensively noted with the Apartheid draconian laws, all were strictly and specifically designed to separate all races inside South Africa, and the regime spent a lot of money and power to actualize Apartheid reality of divided, separate and unequal society, dominated by Whites.

Ernest Oppeheimer was keenly aware of the need to amalgamate his mining companies with the United States capitalists. He met with American mining engineers in an effort to combine the Eastern Rand Mining and other companies with financial and political communities in the United State.

He met with a man called Herbert Hoover. A former Finance Minister Henry Hull, and Ernest said: "If American capital wishes to obtain a footing in South Africa, the easiest course would be to acquire an interest in our company. JP Morgan was among the considered investors in this new

government of Apartheid's endeavor. The name, Anglo American Corporation was used to indicate American connections. In September 1917, the Anglo-American Corporation of South Africa, Ltd. was registered It was at this time when Sol Plaatjie came into the picture and began to write about the plight of Africans in this way: "You will see Africans, both men and women driven away from their homes, their homes broken up, with no hope of redress, on the mandate of a government to which they had loyally paid taxation without representation -- driven from their homes, because they do not want to become servants ..."

Sol Plaatjie was referring to the Native Land Act which prohibited all black from buying or leasing any land outside designated territories known as the 'Reserves'. As indicated above with the passages of so many draconian laws, Africans were henceforth forbidden to settle in areas marked for Whites; they could stay there only as laborers, even though more than a million of them had been working as productive tenant farmers and sharecroppers.

Houses in the 'Veld' African were relegated to useless and harsh parts of the country, which comprised 13% of the total land mass of Africa. The rest of the 87% was reserved for whites (Same today during ANC rule). In a false way, the Act was meant to create "parallel institutions" for Africans and Whites, but in effect it was known more as the principle of separate but equal (in reality, unequal/segregated facilities).

General Smuts put it this way: "The races should be kept apart in our institutions, land ownership, in forms of government, and in may other ways. As far as possible the forms of political government will be such that each will be satisfied and developed according to his own proper lines.

"It was during this time that the mines were suffering huge labor shortages. The government and the Randlords, and the Act made it possible for Black to go and look for work in the mines, digging up the gold and diamonds, and this is what the owners and investors of the mines were hoping for."

Sol Plaatjie spoke indignantly about this issue: "If anyone had told us at the beginning that a majority of members of the Union parliament was capable of passing a law ... whose object is to prevent natives from ever rising above the position of servants to white, we would have regarded that person as a fit subject for the lunatic asylum."

Life in the Shacks This Act had tragic consequences because hardly any finds were set aside for the adjustment period, and African farm system totally collapsed. Poverty with all it affects, was the norm. Infant mortality rose: every fifth child died in its first year. Crime became rampant, Black could neither go forward nor backward; their customs from eons ago, and common laws were shattered, yet their education was left to the ill-equipped missionary societies. Untrained, geographically limited, hampered by selective pass laws and taxes, the Africans crowded back into the mine compounds.

Life had dealt an uneven and unimaginable blow onto the Africans of South Africa, and this left Africans with an unrecoverable culture shock: the weather was strange and cold: the Sun was seething in December and snowed in the winter; the sanitation in the compounds was primitive and terrible, and that easily spread diseases; there were fortune tellers and spider fights; the women were auctioning themselves of to the highest bidder; the thefts and beatings in a place without laws or regulations, was perplexing and devastating.

For Africans to leave their farms and ride in on the trains to Johannesburg was as if they have been transported in time. The City of gold presented a different scene. According to a visiting Australian Journalist: "Ancient Nineveh and Babylon have been revived. Johannesburg is their twentiethcentury prototype. It is a city of unbridled squander and unfathomable squalor."For Africans, it was as if they entered into the entered into the tenth century with their intense culture,village life and age old rites, and exited into the twentieth century city of technology and segregation.

At nighttime, the gold digging African miners lived in all male hostel mining compounds; during the day they tunneled deep(some are now more or less two miles into the ground) into the earth, which was a dark and hazardous explosions and cave-ins. Whatever age they were, they were dressed as 'boys', and the mine owners made sure that they never matured to adults. They could not bargain for higher wages and better working conditions. Africans were not allowed to go on strikes, to hold office, to become managers of any kind.

Schools were very poor in every sense of the word. Early adolescents were expected to leave school earlier and join the African miners labor force of cheap labor. Every African knew that he could be replaced very quickly because there were hundreds vying for his position. The over-supply of labor affected Johannesburg greatly.

The African work-seeker took any menial job without any fuss. Oliver Schreiner commented thus: "if, blinded by the gain of the moment, we see nothing in our dark man but a vast engine of labor; if to us he is not a man, but only a tool, [if] we reduce this vast mass to the condition of a vast, seething, ignorant proletariat -- then I would rather draw a veil over the future of this land." Oliver saw all the drudgery from a white persons perspective, and it is very moving, Sol Plaatjie, an African stated it this way: "Native mothers, evicted from their homes shivered with their babies by their sides. When we saw on that night the teeth of the little children chattering through the cold ... we wondered what their little mites had done that a home should suddenly become to them a thing of the past."

One family ejected in the same manner, Plaatjie witnessed them burying their child at night so that the proprietor must not see them, and he wrote that: "Even criminals, dropping straight from the gallows, have an undisputed claim to six feet underground in which to rest their criminal remains."

But under the cruel operation of Native Land Act, little children, whose only crime is that God did not make them White, are sometimes denied that right in their ancestral home. When the ANC was formed, John Dube became its President, and Sol Plaatjie became the Secretary General and continued to oppose the injustice Africans suffered from being forced out of their house and put in treeless, rock ridden/filled empty spaces in the middle of nowhere.

Matchbox Houses As the Afrikaner Nationalist Part implemented their strategy of Grand Apartheid, they were sounding of its policies and rhetoric. In 1955, Johannes G. Strijdom declared: "I am being as blunt as I can. I am not making any excuses. Either the White man dominates or the Black takes over. I say that the non-European will not accept leadership -- if he has a choice. The only way the Europeans can maintain supremacy is by domination."

People were subjected to division by race and the Group Areas Act was applied to lord over them, and this was the main pillar of apartheid This Act condemned mixed as 'deathbeds' of the European race. Other regulations forbade entry of Africans into universities.

Ernest Oppenheimer provided his employees with electricity and water-borne sanitation facilities which today, are still not even available to about half the population of Europe. At this time, black miners were earning five pounds a month and their families were not allowed to live with them. The White mine worker made fifteen time more than what African miners earned, and they did not have the problems of dual residence: living in the mine compounds and with their families.

They did the latter. Oppenheimer maintained that they had to up the standard of living for the White people, and at the same time he saw no sense in lowering the standards of the lives of Africans either. Ernest and Harry Oppenheimer proposed to build new African towns where Anglo's Black workers could live with their families. The Boer Prime Minister, Verwoerd, who was against the quarters, answered him as follows and complained: "Then every mine can establish its own Native towns with married quarters. That will mean a series of Native towns in the vicinity of the big cities. What about the inevitable day when the vein of gold ran out? A large number of towns will remain... They may amount to 20, or 30 or 40 within that area." Verwoerd loathed to envision the hideous proximity to whites, and they rejected and condemned the plans as out of hand.

Oppenheimer , after reading a book written by Father Huddleston, called "Naught For Your Comfort" in which he wrote about the forced removals of Africans as follows: "In the morning they had gone to work as usual, leaving their wives and children still asleep under the blankets. They had returned in the dark evening to find the roofs stripped from their shacks: their families squatting in the open round a brazier: their children crying with cold and the desire for sleep."

And Father Huddleston wrote what he witnessed for himself:"I found a woman in labor amongst those round the Brazier(Mbaola/Paola), and her baby was born under the winter stars at night. In that dejected little group ... the picture of Bethlehem and the rejection there, came to life." Father Huddleston saw the crimes of murder in the Sophiatown and concluded that the murderers, those murdered had no value in themselves as persons.

Both of them were about Africans: a different category, another species living in a world apart. His critics responded with a piece entitled "Without Fear or Favor" written by a conservative politician: "Without fear or Favor" stated: "I would say that it is men like ... Huddlestone who cause mischief and mistrust among countries. Should trouble indeed arise, they would have contributed greatly to it through their unjust criticism."

After reading the book, and skeptical about Father Huddleston's assertion that Verwoerd-Strijdom policies are like those of Hitler. Oppenheimer had never been to the Shantytown on the outskirts of Johannesburg and was warned, as a White man, not to attempt to go there. He is reportedly to have remarked: "Never mind, there were some things one had to see firsthand. No guards, thank you; no priest, no company officials, Just myself and Ina serving as our own witnesses to Bantu life."

No one attacked, reviled or remarked very much to Oppenheimer when he went to the Shantytown nestled net to a rivulet named Kliprivier. They were bothered by what they saw: a place of aimlessness and despair, with occasional religious celebrations and other social and family distractions. The law, as stated above under the 'Concentration Camp Laws' heading above, demanded that Africans be removed from their 'illegal squatting' next to White areas and sent to 'prescribed' areas in specific African areas-Apartheid government designated.

These areas were present and supposed to equal to White areas. The government insisted that were vacant acres with water taps, and the Africans can assemble their own shacks there, until they day,

whenever that will be, the Government decided to shovel some scrap funds their way for their relief.

THE GHETTO Ernest Oppenheimer concluded that Father Huddleston was right, because the Johannesburg City Council had objected and used [Illegal law on new plans for housing plans for Africans. Throughout the three years, Africans had set up a maze of shanties and shacks built of whatever they could scavenge: packing crates, cardboard, plastic, some corrugated iron(material used a hundred years earlier by Cecil Rhodes and other diamond diggers). It is estimated that Shantytown had more than 10,000 African living in sordid conditions of squalor, filth and diseases.

Oppenheimer started speaking out: "Anyone who has visited the Native areas on the outskirts of this city, as I have done, would be impressed by the urgency of the need for action in clearing away the slums[Ghetto?!] that have grown almost as rapidly as the industrial development of Johannesburg.

The Native people are the employees of European citizens. Improving on the living conditions of Africans should make for healthy, efficient, law-abiding and contented service." Oppenheimer went ahead and badgered his fellow mining executives and arranged for the building of some 15,000 houses over the next three years.

The Ghetto of Soweto Today On November 27, 1957, Ernest Oppenheimer passed away. A salute of his passing away came from the African quarters, where he had new housing built replacing the battered and rotten shanties people had to live-in. The occupants, Africans, wanted the name of their new place to be called after their benefactor, Sir Ernest Oppenheimer, but the Johannesburg City Council, because there was serious smoldering of animosities between Ernest and the government, the city opted to change the name to SOWETO, an acronym for South Western/EasternTownships.

SOWETO is a vast township located just outside Johannesburg that is really one of Africa's largest cities. It holds more people than entire nearby countries, such as Botswana and Swaziland. There are probably four to five million people living there. Soweto epitomizes apartheid's failure. The vast majority of people who live there never regarded themselves as "temporary sojourners" in White South Africa, but as permanent city dwellers who were receiving minimal negligible services and maximum harassment by the Boers. They constantly rebelled against the South African System and did not accept the inferiority status.

Soweto has been built in a valley, and often it is covered by a blanket of dense smoke and smog for the coal fires. For an outsider to see all this smog and try to penetrate and understand what is beneath the cloud,is very difficult to understand. The sprawling ghetto of Soweto is made up of several differently named townships like Orland East, Deipkloof, Zola, Naledi, Moletsane Phiri Central Western Jabavu Kwezi Tladi, Dobsonville, Meadowlands, Pimville, Rockville, Chiawelo, Zondi, Orlando West, Dube, Mofolo, Dube Hostel, Mzimhlophe, Mzimhlophe Hostel, West Cliff, Mapetla, Snaoane, Phiri and some many more that have been built ever since. Soweto is busy, industrious and very much alive and the heartbeat of South Africa.

Banks and billboard, Kentucky Fried Chicken, McDonald, commercial and other small colleges, boxing academies occupy and dot the landscape of the sprawling ghetto. There are now some beautiful suburbs, many african shops, businesses, libraries, two three courts, police stations, Community halls, churches, stadiums, one TV Station, Soweto TV, lots of radio stations, a Soweto Highway and Sun City Prison, army bases and so forth...

This is where many professional writers, teachers, ministers, businessmen, sports stars and team owners, and other professionals live. There are street vendors, car mechanics, hair dressing saloons, shoe makers, horse-shoe smiths, and every sort of professions and professional can be found inside the Townships called South Western Townships.

There are also several hospitals, but the biggest is Baragwanath Hospital (now called the Chris Hani Hospital), but locals still use the old name, which is the biggest facility in the Southern Hemisphere.

It has the best medical care throughout the rest of Africa(yet, it's still not as good as White hospitals in the same country).

Then there is a great and massive African workforce in Soweto. and these include foreign laborers, Those from the rural areas within South Africa-Born and raised in Soweto denizens, and so on. This Township of Soweto will be discussed much more fully in the upcoming Hub on this vast and humongous ghetto-metropolis.

So, Where To Now? Some people say that Apartheid died when Mandela was released form jail. And others are now attacking and accusing the 20+ year old new African Rule being is [mis-]managed by the ANC. There are many points that need to be discussed about the current South African Government and what it is that they are doing or not doing right or wrong, In the upcoming hub I will be discussion this section above in a much more detailed and historical and contemporary presentation about the direction that South Africa(See My Hub Titled Mzantsi(South Africa, At the Cusp Of Implosion...") is headed and what to look forward to.

Where this country is going is still unclear, but what is clear is that the effects and affects of attitudes and perceptions -- post colonial Apartheid. There are many aspects that have not been discussed about Apartheid in South Africa that will be looked into through various Hubs(As one already pointed to above), that will be focused on the 'so-where-to-now aspects of the process of deconstructing the Apartheid history which still affects and controls the lives of millions of Africans, and all those who still are exploiting(As the ANC is doing today), its lingering effects, and the facilitative nature and the potent abusive power it still has on the victims of separate development through the ANC. It is still not clear where South Africa is going, and one thing is certain, twenty-plus years is not long enough to know definitely. From the internet and inside South Africa information and communiques, things are not going right, but the present government is trying to stabilize the post apartheid situation, and forge a new one. So far, they are faring badly on their governance report They do not seem to be doing a great job(The ANC), but they have stopped some of the most egregious attitudes towards Africans, but other issues have arisen and will addressed extensively and with an eye on the direction of that the post apartheid now ANC government; with opposition from the former Apartheid regime means, that Apartheid is still alive and well in South Africa, and the struggle to end it is not an easy undertaking and going nowhere fast. Apartheid has rooted and anchored itself very well with the South African economic, cultural and social Apartheid matrixesand the ANC is its conduit.

Up to this point in the history of South Africa, Africans have been oppressed, suppressed, depressed, repressed, abused, shunned and disrespected by both foe and 'would-be friend' alike within South Africa. This fact has not been altered one bit by the former ruling minority attitudes and behaviors towards the local indigene, and foreigners alike, even after Mandela was released, nor during his

reign or after-this includes the present-day treatment of the Africans of South Africa under their rule...

The most debilitating and horrid truths for all African people of South Africa is that their present existence has gotten far more worse by day and years -- 20+ years and counting. The conditions today in South Africa for the Majority of African South Africans, are similar to and worse-off than those conditions to those of pre- and during Apartheid rule; they are now in a reality that has gotten far more worse under the new post Apartheid latter-day ANC(African National Congress rule). With the lackadaisical ANC rule, black faces have been nominated and dominated and used by the Imperialists along with the democratically deposed Apartheid regime , to undermine the paltry gains made by the South African African majority.

These people who are helping under-develop the locals have adapted to the existing Apartheid norm of looking down upon the local African South African South Africans as inferior, lazy and criminal in their ways whenever interacting with Africans from the north of South Africa, within South Africa.

This is a fact that is occuring daily and heard by the Africans of South Africa hurled at them by their African neighbors north of South Africa.

The ousted President Mbeki and his cabal have labelled this as "Xenophobia," while at the same time dispossessing and rigidly suppressing and denying local South Africans basic human needs and many constitutional rights. Lots of foreigners and the would-be detractors of African peoples in South Africa as fostered by colonial/imperial have a dim view of Africans in South Africa-particularly the Europeans, which has been aptly characterized this way by Mark Twain: "There are many humorous things in the world; among them the white man's notion that he is less savage than other savages." If one understands what Mark Twain was saying, this means that the political and economical shenanigans played out onto the African South Africans, it has today become one of the many origins of the current state of social, economic and political malaise that is being foisted upon the suffering as experienced by the African South Africans within South Africa(The Land of the birth and aAncestors), without any let-up.

This is important for us in order to understand the psychological, political and economic tendencies and behaviors presented by the Africans of South Africa today-and why hey Africans in South Africa react as they do to foreigners. This cannot be off-handedly be cast aside or ignored, because in the very near future, the Africans of South Africa,as a nation, they will need to know and understand that both personal and collective psychology they clearly present today, affects them adversely and they need to have a fighting chance to be able to wrap their minds, psychology, intellect, emotions and so forth around these debilitating issues.

Where Africans Are Coming from The laws that have been described in-depth as much as possible above as they were constructed and applied throughout the years,need to be known, as listed, and understood, as to how they are and have affecting us in the days of Apartheid and today, as they continue to affect the Africans, that is, what are they, how they affect their effects, and how this impairs the development of Africans, and in the final analysis they will have to deal with their understanding of all what has happened to them since 1652 to contemporary milieu and society of Africans within South Africa.

Most African peoples in South Africa know and understand that both personal and collective psychology are constructed from those experiences which can be consciously retrieved from memory, written history, as well as to those experiences which have been forgotten or repressed,

but which still represent themselves in individual and collective habits, tendencies, traditions, emotional responsivities, perspectives, ways of knowing and processing information, attitudes and reflex-like reactions to certain stimuli and situations.

Also, both types of experiences interacting with current perceptions utilized by individuals and groups to achieve certain material and non-material ends. Certainly to fully realize their "Ubuntu" (Zulu) or "Botho"(Sotho), i.e., their human-beingness as an autonomous and authentic Nation Of Mzantsi.

Furthermore, in reiterating Wilson, we have to know and understand that: "The psychology of individuals and groups may also, in part, be constructed from"historical and experiential amnesia".

That is, when an individual or group is compelled by various circumstances to repress important segments of his or its formative history -- he or it at the same time loses access to/the crucially important social, intellectual and technical skills associated with that history which could be used to resolve current problems...

Consequently, to some lesser or greater degree, the individual or group may be handicapped or disadvantaged by the resulting amnesia. Finally, individual and group psychology are in part constructed from the perception he or she or it has of/on his/her or its history, the inferences drawn from that history about the kind of person or group he/she or it may be, what other persons or groups think of him/her or it, and the destiny that awaits him/her or it.

The character of individual and collective consciousness and the range of the their behavioral possibilities and very significantly influenced by the quality of their recordings and recollections of their historical experiences. To manipulate history is to manipulate consciousness; to manipulate consciousness is to manipulate possibilities; and to manipulate possibilities is to manipulate power."(Wilson) It is very important that Africans write and read their own history from themselves and through their own perspectives. The Europeans that have conquered the Africans made it possible for them to remain in the state of perpetual state of depression, oppression and a permanent mind-set and existence both physically and spiritually.

The intellectual and cosmic view and reality has be downgraded and distorted to the extent that a state of confusion exists amongst the Africans of South Africa-this has to be highlighted. Wilson states this succinctly as follows: "For what must be the form and functionality of African consciousness and behavior if they are derivative of an African history written by the oppressor? The history of the oppressed, as written by their oppressors, shape the consciousness and psychology of both the oppressed and the oppressor.

It helps legitimates the oppressive system and to maintain the imbalance of power in favor of the oppressor.

"Eurocentric history writing essentially an exercise in publishing apologetics for the European oppression of African peoples; often a gross and crude attempt to create and shape a subordinate and inferior African consciousness and psychology. It seeks to impose a social/historical/cultural amnesic tax on the heads of African peoples and thereby rob them of their most valuable resources -their knowledge of truth and reality of 'self,' their cultural heritage and identity, minds, bodies and souls; their wealth, lands, products of their labor and lives."

The Path of the TRC (Truth and Reconciliation Committee)

After the workers strikes of the 1970s, 1976 African student revolution, and the world's economic boycott and apartheid regime being called a pariah, the ANC ascendancy, and the now defunct Apartheid Reich, a new government of National Unity was formed in post-Apartheid South Africa.

Desmond Tutu came up with the Idea of Reconciling the nation of South Africa by forming the Truth and Reconciliation Committee. This is how it was described by Ntsebeza and Bell: "When Apartheid was wrapping-up it rule, which came out of a compromise of the Codesa talks at Kempton park,in Johannesburg, that is where we come across a new entity called the Government of National Unity. On the basis of equal responsibility and joint culpability, the authors and administrators of apartheid and leaders of all anti-apartheid opposition were trying to bridge the bloody and oppressive past and a hopeful and more humane future.

The TRC wanted to like the perpetrators and the victims, between those responsible for a crime against humanity and those who resisted it. Given these circumstances, the truth really never came out. On the one hand were the representatives of a deeply corrupt and brutal Apartheid minority regime; on the other, those representing the mass of the wounded and oppressed majority-the ANC. The oppressors wanted and wished for silence, secrecy or automatic absolution; the majority of the Africans want to rip aside the lies, deceits and obscurantism/obfuscations of the past. One side wanted to forget, and the other side wanted to know. Now, with the present-day ruling ANC, they want to revive and re-implement the Wall of Apartheid secrecy for the ANC in power today in South Africa.

Within the upper echelons of both sides, there was much to hide, many private agendas were working to deflect, blur or stymie demands for full and frank transparent disclosure. Unity became the watchword, reconciliation the means. There was broad agreement that too much of the truth would be a dangerous thing. Although this tended to be dressed up in demands and assurances to rule out 'witch hunts'.

The Codesa talks had reached their conclusions and the delegates had agreed the tacked-addendum that led to the vague promise of reconciliation and reconstruction. The following years were spent considering how such a transition could and should be managed. Contacts were made with likeminded groups and with potential funders, By 1993 Boraine and his group, like the ANC executive, had come to the conclusion that some form of Truth Commission with an Amnesty provision would be necessary to cement the concept of National Unity.

The present ruling party in South Africa, then, had realized that its original demand to prosecute the apartheid criminals would be as politically impossible as the blanket Amnesty demanded by the Afrikaner Nationalist Party. The one was unworkable in trying to take over apartheid state machine; the other was would be unacceptable to a mass constituency which had only recently fought and forced concessions that produced negotiations. ... this conundrum has never been resolved, to date What was needed was a synthesis, because it had now become no more white power against black power, which was an antithesis; a middle road between what were classed as unacceptable extremes. This analysis opened the way for those beneficiaries nominally opposed to apartheid and were by then condemned for their hypocrisy by both pro- and anti-apartheid activist. Big business stepped in, which in the wake of the 1984 and 1985 slump of the economy, had become remarkably outspoken about the need for some kind of democratic change.

The great turning point,when the regime moved from cul-de-sac of Grand apartheid ideology to champions of non-racist future in 1986 and claimed support for change. This was the year when

continuing and growing mass resistance turned the tide. Fear coursed through the white establishment and triggered thoughts of compromise and racial cohabitation at almost every level.

The case of big business as the core of a stable society could no longer be argued: it was accepted.

This was the genesis of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Tutu was made chairman, because the TRC had clearly taken onto religious undercurrents and apartheid was then regarded as a sin with its roots in frail human nature. The final choice of the chairman, his deputy and fifteen other commissioners rested with Nelson Mandela.

President Mandela was presented with a shortlist of twenty-five names selected by a multi-party committee that had interviewed forty-five of the 299 people nominated by various groups and individuals. The demand for blanket Amnesty also continued to be voiced by the Nationalist Party as it came under increasing pressure from its own constituency. The apartheid machinery fearing that it would be made scape-goats(the police and the army) began their public protestations calling for"collective responsibility" of the political establishment.

They were saying that individuals should not be blamed for carrying out their order, even if only under 'implied authority'. General Constant Viljoen, known as the "butcher of Cassinga," called for general Amnesty. He said that there should be no names named, but merely the acceptance by various leaderships of collective responsibility for human rights violations. The police took a similar line.

The extent of the compromise was reflected in the composition of the TRC announced by President Nelson Mandela on December 1995. Fifteen of the seventeen names came from the final short list.

Mandela added two: a Methodist Church leader from Kwazulu Natal and a lawyer. There were no direct challenges to the list, and certainly not to the names added by Mandela.

But apartheid's former President, form whom Mandela took power, expressed his unhappiness with the final choice, and in particular with that of the chair and deputy.

De Klerk opined that both Tutu and Boraine had a history of opposing the Nationalist Government. With all the opposition to the members of the TRC, the final point was that, on balance, the involvement of the TRC was not an opportunity to be missed.

The TRC began with its commissioners, legislation establishing it was in place. That was as far as it went. They were a diverse groupings: seven women and nine men of different ages, professions, and ethnic and political backgrounds. Eight were lawyers by training and four, including the chairman and his deputy were religious Christian Ministers. There was at least one atheist, a couple of agnostics, a Hindu and a Muslim, mostly were Christians and displayed commitment to or have been active in human rights campaign.

Demographically the commission was unbalanced. 35 percent-6 members were drawn form the ranks of apartheid's white beneficiaries who comprised 17 percent of the population. Only seven commissioners 41 percent -- came from the African community that was 70 percent of the population. From the start there was an undercurrent of concern that carried a racial essence; there were also concerns from the start, suspicions about hidden agendas.

There was also concern among the commissioners with more activist backgrounds about the inclusion of Chris de Jager, a Broederbond lawyer who hailed from the far right of the political spectrum and had a reputation as a die-hard racist. There was evidence of tension when the sixteen commissioners assembled on December 1, 1995, so they agreed to go to retreat to get to know each other and come to grips with the task ahead. It laid ground for the emphasis on a fundamentally Christian outlook... They were able to distinguish between grievances and grief and to hold together a passion for justice and a compassion for the perpetrators.

With a short time of 18 months allotted for the commission to complete its business, they had to reorganize their schedules, complete their existing work and tie up their affairs There was the question of wetting up the basic infrastructure. Premises had to be found furniture and stationery ordered, telephone and data arranged before matters such as job descriptions could be agreed and responsibilities assigned.

Tutu took charge of the Human Rights Violations Committee with Yasmin Sooka and Wyanand Malan as his deputies. Hlengiwe Mkhize agreed to chair the Reparation and Rehabilitation Committee with Wendy Orr as her deputy, while Sisi Khampepe and Chris de Jager accepted appointments to the Amnesty Committee. Richard Lyster felt he should not head the investigative unit because he had antagonized the IFP Party, where much investigation would obviously take place. Dumisa Ntsebeza took over as the political head of the still-to-be established TRC investigative unit. This made him, effectively, third in seniority in a TRC structure that had to be built in a hurry.

What was also obvious, even at that early stage, was that a large number of the key-personnel involved in sustaining the system, as well as in committing some of its worst abuses, would not be coming forward. The guarantees about 'with hunts' ensured that most of apartheid's architects and directors would never shed light on the past. Many would remain in position of power and authority, having literally got away with mass murder and worse.

The TRC never took advantage of the powers it had to delve into these allegations of abuse and gross impropriety. But then, there were many areas that were opened up and, for one reason or another, were never examined by the TRC. Individuals, from lowly spies to assassins, blackmailers and the blackmailed, compromised teachers, judges, lawyers and civil servants, lie hidden within the fabric of a society where many of those who manipulated them, and know and can use their secrets, also remain at large.

This was a reality that would come bak and haunt the TRC, almost disabling this creature of compromise that, for all its faults, at least revealed something of the horrors of the hidden past. i.e., Grand apartheid masquerading as the Third Reich in south Africa since 1948, and build concentration camps throughout the South african landscape and calling them Black Locations or Townships; with their Gulags, John Vorster Square, and their killing and slaughtering farms, Vlakplas.

After Goldstone's revelations, de Klerk placed all army intelligence services under the control of Lieutenant-General Pierre Steyn and ordered him to conduct an urgent investigation into the shadowy Directorate of Covert Collections. A month later Steyn briefed de Klerk on his findings. We do not know what the general told the president, but it is believed he dropped a bombshell which eventually prompted de Klerk to dismiss 16 senior officers and suspended seven others for alleged involvement in illicit political activities, including murder.

De Klerk himself admitted that members of the South African Defense Force had been involved in illegal activities -- some of which led to civilian deaths -- and that they had attempted to impede the country's movement towards democracy. He said the revelations left him "shocked and disappointed": "However, I am also resolute. I always said if there is a sore, I want to cut it to the bone and I think we are finally on our way to doing so. We will use every effort to attain that goal. I do not think one can say that the relatively limited number of people involved in any way could constitute a 'third force'. That term has become something to denote a sinister force behind all the political problems of South Africa. There is no evidence of such a force in the security forces."

To millions of blacks, Goldstone's revelations provided irrefutable evidence against the Apartheidizers of moral corruption and depravity at the possibility that dirty tricks operators were not too far removed from the inner government circles who sought to impose their will on vulnerable members of the ANC's armed wing. In the Townships(SOWETO, for example), they knew that South Africa's security forces were allowed too much rein, usurping the very laws they were supposed to uphold, protect and enforce.

The army ended up terrorizing neighboring states and conducting undeclared wars against them, while the police, through its secret branch conducted a ruthless Gestapo reign of terror against opponents of Apartheid. As people in the Townships saw it, a boil had been lanced and the ugly truth was beginning to come out. They knew that the security establishment had been blackmailing de Klerk, fearing that his reform program would expose its activities in the bad old days when destabilizing black organizations was the order of the day.

The result was that Military Intelligence had made mockery of de Klerk's statements that he was negotiating with the ANC and other political group in good faith. Widows and widowers, the orphans and the disabled people who had borne the brunt of the "third force" activities for almost a decade were crying out for justice. Political organizations were now operating above ground, yet the [Apartheid]government's close allies were still hell-bent on covert attempts to destroy them. At that time de Klerk said there were indications that some individuals were trying to sabotage the negotiation process, but added that there was yet no evidence that anyone had been aiming to overthrow the government violently While the disclosures left de Klerk "shocked and disappointed," the country was enraged. People in the Townships did not believe that a mere 23 security officials were a few putrid flies in the dirty, otherwise pure ointment. To the masses, to deny the existence of a 'third force' was to indulge in sophistry. Daily there were calls that de Klerk should submit the country's security forces to supervision by an international force and resign his own position to make way for a democratic government. ANC is in power, but Apartheid is still alive and lurking in the shadows, but only time would tell...

South Africa is now headed for the World Cup 2010, and there has been a lot of infrastructure rebuilding, renewal, fixing of roads and houses being done. The politics of the day regarding road to the World Cup have taken on a new turn. And in the end, after the oWord cup, these Stadia stand like White Elephants with practically no use on them and for them, by the locals.

The Two Weekends of Hopeful Change(See My Hub, "South Africa And the 2010 World Cup"...

Already Published here on Hub Pages) Since South Africa was given the honors to host the World Cup Soccer Finals, a lot of water has

gone under that bridge. There were haranguing, moans, groans, complaints, near-rebellion and harsh criticisms about the new government and its myriad issues, by all South Africans of every stripe. The events took a sharp turn on the 22 of May 2010, when the Semi-finals of the rugby matches were played for the first time in Orlando Stadium, Soweto, South Africa.

It was the first time such an event had taken place in the history of Soweto and South Africa, that two of the most flamboyant and powerful teams of the South African Provincial Rugby league played their game outside Loftus Stadium, which has been taken up by the World Cup officials. The fans who came for the semi-finals matches at Orlando stadium were well-received by the inhabitants of the large sprawl of Soweto, and in particular, by the inhabitants of Orlando East, with grace, courtesy and "Ubuntu".

The local TV later showed pictures of white people in Soweto having fun like never before in the local Taverns, clubs, B&Bs and ordinary well built homes and ramshackle shacks called 'Mkhukhus.'

On the 22 of May 2010, new friendships were developed and old perceptions were shed off. The negative dialogue that has characterized the inter- and intra-communications amongst the different races in South Africa was debunked.

When Loftus was inaccessible to the Rugby league, players and their fans, Orlando Stadium, which is not officially used for matches in the coming World Cup, was the venue of choice, and, as usual, all the wild stories wafted within the discourse and talking points amongst South Africans.

On the 22 of May 2010, the White Rugby fans were overcome and overwhelmed by the reception accorded to them by the inhabitants of South Africa, in Soweto, where they begun to go into the Townships, and enjoyed their beer, Boerewors and steak amongst their former subjects, who they were now meeting as equals and comprised the majority rule through votes within South Africa.

None were abused or attacked, but instead, on this particular weekend, the local thugs who were trying to pull a fast-one mugging whites, were severely beaten by the locals and thrown into jail. The 22nd was a dress-rehearsal for the Finals between the Blue Bulls and the Crusaders Rugby Teams on the 29th in Orlando Stadium.

On the 29 of May 2010, the Rugby Finals were held in Orlando Stadium between the Blue Bulls and the Crusaders. Although the traffic jam left little to be desired because of the fixing of the Soweto roads, and the general repairs being done in preparation of the World cup, that did not dampen the meetings of the two peoples of South African: the South African Africans and the Afrikaners(whites) of South Africa.

The citizens of Soweto were flummoxed, flabbergasted and filled with thrill and happiness when they saw a large contingent of the Afrikaner people descending onto their Ghetto, now called a suburb, on foot, in their cars, riding the local taxis, and the newly inserted public buses called "Rea Vaya"(We are going/moving). Those whites who are used to organized and sanitary life-style in their domicile, were complaining a lot about the logistics. Some came to the match two and a half hours late.

The one fact that should not be overlooked was that the stadium was full to capacity, and there were those who came late. The coming and going into Soweto by the Afrikaner people ushered-in a new chapter and phase and terms of race relations. The Fans of both the Blue Bulls and those of the Crusaders, without the egging-on or help of the elected officials, Internet, Blogs and professional Spin Doctors, TV, Newspapers and ignorant and uninformed propagandists on both sides of the racial divide, found their way into the graces and cordial social relations with the Africans of the

Soweto Townships.

The coming together and the mixing and socializing of the two races,namely Afrikaners and Africans outside the restrictive and dogmatic dividing ideologies, on both sides, were cast aside and full participatory interaction became the norm of the man in the street of both races in Orlando East and throughout the Suburb of Soweto. The fans were received as neighbors and friends without any incident to speak of.

This event saw the people of Soweto standing on the rooftops of their houses, some of the denizens stood in their yards and pavements and waved and hailed at the whites drives going bye, and the white drivers waved back in the same spirit of neighborliness and brotherliness. After the finals were over, the whole Township buzzed and roared with long time lost friendliness and replaced with happiness and acceptance of the others as to who they are and what they meant to each other; the meeting was an affirmation of the general populace of their nationalism and sorely needed tolerance between the races.

As the Blue Bulls rolled into Soweto, little children were running along their buses, and the fans of the Blue Bulls half-hanging out of the windows of the buses, were fascinated by the Township and its multitudes, were greeted by the cries of "Bulle!", Bulle!" friendly howls of African crowds and the clapping and cheering of the local residents in a welcome fan-fare and fun-fare exuding from the hosts. The fans were doling out money to the children and people, and this was indeed a new thing in South Africa.

The Afrikaner people, following their teams into the newly rebuilt Orlando Stadium, opened up the doors of "Divide," and ushered-in an era o intra-/inter social community, family and individual interaction sorely needed in South Africa without any prodding or propagandized stated social togetherness. There is a burgeoning feeling permeating South Africa that more of such natural social come-togetherness should be the trend, and more unrestricted people's movement be they new mantra and socializing.

The people of Soweto were used to seeing many white soldiers and white police crews and men in balaclavas, assaulting them and killing them. The 22 of May, the Africans saw the white people come into their ghetto/suburb with open palms and friendly smiles and, acknowledgement of the African people and as themselves-they were also towing behind them their women and children.

It was an unusual sight for the people of the Township of Orlando perched on the edge of the Soweto and Soweto Highway, to see thousands of White men and women along with their families and children. Maybe the gridlock helped to get them out of their cars, buses and Combis, and onto the streets of Orlando East, see its people, houses and life and seeing the "it" that makes Soweto without being informed, but personally seeing, feeling hearing and clasped within is rhythms and pulse.

This is what has been lacking and lagging in South Africa and its social relations: the freedom to communicate, within social entities and make new relations between the Afrikaners and the Africans free. The Blue Bulls have pledged to make Orlando Stadium their home stadium and this looks like the Rugby world is in Soweto to stay. Some say that they felt safer at Orlando Stadium than at Ellis Park in Doornfontein.

The residents of Soweto welcomed the throngs of White Rugby supporters walking through their streets towards the stadium for the first game of its kind in the vast suburb of Soweto south of Johannesburg. It is indeed a change like no other in the history of the Township of Soweto and, Johannesburg and South Africa as a whole -- hope, that all can see, believe in and live in.

The Struggle for Economic Democracy in Soweto, South Africa Community Organizations and Institutions Not long after South Africa's first nation-wide, non-racial elections, African South Africans (Blacks) in the new multiethnic society suffered an unemployment rate of 20-50 percent. African South Africans own 2% or less of the $210 billion capitalization on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange.

Whites in South Africa own or hold title to 86% of South Africa's land while constituting just 13% of its total population, and own 90% of its economic wealth. This leaves the rest of Africans and "Coloreds" of South Africa, who constitute 87% of its total population with title to just 14% of its land and 10% of its wealth. As one leading African South African put it -- "it's a recipe for revolution".(Michael Brown) It is obvious that the gaining of political democracy, e.g., equal access to public accommodations by Africans, will not resolve potentially explosive racial and political conflicts which threaten to destabilize the whole South African nation unless and until economic democracy is also instituted for Africans.

This simply means that ownership and control of South Africa's wealth, land, economic resources and production must be equitably and proportionately shared between its White and non-White populations. Moreover, this means that Africans must, through individual, corporate, and institutional means not only found, buy and establish or expand new and existing businesses which operate in both the national and international economies, but must acquire high levels of equity in the major corporations and financial institutions now exclusively owned and controlled by Whites.

African South Africans must form joint ventures and partnerships with major foreign corporation who wish to do business in the country.

Given the virtual absence of paucity Black capital, the achievement of economic democracy of economic democracy for Africans faces overwhelming social and economic obstacle. New or unusual methods for achieving economic democracy must be found. There are some indications that such approaches are being discovered and utilized.

For example, African South African, Donald Ncube,a former executive and board member of AngloAmerican, South Africa's largest Conglomerate(Whose founder was responsible for the building of Soweto), assembled an unusual group of investors to acquire Black Majority ownership of African Life, a formerly White-owned insurance company which catered essentially to the Black(African) market.

Mr. Ncube acquired 51% of the company by going to Black(African) organizations that control money and assets but are outside the traditional financial markets. They include trade unions, church groups, trusts and Stokvels(akin to Caribbean 'Susus" in the US) or community pools of money that were set up to allow blacks to get around the lack of bank financing). The purchase of a majority of stakes in African Life by the consortium of Black institutional investors led Mr. Ncube, "marks a breakthrough in black empowerment because it brought existing black capital into the mainstream economy (WSJ, 3/3/94) These cooperative ventures worth $160 million rands (Around $50 million US) in the hands of a broad section of the Black working community, sets an exemplary standard for Africans across the diaspora, especially African Americans. Adrian Arnott, African Life's outgoing chairman, speaks to the possibilities of tis approach when he was quoted as noting that, "This is a new sort of alliance between business and the black community that I'd like to think is a strategic coup" (WSJ, ibid).

While Mr. Ncube's approach is instructive, other indigenous South African-led investor groups or consortia are also providing examples for achieving economic democracy through acquiring control of previously White-dominated companies. Dr. Nthato Motlana, MD, who was Nelson Mandel's personal physician, led a group of investors in acquiring 10% of Metropolitan Life and in acquiring a majority interest in the Sowetan, newspaper from the Argus media group(WSJ).

The Sowetan is South Africa's largest daily newspaper, with a circulation of about 225,000. Ninetynine percent of its readership is Black, and before its acquisition by African investors was 100% owned by the white Argus Group. Dr. Motlana's group, Prosper Africa Group, has also acquired a 20% share of a new cellular telephone venture valued at $29 million. It must be noted that Dr. Motlana's approach to acquiring significant and majority interests in previously white-owned companies is highly controversial in the South African community,especially because he achieved those ends without putting up his own money and because Argus still retains a major role in the Sowetan.

The Motlana group's purchase of their 20% share of the cellular phone venture was "financed in part by a soft loan from the Industrial Development Corp., and in part by banks and other partners. In fact, Dr. Motlana's group acquired 52% of the Sowetan by swapping part of its cellular stake with Argus" (WSJ) The Thebe Investment Corporation(African owned) also made a controversial transaction and investment made with major white white-owned corporation, and was described by Business Week thus: "A few local deals are stirring up controversy, however, Thebe Investment Corp., headed by Vusi Khanyile, former head of the African National Congress finance division, was established by a trust fund headed by Nelson Mandela and other ANC leaders. Critics charge that it is unfairly dominating the shift to black entrepreneurship, first with an educational-publishing deal with Macmillan Boleswa, a Swaziland based Macmillan unit that had a lock on the schoolbook market in much of southern Africa.

Thebe received 25% of equity in the company in return, it seemed to critics, for little more than a channel of communication to the ANC's education honchos. Subsequent Thebe deals haven't quieted fears that its main strategy is to enter spheres where government licensing is required. Already, it plans to take over from the South African Airways, the state-owned airline, in partnership with a group led by the former CEO of Canada's Air Ontario.

And it's getting a foothold in one of the two lucrative cellular phone networks scheduled to start Mar. 31. Khanyile says Thebe's goal is to advance black economic empowerment and that opposition to Thebe is orchestrated by political opponents. But Mandela has personally acknowledged the problem, telling businesspeople at an election campaign meeting recently that the ANC was seriously contemplating breaking its links with Thebe soon (Business Week) The deals entered into by the two companies mentioned above lacked sufficient capital and with others like them led to cries of 'tokenism' and 'opportunism' by their critics, and this indicated the aggravating presence of a dilemma faced by a black nation seeking to achieve economic democracy without sufficient capital of its own. The Wall Street Journal described this dilemma succinctly as follows: Charges of Tokenism

"But the trend is controversial. Buyers are accused of tokenism; sellers are viewed as opportunists.

"Quite frankly, it's largely a situation in which persons who have a certain amount of political clout are using money they don't have to acquire businesses they probably won't run," says Stephen Friedman, director of the Center for Policy Studies. The controversy reflects a quandary surrounding these transactions.

How can blacks expand their economic muscle when Apartheid has deprived them of the means to build up capital to do so? And when they manage to leapfrog obstacles -- obtaining soft loans that can be repaid with dividends from their investments, for example -- they're accused of getting favors because of their race or political connections.

"It's a Catch-22," says Frank Kilbourn, manager of corporate finance at Standard Merchant Bank, which has been active in the black empowerment trend. "If you don't want to be accused of tokenism, you don't do anything that isn't strictly commercial. And since they don't have capital, if you don't want to do something that isn't strictly commercial, you end up doing nothing. You have to find ways to cross the bridge from non-participation to capitalism."

However, it is important to note the most common means by which Africans are getting a foothold in the mainstream South African economy. Business Magazine describes it this way: "BIGGEST PUSH. Wile some black-led consortiums have begun to buy up business stakes, the more common route to black ownership so far is through joint-venture deals with foreign, mostly U.S.,corporations seeking to reestablish a presence in the country they left in the tumultuous 1980s.

Digital Equipment Corp., returned to Johannesburg last year to sell workstations.

"Apple Computer Inc., is in the process of setting up a sales office with some Black(African) partners. The biggest push is toward deals in consumer goods. First, Mike Inc., announced it was contracting a Soweto-based business group to produce leisurewear and distribute footwear through 400 outlets in South Africa in a deal worth $6 million. Then came the Reebok deal. Although the initial capital injection was little more than $1 million, the new partners s]]saw scope for rapid expansion and even manufacturing, creating as many as 450 jobs."

What is of interest here is the apparent willingness of certain American-based multinational corporations to inter into joint-venture deals or partnerships with Black South African groups while they have demonstrated little or no interest in making such deals with African Americans. It appears that these concessions to African South Africans and nations like the Red men in America are due to their being nations; or, that their markets are not totally or non-resistantly open for exploitation by outsiders.

Therefore, the community is merely exploited by the alien businesses who do business with or in it while contributing little or nothing to its social well-being. As to where Soweto is going, the jury is still out on that issue since the Contemporary government is still licking the droppings of the "Gravy Train" rather than take care of the basic needs and necessities of the denizens of Soweto and other ghettoes in the hinterland. The struggle is still continuing in regard to water, electricity and employment issues. Unless these are fully and completely addressed, the horizon of the future will still be thick with troubling dark clouds looming over the yet to be seen future. https://hubpages.com/politics/South-African-Apartheid-SOWETO-So-Where-To